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Cantus Planus 1998 -.J ..

Esztergom & Visegrad

I CORAL) DELLA CHIESA DI S. MlCHELE


DJ STRONCONE

Giacomo Baroffio

Nell'ufficio del sindaco di Stroncone (Terni) sono conservati ,n ove libri corali scritti e utilizzati nei seeoH passati neUe due principali
chiese del Iuogo, S. N~colo e S. Michele. 1 NeH'edizione su CD-Rom
dell' a ntifo nari 0 e del graduale di S. Michele e stata prevista una
banca date di tu tti i brani e per tale scopo ho preparato negH an~
scorsi la scheda liturgica di ciascun canto. Durante tale lavoro mi
sono accorto cbe i codici presentano significative varianti testuali
e a1cune particolarita musicalP tanto piu d.egne di attenzione in
quanta riflettono un'interessante radicazione nella tradizione italica
e, in particol modo, in queUa locale romana.
I dnque codici di S. Michele per ragioni paleografiche e iconografiche sono attribuiti a uno scrittorio umbro e si fanno risalire alIa
meta del sec. XlV. Essi presentano la seguente articolazione liturgica:

Per la descrizione dei comci rimando a Fabrizio Mastroianni - Cristina Mastroianni: uSchede codicologiche" in Giacomo Baroffio et aL.: Frammenli di slona
I

medioevale. Mostra di codici e frammenti di codici liturgici dei secoli XI....xVI dell'archivia stoneo del Comune di Stroncone, Stroncone 9-29 agosto 1998. Calalogo (Stroncone,
1998). pp. 87-108.
2 ~I corali di Stroncone" in

n canto gregoriano

fra Musical Storia e Arte (Terni,

1998).

Thli particolarita appaiono evidenti soprattutto dal confronto con altre fonti, a
partire dai testimoni del CAO. Sono state inoHre compiute verifiche sui libri corali
di Oristano {= Or) e di Gerace ,(Ger). Su quest/ultimo fondo cfr. Maurizio Scarfo: La
TI-adizione musicale di Gerace. Analisi dei corali delta cattedrale, Ricerche musicali
A.M.A. Calabria, 12 (Lamezia Thrme, 1997J. Aitre sigle particolari usate: Brv = Bre
viarium Romanum b'identino; Gtr = Graduale Romanum (Triptex,; ps(]; = salterio
gallicano {vulgata}; PsR = salterio romano. Singole lettere con aster-ico indicano i
codici del CAo.
3

Giacomo Baroffio
cor.
I: graduale-sequenziario (temporale)
cor. IV: graduale~kyriale-tropario-sequenziario (santorale)
cor. HI: antifonario Itemporale: avvento-sabato santo)
cor. VII: antifonario (temporale: Pasqua-fine anno liturgicol
cor. VI: antifonario (santoraleJ

Una disamina di alcune categorie di varianti testuaH e musicali non aneora rilevate in modo sistematico, ma soltanto
base ad alcuni sondaggi campi one - permette di fare alcune osservazioni. In
primo luogo appare evidente una forte presenza della recensione geronimiana delle Psalterium RomamJ.m, aUestata tra l'altro da alcuni
frammenti di salteri tardi ritrovati recentemente in Umbria.' Thttavia la tradizione testuale del salterio nei corali di Stroncone e piu
complessa perehe da un lata ci sono tracce di recensioni extravagantes e dall'altro lato e chiara che la tradizione dei canti nel sec. XIV e
ormai contaminata dal piu diffuso salterio gallicano della Vulgata.
CoSt ad esempio, a fronte della lezione Quam amabilia del salmo 83
trova anche quella volgata Quam dilecta. Interessanti alcune traruzioni letterarie eomplesse di cui
danno due esempi. n primo e
tratto dal responsorio Praecursor rCAO 7421) nel cui versetto Hie si
l

{de quo} dominus fait} Stroncone VI 72r B79


F'" Or
salvatoT
D* S*
idem
idem salvator
Ne! verso Confitebor del responsorio Narrabo nomen (ps 17, 50;
cfr. ps 107, 4) ha una lezione contaminata: 5

Archivio stodco comunale, Notarile 595


XIV), Notarile
rio innario monastico, sec. XIV): efr. Colligere fragmenta ne per8ant. Aspetti della liturgia medievale nei frammenti deIl'Archivio storice comunale ed. Giacomo Baroffio
(Norcia, 1997), pp.
e 30;
Arcruvio storico comunale, Notarile 78 + 7b
~sec. XIV): efr. Giacomo Baroffio et al.: Frammenti..., pp. 34-5.
5
Weber p. 35.
4

1CORAlI DELLA CHIESA DI S. MICHELE DI STRONCONE

inter gentibus Stroncone VII 36v


inter gentes
PsR
in gentibus
ms gamma (ed. Weber)
in nationibus

specchietto
permette di vedere quanto intricata e
contaminata sia tradizione dei testi liturgici. Dal1'insieme si ricava l'impressione di un
di adattamento - lento, disuguale,
doe diverso da luogo a luogo - con cui i1 salterio della Vulgata e
riuscito a
nei testi
In tale situazione fluttuante Stroncone evidenzia un' adesione conservatrice alia recensione del PsR. Tale
condizione puo essere spiegata probabilmente non tanto quale influsso
della tradizione liturgico-musicale romano-anti ea quanto piuttosto
quale persistere di una tradizione protogregoriana italica non ancora
elaborata sistematicamente in terra franca.
I

168r

r 69v

r 86v
187v
I l11v

I 142v
I 148r

Deus PsG C K* I
psi (In Dea) Miserere mihi Do~ lAMS 54
mine PsR
psi (Ego clamavi) ... deprecalAMS 55 -nem -rnearn PsG)
tioni mece PsR
grd Discerne V Emitte ... monte lAMS 69a" -tem -urn -um
sco ruo PsR C
K*1
psi (Liberator) Diligam". virtus lAMS 76 fortitudo PsG)
trt Eripe '"
psi (Misericordia) laudatio PsR
corn Cantate ... et benedicite

lAMS 78a}
{AMS S8a collaudatio PsG}
lAMS 91 om. et PsG B'" C* K"}

PsR R*

124v
HI 133v
III 136v

psI Domine ne in Ira (psI 61


PsR [ VI 235v]
vrb Pes enim lenim
meus
stetit in viam rectam
Miserere mihi Dne (psI

{furore PsG}

I-am -am: ms e ed. WeberJ


Imei PsG}

PsR

139v
III 141v

psI Deu.s in le speravi (psl 70}


(om.
PsG)
PsR
psI Quam amabilia (ps182/3??} [dilecta PsG}
PsR

Giacomo Baroffio
1

III 177r
37v

amg Thesaurizate ... thesaurum

abn

etenim
Agatha V Domine ..

rsp
me {eeisli

(CAO 5142 thesaurosj


{CAO
I
jCAO 6160 creasti S" L" Or
B79)

VI72r

Praecursor Domini V
(CAO 7421 salvator
Ger)
.. Dominus ait
VI10lr
Congratu/amini V Reced... (CAO 66323 -am .. F* lI'] L*}
recedebat ... ardebat
VI 119v
vrs (OrnatamJ
t. .. circuICAO 7340 circumdata
mamicta PsR
mss) PsG Or
VI 121 v
rsp 0 gloriosa {emina E"
Or Ger)
{CAO 7270 domina
138v
rsp In conspectu gentium nolite (CAO 6895 timere
Or Br}
metuere PsR CAO
VI 195v
psI Gaudete (psi 32) PsR
{Exultate
VII
vrs (Maria Magd.)
valde ... dixit
illis
Brv)
VIT Ur
VII 13r
VII 16r

vrs {De ore} Sapientia ... corde

ICAO 6396 eius

IpSlUS

Brv]
(CAO

vrs IExpurgate) Mortuus ...


justifieationes nostras L *
rvs fSurrexit Dnus
Et
paruit Petro
B79

VII

vrs (Ostendil mihi) Cumque

VII

rsp Non con


pe65

CAO 879

* S*

Or

-em -am S" Or BrvJ

ICAO 8213 Simoni CAO Ger Or


BTV) ma 1Sr rbr dell'ora
vrb = Simoni
rCAO 7344 Postquam Or
ICAO

turbetur Or

Brv)

A
musicale Stroncone present a pure una serie di lezioni
che merHano di essere ricordate.
enucleato a1cune
di
esempl:
al varianti musicali che interessano

r
[

I1

I 178r

Thbulationes

nota iniziale

intonazioni:

e G e non F

l',

54r
G}
grd Ab oecultis inizio F F ~Gtr 101 B E;
299
... }
off Sicut in HolocaustUM inlzio DG ...
DED DJ
com Vovete A CDE (Gtr

43r

I CORAL! DELLA CHIESA DI S. MICHElE DI STRONCONE

Da non
e una formula d/intonazione di E in cui Stroncone con C74 differiscono dalla tradizione
standard:
I 146v

int Vocem iocunditatis inizio FF IGtr 229 EEF; C74,

F)

Si da
il caso interessante delI'utilizzo di una diversa formula d'intonazione nel romano-antico:
Repleatur inizio FF {Gtr

I1

EEF; C74, 1

[G ah ... ])

Non mancano varianti piu . . . vJ' .... ""......... , .........


I 57r

grd Salvum fac HCD FFfEJ I DCH HC DED I DC/CF". Stroncone


CDE GGG/
DEFI ED/CF ...

che interessano le note finali. Alcune di queste varianti interessano la definizione modale dei brani come nel caso del graduale Domine prcevenisti ... pretioso con finale trasportata di
una seconda in basso a1 D.6 Di fatto non mancano
b) varianti

c} varianti musicali che interessano la modalita:


I 137v

off In die sollemnitatis IV modo IGtr 210 I modo; C74, 85v IV


modo)7

IV 86v
IV 95r

grd Domine pYCBvenisti I


IGtr 509 IV modols
off FiliCB regum V modo (Gtr 505 III modo; C74,

I modor"

cl) varianti di semplice trasposizione di scrittura:

I l8Ir
I 183r

D IGtr 340 D
all Confitemini seritlo
off Vir erat scritlo in D lOfT 349 scritto in a)

Urbanus Bomm,
Wechsel der Modalitiitsbestimmung in der Tradition
Messgesiinge im IX. his XlII. Jahrhundert und sein Ei'YI{luss aul der Tradition ihrer Melo-

dien {Einsideln, 1929}, 115. Stessa


Graduale Pothier.
finale di Stroncone e proposta
4.
7 Secondo Bomm 166 hanno la
in E anche Gist e Preed.
S Stroncone
la
attestata
Montpellier:
Bomm 115.
9 Bomm 164 ricorda l'attribuzione al V modo da parte del solo Frutolfo; nessun
testimone attesta versione in propria del romano~antico.

Giacomo Baroffio

e I particolare articolazione neumatica:


I 157v

all Verba Domini

f) 1ezioni musicali diverse da queUe tradizionali:


185v

int Miserere ... concu[cQvit I modo jGtr 125

rn modo;

esempio 1)

Anehe
l'aspetto
emerge tutta una serie ill indizi
che pongono Stroncone in relazione con la tradizione romana in una
fase di evoluzione non ancora consolidata in quel canto romanofraneo divenuto
soltanto dopo il sec. X. La radicazione dei
coraE di Stroneone nel1a tradizione italica e
da un
riore sondaggio condotto suI repertorio degli Alleluia della messa.
1 tomi I e IV del graduale presentano, infatti, 0 pezzi esclusivi delle
fonti italiane 0 melodie proprie dei codici peninsulari. In particoIare
si notano interessanti concordanze con Modena 13 e Pistoia 120.10
'" :+:

'*'

Queste osservazioni in ordine sparso a mio avviso evidenziano alcuni voti per la ricerca liturgico-musicologica:
a) le fonti tardive meritano grande attenzione, la stessa che si dedica alle testimonianze piu antiche;
b) e urgente
un repertorio analitico di alcuni libri campione delle tradizioni
illversi secoli. A questo proposito segnalo
lavori gia conclusi 0
avanzato stato di elaborazione a Genova, 11 Ori~
in particolare ms I, c.1S6v Spiritus Sanctus docebit (ThK 302: solo
13); ms IV c. 22v Sancte Paule (ThK
ltalia); c. 68v Pretiosa (ThK 282: Italia e
MMMAE VII 394 e
, c. 68v Lcetamini (ThK 284: ltaIia e Montpellire;
est vera fraternitas (ThK 348: ItaliaJ; c. 69v lu.dicaMMMAE 278 e 643); c. 69r
bunt
!ThK 97 con
c. 70r Tradiderunt {ThK
solo Modena 13, Nonantola e Pistoia 120; MMMAE
e
c.
Memento (ThK
Italia); c. 82v
Domine quinque (ThK 302: praticamente solo Italia}. In appendice (esempi 2 e 31 sono proposte le
degli Alleluia. Surrexit Dominus de seprulcro; Alleluia.
Sancte Paule.
11 Progetto realizzato dalla Regione Liguria che l'ha fatto conoscere grazie a
codici e di suppellettili liturgiche, e l'edizione in facsimile
un
un'esposizione
processionale di Pauna conservato a Genova, S. Andrea (oggi a S. Maria della Castagna), ms 82.
!(l

I CORALI DELLA CHIESA 01 S. MICHELE

or STRONCONE

stano in Sardegna,lZ Gerace in Calabria,I3 per non dimenticare l'indicizzazione di libri a stamp a del XVI secolo curata dall'Universita
di Lecce l4 e il progetto ~rchQngeluslJ promosso da Giulio Cattin e
collaboratori;
c) e necessario pubblicare singoli brani e interi formulari inediti 0
in recensioni musicali particolari. A questo proposito sarebbe auspicabile che le edizioni fossero accessibili al maggior numero ci persone grazie a un costa modico;
dl e opportun~ promuovere la pubblicazione sonar a di tutto il materiale finora considerato. 15

** *
Colgo l'occasione per dire che procedo con la raccolta ell records
della banca dati "Iter Liturgicum Italicum" 16 e che l'anno prossimo
penso di pubblicare un primo volume con i dati piu importanti di
oltre 15.000 codici e frammenti liturgici italiani conservati in Italia e
all' estero.
Esempio 1.

?+i1. ,1
!'.'
.
'.

Hi- se-rere

11\.0

lIIichi

tota di -

~-

.....

conC4~~6;vorunt

-= " ,

a,

IJ

. '.~'.'

00- mi- ne quoni -

,li ,"

'.

.'!:

vit
1
. .,

. ,, '

lA

.- M,-

conculcn-vit me he -

alii

e bel- lans tri-b\J;"la

. j :! .

'~ .

moo

!.

Pi

!ltC inil'lici me ... i to-ta di- e ' qu.o rii-alll lIIul .ti hella!n':'tes

adve.rsum. me.

12

..

Cfr. Giampaolo Mele, Giacomo Baroffio (in corso di stampal.


Cfr. le schede codicologiche e gli indici curati da Maurizio Scarlo: La tradizione

musicale, cit.
14 efr. le tesi elaborate sotto la direzione del prof. Marco Gozzi.
IS CfT., ad esempio, il disco pubblicato nel 1997 dall'A.M.A.Calabria con brani
gregoriani tratti da codici calabresi.
16 Giacomo Baroffio, Inter Lirurgicum !talicum (Padova, 1999\.

Giacomo Baroffio
Esempio 2.

. '.

'.~.'

Allelu- la

a'

-,-

a',

. .... ... ., . ."' .


~

..

~'.

.e ..

. a

-.1

'

SUr.re-xit

.a, .' . . !!:I .',,"_-:::::!5...


pul -

nus de se

pro no

ea -I -

'

Dom.i

- ero qui

...
-

big

pe

dit in

pen

I.,. n

t, la

l i - gno.

;'

Esempio 3.

-. . . .'.. -==.; :.n._..~. .Y"


~

I.

I.

.,.:1

.,.

-aM
V. Sane

Alle- luia.

,.'~J.::. -

i.. .

--_.--........
' ' .
at, I "
loA , . ,
., : .
--.I
e ::.!".;rr;..
~~~~~~~~~~.~.~.~~.~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.~.~~~.~-~
.

__=__.

,.,
I' I.
"

G.. "..

'

in

".' -..
um

tor gen-ti

intercede pro ' no-his.

'

Sa)

lA

Esempio 4 .

..... . ..

;.
cu-lu",

et doe

le prl!dica-tor verita-tis

a- posta

te Pau- le

Sa.'

e'.
cu

li.

f " ,

H
~

-.
.~

Cantus Planus 1998 ,J .. Esztergom Et Visegrad

NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS
FOR AN OLD TRADITION:
THE SALAMANCA CHOIRBOOKS*

james j. Boyce

o.

Caml.

Fifty-two choir books in the archive of the cathedral of Salamanca


witness to a vibrant liturgical tradition there from the medieval period through the nineteenth century. I Ten of these codices either
contain pre-Tridentine elements or are stylistically the same as
those which do so; since they may be properly considered medieval, they constitute the focus of this study. Although several of the
manuscripts have undergone considerable revision and are in a very
bad state of repair, they are nonetheless virtually the only remaining vestiges of the medieval liturgy at Salamanca.
The cathedral archive itself is particularly ,rich in primary documents, adding another dimension to our appreciation of liturgical
life at the cathedral of Salamanca. After giving some historical background to the Salamancan liturgy, I will discuss these choirbooks in
terms of the saints they mention and the particular liturgical characteristics they feature.
Although the earliest documentary reference to ecclesiastical life
in Salamanca indicates that a bishop Eleuterio of Salamanca attended the Third Council of Toledo in 589,2 no Mozarabic sources
from Salamanca have survived until the present time. A history
of the Salamancan liturgy therefore must necessarily begin with
the twelfth-century reconquest under Alfonso VII whose daughter
Urraca and her husband Count Raymond of Burgundy began the
. Funding for this research was provided by a National Bndowment for the Humanities Fellowship for College Teachers, which 1 acknowledge with deep gratitude .
I James Boyce, 0. C., Cattilogo, Archivo de Mllsica Gregori.ana., Cantorales: 52 Manuscritos, Siglos XIV-XIX ISalamanca, 1993).
2 Alfonso Rodriguez G. de Ceballos, Las CatedTales de Salamanca (Leon, 1978), p. 3.

James J. Boyee

10

restoration of
city and founded the episcopal see on
June
1102.3
first bishop of the newly established diocese was Jerome
fighting alongside
Visqu a Cluniac monk who, after spending
El Cid, had
been bishop of Valencia before being appointed to
4
Salamanca.
One of
earliest documentary references to the cathedral's
construction dates from the year 11 when Alfonso VII exempted
in the building. s
from
some twenty-five workmen
Alfonso Rodriguez,
3; M. Villar y Macias, Historia
Salamanca II 11887, re
printed
p. 61. The catalogue citation for this docwnent of June 22, 1
reads as follows: "El conde D. Raimundo de Borgoiia y su esposa D.a Urraca, cona D. jer6nimo
et
nostro', las
y clerigos
Zamora
y Salamanca con tas villas
lleva en prestamo el obispo y que son propias del
conde. Le da
el tercio de todo el censo de Salamanca y
de todos
105 frutes 'pro restauratione
Marie', y el
junto a la puerta
riD 'in parte sinistr3 ut populetis ilium'. Thdo esto se 10 con'ut
et ipsam
secundum vestrum
mepotueritis/. - Facta cartula noto die X kalendas
era MCXL. Regnum
Adefonsi,
rex
Toleto, ipsius sedis Sanctae Marie Bernaldus archiepiscopus". Caj. 16,
1, num. 5;
Florencie
Rodriguez, Catalogo
mentos
Archivo Catedralicio
Salamanca (Siglos XlI-XV) (Salamanca, 1962), pp.
9-10. The term "cajon" lcaj.]
to
drawer in which
documents are
stored. Each caj6n
a number of"
[leg.}. i.e., bundles or
of
documents, each of which
turn is
Thus
leg. 1, nUm. 5 refers
to the fifth document in the first packet of documents contained
drawer number
16 in the cathedral
Translation:
Raymond
Burgundy and
Urraca give to Don Jer6nimo 'our bishop and teacher' the churches
ies of Zamora
with the towns which he bad loaned to
bishop
which belong to the count.
gives him as weB the third of all the census
tax on
population I of Salamanca and the tenth [tithe] of an
produce 'for
refounding of
church of
Mary' and the neighborhood which is
next to the river gate 'on
left side for you to populate'. All this is
to you
'so that you may establish
same church there according to the
of
your ability'. /01
~ Allonso Rodriguez, pp. 3-5. An archival document signed by
Cid giving
property to
of Valencia and its bishop Jerome (MRodrigo Diaz
VivaJ',
el Cid CampeadoT, da a la iglesia de Valencia y a su obispo Don Jer6n.imo la villa
.. ") is found in
archive, Caj. 43, leg.
num. 72; cf. Florencio
Marcos Rodriguez, Catdlogo de Documentos del Archivo
de Salamanca
(Siglos XII-XV) (Salamanca, 1962), p. 9.
5
Rodriguez,
5.
citation for
document of March
1152 is as foHows: "Privilegio signado de Alfonso VII por el que
de todo
:1

11

NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...

The chapter of canons of the cathedral was established at least by


the latter part of
twelfth
so
regular chanting of
Divine Office in
was a feature of
cathedral liturgical
life from
inception.s An archival document of 14 May 1 1 mentions a canon
Juan Dominguez giving some property
had
7
purchased to the chapter
canons. The archives are filled with
such documents
to
vibrancy of the chapter
canons
and
scope of their business dealings/ to such an extent that on
tributo a
hombres que trabajan en la iglesia
Santa Maria, de ~a..Illanl;a
'quoadusque predicta
sit
2, n\i.m~ 27~ Florencio
13. Translation:
signed by Alfonso VII by
Marcos Rodriguez, Catalogo,
which he exempts from all tribute twenty-five men who are working on
of Our
of Salamanca, 'until the aforesaid church shall be fInished'.
6 A thirteenth-century
document lists
canons of
cathedral, divided
into two choirs, twenty-three in the choir of the bishop and
in
choir
dean
serve in the choir
day ("que
el core de cada dfa") as well
as another twelve who
as replacements for any of
regular ones
were absent:
son ellos que
de
alas percetiones que secusan par
el cor";
replacements evidently came from
churches to sing with
other canons, so that one is
to as "Iohannes Martin, c1erigo de
Baras
normally excused from
choir
tolome". Another ten members are
but who come upon
on the feast of St. Stephen: "Estos son
que se
escusan por
cor et quieren et fazen
obedientia
dia
Sancte Estevan
quando 10 demandan" as
as an adclitional nine who do not want to
sumablya fme
being absent on
feast
st. Stephen]
who still wish to be
excused from
choir: J'Estos son
que non
el dia de Sancti Estevan et se quieren escusar
er
. This copy of the document is A.C.S. [Archivo
2, n. 30. Transcribed in Jose Luis Martin
de Salamanca], Caj_ 27,
Garcfa, Florencio
Rodriguez and Marciano SanMartIn, Luis Miguel
eds., Documentos
los Archives Catedralicio y Diocesano
Salamanca (Sig/os XII-XIII) IUniversidad de Salamanca. 1977).
597-8.
7 The catalogue citation
this document
May 14, 1161
as follows: "Juan
Dominguez, can6nigo de Santa Maria de
da cabildo la aldes de Palencon
un aniversacia
Negrillaj,
habl8 comprado a Gonzalo
rio. - 'Facta carta II idus maiL Era MCL.XXXXVUII. Regnante in Leone et in
Sancto Iacobo at que in Salamanca rex Femandus ... Episcopus
sede Sancte Marie
Ordonius'N. IThe
the Salamanca Archive
B: Copia
emulario.- Caj. 16,
. 1.
28, f. 49. Florencio Marcos Rodriguez, Cat61ogo, p. 13.
Translation: "Juan Dominguez. canon of St. Mary Salamanca, gives to the [cathethe
[in NegriUal. which he had bought from Gondral]
zalo Gordo, with the obligation
an anniversary {i.e., presumably of saying a memorial
for
on the
of his death]. Letter given the 2nd
11

12

J. Bayee

January 1495 the bishop Don


wrote to them ex*
them to show as much concern
liturgical duties as
8
they did for
of their awn rights and
By the end
fifteenth century the limitations
dral were
so that on 17 February
Ferdinand
wrote to the cardinal of
requesting his assistance in
of a new cathedral
cause the
one was too small/
low to accommodate the
came there on
and to
the liturgy
on 12 May 1513 the
was laid for the conKing Ferdinand
of the
May in
the chair of SI. Mary S Don Ordofio."
also in Salamanca.
8 The catalogue citation
of January 16, 1495
as
de Salamanca, comunicando al cabildo
"Carta de don Diego
nombrarniento de vicario
la
de Salamanca a
del
Pedro Fermlndez. Les recomienda
tanta solicitud en las cosas
en
105 puntos de
Dios y al bien de la
toca a vuestras libertades. y
vuestros
esten quietos e en
Madrid XVI dia de enero de XCV A.:
220 x
220 mm. cortesana. - Caj. 40. num. 58. Florencio
Catalogo, p. 206.
of
Diego de Deza, bishop
of
nom ination as beneficiary
communicating to the Icathedral]
the church of Salamanca in ravor
canon
Fernandez. He
to them that they show as much care
matters dealing with the service of God
points of law in what deals with
of the church 'as in
n""CT\p"" .. and that your hearts
tranquil and in
...'" "Madrid, 16 Janu.
ary
9
for this document of February
1
as follows:
V y Dona lsabel, al cardenal
pidiendo su
apoyo para lIevar a
del cabildo de
una
nueva catedral porgue la
muy pequena e obscura e baxa, tanto que 105
divin~s. no se
en
coma deven
105
de las fiestas principales por
concurso de gente que a
ene ... "', - "De SeviUa diez e siete dras
y un annos". Florencio
Rodriguez, Ca talogo , p. 203.
sent by Don Fernando V
IKing FerdinandJ and Dofia lsabel [Queen Isabella] to
of Angers asking
his help to
a
the wishes of the chapter of
to build Cl new cathedral because the old one 'is very small and dark and low, so
so that the
religious
cannot
as they ought to be,
on
days
of the principal
the large number of people who come to
them .. .'." "From
I

13

NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS ...

struction of a new cathedral, alongside the old one rather than replacing it.
new cathedral opened for worship in 1560. to
contents and paleographical style codices 1 through 10, establish them as preTridentine. Of these ten volumes, manuscripts
1, 2 and 10 are gradual s,
3 and 4 are psalters, mss. 5 and 6 are
for
temporal cycle while mss. 7 and 8 contain selected sanctoral feasts; ms. 9 is a Kyriale. Our discussion of the Salamancan liturgy will concentrate on mss. 7 and 8 for the office and
mss. 1, 2 and 10 for the Mass.
All
manuscripts feature the five-line staff used throughout
a chant is decorated or illuminated
. Where the first letter
the second letter is also embellished, although to a considerably
letter is also found in
lesser degree. This treatment of the
some Italian manuscripts, specifically in liturgical manuscripts from
the cathedral
Florence, now Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Edili
mss. 148, 149, 1 and 151/ 1 and from Perugia, as illustrated
New York Columbia University Library, ms. Piimpton 41.12 A third
from other
paleographic element which distinguishes Spanish
practices, including Italian
is the
of a syllable over
all of its accompanying music: in other words the last letter of a
syllable is separated from the first letter or letters and placed under
the end of a melisma where that occurs. These three characteristics
combine make a distinctive Spanish paleographical style.
The four surviving antiphonaries and three graduals remind us
that the vast majority of chants and choirbooks used in Salamanca
are no longer extant and it is somewhat difficult even to estimate
the full extent of chants or even
full number of choirbooks in
t

Alfonso Rodriguez G. de Ceballos, pp.


L
a
of these manusCripts, cL Angelus Maria Bandiniu5, BibliothecQ
Leopoldina Laureniiana seu Catalogus Manuscriptorum qui iussu
Leopoldi Arch.
10

11

Aust. magni err. ducis mme Augustissimi imperator1s germ. hung. et boihemiae
etc.
in Laurentianam translati sunt quae in singulis codicibus continenrnr, Thmus I (Flarentiae. 1791);
cf. my
Carmelite Choirbooks of Florence
Liturgical Tradition the Carmelite Order" Camelus
(1988), pp. 67-93.
\2
manuscript is described in
De Rieci, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada (New York/ 1935-401. Vol. H,
p, 1760.
I

14

James J. Boyee

use in
one period. What
nonetheless
us some per~
ception into the
of
liturgical practices
Sala~
manca.
are in a
of
four antiphonaries, ross. 5 through
and consequent gaps on
repair, with illuminated
the obserse'
of the folio, in addition to many
it
difficult to judge their original codicological format. The excised inimean that some
of a given chant are necessarily lackIng,
the
itself incomplete. Missing folios mean that
one or more
are missing or incomplete, leaving
office
chants
for a given
necessarily incomplete. If the
of a feast are
one cannot be absolutely
of
ascertained from the reidentity, although it can normally
in the office. Where a sizeable number of folios are
maInlng
misSIng
reconstruct
an antiphonal one cannot with
all the
for
choirbook.
a lacuna sometimes means
that
chants to
used
often
for understanding
for
alluded to elseof lesser solemnity or
locating
in the antiphonaries, are also lacking.
terms of liturgical format, manuscript 6 contains music only
those sections of antiphons and responsories which were
by the cantor or schola.
in the case of antiphons only
incipits contain music, followed by the text alone
the remainder of
responsories music accompanies only the
the antiphon. With
first
of the
followed by
for the
and
by the verse with
music. Complete
and mu
sic for both antiphons and responsories would have to come from a
different set
books for use by the choir, so that at
two corn
plementary
would
necessary
render
in an ac~
ceptable fashion. The liturgical ambit of codex 6 extends from
vigil of Christmas through Epiphany and from Septuagesima Sunday through 1rinity Sunday
Corpus Christi without including
or
for ordinary time.
manuscript
have
original
than it
now, but
contained more material in
present liturgical range suggests that one would
needed
comparable books to cover the complete Htu

NEWLY DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...

15

year. That such books were


for
schola
means that an~
other set would have
required for
remalnlng
An of
this indicates that a high degree of formality prevailed in the Sal amancan office and that evidently no expense was spared in producbooks for the cathedral.
ing and maintaining liturgical
The contents of the two surviving antiphonals which deal with
the sanctoral
of the office, mss. 7 and 8/ are shown in Thble 1.
(See p. 24.) Like the two antiphonals for the temporal cycle, these
manuscripts have a very
liturgical ambit: ms. 7 extends
from the feast of All Saints on Nov. 1 through that of St. Luey on
Dec. 13 while ms. 8
from the feast of St. John before the
th
Latin Gate on May 6 through the feast of the Commemoration of
St. Paul on June 30th , with additional chants from the feast of the
Conversion of
Paul and St. Peter in Chains on August 1. Both
manuscripts contain numerous lacunae! making it difficult to identify with absolute certainty an of the feasts they contain and leaving
the possibility open that chants for additional feasts may have been
provided on some of the many folios which are now missing. Their
liturgical format nonetheless suggests that a minimum of four additional antiphonals had to be in use to cover the entire sanctoral cy
de. The dimensions of these two codices, 79.5 x 59 cm. for ms. 7
and
x 58 cm. for ms. 8, would render the codices unwieldy to
handle if
contained significantly more folios than they do (in
original format they would each contain less than one hundred fifty folios). The size and contents
the present volumes give
some indication of
great care and expense which originally were
used to produce the office antiphonals for the cathedral.
While the graduals, mss. I, 2 and 10 all appear to be pre-Tridentine mss. 1 142.5 x 30 cm.) and 2 {44 x 32 cm.) are noticeably
smaller in size than ms. 10 (76 x 53 cm.) and must have been in
tended either for a much smal1er group of
or as a source
book of rubrics and chants to be used in compiling
manuscripts. Ms. 10 contains an index in its first few folios which assigns chants from the common of the saints to
used for specific
saints' feasts. Such an index was probably a provisional accommo~
dation to the regulations of the Council of '!rent, enabling the
l

16

James J. Bayee

canons t'O use old standard chants for feasts which may originally
have featured proper lVlass chants, which were rendered obsolete
by the liturgical directives of the Council. '3 For this reason it is difficult to ascertain the original size of rns. 10 since many folios were
ren10ved froIn the codex. At the same time ms. 10 is clearly a medieval codex which was still in use by the time of the Council
of Trent, Thus it may have been wriUen in the previous cenlury,
in which case it would parallel the Carmelitechoirbooks of Mainz
which were written in the 1430's and llsed lip to and after the time
of the Council of Trent ;14 otherwise it probably was writtfm in the
early part of the sixteenth century, just prior to the Co~ncU.
The graduals, like the antiphonaries, also feature a very limited liturgical ambit. While ms. 1 extends from the f.east of SL Anthony
on January 17th through that of the Conception of the Vir.gin on
Dec. 81h , very few of the proper feasts are complete and the majority of references are only rubrics. Even here many have been reworked : for instance, what is designated as an AlIe1uia verse for
SL Lawrence is in fact for st. Francis of Assisi. Tbe feasts ill codex
10 extend from St. Barbara on De.cernber 41h through St, Ptaxedis on
July 2P\ all on folios 1 through 14v, so that many of ti1ese feasts involve only the mention of the saint's nam.e. In this manuscript folio
33 follows :f. 14v, which obviously represents :a size a ble lacuna;
since the script of the section beginning at foliO' 33 basically
matches that of the beginning. of the codex, both sectipns are probably original to the manuscript. The section beginnjllg with folio 33
Cf. Salutor Molitor. Die nachrridenlinische Choral-Reform Zli Rom: Ein Beitrag
zur Mllsikgeschichle des, XV/. und XV1J. Jahrhunderls (Leipzig. 1901-02); Robert F.
Hayburn, Papal Legisiari011 011 Sacred Music, 95 A.D. to ).977 A.D. (Collegeville, Minnesotp, 1979). A comparable situa,tion occurred in the manu~c[ipt, :Florence, Carmine, Ms. S, a provisional antiphonary containing proper Carmelite feasts; cL my
article. Ca.r mel in Transition: A Seventeehlh-Century F'lorentine CaTmelite Supplemenl , Manuscripta 39 !]'99S), pp. 56-69.
la For a discussion of the Carmelite codices of Mainz cf, my articles, "Die Main zer Rarmeliterchorbucher und die Liturgischer "fradilion des Katmeliterordens
Archiv fiir ndtt!!-Irnemische Klrchenge-.schichte 39 (1987L pp. 267- 303 an,d "Medieval
Ca.rme lite Offi'~e Manuscripts, A Liturgical Inventory ", Carmelus 33 (19861.
pp. 17-34.
J3

NEWLY DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...

17

contains chants from the COll'lJll0n of the saints that wer e subse
quently applied to specHic later saints by means of the index U1en
tioned above. A third part 'Of the manuscript begins on f. r33" in a
clearly later, probably eighteenth-century, hand, and includes
chants for the feasts Qf St. Phi.lip Nerl [f. 138), Our Lady of Mount
Carmel [f. 141v], St. Bach if. 144] and St. 19natius If. 1511.
Manuscript 2, a gradual, consists of only 32 folios, all of whi.ch
contain chants in general usage. The feast of the martyr St" Baudulus on f. 6v features a .single introit Protexisti me Deus, a chanl corn
monly used for a martyr in the Roman gradual, IS and the martyr,
St. Roch, on f. 11 v has the introit Os iusti, cited in the Roman grad
ual for the common of doctors. 16 Even a ,Mass for the passion 0 Our
Lord (de passione domini nasi';i Jesu Christi) on f. 24 uses the lntr'oit
Humiliavit semitipsum from the Roman graduaJ.'?
What remains of th e gr4dUrals like the antiphonals, gives us only
a very partial view of how Mass was re.o dered in Salarnanca , The
vast number of ordinary Mass chants from Salamanca haye not survived; only the chants for the commons ate included ~n ms. 10 and
the range of chants in ross. 1 and .2 is also very l:l mit ed . A h'Qped
Marian Kyrie, Rex virginum amator, occurs on f. 131v in ms. 1 and
on f. 5v in the Kyrial'e, ms.. 9, suggesting that mss. 1 and Z may have
served as resourcesfot compiling larger service book~ wb~ ch are
now lost. At least two other gra;duals, for the temporal and ~sanctoral
cycles respectively, comparable in Sl7t~ and scope to ms. 10 wou ld
have been necessary to chant the Ma.ss correctly in Salamanca..
Given the paucity of surviving manuscripts and the limited scope
of their contents, any listing of saints is also bound to be incomplete.
Nonetheless these manuscriptsRte all. that remain to 'enable us to
know which saints were venerated in Sala1Dan ca and which chants
were used to celebrate them .
J

Graduale Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecc1esiae de Tempore et de Sanctis primum Sancti


Pii X iussu resrihltum et editum Pauli \'J pontificis maximi cura nunc recognitum ... lAbbatia Sancti Petri de SQiesmis, 1974), p. 442.
16 Graduate Romanum, p. 494.
11 Cited in John R. Bryden and David G. Hughes, compilers, An Index of Gregorian Chant (Cambridge, Massachusetts" 1969). Vol. I, p" 208.
IS

18

James J. Boyee

Thble 2 lists
saints
m
codices
with their
day!
number and folio. ISee p.
.)
feasts listed
in Thble 2 are by no means a complete listing of saints venerated
the paucity of manuscripts and their bad state of
repair remind us that mu
of the original liturgy is permanently
lost. These man
give us at
some glimpse
into what the medieval liturgy was like. While the vast majority of
these feasts are. predictably, standard, within this
conforml
to universal usage,
characteristics of the Salamancan
rite nonetheless stand
l

1. Marian feasts
The Cathedral was dedicated to
Maria de la Sede,18 Our
Lady of the Chair, which
the many celebrations in honor
of the Virgin, including the Annunciation, NativitYl Conception,
Visitation, Presentation and Our Lady of
Snows, in addition to
celebrations for the Virgin on Saturday. Annunciation chants
ally serve for
other
as well. A troped Marian Kyrie and
Gloria in ms. 1 and in ms. 9
that great solemnity was used
to
Mass on Marian
Within the context of a generally standard Marian office tradition, ms. 7
contains the rhymed office beginning with
Gaude;no
ecclesia as
first antiphon for first Vespers for the
of the Conception of the Virgin Mary. Despite many
and excised initials in the version of the
in ms.
a careful
.son of the
chants with their counterparts in vari~
ous French
specifically in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale
France, nouv. acq. ms. 3003, a fourteenth-century breviary
from Syon, in
Bibliotheque Nationale de
ms. latin
1266 VoL I, a fifteenth-centu
breviary from Meaux, and
Bibliotheque Mazarine, ms. 355, a thirteenth-century breviary from
St. John Hospital in Jerusalem, indicates that
office was copied
with
care into ms. 7 from a
exemplar or one comparable to it. The presence of this rhymed office in ms. 7 clearly indithat the earliest
of chants
manuscripts
in fact
Histaria

Salamanca Il,

66.

NEWlYDISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS ...

19

firmly rooted in the medieval period. This office also occurs in


manuscripts from Klosterneuburg and Vorau/ l9 but does not occur
in the few Spanish sources whose contents have been studied,20 so
that the office seems
have been imported into the diocese from
rather than being properly Spanish.
~d

2. The Petrine

Pauline Tradition

While the
of Sts. Peter and Paul a universal medieval liturgical practice the unusual grouping of these feasts together
nonetheless surprising. The bad state of repair of the
in ms. 8
manuscript means that many folios are missing so that one cannot
clearly associate individual chants with a specific feast within the
manuscript. Such a fund of Pauline and
material is highly
unusual, however and may well be particular to
rite of Sala~
manca, at least in its liturgical organization.
l

3. St. Jerome
The feasts of St. Jerome and his translation, the latter indicated
by a rubric in ms. 8, while in honor of the famous doctor of the
Church, may also be -inspired by the name of the founding bishop
Jerome Visque. An archival document listing the feasts and annivercelebrated in
cathedral with the stipends attached to each
says of Jerome Visque that he was a Benedictine monk from Thledo,
was bishop
Valencia, confessor to El Cid and bishop of Salamanca. He died en 1125 and the stories give him the title of saint; God
worked through him in life and in death worked miracles through
him. 21
I

19 Klostemeuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift, ms. 1017, f. 5v; Vorau, Stiftsbibliothek, ms. 287 (291, f.
20 The two Aquitanian antiphonaries, mss. Thledo 44.1 and 44.2, do not contain
this
21 Cited
M. Villar y Macias, pp. 98-100. The codex containing
anniversaand feasts in the cathedral is in Caj6n
text on folio 14
as follows:
"Geronimo
monge
Canonigo de Toledo. Obispo
Valencia, confesSalamanca. En 5U tiempo fundaron la iglesia vieja
sor del Cid Ruy Diaz/ ohispo
la senora
Dona Urraca, vel
Don Ramon su marido. El
de !as
hatallas le traxo
prelado de Valencia. Durmio en el Senor en el Mio 1125/ y
las hlstorias le dan titulo de Sancta, y
mas que OhIO Dios
el en Vida,

James J. Boyee

20

4. St. Michael

The
St. Michael the Archangel in codex 8 falls between
that of St. John
the Latin
on May 6th and St. John the
Baptist on June 24th , so that it probably was meant for May 8th ,
common than the
day normally
o n . 29 th , but
consistent with the practice
Mont~Saint-Michel, among
The
of anniversaries
feasts indicates that . Miv.u."' ...... was celebrated on both days in Salamanca. 22
5. The Cross

The
of Salamanca is particularly
in feasts relating to
the Lord's cross
thus contains feasts for
Invention and
tation as well as
St. Helena. In particular, the office of the
vention of the
Cross
ms. 8 contains several chants which
are not found
any of the standard source material such as Corpus
ntiphonalium Officii of Rene-Jean
or the Bryden and
Hughes inventory23 of liturgical chants. Moreover, although
twelfth
century
honal of Santa
la Ser6s contains
feast of
the Exaltation but not the Invention of the Cross, these Salamanca
Visque, Benedictine
canon
'Tbledo,
of
to El Cid Ruy
bishop of Salamanca. In
time Queen Urraca and her husband count Ramon founded the old church [cathedral]. The Lord
the Battles brought
from
He
the
in the
1125 and
stories
title of
and say further
that God worked through
in life and in death Iworked] miracles Ithrough
2.2
itself is
it undoubtedly were

as a fifteenth-century
although parts of
in the seventeenth century. Its title is "Memoria de 105
y
hace el Cabildo con
de sus fundadores".
advantage of this document, found in Caj6n 67
the archive, is that it
from the
of
cathedral's
whether
donation for the
was made by pitan~a or manua1es, two
of stipends or ofpresumably for Imemorial] Masses offered on that
day. The
of St.
Michael on May
is cited on f. 10bis verso
on Sept
on f. 12v_
23 Renato-Joanne Hesbert, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii
. lIl,
tiphonae, Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Series maior 9 (Rome, 1968)
versus, hymni, et varia.
documenta, Series
10 {Rome, 1970~. John R. Bryden
David G. Hughes, An
of Gre80rian
Chant, 2 vols.
Mass.,

NEWLY DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...

21

chants do not occur in


albeit incomplete manuscript
~
Table 3 shows the chants for this feast as contained in Salamanca
Ms. 8 with
concordances in Corpus Antiphonalium Officii
where applicable. ISee p. 28.) The feast
contained in
manuscript Paris, Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal, ms. 153, a thirteenth-century
breviary from Meaux; two of whose responsories, Hoc signum crucis
and Duke lignum, coincide with the Salamancan
and
Bibliotheque municipale, ms. 465, where
of the four responsories coincide with those of the Salamancan usage. Even more importantly, four responsories from the Salamanca celebration of the
feast Gloriosum diem sacral Haec est arbor dignissima, Dum sacrum
pignum celitus and Sicut Moyses exaltavit are not found in
of the
CAG sources, nor in
of the published sources in the Cantus da
tabase series. While the influence of the monastery of Cluny and
daughter houses; especially Moissac is considered significant for
the reintroduction of the Roman rite into
Iberian peninsula, and
while
15th -century Moissac breviary. now known as New York,
Pierpont Morgan Library! ms. M. 463 evidently exercised considerable sway upon the liturgical practices of Braga in Portugal and
upon the Aquitanian p.ntiphoner now known as Toledo r Biblioteca
Capitular, ms. 44.2/5 this influence
did not extend to
Salamanca at least as far as these four Invention chants are con
suggests that whatever external) possibly French, influences prevailed in the Salamancan Conception of the Virgin office
probably did not hold true for the chants for the Invention of the
Cross, which may either be Iberian in origin or proper to the
mancan tradition itself.
l

Antiphonar von

Cro.z de la Ser6s, XII. ]h. !Neuried,

1996).
2S This
been
in
Cantus series at Catholic University.
with an introduction by Ruth Steiner: cf. Ronald T. Olexy et al,
Aquitanian Antiphoner: Thledo, Biblioteca capitular, 44.2 (Ottawa, 1992). In
introduction to this
work, Ruth
points out the significant work of Pedro Romano Rocha con
cerning the influence of Moissac on the liturgy of Braga,
other sites: cL his
dissertation, Pedra Romano Rocha, L'O{fice divin au Moyen Age
1'egli.se de
Braga. DrigiMlite et dependences d'une liturgie particulier au Moyen Age
1980)
as well as his article,
Sources languedociennes du Breviaire
Braga", Liturgie
et musique IIX'-XIV' sieele) ICahiers de Fanjeaux, 17; Toulouse, 19821. pp. 185-207.

James J. Boyee

in Salamanca have been reworked, Drcma


bly to acc.om,mc)da1te
... "'h"" .......... .,. of
Council of Trent. The
underlay of the newer
by no means readily clear, but a
chapter of canons could !!I l'I't"t:>"'"
not immediately
dear visually. Here the problems of
Unl:lerlav pertain to queshons of subsequent revision rather
from
original copying or the lack of cooperation among '""vJ' .. ...,...."'.
some cases this revision amounted to a reworking of the
of
original chant, Despite the fragile state of the manuscript,
problems
position of text underlay and
their cOlrresplJn(1m.g .... AU."~"' ...............".r., ......n, ....... "" make such revisions evi
dent.
J.,U..... .lVI.... .l ....

6. St. Barbara
most interesting features of the surviving ..tu.''''''''"'' DU:=Ct:S
..-h',Trr"I,nrl Mass chants for the feast of St. Barbara
CO(leX 10.
Mass features the Alleluia
0 virgo
Ante thronum trinitatis verse from Paris, Bibli........ ,."'''', Ms. latin 905 fol. 311 v cited by David
Hiley27 and distinct
o beata Barbara Deo verse in Vorau/
Stiftsbibliothek, ms.
Cantus series and also
of Alleluia's.28 A
cited in Karlheinz
1<~""h~'''<::I and the Salachapel in the Cathedral was dedicated to
mancan practice of venerating her is co:nSl.SH~m:
otrler Spanish
1

French ......u
elude St.
Abdon and

..... ""

V ....... UH......... ,

~r""'n"".,..!!I~"'rI

St. Roch,

in the Salamancan liturgy inBaudulus of Nimes, Sts.


and
. Martin

2'i For medieval problems involving the transmission of "'u".... ,


"Das Offizium def Darstellung Mariens von Philippe
ten und cler Oberlieferungsprozeit.", in Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 77 (1993),
17-38.
27
Westem Plainchant, A Handbooh (Oxford, 1993), 138.
Alleluia-Melodien, 2 vols., Monumenta Monodica Medii
Aevi
vc) 2, p.

23

NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...

translation. While
celebration of these French saints is not
extraordinary in itself, it nonetheless suggests a possible French or
Cluniac influence upon the Salamancan liturgy comparable to but
distinct from that exercised upon
liturgy at Toledo.
8. Spanish Saints

Spanish saints
in the Salamancan liturgy include
(or Merida). Isidore of Seville and his translaEulalia of
tion, Ildefonsus, Marina, Justa and Rufina, Leander, Vincent and
Sabina and lames, Almost all
are indicated simply bya
rubric rather than having proper chants.
Conclusion

While the sUrvlvlng contents of the Salamancan antiphonaries


and graduals are obviously limited, they nonetheless give us some
insight into the medieval liturgy as practiced
and tell us that it
was done with
solemnity and considerable expense. The com~
bination of French and Spanish
within a single rite gives it
a uniq~e character. While this
that of Toledo exhibited
some influence from Cluniac or other French sources, the results
were different in both cases so that the Salamancan liturgy as a
whole is distinctive. The rhymed Mass chants for st. Barbara in
ms. 10 the rhymed Gaude mater ecclesia office for the Conception
of the Virgin in ms. 7 and the four unique responsories for the office of the Invention of the Holy
in ms. 8 remind us that the
cathedral of Salamanca not only celebrated Mass and office with
great solemnity but also preserved interesting musical pieces for
posterity,
Despite their obvious limitations, these Salamancan choirbooks
give us at least some
of
richness and beauty of their medieval liturgical tradition and of the significant contribution they made
to the spiritual life of the Middle Ages. They also remind us of the
wealth of liturgical materials in Spanish and other archives whose
study yields precious information and contributes to our understanding of the medieval liturgy,
l

24

James J. Boyce

Table 1. The liturgical contents of mss. 7 and 8


SALAMANCA, ARCHIVO DE LA CATEDRAL, MS. 7

f. 1
f. 4, 6
f. 18v
f. 31
f. 34v
f. 39, 42-47

All Saints
Missing
Dedication of a Church
Missing
St. Martin
Missing
f. 54
St. Cecilia
f. 62-66,69-70 Missing
f.72v
St. Clement
f. 79
St. Andrew
f. 86, 95-96 Missing
f. 98
Conception of B.VM. [rhymed office]
f. 117
St. Lucy
f. 124v
Additamenta or Added chants
f. 124v
End of manuscript
SALAMANCA, ARCHIVIO DE LA CATBDRAL , MS.

f. 1
f.2
f. 14v
f. 18
f. 34
f. 34v
f. 73
f. 95
f. 96-104
f. 105
f. 119
f. 138
f. 139v
f. 141

Missing
Pro defunctis
St5. Philip & James
Finding of Holy Cross
St. John Before the Latin Gate
Apparition of St. Michael
Birth of St. John the Baptist
Sts. John and Paul
Missing
St8. Peter and Paul
[Commemoration of) St. Paul
St. Peter in Chains
Sts. Peter and Paul
Conversion of S1. Paul

f. 142v
f. 142v

Chair of St. Peter


End of manuscript (abrupt)

Nov. 1

Nov. 11
Nov. 22
Nov. 23
Nov. 30
Dec. 8
Dec. 13

May
May
May
May
June
June

1
3
6
8
24
26

June 29
June 30
August 1
June 29
Jan. 25
Feb. 22

25

NEWlYDISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS ...

Table 2.
The saints venerated in the Salamanca liturgy
FEAST

MS.:FoLlo

DATE

St. Felix
St. Hilary
St. Anthony abbot
SL Prisca
Sts. Fabian & Sebastian
St. Agnes
St. lldefonsus
Conversion of St. Paul
St. Agnes second

Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.

14
14
17
18
20
21
23
28

1:8; 10:11
10:12
1:12; 8:141
10:12

Purification of B.V.M.
St. Blaise
St. Agatha
St. Scholastica
Chair of SL Peter
St. Leander, b & d

Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.

2
3
5
10
22
27

1:14v
1:17
10:12
10:14v
1:19; 8:142v
10:14v

St. Gregory pope


St. Gabriel archangel
St. Joseph
St. Benedict abbot
Annuncation B.V.M.

Mar.
Mar.
Mar.
Mar.
Mar.

12
18
19
21
25

lO:14v
1:23v
1:25v
10: 14v
1:27

Isidore, b & d
George, martyr
Mark
Eutropius

Apr.
Apr.
ApT.
Apr.

4
23
25
30

10:14v
1:29v
8:13
1:31v

St.
St.
St.
St.

Sts. Philip and James


St. Athanasius
St. Helen

25

May 1
May 2
May 3

10:9
10:10v
1:3
10:10v
1:5v

8:14v
10: 14v
1:20v

James J. Boyce

26

FEAST

Ms.:FoLIO

DATE

Invention of Holy Cross


St. John before Latin Gate
Apparition of St. Michael Archangel
Translation of St. Jerome
Si. Gregory pope
St. Potentiana
S1. Baudulus martyr

?
May 12
May 19
May 20

St. Barnabas
St. Marina virgin
St. John the Baptist
Sts. John & Paul
Sts. Peter and Paul
St. Paul
St. Martial

June 11
June 18
June 24
June 26
June 29
June 30
June 30

1:33
1:47
1:38; 8:73
8:95
1:40, 92v; 8: 105
8:119
10:l4v

Visitation
Translation of St. Martin
Thanslation of St. Benedict
St. Margaret, v & ID
St5. Justa and Rufina
St. Praxedis
St. Mary Magdalene
St. James
St. Anne
St. Martha, virgin
Sts. Abdon & Sennen

July 2
July 4
July 11
July 13
July 19
July 21
June 22
July 25
July 26
July 29
July 30

lA2v
10:14v
lO:14v
1:45v
10; 14v
10: 14v
1:48
1:49v
1:50v
1:51v
1:51v

St. Peter in Chains


Our Lady of the Snows
St. Lawrence
Assumption B.V.M.
St. Rochius, ffi.

Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.

8:138
1:53
1:87v
1:55
2:11v

May 3
May 6
May 8

1
5
10
15
16

8:18
1:31v; 8:34
8:34v
8:50v
1:22

10:14v
1:31v; 2:6v

'

..

27

NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS ...

FEAST

DATE

MS.:FoLlo

St. Bartholomew
St. Augustine
Beheading of St. John

Aug. 24
Aug. 28
Aug. 29

1:55v
1:56
1:57v

Nativity of B.V.M.
Exaltation of Holy Cross
Sts. Cornelius & Cyprian
St. Eufemia, v.
St. Michael archangel
St. Jerome t priest
Sts. Vincent & Sabina, m.

Sept. 8
Sept. 14
Sept. 16
Sept. 16
Sept. 29
Sept. 30
Sept. 30

1:58
1:59
1:62
10:14v
1:63v
1:64
1:64

St. Frands: rhymed alleluya

Oct. 4

1:88

All Saints
St. Martin, bishop
Presentation B.V.M.
St. Cecilia
St. Clement
st. Catherine, virgin
St. Andrew

Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.

1
11
21
22
23
25
30

7:1
1:66; 7:34v
1:66v
7:54
7:72v
1:67
1:68; 7:79

St. Barbara
St. Nicholas
Conception B. V.M.
St. Leocadia
St. Eulalia
St. Damasus
St. Luey
Translation of St. Isidore
St. Sylvester

Dec. 4
Dec. 6
Dec. 8
Dec. 9
Dec. 10
Dec. 11
Dec. 13

1:69; 10:1v
10:8
1:73v; 7:98
10:8
10:8
10:8
10:8; 7:117
10:9
10:9

Dec. 31

28

James J. Boyce

Table 3.
The great responsories for the feast of the
Invention of the Holy Cross in ms. 8
INclPIT
l. R.

V.

2. R.
V.
3. R.
V.
4. R.

V.
5. R.

V.
6. R.
V.
7 . R.

V.
8. R.
V.

Gloriosum diem sacra


In ligno pendens
Crux fide lis inter omnes
Super omnia ligna cedrorum
Haec est arbor dignissima
Crux pecellenti
Nos autem gloriari oportef
Tham crucem ado ramus Domine
Dum sacrum pignum celitus
Ad crucis contactum resurgent
Hoc signum crucis
Cum sederit filius hominis
Dulce lignum dulces clavos
Hoc signum crucis
Sicut Moyses exaltavit
Commisit Deus (ilium suum

CAO

6351
6351

7238

6845
6845
6530

6530a

Cantus Planus 1998 -/'. Esztergom 8: Visegrad

29

ZUR FRAGE DES ENTSTEHUNGS UND


VERWENDUNGSKONTEXTES
VON CODEX MR 70 DER ZAGREBER
METROPOLITANBIBLIOTHEK

Hana Breko

Gegenstand der folgenden Beobachtungen sind die wichtigsten Ergebnisse einer repertoiregeschichtlichen Untersuchung des Enstehungs- und Verwendungskontextes einer bislang nicht genauer untersuchten Handschrift, des Codex MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbibliothek. I
Dieses mittelalterliche Gesangbuch aus dem Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts, ein Missale mit Notation, wurde in der vierzig.en Jahren
zum ersten mal Thema der liturgischen und musikhistorischen Forschung, als Dragutin Kniewald eine kurze Beschreibung seines Inhalts gab. z Eine spatere Studie der Handschdft, unternommen von
Janka Szendrei im Rahmen ihrer Forschungen zu den deutschen
Neumenschriften in Ungarn,3 beruhrt nur ihre Notation. Zu dieser
- eine Probe ist in der Abbildung vorgelegt - schreibt J. Szendrei:
"Das Missale N otatum 'Von Zagreb wurde in einem deutschen ScripI Bine umfassende Untersuchung dieser liturgischen Musikhandschrift war der
Gegenstand meiner Magisterarbeit. Der Tite} dieser Arbeit, die im Februar 1998 an
der Musikakademie der Universitat Zagreb vorgelegt wurde, ist: Misal MR 70 za
grebacke Metropolitane, Kontekst nastanka i primjene srednjovjekovnoga glazbenoga ru-

kopisa (Das Missale MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbib1iothek, Untersuchungen zum


Entstehungs- und Verwendungskontext einer mitlelalterlichen Musikhandschrift).
Z Vg!. Dragutin Kniewald, "Zagreba~ki liturgijski kodeksi XL-XV. stoljeea. Codices liturgici manuscripti zagrabiensis a sae.culo XI. usque ad finem s. XV.", Croatia
sacra, Bd. 10 IZagreb, 1940), S. 33-6, Dragutin Kniewald, ,.Iluminacija i notacija za
grebakih liturgijskih rukopisa", Rad HAZU, Bd. 279 (Zagreb, 1944), S. 26-36 .
J Siehe die Beschreibung der einzelnen Neumenzeichen aus dem Missale MR 70
in Janka Szendrei, ~K6zepkori hangjegyfrasok Magyarorszagon~ L,Mittelalterliche
Choralnotation in Ungarn"). Ml1helytanulmanyok a magyar zenetortenethez, Bd. 4 (Budapest, 1983), S. 108-12.

Hana Breko

30

toriurn gefertigt; es ist kennzeichend, dass seine Zagreber Erganzungsnoten (13. Jahrhundert!) bereits von ungarischer Notation
sind u. 4 Gerade dieser Befund weist auf einen signifikanten Aspekt
der Handschrift MR 70 hin; namlich auf die Verschiedenheit 00schen ihrem Enstehungs- und ihrem Verwendungbereich. Das Missale MR 70 enthalt sowohl den normativen und weithin einheitlichen Primarbestand liturgischer Musik seines deutschsprachigen
Enstehungsbereiches, als auch Repertoirebesonderheiten seines Verwendungsortes und vielleicht Bestimmungsortes, die aus einer Zagreber Perspektive interessant sind. Die schon erwahnten marginalen Zusatze der Handschrift MR 70 sind zusammen mit dem heute
in Gussing befindlichen altesten Zagreber Missale 5 mit Liniennotation des IIGraner 1YPus'I,6 ein zentrales Dokument der Formierungsphase eines lokalen Zagreber Ritus eigenen Profils im Rahmen des
ungarischen Ritus 7 der Erzdiozese Kalocsa, deren Suffragan das Bistum Zagreb ab dem Jahr 1180 war.8
Hier werde ich nur die charakteristischen lokalen Nachtrlige erwahnen, die eine Adaption des imporierten Gesangbuches an die
Zagreber Praxis beweisen. 9 Zu den wichtigsten regionalen Besonderheiten im Temporalteil geh6rt der 1ractus Rex regum (Folio 52)
den man nur /lin den ungarischen (diozesanischen) Quellen ab dem
l

Ibid., S. 192.
Zum altesten Zagreber Missale siehe zuletzt Uszl6 Dobszay, "ArpAd-kori kottiis
misek5nyvlink provenienciaja", Znetudomanyi DoIgozatok (Budapest, 1984), S. 7-12.
6 Vg!. ]anka Szendrei, HDie Geschichte der Gl'aner Choralnotation", Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 30 (Budapest, 1988)1 S. 5-234.
7 Zu den Quellen des mittelalterlichen ungarischen Ritus siehe Lasz16 Dobszay,
nP1ainchant in Medieval Hungary", Journal of the Plainsong and Medieval Music Society, Bd. 13 (1990), S. 49-78, Usz16 Dobszay, "The System of the Hungarian Plainsong Sources", Studia musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 27 (Budapest,
1985), S. 37-65.
8 Zur Geschichte des Zagreber Bistums siehe: Baltazar Adam Kroolic, Historia
rum cathedralis ecclesiae zagrabiensi3 partis primae tomus prim us (Zagrabiae, 1770),
Gyorgy Gyorffy, .,Zur Frage deI Griindung des Bistums von Zagreb", Zagreoocka
biskupija i ~eb 1094.-1994. Hrsg. Antun ~kvor~vit 'Zagreb, 1995), S. 103-7, Nada Klai~, Zagreb u srednjem vijeku (Zagreb, 1982).
9 Ein umfassender Kommentar aller margina.len Zusatze des ThmpQral und des
Sanktoralteils des Codex MR 70 siehe in meiner Magisterarbiet, S. 70~80.
4

ZUR FRAGE DES ENTSTEHUNGS UNO VERWENDUNGSKONTEXTES...

31

AbbilduD.g 1.
Mis.sale MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbibliothek, Fol. ~ 1v

1-

\
!

32

Hana Breko

13. ]h. fmdetll.10 Zu den Nachtragen im Sanktoralteil gehor'e n drei

rur die ungarische liturgische Praxis typischen Gebete am Rand von


Folio 204 die neben dem Fest des HI. Thomas. eingetragen sind.
Dessen Verehrung, so schreibt Rajeczky, hegann in Esztergom "an
der Wende d~s 12. Jahrhunderts aufgrund personlicher Beziehungen von Lukacs, der spater Erzbischof von Esztergom war, und deIh
jungen Thomas Becket, die zusammen an der Universitat Paris die
Studien absolvierten ".11 Am Rand von Folio 233, nach der Rubrik De
sancta Ladislaa rege, sind drei Gehete nachgetragen, eine oratio collecta mit dem IncipitDeus qui beatum Ladislaum, oratio secreta Hostias pie placationis und oratio post communionem Sacramenta domine zum Fest der Elevatio Ladislai regis, am 27. Juni. Der Heilige Ladislaus war der ungarische Konig, der im Jahr 1094 das Bistum Zagreh gegriindet hat. 12 Ein charakteristischer lokaler Sanktoralnachtrag steht am Rand von Fo~io 238 und weist aui das Fest der Elevatio
Stephani regis hin: drei Gebete - die oratio collecta Deus qui beatum
Stephanum, die oratio secreta Sacrificium quod und There quesumus
sowie der Alleluiavers. Sancte rex Stephane, succure nobis, tuis devotis
famulis ... am Ende. Der HI. Stephanus war ungarischer Konig und
Schutzpatron der Diozese Zagreb. 13 Im 13. Jh. war Stephanus n.
Zagreber Bischof.
Am 'Rand von Folio 308 ist das sogenannte Gebet A cunctis nachgetragen. In diesem Gebet, das aus dem 13. ]h. stammt, und das,
Lasz16 Dobszay zufolge zur einer Gruppe von Votivgebeten gehort, 14
inkorporiert man nach der Namen von Paulus und Petrus am haufigsten den Namen der Schutzpatrone der Diozese. Zagreber MeB-

Vgl. Janka Szendrei, "Graduale Strigoniense Is. XV/XVW, Musicalia Danubiana, Bd, .12 (Budapest, 1993), S. 126.
U
It Vg1. Benjamin Rajeczky, 11 Th.e Memory of Thomas B@cket , Kommentartext
zum Compact Disk rnit der AufnahIlle des Offiziums ,zum Fest des HI. Thomas
Becket, Hungaroton, HeD 12458-2.
lZ Das Fest des Heiligen Ladislaus (Elevatio), gefeiert am 27. Juni. gehort zu den
typi.schen ungarischen Festen. Vgl. dazu Polycarpus Rad6, Libri liturgici manuscripti
bibliothecanlm Hungariae et limitropharum regionum (Budape'st, 1973j. S. 17.
13 VgI. 1
'b'd
1
14 Vgl. Lasz16 Dobszay... A.rpad-kori kottas ... u, S. 10.
10

ZUR fRAGE DES ENTSTEHUNGS UND VERWENDUNGSKONTEXTES...

33

Abblldung 2. Missale MR 70 der Zagreber


Metropolitanbibliothek, Fol. 340/ mit "Graner Notation" nachgetragene Sanctus-Melodie

,
11

34

Hana Breko

bucher, so schreibt Dobszay, "schlie~en im Gebet A cunctis nach


dem Name von Stephanus, die Namen der zwei Patrone ~ Emericus
und Ladislaus ein u. 15 Das nachgetragene A cuntis Gebet auf Folio
308v lautet: "Beatis apostolis tuis Petro et Paulo, confessoris tuis Stephanus, Emericus et Ladislai et omnibus sanctorum, salute nobis ... Bin
we iter marginal er Zusatz ist auf Folio 250 eingetragen, die Rubrik
De sancta Leonardo, gefolgt von alIen Propriumsgesangen fUr das
Fest des Heiligen Leonardus: IN Os lUSti, GR 0 quam, ALL. 0 beate
Leonarde, OF. Ventas mea. Der Name des HI. Leonardus ist mit Majuskelbuchstaben auch noch auf weiteren BiEi4:teren von MR 70
nachgetragen. 16 Dieser Nachtrag erscheint mir deshalb wichtig, weil
er indirekt auf den Verwendungsort der Handschrift im mittelalterlichen Zagreb hinweist. Einer Beschreibung des Codex MR 70 aus
dem Jahre 1876, die ich im Staatsarchiv Zagreb gefunden habe,I7 ist
zu entnehmen, da~ auf dem alten Holzdeckel (17. ]h.) dieses Buches
der Besitzvennerk "Liber Hospitij Sanctae Elisabeth" zu lesen war. IS
Den Angaben aus dem Jahr 1377 nach gab es auf dem Zagreber Kapitol vier Hospitze. Das Hospitz der HI. Elisabeth, das alteste der
vier, befand sich in area capitulari in der Nahe von Kathedrale. 19 Es
ist nicht bekannt, wann clieses Hospitz erbaU!t wurde, da seine erste
EIWahnung erst im Jahr 1357 zu finden ist. Fur dile Geschichte unserer Handschrift ist wichtig, da~ das Hospitz der HI. Elisabeth (das
im Jahre 1527 zerstort wurde) "eine eig.e ne Kapelle und Kirehe, die
wahrscheinlich der H1. Elisabeth geweiht war" ,20 hatte. Im Jahre
1512 wurde ein Inventar der Besitztiimer des Hospitzes z~sammen
gestellt, aus dem zu erkennen ist, d~ diese Kapelle "drei auf PergaII.

15

Ibid.

16

ZUIn Fest des Heligen Leonardus siehe zuletzt Andelko Badurina, Leksikon iho-

nografije, liturgihe i simbolik.e zapadnog krscanstva (Zagreb, 1990), S. 376-7.


17 Vg!. Staatsarchiv Zagreb, Faszikel Sign. 445, vier Blatter mit der Bescmeibung
der Handschrift MR 70. In dieser auf Deutsch geschriebenen Beschreibung zitiert
der Zagreber Historiker Ivan Tka16c eine alte Signatur der Handschrift: 28. col.
5/314. Die Analecta hymnic8, Bd. 37, S. 199-200 behalten diese alte Signatur der
Hands ch rift MR 70 bei.
18 Siehe hierzu Dragutin Kniewald, HZagreba~ld liturgijski kodeksi. .. ", S. 36.
19 Vg!. Nada Klaic, Zagreb u srednjem ... , S. 293-5.
20 Ibid., S. 295.

ZUR FRAGE DES ENTSTEHUNGS UNO VERWENOUNGSKONTEXTES...

35

ment geschriebene Missale und zwei Breviere besessen hat".21 Konnte nicht das Missale MR 70 eines dieser drei im Inventar erwahnten
MeLt,bucher aus dem Hospitz der Heligen Elisabeth gewesen sein,
und sind seine charakteristischen Zagreber Nachtrage, besonders eine mehrmals in Majuskel nachgetragene "Anrufung des Leonardus", nicht ein Indiz dafiir, daB die Bestimmungs- bzw. Verwendungslokalitat der Handschrift MR 70 im mittelalterlichen Zagreb
gerade die Kapelle oder die Kirche der HI. Elisabeth war? Soviel
zum Verwendungskontext dieser Handschrift.
Meine Untersuchung des Entstehungkontextes beginnt mit einer
repertoiregeschichtlichen Analyse eines besonders signifikanten,
weil stark individuell gepragten, Repertoireausschnittes, namlich
mit der des Sequenzen-Bestandes. Dieser la~t, wie ich an anderer
Stelle gezeigt habe,22 einige wichtige Zusammenhange mit dem Sequenzenrepertoire des zentralen Slowenien erkennen. Ich erwahne
nur die wichtigsten Beobachtungen zum Sequenzenrepertoire, die
sich aus der Analyse einer Gruppe von 12 "besonderen Sequenzen u ,
vorgelegt in der Thbelle 1 (siehe S. 41), ergeben: "Der Sequentiarteil
von MR 70 bietet ein typisches siiddeutsches Repertoire des 12. und
des 13. Jahrhunderts. Dies bestiitigt -auch das Vorkommen der folgenden Sequenzen: (1) der Kunigunde-Sequenz Jubilemus deo, die in
Aquileia und in Italien unbekannt ist, (2) der Georgius-Sequenz Hoc
in natalitio, die seit dem 12. Jh. in suddeutschen RaUffi, im Erzbistum Salzburg und im mittelalterlichen slowenischen Raum sehr
verbreitet ist, (3) der Afra-Sequenz Grates deo et hon0r, die im Erzbistum Salzburg entstanden und nach Cividale iiberliefert ist, (4) der
Nicolaus-Sequenz Laude Christo debita, die osterreichischer bzw. Augustinischer Herkunft ist, (5) der Blasius-Sequenz Sanetorum vita,
die nur im siiddeutschen Raum und iD Slowenien Aufnahme gefunden hat, und 16) der Sequenz Rex deu$ dei agne, die im deutschspraZur der Geschichte des Zagreber Elisabeth-Hospitz siehe Janko Barle, nNekadanja ubofuica sv. Blizabete u Zagrebu", Vjesnik ZemaJjskog Arhiva (Zagreb, 1913),
21

S.73-4.

Vgl. Hana Breko, nDas Missale MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbibliothek Untersuchungen zum Entstehungskontext ll , Medieval Music in Slovenia and its European Connections, Proceedings from the International Symposium, Ljubljana, June 19t1t
and 2(jh 1997, Hrsg. Jurij Snoj (Ljubljana, 1998), S. 133-44.
22

36

Hana Breko

chigen Raum iibeliefert ist und in Aquileia unbekannt bleibt. 1123 Die
'Th.tsache, daB in diesem Teil des Sequenzenrepertoires erne Uberlagerung van zwei Thaditionen, einer Salzburgischen und einer Aquileischen zu erkennen ist, entspricht dem Befund, der rur das Sequenzrepertoire aus dem zentralen Slowenien charakteristisch ist.
Das Sequenzenrepertoire dieses Gebietes hat Janez Hof1er so beschrieben: "Though the surviving sources are for the greater part
fragmentary it is possible to establish that the influences from Salzburg and Aquileia contributed to the formation of the sequencer of
central Slovenia. However, the influences from the north played a
stronger part in this development. 1124
"Das Vorkommen der beiden Sequenzen Quem invisibiliter und Attolamus in hac die, die auBer in MR 70 nur noch in Ungarn und in
B6hmen iiberliefert worden sind, schlieBt nun freilich die MogHchkeit einer Ubereinstimmung von Entstehung.s- und Verwendungskontext, die Moglichkeit also, daB MR 70 in Zagreb selbst entstanden ist.
Die Analyse des Sequenzenrepertoires erlaubt 'drei Annahmen:
n(l) Das Missale ist irgendwo Un Siiden des deutschsprachigen
Raums, bzw. in der Di6zese Salzburg entstanden; (2) es konnte aus
dem mittelalterlichen slowenischen Raum kommen, nam1ich aus einer Enklave der Erzdiozese Salzburg in diesem Berekh; j3) das Missale konnte in der mittelalterl!.ichen Diozese Zagreb, vor dem 14.
Jahrhundert, entstanden sein. n2S
Hinsichtlich der Ordinariums-Melodilen bietet das Repertoire von
MR 70 ein typisch suddeutsches Bild, da aUe Melodien uberall im
Uberlieferungskreis der Salzburger Diozese bekannt waren.26
Angesichts dieses uneindeutigen Befundes wenden wir uns nun,
mit der Erwartung eine Entscheidung zwischen den drei erwogenen
Moglichekeiten treffen zu konnen, den charakteristischen AlleluiaIbid., S. 140.
24 Siehe daw Janez H6fler,
HRekonstrukcija srednjeve~kega sekvencijara v
osrednji Slovenijj", Muzikoloski zbornik, MUsicological Annual, Bd. III (Ljubljana,
1967\, S. 5-16.
as Vg!. Hana Breko, "Das Missale MR 70 ... S. 140-1.
26 Die vergleichenden 18beUen der Ordinariumsmelodien def Handschrift MR
70 und die Kreise ihrcr Uberlieferung siehe in meiner Magisterarbeit, S. 32-46.
2:J

N,

ZUR FRAGE DES ENTSTEHUNGS UNO VERWENDUNGSKONTEXTES...

37

Versen zu. Dabei zeigen sich schon beim Vergleich der Reihe der AIleluia-Verse der Sonntage nach Pfingsten einige Schwierigkeiten. Eine Liste dieser Alleluiareihen ist in Thbelle 2 vorgelegt Isiehe S. 42).
Versucht man, diese Reihe mit den Reihen anderer suddeutschen
Quellen zu vergleichen,27 ergibt sich auf den ersten Blick folgende
Beobachtung: Die Serie ist singular. David Hiley hat mir aufgrund
von ihm zusammengestellter A11eluia-Listen, sowie von Alleluialisten Jeremy Nobles freundlicherweise folgende umfassende Auskunft gegeben: Die Reihe beginnt wie viele anderen Quellen aus
dem suddeutschsprachigen und zentraleuropaischen Raum. Die
groite Ubereinstimmung - 20 van 22 Versen - zeigt die Reihe von
MR 70 mit den Handschriften Salzburg, st. Peter a. IX. 11 und Udine 93. Dabei fehlen die Verse Letatus sum + Stantes erant pedes in
diesen Bereichen ganzlich. Man findet sie, z.B. in der Handschriften
der Regensburger Kathedrale. Eine, nicht weniger interessante, lonkordanz (19 von 22 Versen) mit der Reihe von MR 70 ergibt ein Vergleich roit den Alleluia-Reihen der Handschriften, die den Augustiner Chorherren in Osterreich (Im it Substitution von Qui timent do~
minum und Letatus sum + Stantes erant pedes) gehoren. Aus dies em
Vergleich konnen wir vorlaufig schliei\en, daf> die Allel~ia~Reihe
von MR 70 osterreichischen Reihen der Erzdiozese Salzburg nahesteht.
Einen letzten, und wohl entscheidenden Hinweis erbringt der
Vergleich der Alleluia-Verse der Sonntage nach Ostern. Er ist besonders aussagekraftig, weil er nicht nur neue Erkentnisse liber den
moglichen Enstehungskontext erbringt, sondem auch auf eine bislang unerkannte Spuren einer friihern norditalienischen S-chicht in
den ungarischen Quellen hinweist. An anderer Stelle habe ich diese
Nord-italienisch-ungarische Beziehung auf der Basis- der AlleluiaVerse Modicum, Vado und Usquemodo Uberlieferung dargelegt 28
Deshalb darf ich mich hier auf die Bedeutung dieses Befunds fUr
I

Siehe die Thbellen in meiner Magisterarbeit, S. 48-64.


Siehe hierzu meinen Artikel, The North Italian Influences In the Hungarian
Plainchant Sources u , Medireval Music Cultures of the Adriatic Region, Pa~rs Read at
the International Musicological Syposium, Split, Ma)' 21"-24,h, 1997, Hrsg. Stanislav
Thksar (Zagreb, 2000), S. 215-39.
27

28

38

Hana Breko

den Entstehungskontext von MR 70 konzentrieren. DaB die AlleluiaVerse fur den IlL, IV., und V. Sonntag nach Ostern - Modicum et
non videbitis, Vado ad eum, Usquemodo non petistis erne besondere
Gruppe rur sich bilden, hat schon Kad Reinerth bemerkt. 29 Er betont ihre stabile Uberlieferung in Osteuropa, Schlesien, Polen, Ungarn und im Ritus des Zisterzienser- und des Deut.schen Ritterordens. Heinrich Husmann stdlte ihre Uberlieferung in Frankreich
und Norditalien fest.3D Janka Szendrei hat eine stabile Uberlieferung
der Gruppe in den ungarischen (darunter auch Zagreber) Quellen
gezeigt.31 Jurij Snoj diskutiert ihre Prasenz in den mittelalterlichen
QueIlen aus Slowenien.32 Raffaella Camilot~Oswalds Untersuchung
der Quellen van Aquileia und Cividale beweist erne stabile und feste Uberlieferung dieser Allduia-Gruppe innerhalb der Quellen des
Patriarchats. 33
Signifikatersweise sind die Versen Modicum et non videbitis, Vado
ad eum, Usquemodo non petistis, in den Quel1en des deutschspra.chigen Raums ganzlich unbekannt.
Was die Quellen lhres Uberlieferungskreises unterscheidet, ist
der 'text des Verses Vado ad eum und die Melorue die sie benutzen.
Thbelle 3 (siehe S. 43) zeigt die QueUen und die 'Iraditionen, denen
sie entstammen. Sie hrssen sich in zwei Gruppen aufteilen: eine
Gruppe reprasentieren die Quellen aus Sudfrankreich(Aquitanien),
Siiditalien (Benevento) und die Quellen der Dominikaner. Diese
Quellen haben verschiedene Me10dien zu Modicum, Vado und Usquemodo. Demgegeniiber gehoren die Quellen aus Norditalien,
29 Vg!. hierzu Karl Reinerth, Das Heltauer Missale, Eine Brocke zum Lande der Sie
benbiirber Sachsen IKoln, 1963), S. 36-7 und Karl Reinerth. Missale Cib.iniense, Gestalt, Ursprung und Entwicklung des. Me{3ritus der siebenburgisch-stichischen Kirche
im Mittelalter (Ki:>ln, 1972), S. 192.
30 Vgl. Heinrich Husmann, "Zur Gescruchte der Me/Uiturgie von Sitten und iibeF
wen Zusammenhang mit Liturgien von Einsiedeln. Lausanne und Genf Archiv
{Ur Musikwissenschaft. XXII 11965), S. 23'6.
31 VgL j anka Szendrei, nGraduale Strigoniense ... n, S. 126-40.
3l VgI. Jurij Snoj, "Aleluje Velikono~nega ~asa v Ijuhljanskih srednjeve~kih roko
pisihM. Muzikoloshi zbo'nzih., Musicological Annual XXIII (Ljubljana, 1987). S. 37.
3J Vgl. Raffaella Camilot-Oswald, HDie liturgischen Musikhandschriften aus dem
mittelalterlichen Patriarchat Aquileia", Thilband 1, M071umenta monodiea medii aevi.
Subsidia, Band n IKassei, 1997), S. LXXVI.
N

ZUR FRAGE DES ENTSTEHUNGS UND VERWENDUNGSKONTEXTES...

39

Aquileia, Cividale, Ungarn, Osteuropa und die Fragmente der Codices aus dem mittelalterlichen slowenischen Raum, zur Gruppe, die
fUr alle drei Verse die selbe Melodie (Schlager ThK 38) benutzen,
namlich die des Alleluia Verses Justus ut palma. Zu dieser Gruppe
gehort auch MR 70. Die Thtsache, da~ Modicum, Vado und Usquemodo auch in den GradualFragmenten aus Kamnik und Nazarje in
Slowenien/ 34 sowie in einem Fragment aus Ljuhljana zu finden
sind,35 und zwar auf die Justus ut palmaMelodie, und da~ die se
Gruppe, wie Jurij Snoj gezeigt hat, auch im Gradualfragment des
Historischen Archivs Ljubljana, Sadnikar, Mappe 2, enthalten ist,36
erbringt einen wohl entscheidenden Befund': Codex MR 70 zeigt in
diesem signifikanten Alleluia-Repertoire-Ausschnit/ genauso wie in
seine m Sequenzenbestand, eine weitgehende Ubereinstimmung mit
der slowenischen Tradition. 31
Ein kurzer Exkurs iiber diese slowenische 1radition: Die kirchlichen Gebiete in Slowenien gehorten im Mittelalter zum Erzbistum
Salzburg und zum Patriarchat Aquileia. Die Grenze war ab dem
Jahr Bl1 der Flu~ Drau. 38 Slowenien grenzte in Osten an Ungarh
34 Vgl. die Fragmente des selben Graduals in: Kamnik, BibliCi>thek des Franzis
kanerklosters und Nazarje, Bibliothek des Franziskanerklosters jins Gesamt 20 Fo
lios). Zu diesen Fragmenten siehe zuletzt Jurij Snoj, Medieval Music Codices, A Selection of Representative Samples from Slovene .Libraries (Ljubljana, 1997), S. 26-9.
35 Fragment eines Graduals in Ljubljana, Archlv Sloweniens, SaID. A I. fast. 6,
Reg. 1618-1622- Vgl. Jurij Snoj, nAleluje ... ", S. 23-4.
36 Vgl. Jurij Snoj . .,Aleluje ... ", S. 36.
37 Zu den mittelalterlichen Quellen zur Musik Jl'-1~ Slowenien siehe Milko Kos,
Srednjeveski rokopisi v Sloveniji (Ljubljana, 1931); Janez Hofler, nStareja gregori
janika v Ijuhljanskih knjifnicah in arhivih" (NThe Oldest Plainchant Sources in the
Ljubljana Libraries and Archives"), Kronika 13 (Ljuhljana, 1965); Jurij Snoj, .,Fragmenti srednjeve~kih koralnih rokopisov s poznogotsko notacijo v Ljuhljani", Dissertation (UniversWit Ljuhljana, 1987); Jurij Snoj, "Historical Mq.sieo10'gY on Medieval
Music Manuscripts in Slovene Libraries~, Medieval Mwic -in Slo'Venia and its Eure
pean Connections, Proceedings from the International Symposium, Ljub~anal June 1911
and 2(Jh 1997, Hrsg. Jurij Snoj 'Ljubljana. 1998'1, S. 15- 27; Jurij Snej, "Italian Influences in the Medieval Plainchant Manuscripts from Slevenia ll , MMilBval Music Cultures of the Adriatic Region ... , S. 275-84.
H
38 Siehe hierzu Jofe Mlinari~, HCerkev na Slovenskem v srednjem veku
("Die
Kirche in Slowenien im Mittelalter"l, Zgodo))ina cerkve na Slovenskem (Celje, 1991),
S. 61-93. Zur Geschichte der einzelnen Orden im m ittelalterlichen sloweniSGhen

40

Hana Breko

(bzw. an Erzbisrumer Kalocsa und Esztergom l und an Bistum Zagreb). Konnte gerade dieses Gebiet eine mogliche 'Iransitzone g'ewesen seinl das iiberlieferungsgeschichtliche Bindeglied zwischen dem
norditalienischen und dem osteuropaischen (ungarischen) Repertoire?
Auf der Basis der vorgelegten Beobachtungen diirfen WIT eine
Uberlagerung der zwei Traditionen der Aquielischen und! der Salzburgischen im Sequenzenrepertoire des mitttealterlichen Slowenien
und eine konkrete Ubereinstimmung im Alleluia-Reperlorre feststellen. Da~ lIthe influences from the north played a stronger part" wie
Janez Hofler schreibt,39 kann damit erkHirt werden, daB geraqe in
der Zeitspanne von 11. bis 13. Jahrhundert das aquileiscbe Repertoire selbst unter "der EinfluB aus dem Norden" standi dank der
Thtsache da~ "zweihundert Jame lang, zwischen dem 11. und 13.
Jahrhundert alle Patriarchen von Aquileia deutscher Herkunft waren". Dies hat unlangst Raffaella CarnilotOswald bestatigt.40
Als Schlu~bilanzl wohl wissend dai dies nur eine der moglichen
Interpretationen ist l darf festgehalten werden: Das Missale MR 70
kommt wahrscheinlich aus dem mittelalterHchen slowenischen
Raum namlich aus einer Enklave der Erzdiozese Salzburg in diesem
Bereich. In der Kapelle oder Kirche der HI. Elisabeth in Zagreb
wurde es an den dortigen "ritus et consuetudo almae ecclesiae zagrabiensisl'41 adaptiert und fUr die Feier der Messe benutzt.
I

Raum siehe mletzt France Martin Dol.inar, nSvetne in redovne k1er~ke skupnosti v
srednjem veku na Slovenskem" (wSecular and monastic Clerical Communities in the
Middle Ages on Slovenian 'ThnitoryUI'I Medieval Music in Slovenia a1zd its European

Connections, Proceedings from the Internation.al Symposium, Lfublja.na, Jun.e 19lt and
2(fb 1997, fusg. Jurij Snoj (Ljubljana, 1998), S. 29-39.
39 Vgl. Janez Hofier, "Rekon"Strukcija ..... , S. 15.
40 Vg}. RaffaeUa Camilot-Oswald
"Die liturgischen Musikhandschriften .. ... ,
S. XXVIII.
4\ Vgl. Dragutin Kniewald, .. numinacija .. !, S. 6.
j

Tabelle 1.
"Besondere Sequenzen"
MR70

RUBRIK

Rex Deus dei agne


Serpens antiquus
Stirpe Maria regia
Attollamus in hac die
Laude Christo debita
Grates deo et honor
Jubilemus deo
Quem invisihiliter
Gratulare sponsa Christi

Dom. post. Pascha


Crux
Nativitas BMV
Katharina
Nicolaus
Mra
Kunigunde
Confessor
Comm. unius Conf.

Hoc in natalitio
Sanctorum vita
Psallite r:egi nomo

Georgius
BIasius
Iohannes baptista

AQua.ElA

Crv rDA LE

SLOWENIEN

+
+
+

SUDDEUTSCHER RAUM

OST~ BOHMEN,

(DIOZESE SALZBURG J

UN GA RN

+
+
+
+
+
+

+
+

+
+
+

+
+B6hmen
+ Bohmen

+ Ungarn
+ Deutsche
Herren
+

Tabelle 2. Missale MR 70, Reihe der Alleluiaversen fur die Sonntage nach Pfingsten
DOMlNICA

1.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

9.
10.

It.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.

18.
19.

QUELLEN DER OSTERREICHrSCHEN AUGUSTINERCHORHERREN

(ST . POLTEN, ST.

MR 70

F LORIAN, SECKAU) UND DIE KATHEDRALE IN SALZBURG

Domine deus meus


Deus iudex iustus
Diligam te domine
Domine in virtute tua
In te domine speravi
Omnes gentes
Eripe me de inimicis
Te decet hymnus + Replebimur
Attendite popu/e meus
Exultate deo
Domine deus salutis
Domine refugium factus es
Venite exultemus
Quoniam deus magnus
Paratum cor meum
In exitu israhel
Dilexi quoniam
Laudate dominum
Dextera dei

Domine deus meus


Deus iudex iustus
Diligam te domine
Domine in virtute tua
In te domine speravi
Omnes gentes
Eripe me de inimicis
Te decet hymnus + Replebimur
A ttendite popule me us
Exultate deo + Summite psalmum iocundum
Domine deus salutis
Domine refugium factus es
Venite exultemus + Preoccupemus
Quoniam deus magnus
Domine exaudi orationem
Letatus sum + Stantes erant pedes
Qui confidunt in domino
Qui timet dominum
Dilexi quoniam

DOMl-

(ST.

NICA

20.
21.

22.
23.

MR70

QUELLEN DER OSTERREICHlSCHEN AUGUSllNERCHORHERREN


POLTEN, ST . FLaRIAN, SECKAU) UND DIE KATHEDRALE IN SALZBURG

Qui confidunt in domino


De profundis
Lauda anima mea
Qui sanat contritos

Dextera dei
Qui sanat contritos
De profundis
Lauda anima mea

Tabelle 3. UberIieferung der Alleluia-Versen Modicum et non videbitis,


Vado ad eum und Usquemodo non petistis
GRUPPE2:

GRUPPE 1:

ME LOO IB

LNClPIT

SODf'RANXRBICH

SOoITALIBN

/AQ.ul- (BENEVENTO)

DOMINI-

Now-

KANER

ITALIN

AQUILEIA

SLOWENIEN

UND ZAGRBS)

Justus ut palma ThK 38


ThK 246

Justus ut palma ThK 38


Vado ThK 147
Dns dixit ThK 271
Usque modo justus ut palma ThK 38
Usquemodo ThK 250
Post partum ThK 164
Adorabo ThK 382

POLEN,

RAUM

+
+

+
+

+
+

DEUTSCH-

(ESITERGOM BOHMEN SPRACHIGER

TANIZN)

Modicum
Modicum
Vado

UNGARN

Cantus Planus 199'8 .-/ " ES2tergom ft Visegrad

45

RESTS LITURGISCH-MUSIKALISCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN IN DER FRAGMENTENSAMMLUNG


DBR 6STERREICHISCHBN
NATIONALBIBLIOTHEK IN WIEN

Martin Czernin

1. Historische Bemerkungen
Die traditionsreiche Geschicht~l der heutigen Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek reicht bis in das 14. Jahrhundert zuruck, als Herzog
Albrecht In. (1365-1395) in seiner Schreibschule u.a, das 1368 voU
endete Evangeliar des Johannes von 'Iroppau anfertigen lie~. Unter
Kaiser Friedrich Ill. (1440-1493) wurde die Sammlung der damaIigen kaiserlichen Hofbibliothek, die bis 1558 im ehemaligen Minori
tenkloster untergebracht war, stark vergro~erl. Im 16. Jahrhundert
wurde Hugo Blotius [1575-16081 als erste Hofbibliothekar angestellt. 1621 wurde die Sammlung in die Hofburg iibersiedelt. Im
Jahre 1716 veranlai1te Kaiser Karl VI. (1711-1740) die Planung eines
eigenen Bihliotheksgebaudes, das 1722-1726 errichtet und 1726 als
kaiserliche offentliche Bibliothek eroffnet wurde, Da der heutige
"Prunksaal 'J der Bibliothek die reichb.altigen Bestande der Sammlung bald nicht melu fassen konnte, wurde die Bibliothek in die
Raumlichkeiten des benachbarten aufgehobenen Augustin-e rklosters
und in die sogenannte "Neue Burg" erweitert. Nach dem Eude des
1. Weltkrieges wurde die Hofbibliothek in NationaZhibliothek umbenannt seit 1945 hei~t sie Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek.
J

Fur eine detaillierte Geschichte der Osterreichischen. Nationalbibliothek siehe


vor allem Josef Stummvoll (Hrsg.), Geschich'e der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Teil 1: Die Hofbibliothek (1368-1922) (Wien , 1968); Josef StummvolI - Rudolf
Fielder (Hrsg.), Geschichte der Osterreichischen Natiol1albibliothek, Thil 2: Die Nationalbibliothek (1923-1967) IWien, 1973); Ein Weltgebiiude ill Gedanken - Die Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek IGraz, 1987).
I

46

Martin

Grundung
In der heute
Bibliothek
viele Handschriften, Inkunabeln, Druckschriften u
dadurch
da~ (1) die
Disziplinen vor
ihre Bestande standig erweiterten, (2)
Mitarbeiter
bliothek versuchten, besonders
Exemplare anderer BiblioWiener Sammlung zu bekommen, und (3) dUTch die
theken fur
Klosteraufhebungen unter Josef n.
des 18.
viele
Handschriften {sofern sie
kleineren
Bibliotheken
} nach Wien
sind. Auch
zusammengesammelt
wenn die BesUinde
Thilsammlungen
Bibliotheksbenu
inzwischen
sehr gut
gemacht
in der Handschriften- , Autographensind, werden
Nachla~Sammlung so viele mittelalterliche Handschriften aufbewahrt, daB zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt
nicht einmal
Exempla
re auch
einer ausfuhrlichen Beschreibung katalogmaig erfaBt
konnten. Mit
allgemein zuganglichen Codices
und befafSten
viele Wissenschaftler aller Disziplinen
zahlreichen
Abhandlungen sodal1 in den
weiligen Fachdisziplinen bereits so
Informationen liber
Handschriften vorhanden sind, daB an
Stelle auf diese
muB.
ces nicht
elngegangen
OsterreiWie in .
anderen Bibliothek
findet man in
HandNationalbibliothek
zur grofSen
noch viele
von zum
wissenschaftliurspriinglichen
cher Bedeutung.
iiberlebten, nachdem
Handschriften
worden waren, vor
als Einbande
und Vor- bzw.
chsatzblatter von
Handschriften
Geschehnisse
letzten Jahrhunderte. Wie viele andere seIcher
Fragmente
auch Vollhandschriften} seit damals Brandkatastrephen u
. zum Oper gefallen sind; wird man
nie
wirklich beantworten konnen. Um so bedeutendere ZeitzeuFragmente.
die noch
l

RESTE LlTURGISCH-MUSIKAlISCHER HANDSCHRlfTEN ...

47

Wichtige Kataloge der Handschriften-,


Autographen- und NachlaAsammlung
Wenn man mehr
weniger detaillierte Informationen zu den
mittelalterlichen Bestanden der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek sucht, kann man sich bereits auf zahlreiche Kataloge und
Fachpublikationen stiitzen. Ohne an dies er Stelle alle aufzahlen zu
wall en , sind doch einige van ihnen erwahnenswert:
Von besonderem historlschem Interesse ist var allem
alteste
Handschriftenverzeichnis der Bibliothek, das 1576 van Hugo Bloti- .
us angelegt2 und 1957 van Hermann Menhardt in einer krltischen
Ausgabe ver6ffentlicht wurde. 3
Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts erschien ern mehrbandiger gedruckter
Katalog m~t Kurzbeschreibungen aller Codices in lateinischer Sprache,
dem die Handschriften die bis 1870
die Bibliothek kamen, verzeichnet sind. 4 Die Neuerwerbungen seit 1870 wurden ab
1963 von Otto Mazal und Franz Unterkircher in einem mehrbandigen Katalog zusammengestellt. S Daneben
einige weitere wichtiKataloge den mittelalterlichen deutschen,6 den griechischen7 und
l

Codex Series Nova 445l.


3 Hermann Menhardt, Das dlteste HandschriftenvBrzeichnis der Wiener Hofbibliothek von Hugo Blotius 1576, Kritische Ausgabe der Handschriften
Nova 4451 \Jom
Jahre 1597 mit vier Anhangen, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch historische Klasse,
76 (Wien, 1957).
4 Thbulae codicum manu scriptorum praeter graecos et orier/tales in Bibhotheca Palatino Vindobonensi asservalorum, 11 Bde. (Wien, 1864-19121. (Photomechanischer
Nachdruck in 5 Banden. [Graz. 19651l.
5 Otto Mazal Unterkircher. Katalog der abendUindischen Handschriften der
Osternichischen Nationalbibliothek, "Series nova Museion. VerOffentlichungen der
" ................... '-.... Nationalbibliothek. Neue Folgc, Vierte Reihe: VeroffentJichungen
Handschriftensammlung, Bd. Thill-4. IWien,
1975).
6 Hermann Menhardt, Verzeichnis der altdeutschen literamchen Handschriften der
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, 3 Bde. IBerlin, 1960-1961).
7 Herbert Hunger, Codices Vindobonenses Graeci. Signaturenkonkordanz der gneOsterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Biblos-Schriften 4
chischen Handschriften
(Wien, 1953); Ders., Katalog der griechischen Harulschn,[ten der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Supplementum Graecum, Biblos-Schriften 15 {Wien, 19571 Iverzeichnet 187 seit 1690 erworbene
Handschriftenl; Den., Katalog der griechischen Handschriften der Osten-eichischen Nationalbibliothek, Museion. Veroffentli
chungen
Nationalbibliothek. Neue Folge. Vierte Reihe: VerOf2

48

Martin Czernin

den Handschriften, die nicht in deutscher, lateinischer oder griechischer Sprache abgefa~t wurden, gewidmet. s Zu den genau datierbaren Handschriften veroffentlichte Franz Unterkircher nach 1969
mehrere Kataloge. 9
Ein besonderes Interesse gilt den illuminierten Handschriften, die
bereits Anfang dieses Jahrhunderts van Julius Hermann in seinem
Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Osterreich aushihrlich
beschrieben worden sind, Die ersten sieben Bande dieser Publikation behandeln Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. 10 Ende der 50er-Jahre verfagte Franz Unterkircher ein Invenfentlichungen der Handschriftensammlung; Band I, Teil 1: Codices historici, Codices philosophici et philologici (Wien, 1961); Ders., Katalog der griechischen Handschri(tell der Osten-eichischen NatiollaZbibliolheh, Museion. Veroffentlichungen der
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Neue Folge. Vierte Reihe: Veroffentlichungen
der Handschriftensammtung, Band 1, Teil 2: Codices juridici, Codices medici (Wien,
1969) (verzeichnet 18 jurislische und 53 medizinische griechische Handschriften).
B Verzeichnis der spanischen, porlllgiesischen und hatalanischen Ha "dschriften der
Nationalbibliothek (Wien, 1931), (Maschinschriftlich.); Helene Loebenstein, Katalog
der arabischen Handschnften der OSlerreichischen Nationalbibliotheh. Neuerwerbungen
1868-1968, Teil 1.' Codices mixti ab NI'. 744, MuseioD. Veroffentlichungen der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Neue Folge. Vierte Reihe. Veroffentlichung der
Handschriftensammlung 3 (Wieo, 19701; Karl Schwarzenberg, Katalog der hroatischen, polnischen und Ischechischen l1andschriften der Osterreichischen NationalbiblioIhek. Museion. Veroffentlichungen der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Neue
PoIge. Vicrte Reihe. Veroffentlichungen der Handschriftensammlung 4 {Wien,
1972).
9 Franz Unterkircher, Die datierten Handschrifteu der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliotheh 1-4, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in Osterreich (Wien, 1969-l976). ~Bd. 1: bis 1400, Bd. 2: 1401-1450, Bd. 3: 1451-1500,
Bd. 4: 1501-1600).
10 Julius Hermann, Be.schreibende.s Verzeichnis der illuminierlen Handschriften in
Oslerreich, Nelle Folge, Herausgegeben von Julius Schlosser und Hermann Julius
Hermann; Die ilIuminierten Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Nationalbibliothek in
Wlen, Bd. 1-7. (Leipzig. 1923-1938), (Bd. 1. ]ulius Hermann, Die friihmittelalterlichen Handschri{ten [1923]1 Bd. 2. Julius Hermann. Die deutschen romanischen Handschri(ten [19261 / Bd. 3. Julius Hermann, Die romanischen Handschriften des Abendlalldes rnit Ausnahme der deutschen Handschn/ten [1927J / Bd. 4. Paul Buberl, Die byzantinischen Ha ndschnlten, Zwei Teilbande 11937, 1938] I Bd. 5. Julius Hermann,
Die i/alienischen Handschriftell des Ducento und Trecento, Drei Teilbande 11928-1930]
I Bd. 6, Julius Hermann. Die Handschri(ten Ilnd Inkunabeln der italienischen Renaissance, Vier Teilbande [1930-19331 / Bd. 7. Ju)ius Hermann, Die westeuropaischen

RESTE LlTURGISCHMUSIKALlSCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN ...

49

tarverzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften, Inkunabeln und FrUhdrucke,11 das seither als wesentliche Grundlage zu den unter der
Leitung von Otto Pacht begonnenen detaillierten kunsthistorischen
Studien und Spezial-Publikationen l2 dient.
Eine ausfuhrliche Beschreibende Bibliographie der gedruckten Kataloge zu den Handschriftenbestiinden der Handschriftensammlung der
Osterreichischen NationaZbibliothek bis zum Erscheinungsjahr 1974
wurde van Istvan Nemeth zusammengestellt. Diese Liste enthaIt Publikationen, in denen mindestens sieben Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek beschrieben worden sind und ist in
die Gro~bereiche 1. AbendHindische Handschriften, n. Griechische
Handschriften, Ill . Slawische Handschriften, IV. AuBereuropaischer
Kulturkreis und V. llluminierte Handschriften gegliedert. Au~erdem
steht diese Bibliographie jedem interessierten Forscher iiber das Internet zur VerfUgung. 13

3. Derzeitige allgemeine Projekte


in der Handschrlften-, Autographen- und
NachlaSsammlung
Weil man sich in der wissenschaftlichen Forschung meist auf dieselben, bereits bekannten und mehr oder weniger bearbeiteten
Handschriften bzw. Fragmente bezieht, und die aktuellen BiblioHandschriften und Inkunabeln der Gotik und Renaissance, mit Ausnahme der niederliindischen Handschriften, Drei Thilbande [1935-1938].)
11 Franz Unterkircher, 1nventar der ilIuminierren Handschriften, Inkunabeln und
Fhihdruche der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliotheh .l .2. , Museion. Veroffenilichungen
der bsterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Neue Folge. Zweite Reihe: Allgemeine
Veroffentlichungen 2 (Wien, 1957, 1959). (Bd. 1. Die abendli:indischen Handschriften I
Bd. 2. Die griechischen, slawischen, hebriiischen und orientalischen Handschriften; kleinere Handschriftengruppen; Inkunabeln und Friihdroche).
120tto Pacht (Hrsg.), Die i11uminierten Handschriften und Inhunabeln der Osterrei
chischen Nationalbibliotheh, Veroffentlichungen der Kommission ruT Schrift- und
Buchwesen des Mittelalters. Reihe 1. 6sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 118 (Wien, 1974--1975) (Bd. 1. Otto Pacht Dagmar Thoss: FranzOsische Schule [1974] I Bd. 2. Otto Piicht - Ulrike Jenni: Holliindische Schule 11975)) .
13 Die
Liste 1St unter der Internet-Adresse http://www.oeaw.ac.ati- ksbmJ
wienonb/kat.htm zu ftnden .

Urriv.B1b1loHlek
R qGnsbur~

Martin Czernin

thekskataloge nicht immer zufriedenstellende


enthalist es naheliegend, da~ man
etwas an dieser Situation
zu
. Einige dieser Versuche und derzeitigen Projekte 14 sollen
erwahnt werden:
Mitarbeiter
Handschrlften-,
bearbeiten zur
Autographen- und NachlaB-Sammlung selbst die noch nicht kataloHandschriften und erstellen die fehlenden Kataloge, damit
elnes
auch die noch unbekannten Codices
allgemeinen
Forschung zur
gestellt werden k6nnen.
sie in erster Linie von Mitarbeitern der Osterreichischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften,
auch von
Mitarbeitern anderer
'ekte unterstutzt. Da hier in
Linie PaHiographen,
Historiker
Kunsthistoriker am Werk sind,
allerdings in
neuen Katal
die fur uns wichtigen musikwissenschaftlichen Informationen auch
viel besser sein, als in den bereits
bestehenden Katalogen.
man in der Handschriften-, Autographen- und Nachla15-Sammeinzelnen Handschriften und Inkunabeln die (vollstanlung zu
dige) publizierte Sekunddrliteratur bisher nur uber
Kartei
genaue
der jeweiligen Publikation finden konnte, arbeitet man derzeit mit Hilfe einer Access-Datenbank
den
Lian einer Liste, in der die einzelnen Signaturen
teraturangaben verknupft werden,
vor al1em
NeuerW~iangelegte
ist derzeit nur
der Handschriften-,
Autographen- und NachlaiS-Sammlung bentitzbar.
1973
man im Rahmen
Osterreichischen AkadelUle
Wissenschaften an
Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten 800-1600
begann ais erstem Band,
1981 publiziert wurmit den Handschriften in den Bibliotheken Gro11britanniens.
Der 2. Band,
1989 veroffentlicht wurde, enthalt die Handschriften in den Bibliotheken Frankrelchs,
3. Band, 1997 publiziert,
die Handschriften der Bibliotheken Roms, v. a.
Bibliotheca Vaticana. Seit 1994 wird unter der Leitung des Direktors des SammDetailliertere Projektbeschreibungen zu einigen dieser Projekte findet man
die Internet-Homepage der OSlerreichischen Nationalbibliothek unter http://
www.onhac.atisammignfha/proha.htm.
1-'

51

RESTE LlTURGISCH-MUSI KALlSCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN ...

lung, Herrn Univ.~Doz. Dr. Ernst Gamillscheg, in


vom Fonds
zur Forderung
wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF)
Projekt, von Mitarbeitern aus Frankreich, Italien und
der
Band
Repertoriums vorbereitet.
5011
Handschriften aus Bibliotheken Osterreichs, Deutschlands, Belgiens
Niederlande und
Schweiz beinhalten.
der Entstehungs~
dem Entstehungsort
dem Schreiber wird (wenn maglich)
der
der handgeschriebenen Bucher angegeben.
Vnter der Leitung von erner. Univ.-Prof. Dr.
Schmidt
und O.Vniv.-Prof. Dr. Andreas
werden in Kooperation mit
cler Komrnission fur Schrift- und Buchwesen
Mittelalters
bsterreichische Akademie
Wissenschaften und dem "Otto Pacht
Archiv'J am Institut
Kunstgeschichte der Universitat Wien die
lurninierten Handschriften und Inkunablen der Osterreichischen
Nationalbibliothek
. Finanziert wird dieses Projekl vom
Fonds zur Forderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF). Die
hisher veraffentlichten Kataloge beinhalten u.a. byzantinische
Handschriften und abendlandische Handschriften vor allero Westund Stideuropas. Ein
Schwerpunkt
von
Prof. OUo Pacht geleiteten Projekte
auf der kataiogm~igen
Erschliej1ung von den bedeutenden Handschriftengruppen der
mischen, franzosischen und hol1andischen Schulen
Spatrnittelalspatgotischen Handschriften
Seit 1989 werden die hochder
und osteuropiHschen Lander
erate Band is
ist
1997 erschienen.
werden derzeit die Bohmische
Schule I (ca. 1
1400), die FHirnische Schulen III und
die
larnisehe Handschriften II (Teil 2: Handschriften in turkischer
Sprache)
die Mitteleuropaische Schulen II lea. 1350-1410)
t

Vnter
Leitung von Hofrat Univ.-Prof.
Otto Mazal beschaf~
tigen sich
Mitarbeiter mit
ErschlieSung
mittelalterli
chen Bucheinbande
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek und
einen Katalog
rnittelalterlichen Bucheinbande bis etwa
urn 1500 vor. Neben einer detaillierten Beschreibung
Einbande
IS

Mitteleuropaischen Schulen 1

1250-1350) (Wien, 1997).

52

Martin Czernin

sowohl
Stempelschmuck
a]s auch
Einbaniokalisiert und datiert. Der
lrberblick
uber das Einbandschaffen der einzelnen europaischen Regionen
wa des 9.
15. Jahrhunderts beinhalten.

4. Bemerkungen zu einem
musikwissenscha
Projekt in
Handschriften-,
Autographen- und N achlaBsammIung
Der nachste teressante
elner
begann
mit, da~ vor
Jahren
Mitarbeiterin
Musiksammlung
der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Frau Oberrat Dr. Rosemary Moravec-Hilmar, in
Handschriften-, Autographen- und
laB-Sammlung wechselte. Als zur Zeit
Musikwissenschaftlenn
Abteilung
Sle In
neuern Wirkungskreis vor
der Aufarbeitung
autographer
ellen zur
Musikgeschichte und widrnet
in erster
der Durchsicht des reichhaltigen Briefbestandes nach Mu
. Der von
ihr erstell Regestkatalog zu
Musikerbriefen ist - abhangig
vom
aktuellen
des noch
Jahre
den
- auch
uber das
benutzbar. 16 Da
selbst allerdings
Spezialistin auf
Gebiet
rnusikaliMediavistik
trat sie 1997 an den Ordinarius
mittelalche Musikgeschichte der
Wien, O.Univ.-Prof. Dr.
Walter Pass,
Bitte urn
tzung rur ein weiteres musikUnter seiner wissenschaftlichen
wissenschaftliches Projekt
Leitung
einige Mitarbeiter im Rahmen
gr6~eren uniForschungsprojektes den Versuch unternehmen!
nur
allgemein bekannten, sondern alle (mittelalterlichen)
Handschriften der Sammlung erneut
rnusikalische
hin
zu untersuchen.
angestrebtes
Projektes
moglichst alle, in
Katalogen und
einschHigigen
bisher
noch unbekannten musikalischen Zeitzeugen
werden
oder
ausgedruckt,' bisherigen Kataloge
Hinblick auf
l

16

Internetadresse lautet: http://ezines.onb.ac.at:8080/moravecl.

RESIT LITURGISCH-MUSIKAUSCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN ...

53

musikwlssenschaftliche Informationen komplett neu uberarbeitet


werden. Ein derartiges Projekt, das im Bereich der musikalischen
Mediavistik fur eine Bibliothek mit dem historischen Stellenwert einer N ationalbibliothek von gro~er Bedeutung ware, konnte ab er
nur von erner Gruppe eng zusammenarbeitender Mitarbeiter in einer wissenschaftlich auch interessanten Zeitspanne zu einem zufriedenstel1enden Ende gebracht werden. N ach einigen anHinglichen
Diskussionen uber den arbeitstechnischen Ablauf dieses Projektes
erfolgte durch meinen Kollegen Dr. Alexander Rausch eine erste
Bestandsaufnahme der bereits in den aktuell giiltigen Katalogen
enthaltenen musikalischen Quellen. Diese Untersuchung ergab allerdings, dal1 nur 87 vollstandige Musikhandschriften, 51 Teil-Handschriften oder Handschriften mit kleineren musikalischen Eintragen
und 72 reine musikalische Fragmente in den heute giiltigen Katalogen zu Hnden sind:
Cod. 234, 385, 460, 515, 563, 566, 573, 772, 843, 863, 888, 904,
927, 939, lOll, 1032, 1034/ 1036*, 1043, 1051, 1226 , 1234,
1248, 1275, 1282-1283, 1296, 1309, 1355, 1371, 1462, 1529,
1567-1568, 1579, 1589, 1609, 1717, 1743, 1765, 1783, 1799**,
1802, 1808, 1814, 1821, 1824, 1826-1827, 1836-1837, 1845,
1848, 1853-1854, 1865-1866, 1870, 1882, 1885, 1888, 1890,
1892, 1894-1895, 1903, 1909, 1915, 1925, 1931-1933, 1973,
2108, 2139, 2166, 2191, 2212, 2222, 2232, 2335, 2358, 2444,
2642, 2701, 2845, 2856, 3006, 3027, 3057, 3063, 3079/ 3081,
3084, 3122, 3199, 3247, 3490, 3499, 3617! 3627, 3639, 3655,
3787, 3789, 3811-3812, 3835, 3861, 3946, 3990, 4040, 4076,
4086, 4089, 4106, 4109, 4337, 4452, 4502, 4538, 4556-4557,
4704, 4774, 4809-4810, 4896, 4941, 5003, 5063, 5094, 8876,
9408, 9944 1 11530, 11776, 11778, 11857, 11883, 11987, 12457,
12515, 12539/ 12785, 12865, 12879, 13314, 13419, 13682,
13713, 13743, 14123, 14208, 14319, 14441, 14601, 14815,
14894, 15041, 15108, 15436-15437, 15454-15455
Cod. ser. novo 84, 86, 230, 233-234, 236, 285, 298, 2067, 2452,
2454-2455, 2459, 2700, 2837, 2881-2887, 2958, 3344, 3495,

54

Martin Czernin

, 3600,
10 3616, 3619-3620 3645, 3863, 4214,
4228,4235,4253,4260,4442,4642,4733-4734,4738,4750
1

Und selbst diese Quellen sind bis heute noch nicht einmal alle
noch
von der Ferschung ausreichend beachtet bzw. in Hinblick
offene wissenschaftliche
bearbeitet worden.
ausgedriickt konnte man auch
/ daB nur in
sehr geringen
Prozentanteil der Handschriften der Sammlung auch musikalische
Eintrage irgendeiner Art zu finden sind. Die Chance, dUTch ein groi],
lund darnit auch finanziell sehr aufwendigesJ Forschungspro]
mittels Durchsicht aller Handschriften diese Prozentzahl
entscheidend zu erhohen,
jedoch so gering daB man ven der geFragestellung ausgehend, sicher nicht sehr leicht einen
Geldgeber Hnden wiirde.
konnte das von
Handschriften,
Autographen- und NachlalS-Sammlung der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek selbst gewlinschte und von der UniversitiH durchzufiihrende Vorhaben letztendlich his heute nicht realisiert werden
und
wahrscheinlich auch noch lange Zeit nicht realisiert wer
den
l

Zur wissenschaftHchen Aufarbeitung der


Fragmente
der Handschriften-/
Autographen- und Nachlafisammlung
Verbesserung bezieht sich neben
In
letzte Versuch
den Katatogen
Handschriften und Fragmenten auf
bis
noch ungeordnete Fragmenten-Sammlung.
mittelalterlicher Handschriften bis
Da die dort aufbewahrten
jetzt so gut wie uberhaupt nicht katalogmaJ1ig erfaBt word en sind
konnte man seitens
wissenschaftlichen Forschung bis jetzt
auch nicht darauf zuruckgreifen. Diese negative Situation
schlagartig zu verbessern, als sich
Ende
Jahres 1997
einige Mitarbeiter def Sammlung allen voran die Herren Dr. Andreas
Istvan N emeth und Archiha1d
herumliegenden ca. 800 Fragmente
Problematik annahmen. Die
wurden in Mappen geordnet,
Signaturen versehen und
t

RESTE LlTURGISCH-MUSlKALlSCHER HANOSCHRIFTEN ...

55

groben[ sammlungsinternen Bestimmung unterzogen. Die dabei er~


zielten Ergebnisse wurden in einer provisorischen Liste zusammengefaBt. Wahrenddessen hatte man auch bereits einige Wissenschaftler gefunden, die bereit waren, die Fragmente ihres Fachbereiches
genauer zu bearbeiten. Meine Aufgabe fiel in diesem Zusammenhang auf die Bearbeitung der Fragrnente mit Notation. Das angestrebte Ziel war die Erstellung einer ersten detaillierten Liste, aus
der der Benutzer sofort die Handschrift, von der das Fragment abgelost war, das Alter, (wenn moglich) die Provenienz, den liturgischmusikalischen Inhalt und einige Bemerkungen zur Notation bzw. zu
den Melodien entnehmen konnte. Diese erste provisorische Liste
enthielt 130 bisher unbekannte musikalische Fragmente des 9.-16.
Jahrhunderts, von denen noch nicht alle eindeutig datiert werden
konnten. Die bisher datierten Fragmente verteilten sich folgendermaBen:
JAHRHUNDERT

9. Jahrhundert
um 10. Jahrhundert
10. Jahrhundert
11. Jahrhundert
12. Jahrhundert
12.113. Jahrhundert

13. Jahrhundert
13.114. Jahrhundert

14. Jahrhundert
14.115. Jahrhundert
15. Jahrhundert
16. JahrhWldert

ANZAHL DBR FRAGMBNTE:

1 Fragment
1 Fragment
2 Fragmente
2 Fragmente
13 Fragmente
7 Fragmente
21 Fragmente
5 Fragmente
25 Fragmente
1 Fragment
27 Fragmente

3 Fragmente

Erganzt man diese Liste noch urn jene musikalischen Fragmente,


die sich noch in Handschriften befinden, so kann man mit insgesamt ca. 500-1000 bisher nicht zuganglichen Musik-Fragmenten aller Jahrhunderte rechnen. Da man auch diese EinzelbHitter der in~
ternationalen Forschung zuganglich machen wollte, saUte die fertig

56

Martin Czernin

bearbeitete Liste eines


auch uber die Internet-Adesse der
Handschriften-, Autographen- und NachlaB-Sammlung der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek l7 weltweit
Wissenschaftler fUr
weitere Forschungen zur Verfiigung gestellt werden. Unvorhersehsammlungsinterne Probleme
aber
im Friihjahr
1998 zu einem vorubergehenden
au!1erst positiven
wicklungen. Diejenigen Fragmente, von denen der ursprungliche
1fi:igercodex bekannt war, wurden mit derselben Signatur wie
der 1'digercodex versehen. Jene Fragmente, die
van Inkunabeln abgelost wurden, kamen aus der Handschriftensammlung
weg und wurden dem fur Inkunabeln zustandigen Beamten au~er
halb der Handschriften~, Autographen- und NachlaB-Sammlung
ubergeben. Damit wurde die Ende 1997 no ch geschlossen existieFragmentensammlung der Handschriften-, Autographen- und
NachlaB-Sammlung
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek inzwizer legt und fur den Wissenschaftler sind die
in mehrere
Fragmente seither teilweise wieder in derselben Versenkung verschwunden, wo
sich noch 1997 befunden haben.

Neuere Entwicklungen seit Anfang 1999


In den letzten Monaten hat sich durch
Aktivitiiten
die
Situation wieder vedinclert. Einerseits fanden zahlreiche
uber
von teils
gen Personlichkei
innerhalb cler Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek selbst statt und
hat O. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Waiter Pass
seitens
UniversiUit Wien gegenuber der Direktion der OsterreiNa tionalbibliothek dezitiert
wissenschaftliche
an einer Bearbeitung der Fragmente bekundet. Durch
veranclerte Situation kann man einem Neubeginn cler cletaillierten
Erforschung der Fragmente der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek
wieder zuversichthcher entgegensehen. Ein derartiger neuer Anlauf
konnte
noch
erfolgen. In der Hoffnung, daP., es in den
nachsten Monaten tatsachlich zu
detaillierten Bearbeitung der
17

Die

lautet: http://www.onhac.atfsammlgnlsahafr.htm.

RESTE LlTURGISCH-MUSIKALlSCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN ...

57

ko mmt , rnochte ich hier


allgemeinen Uberblick
uber
(mogliche) Gestaltung
derartigen
Als Basis fur
derartiges Projekt solI in der ersten Arbeitsphase
der
Forschungsstand der in den
def einbereits bekannten llnd vorher zitierten mittelalschHigigen
terlichen Musikhandschriften
Fragmente der Handschriften,
AutographenNachlaE-Sammlung der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek dokumentiert werden. Zu jedem dieser
neuen
soIl unter Zuhilfenahme der Sekundarliteratur-Kartei und
Access-Datenbank in
Handschriften-, Autographen- und Nachla~-Sammlung, sowie
uber das Internet zuganglichen Bibliographie zu denselben Handschriften
der Datenbank der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften lS !soweit maglich}
gesamte
in
letzten Jahren
Literatur
zusammengefaiH werden. Wenn natig, sollen die bisher erzielten Forschungsergebnisse korrigiert bzw. noch urn einige fur die Musikwissenschaft wichtige Informationen
werden. Die im Rahmen
ersten Phase erzielten Ergebnisse sollen in Form von wissenschaftlichen Publikationen
zuganglich gemacht werden.
Nachdem der heutige Forschungsstand zu den musikalischen
QueUen
Handschriften-, Autographen- und Nachlat1-Sammlung
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek ausfuhrlich dokumentiert
worden ist,
die nachste
bereits den hisher no ch
nicht beachteten musikalischen Quellen.
sollen alle neuen
130 Fragmente auf .
genauen liturgisch-musikalischen lnhalt
bzw. auf
musikalische Eintrage hin durchgesehen
Durch die dabei erzielten Ergebnisse soUte es magtich semi zusammengeharende
wieder zusammenzubringen und eine
Ordnung der Fragmente
Entstehungsdatum durchzufuhren.
Die driUe und grot1te Arbeitsphase sallte der detaillierten Erforschung der
Fragmente gewidmet sein. Da im Bereich der
heutigen osterreichischen aber auch intemationalen Choralforschung
var allem die alteren Schriftsrucke von gro~erer Bedeutung sind,
18

Die lnternetadresse lautet: http://www.oeaw.ac.at/ksbmllit/frame.htm.

58

Martin Czernin

sollen die Quellen dem Alter nach bearbeitet werden. Uber die Ergebnisse soIl in verschiedenen Publikationen bzw. durch Referate
im Rahmen der nachsten Tagungen der Cantus Planus Study Group
der Internationalen Musikwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft informiert werden.
Im Anschluf1 daran konnte mit einer Durchsicht aller Vollhandschriften auf noch unbekannte musikalische Eintrage begonnen
werden. Da hier, wie vorher bereits erwahnt, der wissenschaftliche
Erfolg zum gegenwartigen Zeitpunkt nicht einschatzbar ist, bleibt
der Beginn einer derartigen Forschungsarbeit aber sicher noch lange ungewif1. Daher bleibt jetzt nur die Hoffnung, daf1 die verantwortlichen Personen in der Osterreichischen N ationalbibliothek
und der Universitat Wien auch weiterhin ein konkretes Interesse an
einer wissenschaftlichen Bearbeitung der Fragmentensammlung
oder zumindest der 130 neuen musikalischen Fragmente haben, sodaf1 in den nachsten Monaten tatsachlich mit einer derartigen Arbeit begonnen werden kann.

Cantus Planus 1998 -J Esztergom

a Visegrad

59

DIE HANDSCHRIFT MICHAELBEUERN


MAN. CART. 1 (VARIA, UM 1500)
EIN WICHTIGER ZEUGE DER MONASTISCHEN
LlTURGIE IN SALZBURG

Stefan EngeZs

Codicologische Angaben: Papier, 112 + 12 Bl. 430 x 290, St. Peter


in Salzburg, L Drittel des 16. Jh.
Die bedeutendste liturgische Handschrift fUr das spatrnittelalterliche Salzburg ist ein Sarnrnelcodex, der sich heute unter der Signatur
Man. cart. 11 in der Stiftsbibliothek von Michaelbeuern, einern Benediktinerkloster einige Kilorneter nordlich von Salzburg, befindet.2
Er wird auch als "Michaelbeuerner Liederhandschrift" bezeichnet.
Diese Papierhandschrift enthalt einen grol1en Teil einstirnrniger
geistlicher Gesange, die in Salzburg aul1erhalb des liturgischen Repertoires von Graduale und Antiphonale urn 1500 gesungen wurden. Sie wurde bisher in die zweite Halfte des 15. Jh. datiert, doch
konnte Beatrix Koll uberzeugend nachweisen, dal1 es sich beirn
Schreiber der Handschrift urn Laurentius Hauser handelt, der seine
Profel1 in St. Peter in Salzburg urn 1499 abgelegt hat.:; Der Codex
So lautet die gultige Zitierweise der Signatur dieser Handschrift.
VgL Stefan Engels, "Geistliche Musik Salzburgs im Mittelalter Quellen und
Repertoire", in: Musica Sacra Mediaevalis. Geistliche Musik Salzburgs Im Mittelalter.
Salzburg, 6.-9. fun! 1996. Kongref1bericht, hrsg. von Stefan Engels und Gerhard
Walterskirchen, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens
und seiner Zweige, 40. Erganzungsband (St. Ottilien, 1998), S. 9-30, hier S. 24-5.
3 Beatrix KoH, Katalog der liturgischen Handschriften des Benedihtinerklosters Michaelbeuern bis 1600, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, VerOffentlichung der Kommission fur Schrift- und Buchwesen des Mittelalters Il, 6 (Wien,
2000); Dies., "Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften des Benediktinerklosters Michaelbeuern. Ein Kurzbericht mit besonderer Berucksichtigung der Musikhand
schriften", in: Musica Sacra Mediaevalis. Geistliche Musih Salzburgs im Mittelalter,
a. a. 0., S. 69-81.
l

60

Stefan Engels

wurde bisher vor allem a]s


deutsche
und liturgi
Melker Reform beschrieben 4 doch' er auch aus
anderen Griinden
Erforschung der mittelalterlichen Musik~
geschichte Salzburgs van au:f!erordentlichem Interesse.
J

Inhalt der Handschrift:


1. Tell: Gesange der monastischen Liturgie

l)Toni communes zum 8tundengebet


Psalmtone mit Differentiae, Glona Pairi der Responsorien A11eIu jaformeln
Responsorien zur Osterzeit usw.
Hymnen der kleinen ROTen t Antiphone des WoIncipits
chenoffiziums,
UeweHs die erste Strophe bzw. nur das Incipit};
Gesange zum Totenoffizium;
verschiedene Antiphone/ Responsorien und Hymnen.
j

2) Gesange und Texte zur Liturgie der Karwoche und Ostern,

Varia
Lamentationen, Passionen, Gesange zur Fu~waschung am Griindonnerstag und zur Litu
am Karfreitag, Exsultet/ Allerheiligenlitanei, Nunc dimittis, Pater noster mit Tropus Ex quo omnia;
o Maria, mater Christi, virgo pia.

n. Tell:

auBerhalb von Messe und Offizium

3) geistliche Gesange lat.


deutsch
Mariengesange, Passionsgesange. eucharistische Gesange,
sange zum Hi. Geist,
und Thopen zum Media "ita und zum Libera.
4 Joachim F. Angerer,
deutsche
aus
leit
Melher Reform (Wien, 1979).
Wallher Lipphardt, "MensuraJe Hymnenaufzeichnungen in
Hymnar des
Jhds. aus
(Michaelbeuem Ms. Cart. llu,
Ut mens concordet
voci. Festschrift E. Cardil1e zum
Geburtstag (St. Ottilien, 1980}, S. 458-87.
Ders., "Deutsche Antiphonenlieder des SptHmittelalters", JbLH 27 (1984),

S.39-82.

DIE HANDSCHRIFT MICHAElBEUERN MAN. CART. 1

61

4) Prozessionale laL und deutsch


Prozessionsgesange de tempore und de sanctis, darunter Gesange zur Pestprozession;
dazwischen Lieder fur Weihnach ten und Ostern, sowie Gesange zur Amtseinfiihrung
Erzbischofs und Nachtrage zur
Osterliturgie.
5) Reimoffizien

fur Benedictus, Scholastica, Placidus und MauNs.


6' Varla; Erganzungen
Deum lat. und deutsch, sowie 4 Passionen secundum chorum

Sa lczeburgense;
Lied zur hi. Barbara, deutsche
1 und 17. Jh. teilweise roit polyphoner
passim: Nachtrage
Musik, darunter:
Maria zart (vierstimmig, 16. Jh.), Horae de p~sione domini
(zweistimmig; 1 Jh., vierstimmig, 17. Jh.), Hodie deus homo
factus (vierstimmig, 16. Jh.L Ave vivens hostia (vierstimmig,
16. Jh.L Surrexit Christus hodie (zweistimmig, 16. Jh.) deutsch
und lateinisch; au~erdem noch Prew dich, du werte Christenheit
(16. Jh. in semimensuraler Notation).
Wie man sieht , kann man den Inhalt der Handschrift in zwei Teile gliedern. Den ersten
bilden
aus dem monastischen
zahlreichen litur~
Stundengebet und der Karliturgie , wie man
gischen Buchem aus Klostern findet die sicb der Melker Reformbewegung angeschlossen hatten. Der zweite Teil besteht aus
Sammlung van verschiedenen geistlichen Gesangen und Liedern in
la teinischer und deu tscher Sprache. Soweit
fUr
Liturgie gedacht waren wie etwa die Prozessionsgesange/ standen sie fur ge
wohnlich In
Buchern, etwa in Ritualien. Jedenfalls handelt
lokalen Salzburger Thadition entstames sich urn Stiicke, die
men. Einige der Marienlieder gibt es auch in mittel- und osteuropaischen Quellen, so das Regina caeli mit seinem Ttopus Alle- Domine, 5
t

5
entstand Anfang
15. Jb.s
polnischen oder tschechischen Raum.
dazu: Charles E. Brewer, "Regina celi letare I Alle- Domine: From Medieval Trope

62

EngeLs

SOWle
pulchra es
Virga Yesse floruit. () Einige
Stiicke stehen
in anderen Salzburger
, die
in der
Stiftsbibliothek
1n
befinden, so Chum heiliger
Enmitten unsers lebens zeit
9; Regula
Fraw von
trom minorum, 1 Jh.), Enmitten unsers lebens
Ib IX 28, 1
bzw. 1456?), Media vita . ach homo perpende (a V 5; Totenliturgie,
). sowie das nachgetragene Ave vlvens hostia rb I
15./ 16.
Nachtrag, 1
6. Jh.),
auch
M6nch von
am
Ende
14. Jh.s
In elne
Fassung
hatte.
genaue
der
aBer
fehlt leider
Der Inhalt zeigt, daf1
Handschrift bewui3.t als
Sammlung geistlicher Lieder
und
wurde.
Wann u
welchem
der Codex
Michae1beuern
kommen'
bleibt unbekannt.
mu~ aber bis ins 1 Jh.
In
Gebrauch
sein, was sich aus den verschiedenen Nachtragen
16. und 1
.5 ergibt.
I

Notation der Handschrift:


Auffallend
Schreiber abwechselnd
( daJ1 der
schiedene Notationsformen verwendet.
Thtsache
noch zu wenig beachtet worden. Deshalb wollen wir uns
mit beschaftigen und
die Notationen beschreiben:

verda-

A) Gotische Choralnotation:
Wie fast uherall
clamber hinaus

dem Gebiet
1n u ...... "' .........

heu tigen
und
Verlauf des 14. Jh.s die adia-

to Renaissance Thne u , in: Canhls Planus. Papers read at the Third Meeting
Hungary,
September 1988
, 1990), S. 43
447.
6 Zu
und Datierung
den Aufsatz von Ch. E. Brewer
diesem
Band.
7
Choralnotationen
Osterreich
Stefan Engels, "Neumenfamilien
, m:
Planus. Papers
at the 7 h MeeChoralnotationen
Sopran, Hungary,
IBudapest, 1998), S. 229-39 und
Notation
mittelalterlichen Choralhandschriften
iD: Medieval Music in Slovenia
and its European Connections. Proceedings from the intenatronal symposium, Ljubljana,
June if;>'
2(jh 1997 (Ljubljana. 1998}.
109-21.
I

DIE HANDSCHRIFT MICHAELBEUERN MAN. CART. 1

63

stematischen Neumen von der Gotischen Choralnotation abgelost.


iiberrascht daher nicht, daB der groBte Thil der Handschrift in
dieser Notation abgefaBt ist.
B) Quadl'atnotation:

Quadratnotation kommt im 6sterreichischen Raum viel seltener


vor; dieser N otationstyp wurde aus dem romanischen Kulturkreis
lediglich durch
zentralistisch organisierten neuen Orden eingefuhrt, so in froher Zeit von
Dominikanern, Franziskanern, Au~
gustiner~Eremiten und den
dann auch von den
Kartausermonchen. Andere Orden ubernahmen diese Notation normalerweise nicht. Eine Ausnahme bildet etwa
Benediktinerstift
Kremsmunster. Einige Missalia des 14. ]h.s aus der Universitatsbibliothek Salzburg enthalten Prafationen, Gloriaintonationen,
1n
Quadratnotation. Auch das beruhmte IlRadecker Missale",
Gra,
duale-Sequentiar-Sakrarnentar-Lektionar mit der Signatur M
48
vom Anfang des 14. }h.s, enthalt Quadratnotation.
Das 15. Jh.
gepragt durch die Einfuhru der Melker Reform
in den Benediktinerk16stern, ein ProzeB, an dem St.
in Salzburg/ das der Melker Reform im Jahre 1431 beitrat, wesentlichen
Anteil hane.
Verlauf der Reform fiihrten
Benediktinerkla~
ster! wohl nach dem Vorbild von Subiaco, ebenfalls die Quadratnotation ein darunter anscheinend rus einziges Kloster in Salzburg
st. Peter selbst, nicht aber der Konvent der Petersfrauen
die
Abtei Michaelbeuem. Selbstverstandlich blieb auch das van Augustiner Chorherren
Domstift bei der landesiibHchen Gotischen Choralnotation. Die Provenienz Salzburger Codices im 1
und 16. Jh. Hii1t sich daher schon durch die verwendete Notation
bestimmen: Quadratnotation fur St. Peter, Gotische Notation fur die
ubrigen Klaster. Bin charakteristisches Beispiel fur den Gebrauch
der Quadratnotation ist die Papierhandschrift der Stiftsbibliothek
St. Peter b I 33/ welche verschiedene Gesange
das Offizium
der neuen Version der Melker Reform enthaJt, qui nee in antiphonariis nee in psa/teriis ponuntur, etwa
Beginn einer Hore roit Deus
in adiutorium meum intende, sorlann 1bni cum suis differentiis, Invitatorien, Hymnen usw. Dies entspricht dem Inhalt des ersten
I

Stefan Engels

der Michaelbeuerner Handschrift Man. cart. 1. Mehrere Handschriften mit der


Gotischen Choralnotation kann man auf1erdem aufgrund der deutschen Rubriken
Petersfrauen
Stift Nonnberg zuordnen.
Auf der anderen
Situation'
gar so einfach, denn
Sal
Skriptorien (Dom und N onnberg,
Peter und der
angeschlossene Konvent
Petersfrauen) durften eng zusammengearbeitet haben.
kommen daher beide Notationen zusam
men
ein und demselben
vor, so in der Papierhandschrift
b V 34 der Stiftsbibliothek von . Peter. Sie enthalt verschiedene
turgische Gesange (Cursus BMV, Officium defunctorum, Missa
defunctis, Sequenzen, usw.).
Gro~teil der
ist in GoChoralnotation notiert, nur
Totenmesse
in Quadratnotation. Der Codex
a V 5 enthalt Messe und Offizium der
Totenliturgie.
erste
/ die Gesange zur
steht ebenfalls
in Quadratnotation auf vier roten Linien, ware
dem
uro von St.
zuzuordnen.
zweite
das Offizium, steht in
Gotischer Choral notation. Der Kalender weist indes
den Dom
oder auf Nonnberg. lm ubrigen scheinen einige Schreiber die neue
Notierungswelse
Quadratnotation offensichtlich nicht ganz beherrscht zu haben. In St.
b I 3 /Cursus BMV und Officium defunctorum) versucht der Schreiber auf foL 186-188
die Quadrat
notation zu wechseln,
aber danach wieder zur Gotischen Notation zuruck. Auf jeden Fall UU~t sich aber
da~ die Qua
dratnotation
Salzburg fur
Melker Reform beniitzt
wurde.
M

C) SemimensuraJe Notation:

Auf
dritte Notationsweise
Michaelbeuerner Liederhandschrift
schon Bruno Stablein aufmerksam gemacht,8 namlich eine mensurierte Notation, die
die Aufzeichnung von Hymnen
und
Liedern verwendet wird.
besteht aus
folge von Rhomben fur
und Quadraten fUr langere Tone
sowie Ligaturen, die aus der Mensuralnotation abgeleitet sind.
l

UII4 I

Schriftbild der einsrimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern


1975). S. 70.

DIE HANDSCHRlfT MICHAElBEUERN MAN. CART. 1

65

Gegensa tz zu dieser geben sie keine exakte, sondem eine zur Umgebung relative langere bzw. kurzere 'lbndauer an. Diese einfache Art
der Rhythmisierung kommt in Salzburg sowohl in Handschriften
mit Quadratnotation vor, zum Beispiel lm Chorpsalterium St. Peter
a XII 24 aus dem Jahre 1498, als auch in solchen mit Gotischer
Choralnotation, etwa in der Mondsee-Wiener Liederhandschrift
und ebenso noch in der Pharetra des Johannes Pruckmoser, St. Peter b II 5 aus dem Jahre 1545. In einem polnischen theoretischen
Thaktat (Wrodaw, Biblioteka Ossolineum, 22971I) wird in diesem
Zusammenhang von einer "Musica media" gesprochen: "Media sive
mixta est cantus pro parte planus et pro parte figuratus sive mensuralis."9
Fol. 70v zeigt zwei Lieder in semimensuraler Notation. Das deutsche Lied Fraw von herczen besteht aus einer Abfolge von kurzen
und langen Noten. Die Ligatur cum opposita proprietate uher Zw
zeigt zwei Semibreves an, oder sagen wir besser zwei kurze Noten.
Die Interpretation des Rhythmus ist unproblematisch. Komplizierter ist die Situation im anderen Stuck, dem rhythmusbetonten Salve
Regina im E-Modus. t.hJer die zweiteilige Mensur durfte Klarheit bestehen. Das Quadrat, das die Form einer Brevis oder Maxima der
Mensuralnotation annimmt, kann je nach Zusammenhang langer
oder kurzer sein. Ahn.liches kann man auch bei den kurzen Noten
in Semibrevisform erkennen. FUr Ligaturen roit Ausnahme der Ligatur cum opposita propn'etate gilt wohl, daf! der letzte Ton etwas Hinger ist, was dem Gebrauch in der Mensuralnot.ation entspricht. Das
Aussehen der Ligatur hat jedoch keinen Einflui! auf wen Wert, wle
man in den zwei letzten Zeilen sieht, wo die gleiche Melodie durch
verschiedenformige Ligaturen ausgedriickt wird (siehe etwa uber 0
[clemensJ und 0 [pia]).

N achtrage und Erganzungen;


Antiphonen, Responsorien und Hymnen stehen meist in Gotische
Notation, die polyphone Lieder in we~er Mensuralnotation:/
9 Elzbieta WitkowskaZaremba, NAnOnimOWY traktat choralowy ze zbior6w Biblioteki Ossolineum", in: Muzyka 2(7) 11975}, S. 62-72, hier 72. Der Autorin sei fUr
ihren freundlichen Hinweis gedankt!

66

Engets

VerteHung del' verschiedenen Notationen


innerhalb der Handschrift:
1. Teil: Quadratnotation
Ausnahmen: Gesange zum Totenoffizium Pater noster am KarExsultet, Nunc dimittis Pater noster mit Thopus "Ex
quo omn rr, Marienantiphon 0 Maria, mater Christi, virgo pia.
l

2. Teil: Gotische Choralnotation


Ausnahmen: Ant.: Alma redemptoris, Regina celi, Salve Regina;
Resp. Protege Domine in den Nachtragen zur Osterliturgie foL
101 *rv

e Stucke Regina celi, Salve regina, sowie die Passionen aus der
Karliturgie sind zweimal in jeweils beiden Notationen mit Vanan
uberli

passim: Semimensurale Notation:


1.
: Hymnen und Hymnen-Incipits, sowie die Al1erheiligenlitanei

Teil: Salve regina misericordie, Praw van herczen, 0 layd vnd


matrem dei laudamus, Iohannes de Werdea: Memor mei
"lag,
nli dei, Chum heiIiger geist, Die zehen pot, Enmitten u.nsers lebens
zeit, sowie in den Nachtragen zur Osterliturgie: Cantio Resurrexit leD fortis.
Die Untersuchung
Inhalts
, daB fur die unterschiedliche Herkunft
zumindest bei freirhythmischen
Gesangen unterschiedliche Notationen zur Anwendung kommen, namHch:
A) Gotischer Choralnotation:
Stucke in der traditionellen Singweise der Erzdiozese
burg IIIKathedralliturgieJl}.

Bl Quadratnotation:
Singweisen und Fassungen/ die im Verlauf der Melker Reform
ubernommen wurden.

67

DIE HANDSCHRIFT MICHAELBEUERN MAN. CART. 1

schon kann man


bei Srucken nachvollziehen, die
Codex zweimal vorkornmen, so
70r: Die Antiphon
celi
zweimal unmittelbar hintereinander. Der Schreiber verwendet einmal die Quadratnotation, einmal
GotiChoralnotation. Ein Vergleich der
Versionen zeigt
von geringfugigen Varianten, claf! die
Version
auf F beginnt und die
Weise wiedergibt, wahdie
Version nicht nur urn eine Quart nach . . .
auf C transponiert ist, sondern auch noch den 1ropus
mme
. Als weiteres Beispiel seien die liturgischen
nen
lm
Teil,
4Ov-62r, stehen
in Quadratnotation und geben die monastische Lesart
Melker
_rn,.......... wieder.
zweites Mal finden
die
auf
117v-132v. Diesmal
Sle 1n
Choralnotation
roit dem Hinweis: Secundum chorum Salczeburgensem, was sieh
nahirlich
die Kathedralliturgie bezieht.
A'-'........ A

Cl

Seminmensurale Notation:
Sie
eine doppelte Anwendung:
liturgische
vorzugsweise Hymnen, die in Klostern,
die Melker Reform ubernahmen, rhythmisiert gesungen
wurden.
- fur au&erliturgische rhythmisch gebundene

Gesagten dad man elWarten, da~


Codex Man.
1 der Stiftsbibliothek in Michaelbeuern
die Erlorschung
der Musikpflege Salzburgs urn 1500 weiterbin wkhtig bleiben wird.
lm
lohnt es
die darin enthaltenen Gesange wieder
N aeh all

zum Erklingen zu bringen. Schlie:Slich soUte


sikwissenschaftlicher Forsehungsarbeit sein.

dies ein

mu-

68

Stefan Engels

Abbildungen:
Stiftsbibliothek Michaelbeuern, Man. cart. I, fol. 70r

I\( .:b le d.nt1 \

9 lJ 11

' la ,., IS :6

r 18 1'3. lO I I

DIE HANDSCHRIFT MICHAELBEUERN MAN. CART. 1

Stiftsbibliothek Michaelbeuern, Man. cart. 1, fol. 70v

69

Cantus Planus 1998

-I '. Esztergom

& Visegnld

71

MITTELALTERLICHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN
IN ISTANBUL

Janka Szendrei

Durch den besonders hohen Ma~ an Verlust schriftlicher Denkmaler der mittelalterlichen Musikgeschichte Ungarns ist jenes Streben
zu erklaren, wonach die Erfassung von Entwicklungsprozessen. regionalen Charakterziigen nur durch Heranziehung samtlicher moglichen. sogar indirekter Erganzungsquellen moglich seL Es wurden
uns knapp mehr als 100 vollstandige Handschriften musikalischen
Inhalts - d. h. solche, die als vollwertige Gesangbiicher zu betrachten sind - aus der Zeit zwischen dem 11. und 16. Jahrhundert lib erliefert. Die dazwischen liegende weiAe Flecken konnen - wohl
kaum vollstandig - durch nicht notierte, bzw. notierte, doch fragmentarisch uberlieferte Quellen ausgerullt werden.
Der bescheidene Quellenbestand erkUirt sich dUTch die stiirmische Zeiten def au~eren nnd inner en ungarischen Geschichte. Innere Konflikte verursachten des ofteren die volle Vemichtung oder absichtliche Fragmentarisierung des Kodexbestandes einzelner Institutionen. Beim Geldmangel hahen mapche keineswegs gezogert, ihre
wertvolle Handschriften zum Verkauf anzubieten. Die von au~en
drohende Kriegsgefahr brachte die urspriingliche Biichersammlungen ebenfalls in Bewegung. Die Bestande wurden zersplittert, Einzelshicke gelangten wahrend der Rettung bereits beschiidigt in die
Grenzgebiete des Landes, odeT gar ins Ausland. ein anderer Thil fiel
sofort den au~wertigen Angreifern zum Opfer.
Aus dies em Grund verlief die Rekonstruktion cler mittelalterlichen ungarischen Musikgeschichte von Anfang an parallel zur
Quellensuche im Ausland. Eins der groi!ten und erfolgreichsten Un
temehmen ist jenes gewesen, iiber dessen Ergebnisse nun im fol
genden kurz berichtet werden soll. Da zwei Musikologen der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften die Erlaubnis erhalten ha-

72

Janka Szendrel

ben) im Thpkapi
zu Istanbul
lange Zeit als Kriegsbeute betrachtetes Buch-Materia1 einzusehen, konnte zwischen 1997 und
1999 die ungarische Quellenbasis durch vier voUstandige Musikhandschriften erweitert werden.
Die zwischen 1997 und 1999 realisierte Forschungsreisen konnten auf auf.Sergewohnlicher Art und Weise als Folge einer anderthalb Jahrzehnte langen Versuchsreihe zustandekommen. lm Zug
Stromes der grof>en Politik gelangten einst lateinische liturgische Bucher in die Turkei. Aus ungarischer Seite war
Zugang zu
diesen sogar no ch zu unserer Zeit, im ausgehenden 20. Jahrhundert
lediglich als Teil offizieller zwischenstaatlicher Beziehungen vor~
stellbar. Der durch Anwendung konventioneller Methoden unerfiillt
gebliebenen Forschungsabsicht folgte die Intervention des damaligen ungarischen Staatsprasidenten Arpad Goncz,
wahrend seineT offiziellen Verhandlungen mit dem turkischen Prasidenten Suleiman Demirel die Erlaubnis bewirkte, die Bibliothek betreten zu
Stelle wiederholt Dank ausgesprochen.
durfen. Beiden sei an
Die Vorgeschichte der aktuellen Untersuchungen in der Turkei
reicht bis ins 19. Jahrhundert zurUck. Ungarische Historiker, Kodikologen haben
Istanbul seit langem jene Kodizes, Urkunden
gesucht, die wahrend der turkischen Okkupation (1526-1686) ala
Kriegsbeute aus Ungarn in
Palast des Sultans verschleppt worden waren. Zum erstenmal (im
1862) sind Arnold lpolyi, Imre
Henszlmann und
Kubinyi in Istanbul gewesen, wo sie zahl
Stticke
beriihmten Bibliothek des Konigs Matthias Corvinus fanden. Van
wertvollen Korvinen schenkte Sultan Abdul
im Jahre 1
Stucke an Kaiser Franz Joseph, def
roil
. an die Landesbibliothek Szechenyi weiterreichte. 1
gab
Sultan Abdul
II. nunmehr unmittelbar Ungarn weitere 35
geschah nicht
Handschriften, darunter 12 Korvinen zuruck.
ohne Grund: auf dies er Weise wollte er sich bei den ungarischen
UniversiUitsstudenten fur ihre Sympathie-Demonstration neben der
Turkei bedanken. Diese Bande wurden von der Universitatsbiblio~

MITIELALTERLlCHE CHORAlHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

73

thek in Budapest aufgenornrnen. l 1889 erhielt eine Delegation der


Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften die Erlaubnis, Untersuchungen im Topkapi Serai anzustellen. Diese Forschungsreise ermoglichten Armin Vcimberys gute Beziehungen zur Tiirkei. Im Bericht der Delegation wurden zum erstenmal vier lateinische liturgische Kodizes hochstwahrscheinlich ungarischen Ursprungs ervvahnt.
Eine der vier Handschriften, das 1463 von Franciscus de Futhak geschriebene Graduale (im Bericht als Antiphonar bezeichnet) konnte
auch in der spateren Fachliteratur weiterverfolgt werden. Z Dem
akademischen Bericht von 1889 folgte jedoch keine Ruckerstattung.
Oder haben wir etwa gar nicht auf ctiese bestanden? Die mittelalterliche lateinische liturgische Bucher sind damals kaum so hoch geschatzt gewesen, wie die Korvinen.
Die nicht-islamische Handschriften der Bibliothek des Topkapi
Serai wurden systematisch zuerst von dem berliner Universitatsprofessor Adolf Deissmann beschrieben und in einem Verzeichnis zu
sammengefasst. 3 Diese Arbeit verlief gemeinsam mit den ersten modemen Ordnungsarbeiten der Bibliothek, der Auftrag wurde 1927
von Dr. Halil Edhem Bey, dem Generaldirektor cler Museen zu
Istanbul erteilt. Die laufende Nummer des von Deissmann publi.
zierten Verzeichnisses stehen zugleich als die noch heute g(iltige Signaturen der Handschriften der Bibliothek da. Deissmann kannte
den Bericht der Delegation der ungarischen Akademie, die Handschriften konnte er jedoch nur stellenweise aufgrund der Aufzeichnungen des Berichtes identifizieren. Unter den liturgischen Buchern war lediglich das Graduale des Franciscus de Futhak - offen
sichtlich wegen der Jahresangabe und Scriptoreneintragung - emdeutig zu erkennen. 4 Anhand des Deissmannschen Katalogs hat
1972 Benjamin Rajeczky OCist [Budapest) die Beschaffung einer
Die Angaben uber die aus Istanbul zuruckerhaltene Korvinen zu'Sammengefasst
von VlzkeJety 1989. besonders S. 99.
Z Ungansche Revue 733 (1889). Vgl. Magyar Konyvs2emle 1877, S. 153-7., Frakn6i
I

1890.
3
4

Deissmann 1933.
Deissmann 1933,97., No. 68, fruhere Signatur N24-29 neu",

74

Janka Szendrei

Mikrofilmkopie dieses Graduales veranlaEt. Dies wurde schliei!lich


auf Umwegen. mittels personlicher Beziehungen zur Wirklichkeit:
Professor Laurence E. R. Picken aus
sandte den
an
die ungarischen Forscher. Dadurch wurde das Graduale zur bedeutenden
der ungarischen Musikgeschichtsschreibuns,5 sein
Sequenzenbestand konnte noch van Rajeczky publiziert
6
werden.
Als Ergebnis
zehnjahrigen kulturdiplomatischen Vorbereides ungarischen Bildungs- und AuEenministeriums verbrachteMail
der Kodikologenprofessor Andnis Vfzkelety 10
Thge in der Bibliothek des Topkapi Serai. 7
gelang
das
befindliche
zu
Deissmannschen Verzeichnis unter Nummer
identifizieren: es stellte
heraus, dai! die
Katalog
sches
verzeichnete Handschrift
Wirklichkeit ein urn
1360 geschriebenes Antiphonar einer ungarischen Kirche darstellt.
ist, auf Grund
liturgischen Bestimmung unerwartet, prunkvoll
. Mit Hilfe
franzosischen Forscherin konnte Vizkelety
lnitialen mit Farbbildern,
Anwesenheit der
Offizien ungarischer landesheiligen wiederum mit schwarz-weien
Aufnahmen dokumentieren. Die BUder enthiillten ebenfalls
Buches t
musikalischone ungarische (graner) Notenschrift
sche Material sowie
liturgische Inhalt selbst blieben jedoch weiterhin verdeckt. Bin Mikrofilrn HeB sich namlich nicht verfertigen.
fur die Musikologen blieb
lediglich ein Versprechen.
un
In
folgenden dreizehn Jahren folgten einander
fruchtbare Versuche, urn nun auch
Musikhistoriker zur vollwertigen Quellen aus der
zukommen zu
hoffnungslos,
Mikrofilmaufnahme vom
unsere
Forschungen iiu~erst wichtigen Antiphonale zu erhalten. Es war
ebenfalls nicht moglich, nach Istanbul zu gelangeo. urn die
schrift, wie auch die weiteren vermuteten lateinischen liturgischen
1.0..::10.;:. .....1..1.

S
f>

Vg!. MZt.
1982,
uber
NL 64.

Reise:

1.
1989, vgl. Kodizes

MITTELALTERLlCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

75

Kodizes am Fundort selbst zu untersuchen. Ihre abweisende Hal


tung hat die Bibliothek damit begriindet, die Handschrift sei in ei
nem au~erst schlimmen Zustand, und konnte nlcht gefUmt werden.
Im November 1996 wandte sich Lasz16 Dobszay an den ungari~
schen Staatsprasidenten Arpad Goncz und bat fun urn Hilfe. Die~
gem zufolge kehrte der Prasident von semen Verhandlungen in der
Turkei bereits roit dern Mikrofilm des Antiphonars zuruck. Im Auftrag des Au~en und Bildungsministeriums konnten die ungarischen
Musikologen im folgenden Jahr zweimal in Istanbul arbeiten. Wahrend der zweiten Reise kam ihnen bereits
richtige Wissen
schaftlerin, die au11erst freundliche Bibliotheksleiterin Filiz Qagman
entgegen/ und sie durften mehrere fUr ihre Forschungen wichtige
liturgische Bucher einsehen. Somit haben sie nebst den erwahnten
drei weitere vollstandig uberlieferte ungarische Musikhandschriften
identifiziert und mehrere Fragmente untersucht. Es wurde eine Vereinbarung iiber die Herausgabe und Restaurierung des Antiphonars
getroffen, und gemeinsam rnit dem tiirkischen Partner em Plan zur
Uberarbeitung und Neuausgabe des Deissmannschen Katalogs entworfen.
l

'* '" . .
1} In der BibHothek des 'Ibpkapi Sarayi Miizesi zu Istanbul befin-

det sich unter der Signatur Deissmann 42


vollstandiges, 8 Thmporale, Sanctorale, Commune sowie weitere Erganzungen (u.a. Venite-Melodien) umfassendes, urn 1360 geschriebenes, siimtliche Zusiitze inbegriffen insgesamt 303 Folios zahlendes Antiphonar. 9 Die Her8
1933,79. Laut
beginnt die Handschrift roit der Antiphone rum
Annuntiatio BMV, und sei daher recht fragmentarisch. In Wirklichkeit
hat Deissmann jene Antiphonentexte der ersten Vesper des ersten Adventsonntags
verkennt, welche unter anderem den Englischen Grut! paraphrasieren (A diebusSede). Der Kodex setzt demnach mit dem Beginn des Kirchenjahres an.
S
Antiphonar wurde zu Bnde des Jahres 1999 in einer Farb-Facsimile-Ausgabe mit einleitenden Studien veroffentlicht. lm weiteren wird diese Publikation mit
der Abkfuzung IslAnt zitiert. - Es handelt sich urn
Pergamenthandschrift. Der
Einband entstammt einer spateren
def Corpus selbst: wurde woW im letzten Drittel des 15. Jahrhunderts verfertigt. Lediglich der hintere Buchdeckel blieb
erhalten tGroie 48 15 x 32,3 cml. Laut Rozsondais Annahme (1989, S. 64-5) dUrfte
der Binband (lederbezogene Holzdeckel
Blindpressungl aufgrund der Stempel

76

Janka Szendrei

kunft

Handschrift ist Ungarn sie enthalt


Offizien samtliungarischer Landesschutzheiligen -(die nahere Provenienz,
liturgischen
und
Struktur erschlossen
die aus
werden kann, durfte
anderweitig nicht bestimmbares Bistum
der Graner
seln.
Notenschrift reprasentiert eine van professioneller Hand ausstilisierte
der Graner Choralnotation}O die teilweiBenutzer wurden ebenfal1s mit
se bereits kursive Eintragungen
Graner Schrift
.11 Der Kodex wurde durch insgesamt 18, rnit
Temperafarbe
mit Bildern und Gestalten
Initialen (ihre GroBe betragt etwa 120 x 60 mm), 5 nonfigurativen prunkvollen Anfangsbuchstaben, sowie mehreren, zu den
Buchstaben gehorenden marginalen Ornamenten ausgeschmuckt.
Wie es von
Kunsthistorikerin Tunde Wehli gezeigt wurde, durfte der
Initialen mit dem
vorziiglichsten,
in hoWerkstatt entstanden
Grol,e
Pergamentfolios betragt 46,5 x 31,6 cm, die
Schriftspiegels 34,5 x
cm. Die Hauptschrift er
auf insgesamt 294
Blatter enthalten Nachtriige von
denen Handen. Ein
nach Inha1t und Schrift den Nachtriigen angeh6rt,
wurde in
selbstandigen Fragmentensammlung
Die ursprungliche Foliierung ist nicht mehr zu erkennen, die moderne Bleistiftfoliierung stamrot
von Deissmann.
modernen Seitenzahlung war die
schen
203
204 - bereits urn ein Folio kfuzer. Noch 1997 wurde
von lebendigem
und bakterieller Infektion gepJagt/ die
waren stark beschadigt. Mit Hilfe der
Kollegen haben 1998
Landesbibliothek Szechenyi das Antiphonar restauriert
neu eingebunden
Beschreibung von
IstAnt, S.
IQ Neben
fUhrenden Notator haben
Haupttext an kurzeren Abschnitten
noch
Notenschreiber als Aushilfe
. lm Corpus befmden
12 Notenliniensysteme auf einer
Die Notation verlauft auf
roten
in Quinten
einzelweise untergebracht, b rotundum
und h (sicl sind vorhanden. Aus
aut!.eren (rechten und linkenJ Rautenwinkeln
manchmal zum einzigen Kreis
Haarstriche bilden den
eingenartig ausgefUhrten Custos.
eingehende Analyse
[SlAnt,
1
I Allein
Kodexes eingebundene
weisen Notationen
mindestens 12
Notatoren auf.
Linien der nachtraglich eingeHigten Notenzeilen wurden teilweise
der gleicben Farbe
wie die
selbst. Weitere
Eintragungen
Benutzer finden sich
an
Seitenranden der Handsch.rift.

MITIELALTERUCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

fischer Umgebung gepflegten Buchmalerei (Ungarische Bilderchronik, unagrisches Legendarium der Anjou-Zeit, Nekcsei-Bibe1)12 in
Verbindung zu bringen sein.
Das Melodiematerial des Antiphonars ist eine wahre Fundgrube
fur Forscher und Interpreten. 13 Es bietet in eindentiger, fehlerfreier
Version das gesamte ungarische OffiziumrepertQire, sogar jene Stiikke, rue - obwohl sie ungarische Sch6pfungen darsteUen - hisher in
keiner, mit lesbarer Notation verrichteten Fassung vallstandig varhanden waren. 14
Die Handschrift zeigt einen, aus den Kodizes des Graner Erzbistums wohlbekannten, in seinen Einzelheiten jedoch unersch~osse
nen Ritus. Liturgischer Inhalt und Struktur wurden von Usz16 Dobszay klargelegt und mit weiteren Quellen der ungarischen Offiziumsuberlieferung verglichen. 1S Dersdbe setzte sich roit den Fragen
des ungarischen Schicksals des Buches auseinander. 16 Die Handschrift mag einen sonderbaren Weg durchgemacht haben. Laut
Dobszays Ergebnissen gelangte das Antiphonar knapp nach seiner
Entstehung, bereits zu Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts nach Siidungam ,
wo es weiter gebraucht wurde. Wie es die Eintragungen der Benut~
zer bestatigen, durfte es in Szavaszentderneter, oder in der nachsten
Umgebung als Gesangvorlage dienen: als Nachtrag enthiilt die Handschrift namlich die Commemorationsantiphone des nur in diesem
Umkreis verehrten Hl. Irenaus, des in der Save ertrankten ortlichen
Martyrerbischofs,17 sowie weitere Commemorationen, wekhe den
Verwendungsart ebenfalls bestatig,e n. Das Antiphonar wurde also
nicht aus Buda und Umgebung, sondem aus dem damaligen sudlichen Landesgebiet auf seinen heutigen Aufbewahrungsort - wie es
aus dem Zeitalter der letzten Eintragungen hervorgeht, erst im ersten Drittel des 16. Jahrhundert - nach Istanbul gebracht.

Wehli 1989, vgl. IstAnt 21-37/ roit selbsfandiger Reproduktion der Bilder.
IstAnt, S. 55-6114 Szendrei 1999.
IS IstAnt, S. 39-54.
16 IsLAnt, S. 62-5.
17 Vgl. LThK 5 (Freiburg im Br., 1933), Sp. 590.
12.

13

78

Janka Szendrei

1. Bild. Der heilige Thomas Becket.


Anfang des Sanctorale Deissmann 42, f. 140.

MITITLALTERLlCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

79

2) Unter Nr. 60 des Deissmannschen Verzeichnisses wurde em


lateinisches Brevier des 15. Jahrhunderts ohne Erwahnung der No-

tation registriert .18 U nter dieser Signatur befindet sich aber in


Wirklichkeit ein, wohl zu Ende des 13. oder Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts entstandenes Missale Notatum. lm Vergleich zum Antiphonar stellt dies eine auBerst einfache Gebrauchshandschrift dar.
Da die Abmessungen, sowie die aut1eren kodikologischen Merkmale
der Beschreibung im Verzeichnis in alien Eiln zelheiten entsprechen,
besteht wohl kaum Zweifel, da:t1 Deissmann dieselbe Handschrift
gesehen hat.
Der Kodex ist auf Pergament geschriebeu, und besteht aus 1 +
185 Folios.19 Die ursprungliche GroBe der BHitter ist nicht mehr genau zu bestimmen, da Feuchtigkeit, Schimmel sowie Bakterien und
Wurmer jedes Blatt stark beschadigt haben.20 Die Breite der Blatter
betragt unten etwa 26,7 cm,zl der Schriftspiegel ist meistens 18,5
cm breit, erreicht manchmal sogar 19,1 cm, die Bahe ist aber nicht
zu messen. 22 Der Einband der Handschrift blieb in relativ gutem
Zustand erhalten: es handelt sich urn ein Holzdeckeleinband, bezogen mit verziertem blindgepre~tem Leder. Seine Abmessungen sindt
36 x 26,5 cm, mit 5 Rippen und Spuren von Metallbeschiagen. 23
Die Schrift ist in zwei Spalten geordnet, die Breite einer Spalte betragt 8/9 cm, ab und zu wird sie etwas verandert.
Op. eit. 94., friihere Signatur: ,,17 neu~.
Das selbstandige Folio stammt aus einem Missale des 15. Jahrhunderts, wurde
locker auf die Innenseite des vorderen Buehdeekels eingeklebt. An den l!lDteren Seitenranden der Handschrift li:iuft eine moderne Bleistiftfoliierung durch, sie stammt
von Deissmann. A~erdem wird in den Rubriken des ofteren die UTspungliche (roroisehe) Foliierung zitiert.
20 Die Breite eines Folios betragt heute durchschnittlich 26,2 cm, die Rohe der
Seiten ist jedoch nicht zu bestimmen, da der Schimmel den Oberteil in so1chem
M~e angegriffen hat, da. sogar die Schrift beschadigt wurde. Die urpsungliche
Abmessungen der Blatter wurden van Deissmann noch auf 34 x 26,7 cm geschatzt . Die Beschreibung der Handschrift hat auch er mit einem Aufruf zur Resta urierung beendet.
21 Nach f. 13.
22 Deissmann 1933, S. 94. konnte nocb die Hohe des Spiegels angeben: 28,5 cm .
23 Die Untersuchung der Stempel des Einbandes ist noch im Gange, laut den ersten Eindrucken scbeint def Einband jtlnger als der Kodex zu sein.
IS

19

80

Janka Szendrei

Die
sind auf vier blaJ1en
Linien geschrieben/
ein Notenliniensystem ist 1,4 cm
.Z4 Nebst dem Hauptnotator
mehrerer
zu erkennen
jedoch die Graner (ungarische) Choralnotation verwendet. z5 AuJ1er
Liniensystem eingetragenen N otenschrift sind
Kodex
allch Iinienlose
auch die ublichen
bei den Passionen (c,
8) zu finden: die Funktion dieser, mit roter
oder
zwischen den
geschriebenen Notenzeichen war
Unterstiitzung der
Ornamentale
len
filcht vorhanden, es
lediglich einfache
und
Anfangsbuchstaben.
Teile der
wurdurch einige, mit
verfasste, doch
Corpus zusamnlengebundene
ersetzt,26 diese
bereits
.27 Das Me:Bdem spaten 1
15. Jahrhundert
buch ist fast vollstandig, umfasst
und Sanctorale mit
28
und Sequentiar.
60 1st eindeutig
Herkunft von
unsen.
samtlicher
dorale finden
9
und Ladislaus
Heiligen/ die Htt
dige AHeluja-Gesange J
Heiligenkonige
Emericus,
Ladislaus) wurden
die Allerheiligenlitanei am Karsamstag
l

2.4

Aufgrund

schlielich mit

Folien {z. B. f. 77}


beschriebenen Seite

daB auf einer, aus


12 Notenliniensysteme

Hauptschrift verwendet ScIt::isselbuchstaben in Quinten, meidet


der Entslehungszeit graner (ungarische) Notation
'V71"T'l", rp, 1983.
2;j Die Messe zur Visitatio BMV erscheint lediglich auf den
ten Sejten, vgl. f. 90v, was
vermuteten Entstehungszeit
Handschrift ent
spricht.
durfte fUr den
Zeitpunkt sprechen, da!
cler Hl. Elisabeth im Corpus fehIt, und bIo' als Nachtrag
auftaucht If. 1
gilt fur die
zur Transfiguratio.
27 Z.
Abschnitte f. 85-92, oder f.
bzw. aus den Rubriken erdef mancherorts
urspriinglichen
mussten var dem ersten
dern Tern8 foliierte Seiten vorhanden
was darau! zu schlie~en Uiit,
ein Kalencler
warden war.
29 Gerhard, sowie
nicht erwahnt.
Andreas und Benedictus

MITIELAlTERlICHE CHORAlHANDSCHR1FTEN IN ISTANBUL

81

miteinbezogen. Die inhaltliche ErschlieJ1ung, z. R die Untersuchung


von Alleluja-Reihen
der Wahl bestimmter Melodien hat gezeigt, daJ1
Handschrift an den strukturell wichtigen Stellen, 80wie in ihren musikalischen Losungen den
Choralhiichern
folgt,30 an anderen, hisher
analysierten Stellen jedoch uber
sonderbare, individuelle Entscheidungen
N ebst Reprasentierung des Graner Usus im breiten Sinne ist nun der Kodex
Dokument einer pragnanten, uns anderweitig nicht bekannten lokalen
Tradition zu betrachten. 31
Von den eigenartigen Merkmalen seien nun lediglich zwei hervorgehoben.
beachtenswerte Variante bietet das Exultet. In
keiner gleichaltrigen QueUe unserer Region habe ich die hier festgehaltene Version des Exultet
. die Melodie stellt die auf deutschem und mitteleuropaischem
allgemein
fdinkisch-romische Weise dar,
Text weist allerdings jene zwei Strophen auf, welche bereits aus
Pontificale Romano-Germanicum ,
und demzufolge aus nahezu allen eUTopaischen Quellen ausgeschieden sind, und den Bestandteil der alten Thxt-Version
Exultet reprasentieren: 0 vere beata et rnirabilis apis/ und Sicut Sancta Maria
virgo concepit. 32 Diese beiden Textabschnitte sind sowohl in den gallikanischen Sacramentarien und in den, das Gelasianum beinhaltenden Sacramentarien
8. Jahrhunderts, als auch in
hen gregorianischen Sacramentarien (mit dem Anhang des Benedikt
van Aciane) erhalten. 33 Es handelt sich eindeutig urn
ArchaisUher die charakteristischen Merkmale
graner MeBritus siehe Szendrei 1982 und Szendrei 1990-1993, Thlctband.
Wahl der Alleluja-Gesange
Sonntage
iD der LOsung der Vigilia Ascensionis weicht
Deissmann 60 von Gran ab.
JI !ch beabsichtige die
in einem selbstii.ndigen Aufsatz zu analysie30

Rybari~

ren.

vere beata et mirabilis apis, cuius nee sexum masculi violan!, fetus non quassant,
nee filii destrount castitatem. Sicut sancta concepil virgo Maria, virgo peperit er virgo
permansit. Vgl. Kelly 1996, 300-1,
1994. Im Vergleich zu
gibt
mann 60
an: ... masculini violant ... Sicut sancta Manu virgo conce::Q

pit, virgo peperit, virgoque permallsit .


.lJ Kelly 1996,
272-302. Ich
danken.

bei Professor Kelly fUr seine Hilfe

82

Janka Szendrei

mus,3 4 der jedoch bis jetzt in keinem der eingehend untersuchten


ungarischen Exultet-Texte zu finden war.
Ebenfalls ohne ungarische Parallelerscheinungen stehen im Missale Deissmann 60 einige Satze der Messe zum Fest Invenlio Cru~
Cis. 35 Der Introitus Crucem sanctam mit dem Vers Dicite in nationibus
kommt - abwohl recht selten - auch in anderen ungarischen Que]Ien vor.36 Das Offertorium Veniens vir splendidissimus ad Constanhnum regem, sowie das Communio 0 crux viride ligna sind dagegen
absolut unbekannt. Das Offertorium Veniens vir erscheint als Teil jenes Meformulars, dessen Texte keiner biblischer Quelle, sondern
cler Legende uber die Kreuzesauffindung entnommen, und hauptsachlich von friihen sudfranzosischen (aquitanischen) Quellen tiberliefert wurden. 37 Dieses Stuck ist unseres Wissens nach im Mittelalter nicht nur in Ungarn, sondern ebenso in der Umgebung in Mitteleuropa unbekannt gewesen . Der Text des Communio 0 crux viride - allerdings mit einer anderen Melodie - kommt in unterschiedlichen Funktionen vor: als Prozessionsantiphon zur Adoratio crucis
am Karfreitag in Ravenna. 38 und als Offiziumsantiphon fur die Kreuzerhbhung oder Kreuzerfindung. 39 Als Communio mit einer Melodie
im siebten Ton, wie es in Deissmann 60 zu lesen ist, durfte 0 crux
\Jiride eine Seltenheit sein , wozu ich noch keine Parallele gefunden
habe.
Der Ort der Bestellung des Missale Notatum durfte vielleicht aufgrund des Anna-Kultes zu bestimmen sein. In der AllerheiligenlitaBestimmte italienische Quellen haben diese Strophen noch lange Zeit aufbewahrt, vg!. Cavallo 1994, S. 445-55.
3S F. 140r-v.
3G Z.B. Missale notatum Zagrabiense 13. Jh., Giissing, Franziskanerbibliothek
1/43 (Szendrei L981. C 47) f. 205; Graduale Patense !", Gyongyospata, Ungarn).
Mitte des 16. Jahrbunderts, Budapest, Nationalbibliothek Szechenyi Fol. Lat. 3522
(Szendrei 1981 , C 102), f. 97v.
37 PalMus XlII, Einleitung S. 37-8., vg!. Facsimile p. 173. Weitere Quellen aufgelistet bei Stein er 1999, S. 270,273-4.
38 Graduale aus Ravenna, [riihes 12. Jh ., Padova Biblioteca Capitolare A 47, vgl.
Le gradue/ Il, S. 90.
39 CAO m, NI. 4020 (M, VI H, F, L) und Cantus Index: F-Pn lat. 1090, 12044,
12601, [PCsa 65. NL-Uu 406.
3{

MITTELALTERLlCHE CHORAlHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

BUd 2. Adoratio crucis


Deissmann 60, f. 77.

83

84

Janka Szendrei

nei nimmt namlich Anna eine vorzugliche Stellung ein:~o Ihr Name
erscheint unter
weiblichen Heiligen an zweiter Stelle,
Maria Magdalena, noch vor
romischen Martyrer-Jungfrauungarischen liturgischen Handschriften ohne Paralen, was In
steht.

3} Nr. 49
Deissmannschen Verzeichnisses soUte laut
schreibung ein "lateinisches Perikopenbuch mit N oten" aus
15. Jahrhundert sein. 41 In Wirklichkeit handelt es
erneut
urn
aus Ungarn stanunendes Plenarium
h. Missale Notatum.
Pergamenthandschrift' eher
die Mitte
14. Jahrhunderts zu datieren.
Fest Visitatio BMV (1387)
sowohl aus
dem Kalender , als auch dem Corpus(
lediglich im
trag.
Missale zahlt 1 + 1 + 1
42 Urspriinglich <.:o.:r
mann hat es noch gesehen - befand sich ein Folio auf
Innenseides vorderen
eingeklebt.
Blatt lost vom Corpus - wird heu te als selbstandige Einheit
dem
j

L.J ....

.a{l

41

F. 83.
cit. 84. Alte

Deissmann 1
besteht die Handschrift aus 1 +
161 Folien Aus welchem Grund wohl
auf
hinteren
eingeklebte
Aufmerksamkeit
sorgfaltigen Kodikologen entgangen
bleibt unklar. Vielleicht hat er es deswegen
im befestigten
lediglich
unbeschriebene,
Blattseite zu
war. Wenn es so war, muBte die
noch nieh t vom Einband losgelost gewesen
zu
Deissmannsche
der Folienzahl ging
nieM ohne
Die Biatter
Handschrift, die
einst vom Binband losldsten, waren vollig vermischt. Wie es aus
Beschreibung ersichtlich
ist,
auch Deissmann
Kodex in diesem Zustand gesehen. Er hat
Missale mit einer neuen Foliierung lam
Blattrand)
ohne die tatsachliche Reihenfolge der
zu rekonstruieren. Inzwischen erreichte
fall sogaT
Stadium, dat!. zur Zeit unseres
Handschrift
Banden, als zwei
Einheiten deponiert wurde. Die
der
hat
der Genehmigung der
der Bibliothek
Gagman
Usz16 Dobszay rekonstruiert,
bei kontinuierlicher Befolgung des Inhalts
in
ursprungliche Ordnung zunlckstellte.
Seiten eine
def anderen
wurden, k5nnten wir
richtige Folienzahl bestimmen. Rine
neue Foliierung haben wir jedoch
demnach
die Handschrift
zur Zeit uber
giiltige Foliierung. Die neu aufgestellte richtige Blattreihenfolge
ist also
4Z

MITTELALTERUCHE CHORALHANDSCHRlffiN IN ISTANBUL

85

Kodex aufbewahrt, die Abtrennung enthullte seine jurspriinglich beklebte) Ruckseite. 43 Dem Kodex wird noch ein zweites ebenfalls abgetrenntes, nunmehr eigenstandiges Blatt zugefugt, welches einst
als hinterer Vorsatz den Buchdeckel sHirkte ..w
Die Abmessungen der BUitter des Corpus konnen nur vennutet
werden, der Zustand der Handschrift ist schlimmer als bei den
bisher erwahnten: die BUitter werden vom Schimmel bald v61lig
zerfressen. Die GroBe eines Blattes betragt 27,7 x c. 40 cm, die der
Schriftspiegel20A x 30,5 cm. 45 Es gibt keine giiltige moderne Foliierung, die r6mischen Zahlen der urspriinglichen Foliierung sind aber
mancherorts in der rechten oberen Ecke noch zu sehen. (Der Kalender wurde demnach urspriinglich nicht foliiert.) Die Schrift ist in
zwei Spalten geordnet, die Breite einer Kolumne betragt 9,8 cm.
Der Einband (28 x 41,8 cm) besteht aus lederbezogenen Holzdekkeln, roit drei MetallbeschHigen auf der vorderen, und zwei auf der
hinteren Seite. 46
Die Handschrift wurde mit metzer-deutschen gothisierten Mischnotation L,metzer-gothische" Schrift) geschrieben,47 die Zeichen existieren aber noch in mannigfaltigen Fonnvarianten, das Neumensystem befindet sich im Fruhstadium der Reife. Die nachtraglich
eingefiigten notierten Eintragungen der Benutzer wurden nieht roit
der Hauptschrift, sondern ausnahmslos mit graner (ungarischer)
Choralnotation verfasst. Die Notenlinien des Corpus sind mattbraun gefarbt, ahnlich wie bei der Textschrift. Ein Notenliniensy~
43 Die erste Seite enthalt die Gebete rur Gabenbereitung, den Credo-Text, da!';
Confiteor und fromme Mariengebete (vgl. Deissmann 1933, S. 85.), die andere wiederum die oratio contra paganos, sowie notierte Gloria- und Ite-Intonationen. Die
Intonationen der Messe sind mit kursiver ungarischer Notenschrift eingetragen .
.i4 Dieses Blatt enthalt folgendes: die Rectoseite, welche im Einhand auch fn:.iher
zu sehen war und auch zu lesen gewesen ware, blieb leergelassen. Auf der Versoseite, welche sich lange Zeit im Einband eingeklebt verbergte, heute aber, abgetrennt vom Corpus, wieder frei liegt. findet sieh die Sequenz Dies irae mit ungarischer Notation. sowie die einleitenden Gebete def Messe.
45 Die nicht notierte Seiten enthalten 36 Textzeilen, die rein notierte Seiten wiederum 13 Notenliniensysteme.
46 Der Einband durfte junger sein als der Kodex selbst, seine Untersuchung ist
noch nicht abgeschlossen.
47 Uber diese Notation vgl. MZt S. 201-4.

86

Janka Szendrei

stem, dessen H6he 1,4 cm betragt, besteht aus 4 oder 5 Linien, ohne Custos. Die Limen sind mit einer oder zwei Schli.isselbuchstaben
versehen.
Die Verzierung der Anfangsbuchstaben ist bescheiden: rote und
schwarze, mit wenig Federzeichnung geschmiickte Buchstaben laufen dUTch die Handschrift.
Seinem Inhalt nach ist das Missale nahezu voUstandig. Es beginnt
mit dem Kalender, aus welchem sich aUerdings nur vereinzelte Thile
in lesbarem Zustand befinden. In diesem Kalender wurde Adalbert
nachtr~ilich eingefiigt, das Fest Translatio Adalberti fehlt ebenfalls,
was aus Sicht der Beurteilung der Zugehorigkeit zu Gran woh]
kaum ohne Bedeutu.ng ist. Nach dem Kalender beginnt des Temporalteil mit dem ersten Adventsonntag,48 und endet am tatsachlichen
fol. 122 mit dem 23. Sonntag nach Pfingsten. Das Temporale hein
haltet auch die Texte der Karwoche sowie das Ordo missae. Die
Messe zum Kirchweihfest folgt unmittelbar nach dem Temporale.
Das Sanctorale setzt mit dem Apostel Andreas an,49 bietet eigene Alleluja-Gesange zu Ehren der hlt. Konige Ladislaus und Stephan. Die
nachsten, dem Sanctorale folgenden 16 Folios enthalten CommuneGesange, wonach die Reihe der Votiv~Formeln und schlieBlich die
Totenmesse folgen. Die einstige Prasenz der letzterwahnten Teile
wird jedoch lediglich dutch Pergamentfetzen, aui1erst fragmenta~
risch angedeutet. In diesem Fall hat also der Hinterteil des MeBbuches den gro~eren Schad-en davongetragen, kein Kyriale und keine
Sequenzen sind erhaIten.
Deissmann 49 hangt roil dem eben vorgesteUten Missale Deissmann 60 inhaltlich eng zusammen, nebst strukturell wichtigen Stellen stimmen die beiden sogar in zahlreichen winzigen Details - z. B.
im Namensverzeichnis der AHerheiligenlitanei - iiberein. Zweifellos
handelt es sich urn eine nicht viel spater erfolgte Niederschrift der-

411 Eine UbereinstintlUung zwischen DeisSl:t1ann 60 und 49 bietet jene Thtsache,


da_S die Rora,te-Messe in beiden gleich nach dem ersten Adve.ntsonntag angegeben

wird, was den taglichen \Totiven Gebrauch vermulen laSt.


49 An dieser Stelle strukturelle Abweichung im Vergleich zu Deissmann 1
60, wo
das Sanctorale mit Silvester beginnt.

MITTELALTERLlCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

3. BUd. Messgesange am Freitag und Samstag der dritten


Woche der Fastenzeit.
Deissmann 49) ohne Foliienlng

87

Szendrei

selben Me~tradition.so
diesem
offensichtlich des zeitliFortschreitens zufolge, einige Veranderungen Un Vergleich zum
60 zu
lm
(nicht aber
Kalender} erz. B. das
des HI.
SOWle
Messe der
EliUnter
sonderbaren inhaltlichen
von
mann 60 ist
tene MeiUormular zu Inventio crucis nicht mehr
vorhanden.
archaischen textlichen Elemente des Exultet I vere
beata et
apis und Sicut sancta concepit virgo Maria) sind dagegen noch auffindbar, obwohl ihr Schicksal bereits
zu
Text wurden
gelassen.
sein scheint: die Notenzeilen liber
4) Deissmann 43 stellt den Winterteil
franziskaner
phonars aus
zweiten Haifte
14. Jahrhunderts dar. 51
gamenthandschrift zahlt heute, ahnlich
zur Deissmanns Zeit,
insgesamt
Folios. Die
der FoUen betragt 49,8 x
cm,
die
Schriftspiegels
9 x 24,6 cm.52
gibt 8 Notensysteme auf
einer
ein System'
55 cm hoch. Die
ist quadratisch/ auf vier roten Linien mlt
chem Custos. 53
Wortgrenzen nd mit Trennungsstrichen
Sondermerkdes Zeichensystems sind
. der Oberton der Clivis, sodie Postpuncta
deI Mittelton im Torculus ist ganz
keine Rauten, sondern auerst diinne,
Rhomboiden (auch
im ClimacusL die Liqueszenz ist sorgfaltig markiert.
Auf
Innenseite
vorderen Buchdeckels wurde
beschriebenes Pergamentblatt eingeklebt, von Deissmann als f. 1.
die
Von
Folio,
nicht mit
U,':;'1H;;'U

leider leergelassen, die musikalische

,.lateinisches Brevier mil


15.
Signatur
1/3
Schriftspiegels, gemessen innerhalb der roten
welche
von beiden
umrahmen,
23,75 cm. Die von Deissmann
aus
Abmessungen weichen von unseren etwas ab/ was
durfte.
Zustand
Handschrift
noch nich t
Ha.uptschrift des
Quadratschrift
f. 2.
Te Deum,
Melodieversion
Auf def
ist die
des HI. Ludovicus zu Hnden.
Verso das notierte Suffra.gium 0 jubar
schrift des
beginnt am f. 3.

MITTELALTERLlCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

89

Handschrift zusammenhangt, ist lediglich eine Seite lesbar. Diese


enthalt die seltene Sequenz Ave novi luminis stella, urn die \A./ende
des 14-15. Jahrhunderts mit graner Choralnotation eingetragen.
Unter den notierten Marginalien im Corpus finden sich ebenfalls
Aufzeichnungen mit kursiver graner Notation. 54 Von den blauen und
roten Anfangsbuchstaben der Handschrift sind vor all em die roten
haufig mit ornamentalen Federzeichnungen ausgeschmuckt.
Der Einband ist 53 x 34 cm groB, die mit Leder bezogenen Holzdeckel sind stark beschadigt. Unter den ins Leder eingepressten
Stempeln kommt des ofteren das Monogramm IHS vor. Der Einband durfte spater entstanden sein, als der Kodex selbst. 55
Die Handschrift leiten Te Deum und Suffragien ein, danach folgt
das Temporale vom Advent bis zu der Zeit nach Ostern (f. 5-161)/
und das Sanctorale von Andreas bis Annuntiatio BMV (f. 162-90).
Dies wird ab f. 190v mit dem Commune, ab f. 217 den Venite-Melodien, ab f. 226v dem Thtenoffizium fortgefuhrt. Auf f. 231 setzen
mannigfaltige, von anderer Hand eingetragene Anhangsel ohne jeglichem Zusammenhang an. Unter diesen sind das Anna-Offizium
(eine Paraphrase des Elisaqeth-Offiziumsl, und vor allem die vollstandige Liturgie zur Visitatio BMV mit Oktav, Messe und dem Thxt
der verordnenden papstlichen Bulle zu erwahnen. S6 Auf f. 253v ist
sogar eine fragmentarische Scriptoreneintragung zu vermuten. 57
Der franziskaner Charakter und die dementsprechend franziskaner Herkunft des Antiphonars steht ohne Zweifel. Unter den Suffragien kommt das des Ht. Franziskus mehrmals vor,58 und auf f. 5
wird dem Beginn der Adventsliturgie folgende Uberschrift vorge
F. 120.
55 Die Untersuchung des Einbandes ist noch im Gange.
S(; Die nachtragliche Einfugung cler vollstandigen Liturgi:e zur Visitatio BMV Hi~t
darauf zu schlieSen. ~ dieses Material zur damaligen Zeit eben ZUT Sicht gekommen und eingefiihrt wurde. Bs wurde niedergetragen, obwohl es in die Winterund Fruhlingszeit gar nicht hineinpaSte. Diese Thtsache soUte bei den Uberlegungen urn die Datierung der Handschrift nicht auSer Acht gelassen werden.
51 Sie ist leider nicht lesbar.
58 Z. B. . 4.: ant. suffr. Caelorum condor, in einer festlic"hen Niedersch:rift: die
Worte sind wecbselnd rot und scbwarz eingetragen. SuHragien des HI. Franziskus
finden sicb ebenso unter den Nachtragen , z. B. f. 231 v: ant. suffr. Salve sancte Pater
und Sancte Francisce propere.
54

90

Janka Szendrei

"In nomine Domini incipit ordo breviarii fratrum minorum se-

cundum consuetudinem Romanae curiae Die offensichtlichen


formation en werden ebenfalls durch den vollstandigen liturgischen
Inhalt sowie die Melodievarianten bestatigt.
il

Es steHt sieh nun die Frage, woher wohl diese franziskaner Handschrift stammt? Dem internationalen Charakter der Franzsikanerliturgie zufolge bietet der Inhalt selbst wenig Anhaltspunkte zur Bestimmung des Herkunftsortes. Der Inhalt
franziskaner Kodexes ist in Italien wie in Ungarn derselbe.
ist allerdings von den
Naehtragen zu
In
Linie verdient
auf die
nenseite des vorderen Buchdeckels eingeklebte Pergamentblatt Aufmerksamkeit, welches eine mit graner (ungarischer) Choralnotation
_ .... _.44_' aui\erst
doch aus Zagreb belegbare Marienses9
quenz enthalt. Da diese Notenschrift, die auch bei derl dem Corpus zugefUgten Randeintragung auftaucht, bekanntlich nur auf ungarischem Boden bzw. auf dern der ungarischen Kirchenorganisation
wurde, ist die Handschrift wohl mi t Recht den ungarischen Franziskanern zuzuschreiben. Aufgrund
Untersuchung
Suffragien konnen wir sogar die Meinung formulieren/ da! der
Kodex dem Kloster in Lippa60 gehorte. Der Patron dieses Klosters ist
namlich jener HI. Ludovicus gewesen,61 dessen standiges Suffragiurn an vorzuglicher Stelle nebst dem des Ht Franziskus in der Einleitung der Handschrift erscheint (f. 2v).
Aus dem gesagten ist ersichtlich, daJ! die beiden neu aufgedeckten Missalien Reprasentanten derselben liturgischen Lokaltradition
sind, d. h. dai, sie vermutlich vom selben Gebrauchsort zum heutigen Aufbewahrtungsort gelangten. Ob es moglich ware, da. der Gesamtbestand der lateinischen liturgischen Choralbiicher ungarischer
Provenienz in Istanbul aus einem einzigen Ort verschleppt wurde?
......... ,_v ..... Frage bedarf noch weiteren vergleichenden-analytischen
59

Sequenz siehe AH 8/

wo unter

zwei angegebenen Quellen erne

aus Zagreb stammt.


&0
61

Heute in Rumii.n.i.en (Lipova). vg!. Rogel - Makk 1994, S. 219.


Gyorffy 1966, S. 180-1.

MlmLALTERUCHE CHORALHANDSCHRImN IN ISTANBUL

4. BUd.

Weihnachten, erstes Responsorium der Matutin


Deissmann 43, f. 36v.m

91

92

Janka Szendrei

forsehungen.
inhaltlichen Untersuehungen sollten allerdings
buchgesehichtliche, ja sogar bibliotheksgeschiehtliche Forschungsergebnisse beigelegt werden.
Forsehung durfte sieherlich an neuen Gesichtspunkten gewinnen, wlirde sieh rur eine Arbeitsgruppe die Moglichkeit stellen,
den Verhandlungen mit Istanbul entspreehend das vollstandige Material
Deissmannsehen Verzeiehnisses zu revidieren I neu zu beund herauszugeben! Eintragungen uber den Schicksal
einzelnen Sehiehten del Buehsammlung diirften namlieh niebt allein in notierten Handschirften verbirgt sem. Mit der Arbeit saUte
man beginnen, solange die Tinte auf den unterschriebenen Vereinbarungen noeh feueht ist.

MllTELAlTERLlCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

93

Literatur
AH

Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, Bd. Guido Maria Dreves,


Clemens Blume, Henry Marriott Bannister, 1-55. Bde.
[Leipzig, 1886-1922)

Cantus Index

The Cantus Database. An int.ernational collaborative


project founded at the Catholic University of America
by Prof. Ruth Steiner and further developed at the
University of Western Ontario by Thrence Bailey. On
line: http://publish.uwo.caJ - cantus

CAO HI

Corpus Antiph012alium Officii vol. Ill, editum a RenatoJoanne Hesbe~ (Roma, 1968)

Cavallo 1994

Exultet - Rotoli liturgici del medioevo meridiona/e, direzione scientifica: Guglielmo .cavalIer coordinamento:
Giulia Orofino, Oronzo -Pecere ,Romal

Deissmann 1933

Adolf DeissmaIUl, Forschungen und Funde im Serai. Mit


einem Verzeichnis der nichtislamischen Handschri{ten im
Tbpkapu Serai zu Istanbul [Berlin und Leipzigl

EngeJ - Makk
1994

Korai magyar torteneti lexikon (9-14. sZQzad) I Lexikon


der friihen ungarischen Geschichte (9-14. Jh.)], fO- .
szerkeszto Krist6 Gyula, szerkesztok E'ngel Pal es
Makk Ferenc [Redaktionsleitung Gyula Krist6, Redakteure Pal Engel und Ferenc Makk] (Budapest)

Fraknoi 1890

Frakn6i Vilmos: IIA konstantinapoJyi kt1ld6ttseg jelentese" [Bericht der Delegation in Konstantinopel},
Akademiai Ertesfto [Akademischer Anzeiger] jBudapest}, S. 36~42.

Gyorffy 1966

Az Arpad-kori MagyarorszQg tOrteneti foldrajza [Historische Geographie ,van Ungarn der Arpadenzeit],
AbaujvB.r, Arad, Arva, Sacs, Baranya, Bars, Bekes, Bereg, Beszterce, Bib.ar, 80drog, Borsod, Brass6, Csaruid
es Csongrad megye (Die Komitaten Abaujv8r, Arad,
etc.] [Budapest!

1st Ant

The Istanbul Antiphonal- abo.ut 1360, Facsimile Edition with Studies, ed. by Janka Szendrei; studies by
Maria Czigler, LaszI6 Dobszay, Janka Szendrei andTIinde Wehli. Institute for Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the National Szechenyi
Library (Budapest, 19991

Janka ",..,<:>n",.-,,,,,

94
KeUy 1996

Exultet in Southern Italy

Thomas
{Oxford}

K6dexek 1985

a k02epkori Magyarorszagon Kidllfttis az


Szechenyi Konyvtarban IKodizes im mittelalterlichen Ungarn. Ausstellung
Landesbibliothek Szechenyi] IBudapest)

nU(leXi<:'f(

~~~,A~~

I1.

Le graduel romain Edition


Solesmes
sources
Lexikon fUr

LThK

par les moines de


1957)

und Kirche, hrsg. von Michael


1-10 IFreiburg im Breisgau,

Magyar
Konyvszemle
1877

1938)

NA sztambuli szerailban eur6paiak

bitott nyugaU
nyelveken {rt codexek [Die im
zu Istanbul von
Europaern gesehene, in westlichen
geschriebene Kodizes] Magyar Konyvszemle [Ungarische Bucherschau] Il.
u

1. Kozepkor [MusikUngarns. 1. MiUelalter), Red. Rajeczky


(Budapest, 1988)

MZt

i:)"'u..................

PalMus XIII

1982

codex 903 de la Biblioth~que Nationale


siecleJ: Graduel de Saint- Yrieix ,
XIII {Solesmes, 19251

Paris (xr
musicale

Melodiarium Hunganae Medii Aevi 1. Hymni et Sequentiae. P6tkotet - Supplementband,


Rajeczky Benjamin
(Budapest)

Rozsondai 1989

u ..... ,u. ......

1999

Magyarorszagi g6tikus
re(Vazlat, a feladatok kijelolese)1J
[Gothlsche und Renaissance-Einbande aus
Abriil., Auigabenstellungl, Ars
63-7.
lA

medullata: An Offertory for


in Gregon'an Chant XIV,
Norfolk)

Szendrei 1981

A magyar hozephor hangjegyes


MGhelytanulmanyok a magyar
[Notierte Quellen aus dem
Studien zur ungarischen
pest)

MITIELAlTERLlCHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN IN ISTANBUL

1983

Szendrei
1990-1993
Szendrei 1999

95

Szendrei Janka, A magyar notdci6 tortenete, in: K6zepkon hangjegyirasok Magyarorszagon [Geschichte der
ungarischen Notation, in: Mittelalterliche Notationen
in Ungam],
14-90, 123-51, 163-308. MUhelytanulmanyok a magyar zenetorlenethez 4, [Studien zur un~
garischen Musikgeschichte 4] (Budapest)

Graduale Strigoniense (so XV/XVI) Edited and introI

duced by Janka Szendrei, Musicalia Danubiana


1
(Budapest)

Janka Szendrei, Nln basilica sancti Emmerami


toria Sanctorum Andreae et Benedicti ", in: Die Of
fizien des Mittelalters - Dichtung und Musik, hrsg. Welter Berschln und David Hiley (ThtzingL

Szendrei-Rybari~

1982
Ungarische
vue 1889

Missale notatum Strigoniense ante 1341 in Posonio, ed.


by Janka Szendrei and Richard Rybarii'!, Musicalia Da
nubiana 1 IBudapestJ

U11garische Revue mit UnterstiUzung der Ungarischen


Akademie der Wissenschaften IX. Jg.,

732-5.

V(Zkelety 1989

Vfzkelety Andras, NAz Isztambuli Antiforuile4(iI [Das


ltAntiphonar in Istanbul1, Ars Hungarica XVIU1,
S.99-101.

Wehli 1989

Wehli Tiinde. 'IAz .. Isztambuli Antifonale inicialei"


[Die lnitialen des Antiphonars in Istanbu1] Ars Hungarica XVIIJ1, S. 103-10.

Cantus Planus 1998 ..J " Esztergom Et Visegrad

97

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE


FROM THE CANT/CUM CANTICORUM
IN VYsSi BRaD, 1 VB 42.

Charles E. Brewer

During the course of the Middle Ages, biblical texts formed the primary basis for the majority of liturgical chants. 1 While this is to be
expected in the case of the texts from the Psalms, Gospels, and
Epistles, that had direct connections with the Christian history that
was being presented in the texts for the Proprium missCE, the use of
texts from the Canticum Canticorum (Song of Songs or Song of Solomon) is perhaps somewhat unexpected, since this biblical text does
not even mention God. 2 Though a number of manuscripts, liturgical
and para-liturgical, present musical versions of texts from the Canticum Canticorum, this study will place one previously unrecognized
manuscript, Vyssi Brad 42, into the context of the earHer Bavarian
and Austrian manuscripts with concordances to an extensive antiphon cycle from the Canticum Canticorum.
The Canticum Canticorum was since antiquity open to a number
of different interpretations that stressed ilt s symbolic and allegorical
meanings. Medieval Christian exegetes had a strong foundation for
their interpretations of the Canticum Canticorum from the basis esSee Carolus Marbach, Carmina scriprurlIJ1.lm scilicet ant.iphonas et rB$ponsoria ex
saCTO scriprurre {onte in libros litrugicos Sanctre EccIesice romanre d'eri\lata (Stral!.burg,
1907; reprinted Hildesheim, 1994) for a comprehensive index of chants that use
biblical texts.
2 Concerning the Proprium missce as a dramatic Christian history, see O.B. Hardison, Jr., Christian Rite an.d Christian Drama in the Middle Ages: Essays in the Origin
and Early History of Modern Drama (Baltimore, 1965). pp. 35-79, for a general overview, and pp. 80-177 for a specific discussioll of Lent and Easter. For an overview
of the interpretive history of the Canticum canticorum, see Marvill H. Pope, Song of
Songs: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, The Anchor Bible 7C
(Garden City, NY, 1977), who discusses the early controversies concerning the caDonicity of the text on pp. 18-9.
I

98

Charles E. Brewer

tablished by the Jewish Thrgum and Midrashim on the Song


and continuing at least through
eleventh-century commentary by Rabbi Schelomo Izhaqui (known as Rashi),
which the
text was perceived as a love song between God and
in celebration of the Torah or a song of love proclaimed at the installation
of the Ark of the Covenant in the
at Jeru
,3 Beginning with the influential third-century commentary by Origen, the
medieval Christian commentators lof which there were almost one
hundred written
sixth and the ftfteenth centuries)
oped many other strategies for their interpretations of the overtly
erotic]
of the text in a sacred context. 4
The most common type of commentary in the medieval west
sponsa with the church (Ecclesia) and the sponsus with
equated
5
Christ.
, Bernard
Clairvaux emphasized a different perspective
in his chapter sermons on the Canticum Canticorum where he discussed the IIholy love that should exist between the individual soul
and Christ. 6 However, in parallel with the ecclesiological tropological traditions of interpretation,
least by the seventh century,
from the Canticum Canticorum were becoming more associated
with the Virgin Mary, especially in the context of the liturgies of the
ll

See E. Ann Matter, The Voice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Mediethe Thrgum
and Midrashim on the Song of Songs, and p. 137 for a
discussion of the commentary by Rashi. These are also summarized in Pope, Song of Songs, pp.
1
.. The varieties
by the medieval commentaries is
subject of Matter's study. The Voice of My Beloved, who
provides in an appendix a short list
the Latin
on
Canticum Canticorum to the beginning of the thirteenth century on pp. 203Pope, Song of Songs, pp. 236-51, also provides a short
bibliography
1800
overview of the medieval interpreta'
tions can also
found in
Ohly, Hohelied-Studien:
einer Geschichte
Hoheliedauslegung des Abendlandes bis urn 1200 (Wiesbaden, 1958),
which should be used
conjunction with more recent
W.
The Song of Songs in the Middle
jlthaca, 1990), with an emphasis on Middle
literature.
S See Matter, The Voice of My Beloved,
49-1
and Astell, The Song of Songs,
pp.
a study of
6 See Jean Leclercq, Monks and Love in TWelfth-Century Prance (Oxford, 1979),
38,
3

val Christianity IPhiladelphia. 1990), p. 51 for a

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANl1CUM CANTlCORUM

99

feasts of the Nativity! Assumption,


Purification. 7 The extent of
this use can be seen in the fourteen pages of
,to the Canticum Canticorum in earl Marbach's Carmina scripturaYUm. 8 During
the course of the Middle
it was especially the Feast of the
sumption on the fifteenth of August that attracted the most attention as seen in the extensive use of the Canticum Canticorum both
for liturgical texts and for homilies. 9 Perhaps the two most famous
of the Carolingian homilies that stem directly from the Feast of the
Assumption are the pseudo-Augustine De Assumptione Beatce Man03
virginis and Paschasius Radbertus's Cogitis me. tO The importance of
this
is especially evident in the Sigillum BeatlE Manre
written by Honorius Augustodunensis, a collection of commentaries
on the readings for the Feast of the Assumption and the Canticum
Canticorum , written in England about 1100 (perhaps in Worcester)
before his move southern Germany or Austria. I !
Beginning in the thirteenth century, a number of manuscripts
from southern Germany, Austria, and Bohemia can be found con1

Concerning

liturgical use of texts from the Song

Songs, see Matter, The

Voice of My Beloved, pp. 151-2, and Leciercq, Monks and Love in 1Welfth-Century
France, pp. 38-40. The Marian interpretation is also discussed in Astell, The Song of
Songs, especially pp. 60- t04.
8 Marbach. Carmina scripturarum. pp. 265-78.
11
Matter, The Voice of My Beloved, pp.
for an overview of the liturgical

use of texts from the Song of Songs on


feast of
Assumption. See also Johannes Berumer,
marianische Deutung des Hohen Liedes in der Friihscholasti,kM,
Zeirschrift flir Katholische Theologie 76 (1954), pp. 41
10
works, with further references, see Ma.tter. The Voice of My
Beloved, pp. 1
1I See Valerie Flint, HThe Chronology of the Works
Henorius Augustodunen, Revue Mnedictine
(19721, pp. 220-21.. Friedrich Ohly, Ho'helied-Studien:
Grundziige der Hohenliedauslegung
Abenlandes
um 1200 (Wiesbaden, 19581.
p.
H, fn.6, had earlier proposed a more direct connection with Regensburg, but
connection is no longer clear, and he may have also (or instead~ been
in Augsburg
lor)
Austrian abbey of Lambach; see Valerie Flint, "The Career
of Honorious Augustodunensis, Some Fresh
, Revue be7ledictine
(1972),
pp. 63-86,
ibid., "Heinricus of Augsburg and Honorius Augustodunensis: Are
They the Same Person"j Revue benMictine 92 11982), pp. 148-58. See also Matter,
The Voice of My Beloved, pp. 58-76, for a more
discussion
Honerius's
later Expositio in Cannea Canticorum.

100

Charles E. Brewer

taining collections of melodies on texts from the Canticum Canncorum that differ from settings of the same texts found in traditional
liturgical books (see Thble 1).12

Table 1.
Dating and Provenance of Manuscripts with Antiphon Cycles
from the Canticum Canticorum
SlGLA

D-Mbs 5539
D-Stutt 95
A-Gu 756
CR-VB 42
D-Mbs 716

DATE

PROVENANCE

mid to late 13 th cent. Regensburg


1h

late 13 cent.
1345
1410
la te 15 1h cent.

D-Mbs 14926 15 th cent.

Germany
Sekau
Vyssf Bred
1ergensee
Regensburg

AFFILIATION

Cathedral
Benedictine?
Cathedral school
Cistercian
Benedictine/Cistercian?
St . Ernmeram

The most extensive, and probably the earliest, of the musical collections is Munchen, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek, elm 5539 (DMbs 5539), recently redated to the mid or late thirteenth century
by Marie Louise Gollner, and probably associated with the reforms
of Bishop Heinrich II of Regensburg. 13 Though the settings from the
Canticum Canticorum (contained on ff. 40r-60v) are briefly examined in Gallner's study, her main focus is on the theoretical treaNot included in this table are sources, such as CH -StG 149, which contain only
one or two isolated pieces.
II Marie Louise Gbllner, The Manuscript Cod. ot. 5539 of the Bavarian State Library: With an Edition of the Original 7reatises and of the 1Wo-voice OrganaI &ttings,
MusicologicaJ Studies 7 Documents 43 (NeuhausenStuttgart, 1993); see esp. pp. 3-14.
A dating in the thirteenth century was also posited in D. Mettenleiter, Musihgeschichte der Sradt Regensburg IRegensburg, 18661, pp. 70f( and in the index of the
manuscript by Hans Spanke, "Eine mittelalterhche MusikhandschriftH, Zet isch rift
{iir deutsches Altertum 69 (1932). pp. 49-70. For an earlier summary and bibliography of this source. with the dating of "C. 1400 at the earliest/ see RISM BIV 3 ,
pp . 74-5; this assessment seems to be based on Friedrich Ludwig, Repertonum organon/m recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili IIII (Halle, 1910; reprinted Brooklyn, 1964), p. 726.
12

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANT/CUM CANT/CORUM

101

tises and polyphony contained


this source. 14 Ten of these
are also found in a late thirteenth-century source, Stuttgart, Landesbibliothek, H.B. I Ascet.
(D-Shitt 95), a very small manuscript
written in non-diastematic neumes and which contains in addition
to the settings from
Canticum Canticorum a number
concordances to N otre-Dame conductus and other medieval Latin songs. 15
In common with elm 5539,
works are mostly rubricated as
"antiphona/l, but
both sources there are no indications
psalmA
ody. Also, in Stuttgart 95 the antiphons are copied in various places
throughout the source so that thls
not a unified collection as in
Clm 5539.
noted by Ganner are a group of
later manuscripts, Of
later
the
elegant is Graz, Universitatsbibliothek,
(A-Gu 756), copied in 1345
the collegiate church in Sekau
and notated entirely in non-diastematic neumes. 16 The final section
of this source is titled "Incipit Cancionarium (f. 179r), and the collection of settings from the Song of Songs (ff. 21Sr-21Sr) begins
with the rubric IJItem Antiphone de Canticis In contrast to the two
sources, each antiphon includes
psalm tone indication
the margin, both in neumes and with a modal number, only modes
IV and VI, and at the end of the collection a spiral figure clearly
separates these antiphons from
following compositions in the
source.
l

ll

ll

14 Gollner, The Manuscript


5539, pp. 191
There a study
the
medieval settings of texts from
Canticum Canticorum in Mane Louise Gollner,
,Altes Neuen; Pestschrift
"Settings of the Song of Songs in the Late Middle
Theodor Gollner zum
GeburtstClg, Miinchner Veroffentlichungen zu.r Musikgeschichte 51 (Thtzing. 1995). pp. 63-78; the
cycle is briefly discussed on
pp. 71-4.
15
an index of
source, see
Spanke, "Die
Handschrift
H.B. J
. 95", uitschrift
deutsches Altertum 68, N.F. 56 11931), pp. 79-88,
though this does omit some works found on the later folios of the manuscript.
16
a study
this source, see the two articles by Wolfgang Irtenkauf,
Seckauer
vom Jahre 1345 (Ha. Graz 756)", Archiv fUr Musikwissenschaft
(1956). pp. 116-41, and "Die Weihnachtskomplet Un Jahre 1345
Seckau~,
Musikforschung 9 (1956L pp.
A shorter earlier study can
be found in Friederich Ludwig, "Die Quellen der Motetten iltersten Stils" / Archiv
fUr Musikwissenschaft 5 !1923). pp. 309-1 L

102

Charles E. Brewer

The other two southGerman fifteenth-century manuscripts are


presently found
Munchen Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek. elm
14926 {D-Mbs 1
which appears
been copied at St.
meram in
clearly labels
work in its
{ff.
as an "antiphona" and includes the
psalm
tone indications as in Graz
origin of
6 (D-Mbs 716),
dated c. 1458-1483/ is
but this manuscript appears to have
been part of the
library at the
Benedictine man
astery by the
fifteenth century, but there are many aspects of its
that probably
from Bohemian
17
Manuscript
6 includes on its
inner cover the
In
hoc
continentur antiphone
beatissima
maria
and it
only songs in honor of the Virgin Maryl but these also
listed in the
sequences, laments and polyphony.
on the front
cover, directly under
title, is the text/
IJItem ex
antiphone
, uncle supra." The
settings from
Canticum Canticorum are
a section
rubricated "de beata
antiphone
(f'sr) and begin with
their own rubric,
canticis
antiphone de beata .
ne./I Though this rubric probably directly applies only to the col
copied OD H. 1
antiphons copied on ff. 85v-89r
I

11

ll

17 There is no
son, "Uber
(1964).

study of elm
Cgm 716, see John
und lnhalt von MuD", Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 48
been superceded
the more recent detailed
by
"Die Antiphonen,
Leichs der
Staatsbibliothek
716", 4 vols. IMaster's
of his work
1991). I thank
for providing me with a
personal comments on
source during the
r,,,,,u." conference.
A number of earlier sources proposed the possibility of a DO[lernmlIl provenance for
this manuscript including
Mafia Dreves, Cantlones
. Leiche, Lieder
und Rufe des
14.
15. jahrhunderts, Analecta
1 (Leipzig, 1886;
reprint
1961 J, 23; and
Geering, Die Organa und
mehrsttmmigen
in den Handschriften
deutschen Spracngebiete.s \lom 13.
Bis 16. Jahrhundert , Publikationen def
Musikiorschenden -'TI''''':::llschaft
H, Vol. 1 IBern, 1952), p.
Though there is a strong
in Dorlemla
ence as will
discussed
probably did not
j

103

THE ANnPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANTICUM CANT/CORUM

must be included to equal the number twenty-six mentioned in the


index. In this source the pieces are labeled as "antiphona" and it
also includes marginal citations to
location of each
in the
Canticum Canticorum, but does not include any psalm-tone indications. In addition to these monophonic sources, Gollner also notes
that these texts were used for a number of polyphonic compositions
from the early fifteenth century contained in Munchen, Bayerisches
Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14274 (the so~caned liSt. Emmeram Codex",
with connections to Austria and BohemiaL and the Trent Codices. 18
As noted in Gallner' 5 study, many of the melodies in the fifteenthcentury sources (Clm 14926 and Cgm 716) often differ significantly
from the earlier versions from the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries {Clm 5539 and Graz 756)1 a variation that will be discussed in
greater detail below. 19
Not noted in
earlier studies is the small group of concorto this repertoire from southern Bohemia. In the year 1410,
Pnbfk, a Cistercian monk in the. cloister
Vyssi Brad (founded
1259), copied a manuscript (Vyssi Brod, 1 VB
[eR-VB 42]) In
many ways similar to the other manuscripts, especially Clm
in its con tents. 20
I

Though Vyssi Brod 42 does not contain


theoretical trealater added to the main corpus
elm 5539, like that
source and Cgm 716 / Vyssi Brod 42 includes an extensive
collection of liturgical chant, what could be termed popular

IS Gollner, The Manuscript Cod Lat. 5539, p.191. For aD examination of the later
polyphonic settings of these
see Geliner, "Settings of the Song of Songs",
65-70; Adelyn
Leverett, uA Paleographical and Repertorial Study of the
Manuscript nento, Castello del Buonconsiglio, 91 113781" (Ph.D. dissertation,
Princeton University, 1990), pp. 73f.; and Shai Burstyn, IIEarly 19bCentury Polyphonic Settings of Song of Songs Antiphons", Acta Musicologica 49 {19771.
pp. 200-27.
19 GaUner, The ManUSCript Cod. Lat. 5539, pp.
W This manuscript
been
in a
edition:
Rothe,
Die Hohenfurther Liederhandschrift rH 42} von 1410, Bausteine rur Geschichte der
Literatur bei den Slaven 21 (KalnlWieD, 1984). A short history of
and a biography of Pfibfk. by Lumfr V~cha appear on pp. 1-12 of this edition.

104

Charles E. Brewer

polyphony, and monophonic songs, though in the case of this


source many of the songs are in oid Czech. 21
Table 2. Summary of Contents of Mbs 5539 and VB 42
M UNCHEN,
H. 1v-27r
if.28v-39r
ff. 40r-60v
H. 60v-69r
H. 69r-71 v
H. 72r-81v
H. 81 v-93v
H.93v-114v
ff. 114 v - 120v
H. 120v-142v
ff. 143r-145r
H. 150r-175v
ff. 175v-19lr

eLM

553 22

Theatises
2,voice Organa
monophonic songs from the CanticQ canticorum
Marian antiphons and tropes
other tropes
motet voices
monophonic lessons
monophonic tropes
monophonic conductus
Guido of Arezzo, Micrologus
diagrams
monophonic conductus
treatises
VvS~i BROD, 1 VB 4 23

ff . a-g
ff. lr-40v
ff.40v-52v
ff. 53r-84v
H. 85r-lO 1r
ff. 101r-108v
ff. lOBv-121r
ff.121r-143v

ff . 144r-176v

Index (lr-143r), Latin and Czech songs


Processional, Antiphons
Liber generationis, Prefaces
Kyriale (incomplete, some folios missing at end)
Graduals and Alleluias (many with mensura! tropes)
SecuntuT antyphone seu cQ"tica de beata virgine
Antiphons and Vespers Responsories
lam \Jero secuntur prose de maioribus so/empnitatibus
Votive antiphons and Songs

For further discussion of the concept of popular polyphony, see Charles E.


Brewer, "Condones et mote/i populi: Towards a Definition of Popular Song and Polyphony in Central and East CentraJ Europe", in Laborare (ratre.s in unum: Fe.stschrift
Ldszl6 Dobsza)) zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Janka Szendrei and David Hiley jHildesheim
and Zurich, 1995), pp . 25-36.
U A more detailed inventory is included in Gallner, The Manuscript Cod. Lat.
5539, pp. 15-56 . This summary is based on Gelluer's summary on p. 12. The five
unindented items form according to G611ner the original corpus of the manuscript,
which was most likely compiled in the mid to late thirteenth century; see Gellner,
pp. 11-3.
2.1 A more detailed inventory is included in Die Hohenfurther Liederhandschrift,
pp. 17-34.
2\

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANT/CUM CANTlCORUM

105

The main contents of Vyssi Brod 42 begin with an extensive


preface by the scribe
a recto), whose name was probably excised
from the source during the 1Wentieth Century but was recorded in
an earlier catalogue. 24

Prefatio to Vyssi Brod,


1 VB 42 (f.a recto)
Iste Libellus est comparatus per Pratrem P(rzybiconemj, Monachum et
Sacerdotem professum in monasterio Altovadensi Ordinis cisterciensis dio~
cesis
constructum QC fundatu.m Per Nob[iJles ac generosos dominos, dominos de Rosnberchgi. Et est scriptus notatus totaliter consumin quo continetur diversus
{mjatus, In Anno domini Millesirno
cantus secundum morem secularem. Et ut querentibus eo prolixitas querendi necnon hinc inde vertendi auferalUr. Ideo querens in eo quemt secundum tabulam subscriptam secundum compotum et oneris quod quesierit facillime inveniret et cetera ..
{This book was prepared by Brother Pfibik, a monk and priest, professed in the monastery of Vyssi Brod of
Cistercia.n order in the
constructed and founded by the noble and generous
Prague
the notalords, the lords Rosenberg. And the book was written
tion totally completed in 1410, in which is contained diverse songs
a.ccording to the secular custom. And in order to avoid many
in this book, the fullness of
by turning the folios, as well as
from this point [in the book] onwards, henceforth is removed. For that
the person searching in this book should look in the sub~
scribed table, arranged according to the folio numbering, and so that
which they will
of the
they may find more easily,
etc.]

2A In addition to the black


white reproduction,
Hohenfurther Liederhandschnff
a
facsimile of this folio on p. 433 ('Ihlel 1).
an
earlier catalogue of the entire library, see Raphael Pavel, "Beschreibung der im
Stifte Hohenfurt befmdlichen Handschriften", Xenia Bernardina 2
ILB.2} (Wien,
1891); this manuscript is described on pp. 250-2.

106

Charles E. Brewer

This is
by the extensive contemporary index mentioned
by Pfibfk (ff. a recto - d verso},
only covers folios
1
omitting most of the monophonic
included at the

preface, ,Jdiversus
phrase included in
morem secularem
songs according to the
custom),
does not refer to
vernacular
Old Czech contained in the
many of which
to have been
added after
preface and the index were prepared. As is clearly
indicated
further use in
to individual...,.....,. . . . .
Ilseculariter" is
mostly to the liturgical
as the setting of the JJ
on ff.
which
ll
labled in the index J
generacionis seculariter
a verso}.
more telling case
to the two Kyries,
which is
rubricated in the body of
manuscript as
quando placet"
(f. 67vl and is titled in the index as IIKyrie
placet seculariter"
(f. b recto), which contrasts with the
setting (ff. 67v-68r),
which
similar labels in both
and index: "Festivis .
bus
ordinem (f. 67v)
IIKyrie festivale
Ofdinem nostrum" {f. b recto).25
usage appears to indicate a sensitivity by Pnbfk to the
differences
chant he typically
and the chant used outside of
monastery, perhaps by
Rosenberg family,
of the Vyssl
Brod monastery, though no other source
known so clearly
and
mixes repertoires.
compositions based on
from
Canticum Canticorum
42 are copied together on ff. 101r-108v, and they are titled on f. 101r: "Secuntur
seu cantica de
(Here follows the antiphons or
of the Virgin Mary).
11

11

specific content of the manuscript titles to individual


the
index is not noted in
index contained in Die Hohenfurther
Liederhandschrift. pp. 17-34.
ZS

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE fROM

107

CANTICUM CANTICORUM

Table 3.
Vyssl Brad} 1 VB 42, "Secuntur antyphone seu cantica
de beata virgine"

Secundum nostrum ordinem:


D-Mbs 7
ff. 27r/v (lJalia")
Tota pulchra es
Eadem Antiphona seculariter
DMbs 716, ft. 86v-87r
74. Egredimini filie syon
Aliud canticum de beata

72

Tota pulchra es

ff. 101r-102r

ff.l02r/v

l02v-103r

D~Mbs

75

5539 #26, ff. 42v-43r


D-Mbs
ff. 86r/v
Ferculum fecit sibi
Aliud canticum
beata
Virgine
D-Mbs 5539 #32, ff. 46r/v {"alia" I
A-Gu 756,
2I5v-216r
antiphon")

D-Mbs 716, f. 22v


D-Mbs 14926, f.
Iv I"antiphonal/l
celorum
76 Ave
Aliud canticum de beata
vlrgme
speciosa
77 Ista
de beata
Aliud
virgine
78 Ego flos campi
Aliud canticum de beata

79

D-Mbs 5539 #55, f. 59v ("alia")


756, f.
D-Mbs 71 f. 19r
D-Mbs 14926, f. 176v
Nigra sum sed formosa
Aliud canticum de beata
virgine
D-Mbs
, ff, 42r/v
D-Stutt , ff. 5lr/v
A-Gu 756, f. 21
DMbs 716, f. 86r
D-Mbs 14926, ff. 172r/v ("antiphona")

ff. I03r-104r

ff. lO4r/v

ff. 104v-105r
H. lO5r/v

ff. l05v-106r

108

Charles E. Brewer

80

florens rosa
Canticum
106r/v
D-Mbs 5539 #60, ff. 63r/v [not
DMbs 716, H. 90r/v
CHStG 149, p.
1, f.
only)
Su rge
mea
Canticum de beata virgine ff. 1
f. 52r I"alia") [different melody

81

82

<AH1H",Q,

f. 218 r (" Item alia antiphona valde


pulchra ")
D-Mbs 716, ff. 21r/v
D-Mbs
ff.166v-167r
D-Stutt
f.
Virga yesse floruit
solempne de
beata virgine
'-'1".1!Hl ..... ' ..Ull

H. l07v-108v

the index (f. c rectoL these compositions are included under


the rubric "Secuntur cantica canticorum
virgine" (Here
the Blessed Virgin).
follows the Canticum Canticorum
It should also be noted
in with the settings from the
Canlicum Canticorum are
Marian texts, and in this Vyssl Brad
ot
collections, such as Clm 5539 and
42 is
to
716.
many of the melodies in Vyssi Brad
fitter from
One example
found in elm
can
seen in the different
(see
version
(line A)
Example 1 on p. 114). In companng
and Vyssi Brad 42 (line B),
points of correspondance, bu t also many small
of melodic detail and text
sua to
some significant melodic
setting, and from
divergences.
of this melody Cgm 716 (line C} is more
closely
version in Vyssi Brod 42/ though
there are a number of melodic and text-setting variants, some
are
to the earlier version in
for exam
melismas on "cordis'l These
also indicate
t

11

ANTIPHON

109

FROM THE CANT1CUM CANT/CORUM

the fluid nature of the melodic tradition for


late medieval
chants. Some of the more unusual features
these melodies may
be typical of late medieval chant, such as
range (corn
bining
authentic and phigal ambitus) and unusual melodic
leaps, such as
upward leap of a sixth between "regem" and
"salomonem.11 In many respects it appears that each recension is a
unique version of a common melodic archetype, though this needs
to be confirmed by a more extensive study of this particular repertoire.
Another difference
many of
antiphons from
Canticum Canticorum is
different text setting in each source,
even when the melody is similar in pitch content.
Example 2,
on the words 1I1ignis lybani, elm 5539 /line A) and Vyssl Brod
(line Bl have basically the same pitches, but distribute them different among the five syllables of these two words.
p. 116.J The
version in Cgm
(line C) is generally close to Vyssi Bred
but
does have a similar type of variant
for example, IIcolumpnas
eius").
That this cycle was strictly monastic can also be questioned, since
Pfibfk stated that his manuscript contained various songs in
secular manner r/continetur diversus cantus secundum morem secu
larem ") and this distinction can be found between the two versions
of the antiphon, "Tota pulchra est,l! that open the collection VysSf
Brod 42. The first {ff. 101r-102r} is titled I'Secundum nostrum Ofdinem" and
second (ff. 102r/v} titled "Eadem Antiphona seculariter. It should be noted that the "monastic version includes an
indication for the psahn tone that ffi1ssmg in
"secular version.
Examples 3-4 on pp. 117 and 11S.}
The Umonastic" version
3) is also one of the oldest chants in
this cycle; an earlier nondiastematic version is found in the antiphonal copied by Hartker at
monastery of 51. Gall about 1000. 26
If

/1

If

11

26
FrogeTI ed., Antiphonaire de Hartker: Manuscripts Saint-Gall 390-391,
Paleographie
Deuxieme
I (Bern, 1970}, p. 310. Both antiphons aIe
also found in the HungaIian tradition; see the edition of HungaIian antiphons
edited by
Dobszay
Janka
the series, Monumenta Monodica
Medii Aevi V, 2 vols. (Kassel, 1999}. In the prepublication copy
was available to

110

Charles

Brewer

It is interesting that by the early fifteenth century Pfibfk thought of

this chant as distinctly


The two
versions of IITota pulchra
are also found in
variant
in Cgm 716; they are copied
two separate
the manuscript and there is no rubric to indicate
disand melodic
27 However
presence of
tinct
these two versions of IlTota pulchra es
this manuscript
indi~
cate
like
copies
Vyssf Brod
the
of Cgm 716 was
also aware
the different
associated with these two
If the statement of Vyssl Brod
correct, that
longer
more elaborate
of llTota pulchra es" was considered Cisterby
fifteenth century, this may be one indicator that Cgm
716 was also Cistercian in origin.
other point that may
derived
the
these two works in both of these manuscripts/ and in no other known source
the Canticum Canticorum
antiphons is that Cgm 716 may have
derived from a Bohemian exemplar.
composition in Vyssl
42, "Iste est spedosa" (#77L is not
found in
other concordant manuscripts listed above. This composition
found, however, in three later Bohemian manuscripts in
the Praha. Narodni knihovna eR: rkp. III
10 {Truhlar C 462/Plocek 27], 15th
, f. 204v; rkp. VI
24 IThuhlaf
l058/Plocek 43L
th
16
f. 75r; and VII H 11 (1hlhlar 1394/Plocek 83L
cent.,
ll

'f

me, the
is number 4270 (vol. I,
652-3)
the
antiphon is number 4173 (vol. If
600-1). The notes in this copy incorrectly
stated that
two
antiphons are found in
so-called
on
f. 111 v. Actually, the
and neumes of the two chants that begin "Tota pulchra es"
'VV',,-'-A Albensis Ion f. 111 v and f. l1Sv) seem to indicate a different chant
4270 or 4173. See
Falvy and Las216 Mezey, Codex Albensis: Ein Antiphonar aus dem 12. Jahrhunderi (Gruz Universitiitsbibliotheh, Ms. nr. 211}
(Graz and Budapest, 1963}.
27
longer "monastic" version
the deuterus mode Irelated to Example
is
found in Cgm 716 on f. 27r/v, however, here it is copied without
psalm tone indication found in
42. The
version in
protus mode
Irelated to Example 4} is copied on f. 86v-87r. There are short studies of
two
melodies
Hankeln, "Die Antiphonen, Cantiones
" vol. I,
57-8
("monastic" version)
pp.
("secular" version).
1

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANTJCUM CANTlCORUM

111

f. 63v. 28 The version of this work in rkp. VII H 11 includes the


rubric, IICommemoratio beate virginis." It would appear that this
might have been a Bohemian addition to the cycle. However, in
two of these later manuscripts (rkp. VII H 11 only contains the one
concordant work), only a few antiphons from the Canticum Canticorum are included, and there are no rubrics to indicate their separate
identity as a cycle.

Table 4.
Other Bohemian Concordances to the Song of Songs
Praha, Narodni knibovna CR, rkp. III D 10
(1iuhlat C 462/Plocek 271, 15th cent., Bohemia
[no rubric]
ff. 203v-204v
f. 204a
f. 204v

ff. 204v-205r
f.20Sr

ff. 205r/v
f.205v

Gaude virgo gloriosa verbum verbo concepisti


[not in VB 42]
Speciosa facta est et suavis in deliciis
[not in VB 42]
lsta est speciosa inter filias iherusalem
= VB 42, #77, ff. l04v-10Sr
Alma redemptoris mater que perviam celi
porta manens
Nigra sum sed formosa fHie iherusalem
= VB 42 #79, ff. 105v-106r
Vox turturis audita est in turribus iherusalem
[not in VB 42]
Ego flos campi et lilium
= VB 42 #78, ff. 10Sr/v

Praha, Narodnf knihovna CR, rkp. VI B 24


l'IhlhlAf C l058/Plocek 43), 16th cent., Bohemia
[no rubric; Plocek, p. 127, "Antiphonae tempore Adventus"]
f. 72r
Ecce concipies et paries filium et vocabis
nomen eius
For further information on these sources see the two catalogues of this collection: the older general catalogue by Josephus Truhl.if, Catalogus codicum manu
scriptorum Iatinorum qui in C.R. Bibliotheca Publica atque Universitatis Pragensis asservantur, 2 vols. jPragre, 1905/1906), and the more recent catalogue of musical
sources by Vaclav Plocek, Catalogus codicum noris musicis instructorom qui in bibliotheca publica rei publicre Bohemicce socialisticre - in Bibliotheca universitatis Pragensis
servanrur, 2 vols. (Pragce, 1973).
28

112

Charles

ff. 72r/v

Virga

73r/v
ff.73v-74r

De
virgo nasciturum mundi salvatorem
Ave spes nostra
genitrix intacta

floruit in qua flos apparuit

(lIantiphona"I

H. 74r/v
ff. 74v-75r

("antiphona" )
Bethleem non es minima in principibus iuda
l"antiphona"J
Nigra sum sed formosa filie iherusalem

I'lantiphona"1
ff. l05v-106r
est speciosa
filias ierusalem
{Jlantiphona 'l I
VB
#77, H. l04v-l05r
o
rosa mater domini speciosa
I'lantiphonal'l
VB 42 #80
106r/vI

f.

fE. 75r/v

H.

Anima mea liquefacta est ut dilecfus

!"antiphona
fL 76r/v
76v-77r
H. 77r1v

/l
}

D-Mbs 716, ff. 27v-28r


("antiphona")
Descendi in ortum nucum ut viderem
("antiphona")
Gaude
virgo
gaude

genitrix virgo gaudium

The final point of significance in VysSi Brod 42 is the unique use


of the term IIcanticumll in relation to
pieces, and this term
reappears in the nlbrics to a number of the individual works
Thble 3), Though the term "antiphonal! was used in the
sources of this cycle, such as elm 5539 and Stuttgart 95, the lack of
psalm-tone indications seems to remove them from normal liturgical use. In later manuscripts, such as Graz 756 and Vyssf Brod
psalm tone indications are added, but there is no indication of
any direct liturgical connection in
rubrics, and
the
fifteenth-century source, Cgm 716,
are again no
tone indications. It would seem that the use of the term, IIcanticum" in Vyssl
Brod 42 was a way to clearly demonstrate that these were no longer
strictly liturgical antiphons, and even though they were occasionally
sung with psalms in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, It would
seem that like . Bernard's sermons on the Canticum Canticorum,

113

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE fROM THE CANTICUM CANTICORUM

these IIcantica" may have


in chapter or in other Marian devotions.
The
of
cycle in
716 with its
versions of
Latin songs (such as the famous
Mary, Planctus ante nescia) may
source into a different context than
discussed.
texts and manuscripts that
texts or even complete vernacular translations of
religious works often innuns rather than a monastery
dicate their usage in a
of monks.
are links to the Cistercian order in
6
upon
and rubrics
Vyssf Brod
now seems possible that Cgm 716 m.ight have
In a conand may derive its
entering the library at
contents from other sources that
Cistercian convents in Bohemia, such as
u Pardubic (founded 1250) or
Pohled (founded 1265), and which were brought west when many
religious
Bohemia
Hussite Rebellion.29 That the Canticum Canticorum was also studied in convents is clear from
works as
so-called St. Trudperter Hohelied, an
German text that directly
a community
of women to greater minnichlichen
("loving knowlme by Paschasius Radberedge of God ).30 Even the
tus was intended
a community
nuns. 31
Though Vyssl
was clearly intended for the Cistercian
monastery
Vltava in Southern Bohemia, the unique
clearify the subtleties of melody
were probably self-evident to the composers
Middle Ages. It may also help
a
and songs from Bohemia
to
into Western Europe in
the early fifteenth century. What the antiphon cycle from the Canticum Canticorum in Vyssf
also demonstrates is how much
still to
about
medieval chant.
1

.U:U..J.J."'-'l..1

ll

For a listing of Cistercian convents in Bohemia and Moravia, see


Cechy 1310-1419 (Prahs, 1978), p. 399.
:10 Matter, The Voice of My Beloved, p.
3l Matter, The Voice of My Beloved,
1
29

A.ltaU.']lllJn.

114

Charles

Brewer

Example 1. A Comparison of "Egredimini filie syon

ll

= elm 5539, H. 42v-43r


B == Vyssi Brod 42 ff. lO2v-103r
j

C :::: Cgm 716, ff. 86r-87v

.. .

VC

dj

mJnI

gre

di

m/nJ

fi

..,
fl

..

mJ ni

grc:

et

vi de

re

1_

t(

"'.d<:

141

re

gem

et

VI

d<:

le

re

Rem

dl

II

"

li

I'i

li

..

'"

...

$'f

011

5Y

on

IV

o.

"

mo

I>!eI11

10

mo

!!lent

10

mo ocm

10

de

ITIl

It

qoo

le

quo

8
in

dy

tic

iD

ay

de

1nl

quo

A
GO

ro

n.

vie

~o

fO

n.

00

10

IIm

II\.t.

vi!

urn

.....

vie

um

nu

".

!er

115

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANTlCUM CANTlCORUM

de

<pOD

PI

lib

III

de

IpDII

PI

ilia

III

de

IplIi

IIif

11

Ii

III

..

III

!a

c!I

Ii

CC/(

Ii

cor

CO<

di

C
di

la

A
till.

dUo

C
0

hi&.

I....

116

Brewer

Example 2.
of the Text Setting in

Clm 5539, ff. 46r/v


B ::= Vyssf Brod
103r-l
C = Cgm 716, f.

::=

cl

le

lUll:!

lo

lill

nb

Iy

DI !iI

eo . lump

nu

ilLS

11,

lib

Iy

b nl

co . lump

IIU

1111

liS

,,1<

I1

b_ III

CO

rum

11'"

ilLS

117

THE ANTIPHON CYCLE FROM THE CANDCUM CANT/CDRUM

Example 3. '
Vyssf Brod 42, ff. lOlr-102r, !I'llita pulchra est
IlSecundum nostrum ordinem"

ca

a -

..

nOIl

le;

in

est

fll.

di

'NUS

tu

- wa

rum

&u

re

ces - sit;

ne

pec

Il!l

reil

11.

III

ge

I'll

tea

pro

-,

'" bi

a,

no res

vox

no -

om

CIl

..

la

181lS

m.a.

me - a

stiI -

ll

Jen -

ro

mll

ru

..

runt

ra

rem

tII.

pe

me

'DO,

rn.

et

118

Charles E. Brewer

Example 4. Vyssl Brod 42, ff. l02r/v,


"Tota pu1chra est", "Eadem Antiphona seculariter"

I~

-=--

40';::,.

~_

To

;; ,

I i . s;;

i.e-; -

... ij. ; ;

la

:i)" ~;;ii

f"ii;.

m.i

111&

cu
...

lie

..

la

.. 2 .

. ..

::';

in

est

III

de

tU

(tu]

;~
li

- ; .0::.

co ro

la;

ul

te

no,

.
be

lis.

Cantus Planus 1998 ..J " Esztergom & Visegrad

119

o MULIER I VADE MULIER - LOSEN


EINES nANTIPHONENKNOTBNJI

David Eben

Im Repertoire der Offiziumsantiphonen komrnt es ziernlich haufig


vor, d~ sich verschiedene Antiphonentexte rnehr oder weniger
uberdecken. Dieses Phanomen ist narurlich allgemein bekannt,
trotzdem kann es oft bei der Identifizierung von Antiphonen zu
Zweifeln kommen, urn we1ches StUck es sich eigentlich handelt, ob
wir es mit einem autonomen Gesang zu tun haben oder ob es sich
nur urn eine Variante eines anderen handelt.
SoIche Fille konnen wir besonders bei Antiphonen beobachten r
deren Text einer Evangeliumsperikope entnommen ist. Verschiedene Arrangements derselben Bibelstelle mit einerseits identischen
andererseits abweichenden Textabschnitten, erweitert oder gekiirzt
und/oder auch melodisch verschiedenartig gestaltet, fiihren manchmal zu einem ziemlich komplizierten Repert(;)ire-Bild. Noch schwieriger wird es, wenn nicht nur eine Evangdiumsperikope, aber
gleich mehrere, zum Teil vervvandte Perikopen sozusagen ineinandef geraten. Ein Beispiel dieser Art ist das Thema meines Beitrages.
Wenn wir die Fastenzeit in einer gewissen Anzahl von OffiziumHandschriften untersuchen,1 stoi\en wir auf Antiphonen, die 0 mulier oder Vade mulier anfangen, deren Text und Musik teilweise korrespondieren und teilweise abweichen und die auch auf verschiedenen Stellen in der Liturgie eingesetzt werden. Somit bildet dieser
Umkreis von Stiicken einen schwer iibersehbaren Knoten ; der ohoe
eine genauere Untersuchung leicht zu Verwechslungen oder MU!.
verstandnissen fuhren kann . Versuchen wir nun, diesen Knoten systematisch aufzulosen.
Die erste Antiphon, die in unserer Thbelle figuriert (Nr. 11, finden
wir bei der Perikope von der kanaanaischen Frau jMt 15. Kap.). Der
I

Vgl. Quellenverzeichnis.

120

David Eben

Text enthalt
Worte
die
Dialog
der
abschlieBen: ,,0 mulier, magna
fides
fiat tibi sicut
{Mt 15,
liturgische Ort dieser Antiphon
entweder der DonnersFastenwoche t
der zweite Sonntag in der Fastenbeide Thge
Perikope verwendet wird. (Siehe
I

An demselben Thg finden wir oft auch eine and ere Antiphon,
def
sehr nahezustehen scheint: Vade mulier, semel tibi dixi, si
credideris,
mirabilia INr. 2). Das ist
sehr verwunderlich,
diese Textpassage stammt uberhaupt nicht aus dem
urn von der kanaanaischen
sondern aus
Perikope van der
Auferweckung des Lazarus (loh 11. Kap ). Dort narnlich, unmittel
vor
Ruf
Jesus zu Martha: uNonne
dixi tibi quonlam
videbis gloriam Dei" (loh 11, 40).
Der
der Antiphon ist
im Vergleich zur Vulgata leicht abgeandert. 2
schon gesagt,
Vade mulier (NL 2) in
Gfof'1zahl
bei den Thgen( an denen
Evangelium von
Kanaanaerin
so
die Antiphon Nr. 1. Bei einigen
Handschriften Hnden wir sie aber doch
der Perikope von Lazarus, am Freitag
4. Woche
Fastenzeit(
an der Ste1]e, wo
diese Antiphon eigentlich
. Das ist der Fall van Hartker 3
und auch von
dart allerdings
der Anfangsvariante 0 mulier,
semel tibi dixi
Vade mulier (Nr. 3).4 Konnten wir
vielleicht
auf
Kontamination durch 0 mulier, magna est
1) schlieBen,
. beiden Antiphonen oft
stehen?
Nun kehren wir unsere Aufmerksamkeit einer anderen
zu( die am Freitag
1. Woche cler Fastenzeit
wurde: die
Textabweichung konnten wir
als Kontamination durch
Stelle im Lukasevangelium erklaren: die Heilung des Lahmen
steht namHch
.. mirabilia" zusam.m.en
, und themat.isch
handelt es sich
urn
Wunderheilung: "Et repleti sunt timore,
vidimus mirabilia hoctie" (Le 5, 26).
J CAO III gibt irrhimlich an, daB H diese Antiphon zweimal enthiilt:
1.
4. Woche
In .
hat
Vade mulier nur einmal - in der
4 Woche bei der Aufererweckung
4 Aus
Grund
Cantus
diese Antiphon als ~'l">''-''" VOn T2.

o MULIER I VADE MULIER -

fiNES ,.ANTIPHONENKNOTEN"

121

Heilung des Lahmen am


Bethsaida (loh 5. Kap.J. Dart sagt Jesus
zum Genesenen: "Ecce sanus factus es: iam noli peccare, ne deteri~
us tibi aliquid contingat" (loh 5, 14). Dieser Text kommt in der Anti~
phon Nr. 4a vor, nur die Anfangsworte sind im Vergleich zur Bibelstelle auf Vade iam geandert.
einigen seltenen FaJlen - wie in
und 1 - find en wir dieses StUck doch mit der Anfangsvariante
Ecce sanus factus es (Nr. 5). Den Grund darnr konnte man in der Absicht sehen, den genauen Wortlaut
Evangeliums In der Antiphon wiederzugeben.
Neben der Textkorrektur bringt die Version 5 auch
Art von
grammatikalischer uVerbesserung": Die Antiphon 4a gliedert die
zweite H~Hfte des Textes ne deterius tibi + aliquid contingat.
Version N r. 5 gliedert dagegen ne deterius + tibi aIiquid contingat,
was vielleicht logischer erscheint.
Toledaner QueUe 44.1 hat so
gar beide Versionen direkt nebeneinander, das heillt Ecce sanus
factus e5, iam noli peccare und unmittelbar danach Vade iam et noli
peccare,5
mit ihrer eigenen Verteilung der Silben
der Me
lodie.
Wir mussen ab er noch einmal zurn Antiphonentext Nr. 4 Vade
iam et noli peccare zuruckkehren.
diesen Text
die Pra~
ger Quellen als einzige den IVAMelodietypus und geben
ne Melodie des VIII. Modus (Nr. 4b). Wir haben es also bei den
Nummern 4 und 5 mit zwei
und zwei grundverschiedenen Melodien zu tun.
Ein letzter Umstand bringt noch eine weitere Komplikation mit
sich. Dieselben Worte, die zum geheilten Lahmen von Bethsaida
gesprochen wurden, hatten auch genau so gut
Ehebrecherin
gegolten haben. Auch dort sagt Jesus zum Abschlui1: IIVade et
amplius noli peccare" (Ioh 8, ID), was also fast genau mit dem An~
fangsteil des Antiphonentextes Nr. 4 ubereinstimmt.
Diese
nutzt E und schreibt Vade iam et noli {Nr. 4a1 ein
zweites Mal fur den Samstag vor dem 4. Fastensonntag, d.h. den
"lag, wo die Johannes-Perikope von der Ehebrecherin gelesen wird.
Mit der gleichen Idee kommt auch die Handschrift Tl,' jedoch be

Dieses StUck wurde von Cantus scheinbar ubersehen.

122

David

sie sich nicht nur damit so wie E denselben Text


Mal anzugeben. Woh! in
Absicht, sieh van
BethsaidaPerikozu differenzieren und sich der Thematik der Ehebrecherin zu nahern, wird Vade iam
noli peccare zu Vade mulier
noli peccare
(Nr. 6). WiT haben also eigentlich man
franzoslsch sagt "panache/l vor lins: van
Antiphon Nr. 2 Vade mulie",
tihi dixi unci
Antiphon Nr. 4. Vade iam et noli peccare. Damit ist
unser UberbHck voUstandig.
l

>I<

...

...

Der Knoten ist zwar gelDst, aber


problematische Punkte
weiterhin zu
Erstens mussen wir uns fragen, mit
wievielen
wir es eigentlich
zu tun haben. Es ist wohl
da~ es sich nicht urn sechs grundverschiedene Stiicke handelt. Aber wenn nicht urn
dann urn wieviel? Auf melodische
Kriterien konnen Wlf leider unsere Unterscheidung nicht stiitzen,
- auf1er der eigenen
Melodie
Antiphonen den IVA
Melodietypus gebrauchen. Die Antwort k6nnen wir also wahrscheinlich nur
der 1radition selbst suchen da~ heiBt
welche
von
Stiicken oder Versionen weisen in
Handschriften ei
ne einheitliche und universal verbreitete 'fradition auf. 6 Aus dieser
Sicht wiirde ich das folgende Schema vorschlagen fThbelle Nr. 2 siehe S. 126).
Im Rahmen der allgemeinen Tradition pragen sich deutlich
Stiicke
autonome Gesange aus: 0 mulier magna est (Nr. 1), Vade
mulier,
tibi dixi (Nr. 2)
Vade iam et
peccare INr. 4a).
Dann haben wir zwei lokale
die
Thxte
kombinieren: Nr. 3 0 mulier
tibi dixi kombiniert den
von
1 und
NI. 6 Vade mulier et noli peccare kombiniert
Text van 2
und
Die Version Nr. 5
sanus factus es ist deutlich
IIVerbesserung" von Nr. 4a, fangt aber
ein eigenes Leben zu fiihren,
l

<; Dieselbe Frage konnte man auch z.


im
Antiphonen-Paares Dabo in
Sion
in Sion stellen. Diese zwei Antiphonen
melodisch fast idenhsch und textuell weichen sie nur irn
ab. Trotzdem finden wir beide
fast alien
und
Editor hat je
gezweifelt,
zwei
individuelle Antiphonen zu
(vgL CAO Ill, 2094 und 4302).

o MULIER I VAnE MULIER - lilsEN

"ANTIPHONENKNOTEN

If

123

wie es Tt {die beide hat) dokumentiert. Dam mussen wir narurHch


auch die lokale Melodie 4b
Prager Antiphonars
den Text Vade iam et noli peccare miteinrechnen.
Wie kann man
Vielfalt von Modifikationen erkliiren? Einige
Griinde haben wir schon im Laufe dieser Abhandlung im Zusammenhang mit dem Bibeltext angedeutet. Sicherlich hat auch die Anpassungsfahigkeit des lVA-Melodietypus dazu beigetl'agen: Vade iam
jNr. 4a} kann ganz einfach zu Ecce sanus factus es (Nr. 5) geandert
werden, urn nilier an den Text der Vulgata zu kommen, was bei ei
ner anderen Melorue wahrscheinlich schwieriger wire.
leichte Verwechselbarkeit der Srucke konnte wohl auch die
Pl'ager motivieren, fUr die Antiphon Vade iam et noli peccare den
IVA Melodietypus zu verlassen und mit eiDer vollig anderen Melodie des 8. Modus mehr zu unterscheiden und moglicherweise auch
abzuwechseln.
Es ist vielleicht auch intel'essant zu erwahnen, da1\ die Perikope
von del' Kanaanaerin, mit der die Antiphon Nr. 1/ und bzw. 2 verbunden ist, relativ spater seinen Eingang in die Liturgie del'
zeit fand. Noch in den meisten Quellen des Antiphonale Missarum
Sextuplex finden wir bei dem zweiten Fastensonntag, del'dem Quatembersamstag folgt, die Uberschrift vacat u. ' Ebenso wurden die
Donnerstage der Fastenzeit erst im 8. Jahrhundert rur Zeit Gregors
It mit einer liturgischen Feier d.h. mit einer eigenen Evangeliums
perikope versehen. 8 Oft sind solche liturgischen Orte der Schauplatz
verscruedener lokaler Besonderheiten.
Der heutige Beitrag wollte nur einen kurzen BUck auf die Komplentat
Uberlieferung des OfHzium-Repertoires werfen. Es gibt
ab er natiirlich viele Duzend ahfilicher Falle, in denen eine derartige
Untersuchung aufschluH,reich ist, und in denen ein Textinzipit allein
die LOsung nicht bringen ka~.
w

11

Antiphonole Missarum Sextuple-x, ed.

Ren~-Jean

Hesberl (Bruxelles, 1935}.

S.62-3.
11 Aimee Georges Maritmort, L'eglise en priere IV - La litwgie et le temps IParis,
1983), S. 80-1; Antipnonale Missarum Sextuple.x,
Rene-Jean Hesbert (BruxeUes,
1935). S. XLVII.

r. 1
III _ III

I.

III

1
o

InLl-li- cr,

mal.!-na est ri-tics

III

III

. cr, se-

u a e

11111

III

III

Eu 0

-sit

at

ti-

SI

III

III

s ml

VI

Euouac

ill ..

3
o

1
2

T2076v;

III

se-

G 148r-nn;

S4

059r; E 029vA; M 142v; V


. Mz83 090r; Mz461 1
Kt
029vA; M
,H 1
R

vi-dc-bis

101 r; F
1261'B*'
P6531

Euouae

;S

Mz461 192vA; KI

*;

TI 056r:

ne

et

us ti- bi

jIi

lii

III

III

Pr 127vA,
Va- de

ne de-Ie- ri - us

cl

.I

a- li-

U 0 U 11 C

III

ne de- te-ri- us

Ius cs iam

.I

TI

11

11

sa-nus

n~gal

a*

bi

a li- quid

TIOo2v:
1-

er.

Cl

pcC-ClI-rc

ne

us

bi

Concordances:
G 147v-nn; 029vB
193rA; Kl 069v
1

498; D 10lv; S OBOr; W

Il-

li-

con-II

5 31

Tabelle N r. 2

1.0

mulier,

magna est fides tua: fiat tibi sicut petisti

3.0

mulier,

semel tibi dixi ...

2. Vade

mulier,

semel tibi dixi: si credideris, vide bis mirabilia.

6. Vade

mulier,

et noli peccare ...

4. Vade iam,

et noli peccare, ne deterius tibi &liquid contigat.

5. Ecce sanus factus es,

iam noli peccare ...


Quellenverzeiclmis

D
E
E64

F
FZ
G

H
Kt

L
Le

Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek Lit. 23


Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale lat. 17296
Iwea, Biblioteca capitolare 106
Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare 64
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale lat. 12584
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale lat. 12044
Durham, Chapter Library B. In. 11
St. Galleo, Stiftsbibliothek 390/391
Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. LX
Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare v. 21
Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare ~Ol

M
Mz83
Mz461
P6'S
Pr
R
S
Tt
T2
V

Vi

Monza, Biblioteca Capitolare c.I217S


Metz, Bibliotheque MunicipaIe 83
Metz, Bibliotheque Municipale 461
Piacenza, Biblioteca Capitolar,e 65
Praha, Knihovna Ncirodniho muzea xv A 10
Zuri,ch, Zentralbibliothek Rheinau 28
London, British Library Add. 30850
'lbledo, Biblioteca CapitoIar 44.1
Thledo, Biblioteca Capitolar 44.2
Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare xcvm
Worcester, Cathedral Library F 160

Cantus Planus 1998 ..J . Esztergom & Visegrad

127

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

1b Ruth Steiner

At the beginning of the most solemn Office hour, the Night Office
(also known as Vigils or Matins), Psalm 94, starting Venite exultemus
Domino was sung to special tones after the first presentation of the
antiphon selected for the occasion. The unusual features of these invitatory tones attracted the attention of Peter Wagner and Paolo Ferretti in the earlier part of the century, 1 and have been one of Ruth
Steiner's pet subjects for the past twenty years. 2 It is no secret that
our horizon has been expanded, and our understanding of the subject refined, by her painstaking comparisons and observations.
Steiner's personal research and its ramifications in the CANTUS database inevitably set the tone for my own work on Braga' s Venite
melodies.
Braga, whose history goes back to Roman times, when it was a
provincial capital, is a small town in the northwest of the Iberian
Peninsula. The archiepiscopal see of Braga is one of the oldest in
the Peninsula, and throughout the Middle Ages it remained the
I

Peter Wagner, Binfiihrung in die gregorianische11 Melodien, Ill: Gregorianische


Formenlehre (Leipzig, 1921. repr. Hildesheim, 1962), pp. 116-87, 313-5; Paolo Ferretti, Estetica gregoriana, vol. I (Roma, 1934), pp. 233-65 (Fr. transl.: Esthetique gregorienne, vol. I [Solesmes, 1938), pp. 215-43).
~ Ruth Steiner, "Invitatory", in Stanley Sadie led.), The New Grove Dictionary of
Music and Musicians (London, 1980), vol. 9, pp. 286-89; id., 'lbnes for the Palm
Sunday Invitatory", The Journal of Musicology, 3 (19841, pp. 142-56; id., Reconstructing the Repertory of Invitatory 1bnes and Their Uses at Cluny in the Late 11th
Century, in Michel Huglo (ed.), Musicologie medievale - notations et sequences
(Paris, 1987), pp. 175-82; id., "The 1Wenty-two lnvitatory 'lbnes of the Manuscript
'lbledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.2", in Malcolm Cole & John Koegel (eds.), Music
in Performance and Society. &says in Honor of Roland Jackson (Warren, Mic., 1991),
pp. 59-79.
I

128

Manuet Pedro Ferreira

most important in what would be


Portuguese territory, ex(~et)t
rt""~ .... n the eighth
the eleventh cenhuy. when, due to
Muslim
the archbishop resided further north.
the late eleventh
century, the cathedral was rededicated and the Roman rite, in its
under the liturgiCarolingian
replaced the
3
cal .
of Aquitanian monks. From that time up to the present century,
spite of minor additions and
the demise
of
singing tradition, Braga has substantially kept the same liturgical usages, which eroded drastically to
point of near annihilaSecond Vatican Council.
tion only
the
thirty years,
The liturgical chant
post-eleventh century
in what concerns
office, can be found in three twin antiphoners, in two volumes each, probably written
the1510s, and in a
of large
4
1520.
manuscripts are, with one
choirbooks, copied
exception, still kept in Braga's Cathedral, where they were certainly
in use up to the nineteenth century. Their contents are much older/
show that
largely correspond
though: I hope to be able
year one thousand in Aquitaine.
a stage
no later than
now
This conclusion rests on analytical evidence which will
sented.
Let me summarize
the
kind of music we are dealing
with here. There are a number of aspects which set apart the invitatory
from the rest. They
usually a tripartite form and
exhibit
a rather elaborate contour with neurnatic passages
alongside the usual
articulation
more than one degree
l

Among the most recent studies


liturgical
two books
stand out' Joaquim
Bragam;:a, Missal de Mateus (Lisboa, 19751, and Pedro
L'O(fice divin au Moyen
dons 1'Eglise de Braga
1980). The tradition of
ehant has barely been investigated since Solange Cor bin,
sur la musique religieuse portugaise DU Moyen Age (1100-1385J
1952). The most
recent
contribution, relative to
Mass, is my
"As
do Gradual
Braga
Didaskalia, vcL XXV (
, pp.
4 Medium-sized choirbooks:
de Braga, Livros
Coro nOs 31 leomTemporale),
(id.), 50 lid.L 28 (complete SanctoraleJ.
(id.);
Distride Braga, MS 949 lid.),
choirbooks: 8 (psalt.) ,
(Temp., beginning!,
9 (Temp.,
10 (id.), 11 (id.), 12
end}, l3 (invit.), 18
, beginning),
15 ISanct., cont), 16 lid.L 19 (id.), 17 {id.), 26 jSanct., end.), 27
Off.
funct.), 33 iMise.).
3

129

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

used as axial tone. N ormally,


are
manuscripts no tones
or antiphons corresponding to the first and eighth modes. Anti~
phons assigned to the fourth and sixth modes particularly the former, can be sung with a variety of
and occupy a liturgically
prominent position. The tone of
third mode has been suspected
to
relatively late, and tones used exclusively with second mode
antiphons seem to be later than the rest. 5
Regional traditions differ greatly
the number and choice of
tones, but some are clearly more archaic than others. This can be
seen t to start with! in the degree of independence of the invitatory
tones regarding the eight~mode system. Some manuscripts attempt
to bring the invitatory tones in line with modal theory.
in so doreduce the number of alternative tones for
antiphons of the
same model limit the choice of a particular tone to antiphons of a
single mode and create new tones for modes that lack them/ with
the corresponding multiplication of antiphons. As a result, the connection of invitatory tone and liturgical occasion may become
weaker than before. AdditionallYI the ambitus of some tones may
extended) the recitation tones modified, and the melodic contour ornamented or made to follow more closely the verbal accents.
In the appended table, you can see the incipit,
tones
and end-degree of the invitatory
in Braga, as wen as
. liturgical
their modal relation to
respective antiphons and
are no first-mode or eight-mode antiphons, There
assignment.
are fourteen
fully written out and seven more incipits ,
which four (Ven 2 = 6 and 7) can be taken to imply three addil

5 This
based on
comparative analysis of the MSS:
R. ..t-..." ... ." ..
"lnvitatory', cit.,
286.
also WaIter H.
"Introduction to the
An
tiphonal
Antiphonale Sarisburiense. A reproduction in Facsimile jLondon, n.d.\;
62; P. Wagner, EinfUhrung ... , cit., p. 184 (echoed by Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant
[Bloomington, 1958J, p. 2441; P. Ferretti, Esthetique ... , cit., p. 224; Willibrord Hec'kenbach, Das Antiphonar von Ahrweiler (Koln, 1971),
70-104; R. Steiner, "ReconRepertory", cit., pp. 178-9;
uTbe 1Wenty1Wo Invrtatory
.. ", cit.,
pp. 64-5.
contributions collide with the speculative approach found in Jean
Claire, "L'Office feria! Romano-Franc" Etudes gregoriennes,
(1975). pp. 84-6, fol~
lowed by Alberta Threo, Canto Gregoriano. 1bni 8 Modi {Rama, 19911, pp. 247-58.
H

xv

130

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

bonal tones. It must be said here that the last folios of chairbook 13,
containing the latter sections of the feria!
as well as the folios
corresponding to the
for the Dead in chairbook 27, were written in the seventeenth
and can be suspected to hide some
simplication of sixteenth-century practice; it is not to be excluded,
that the implied additional tones were rea] alternatives and
not just variant versions of the tones that reached us in full.
The
list of invitatory
does not include/ as most tradi
tions do, a special one for the second-mode antiphons, which
two
with the fourth-mode antiphons. The latter are associated
with no less than eight different tones. The connection between
choice of tone and liturgical occasion
very clear; ferial days receive particular attention, with Monday having three characteristic
tones used
Christmas, after the octave of Epiphany and after
The ambitus of the tones and their melodic elaboration is
kept within modest limits. There is no attempt to modify the tones
in order to bring out the verbal accents (with the possible exception
of the Yen 2 intonation, used as an alternative to Ven 4 in MS 8).
The tones corresponding to the fourth mode often keep a recitation
tone on
which most manuscripts raise to F, and the tone corresponding to
third mode similarly tends to keep the B naturaL
AB
characteristics are quite conservative,
tones for secondmode antiphons, the semitonal rise of the mi and changes in the relationship between
and music appear already before the year
6
one thousand. The number of tones called for, seventeen, is however unusually large, which points to a post-Carolingian development.
Braga's invitatory tones can therefore be said to correspond, in
their general outline, to tenth-century practice. This becomes
cially interesting when parallels with other sources are investigated.
Unfortunately only a handful of manuscript versions have been
Several early instances of semitonal rise and
editing are documented in Manuel PedIo Ferreira, uMusic at Cluny: The Tradition of Gregorian
the Proper of
Mass. Melodic
and Microtonal Nuances
Chant
(ph. D. diss .. Princeton University, 1997, UMI Microform 9809172), Chapter 4
6

Appendix L

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

131

published? I do not count here the three Benedictine editions - the


Liber responsonalis of 1895/ Ferretti/s selection in his Estetica gregoriana of 1934 and the Liber hymnanus of 19838 - which likely correspond to a conflation of diverse manuscript sources, and are thus of
limited value for comparative purposes.
Since a map of regional practice concerning invitatory tones has
not yet
drawn, one can take as a provisional clue of regional affinities the choice of invitatory antiphons. These have been included
in Hesberl's survey of the Gregorian antiphoner (CAOL 9 and therefore one can make oneself a fair
of whose texts were widespread, and whose texts were not. Not surprisingly, there a large
gToup of invitatory antiphons
Braga which are missing in the
CAO catalogue: 38 invitatories in all, of which 16 correspond to li~
turgica1 changes made after 1400 (see the Appendix). Eleven of
~'-'~ antiphons (two of which absent
Braga before 1400) can
however be found in two antiphoners copied from Aquitanian mod
els kept at the Cathedral of Thledo, call numbers 44.1 and 44.2. The
connection between these antiphoners, particularly 44.2, and Braga
was demonstrated by the liturgist Pedro Romano Rocha and has been
confirmed from other points of view by Ruth Steiner and myself. to
We are
dealing here with a tradition related to Aquitaine.
1

.. u. ...

op. cit. (transcribes the tones included


a thirteenth-century Franantiphoner); W. Heckenbach, Das Annphonar van Ah:rweiler, cit.; Keith Glaeske et
Biblioteca capitol11T8, 65. A CANTUS Index.. Ottawa: Institute of
Media::val Music, 1993, pp. xiii-vii; R. Steiner, "The 1\ve:nty-1Wo Invitatory 'lbnes... ",
cil.; Charles Downey. An Utrecht Antiphoner. Utrecht, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit 4IJ6 (3.]. 7). A CANTUS Index IOttaWCl, 1997), pp. xv-ix. The tones of the antiphoner contained in Worcester, Cathedral Library, P. 160, can
seen facsimile in the
Paleographie musicale,
12 (Solesmes. 1922, repr. Berne, 19711.
pp. 192-9 of the facsimile.
S Liber Responsorialis pro Festis I. Classis et Communi Sanctorum juxta ritum monasricum. Adnectuntur Invitatorium et Hymrrus aliorom fiestorum (Solesmes, 1895); P. Ferretti, op. tit.; Liber hymnarius cum invitatoriis et aliquibus responroriis iSolesmes, 1983j.
9 Rene-Jean Hesbert, Corpus antiphonruium officii, Rerum
docuvo1. 3: Invitatoria et
IRoma, 1968!.
Series malor, Pontes, 710 Fedro R. Rocha, op.
.; id., "Influjo de los antifonarios aquitanos en el oficio
divino de
iglesias del noroeste de la peninsula'\ Esrudios sobre Alfonso VI y la &.
CDnquista
Thledo. Aetas del II Congreso lntemacional de Esrumos Mozarabes (Thledo,
7

P.

,-,J<>''-l:U'

132

Manuel Pedro

relationship between
and
of
two antiphoners however not straightforward. The three particular
they
drew their repertory from a common
of antiphons,
than
central European core and
of rear monastic proximity, 11 but the overall choice of texts also
reveals
Not surprisingly, this independence
the choice of invitatory tones and their liturgical assignextends
ment. Although Toledo 44.1 only has seven tones written in full
the melody of
incipits is missing. the CANTUS
was
known from
able
identify twelve
all of
12
has twenty-one
written
other
sources. Toledo
full, another incompletely written out (probably followed by
now
and
more melodic incipits;
these
recently studied
Ruth
are rare or unique. 13
Only nine of these tones are common to
two manuscripts; Braga
with 44.1 and thirteen with 44.2.
shares nine
The liturgical assignment of these
however much
disagreement (to illustrate' I will use the
sigla attributed
to them).
differs from both Thledo antiphoners for instance,
aligns
with 44.1
its use
with regard
3 and WR,
of tone 5. The three
disagree in the
of the tone for
Sunday, actually, in
larger European context,
seems to
14
this occasion.
alone in
choice tone NE
l

Mayo 1985} (Toledo. 1990), voL 4, pp.


Ruth
~Introduction", in
Olexy et al., An Aquitanian Antiphoner: Thledo, BibliotecQ capitula1; 44.2.
A CANTUS
(Ottawa, 1
pp. vii-xxi; id., "Directions
Chant Research in
the 1990s: The Impact of Chant Data
,Revisla
Musicologia,
(1993),
697
Manuel
Ferreira,
Fragments from
11993),

pp. 457-76.

in common some
Cluniac
the two Toledo MSS
ence, shown by the
that they
a number of invitatory antiphons found
in CAO only through the antiphoner
St.
RN.
12044}.
Collamore - Keith 1<1<;;'>1'<::;. Tb/edo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.1. A
Inthrough a
1997 printout
made available to me
dex
by Ruth

CL R.
the music of
14 Cf.
JJ

"The 1\venty-1\vo
Tones .. N, ciL
on p. 70,
mistakenly under
No. 4, and vice-versa).
the Palm Sunday
, cit.

133

BRAGA'S INV1TATORY TONES

Although Braga and Toledo 44.2 clearly correspond to two different


the relationship between them shown in the following
(I will now refer to the
according to their order of appearance
in the manuscripts): among the rare or unique tones in the Toledo
MS tones no. 9 and 13 find their only known parallel ' Brags's
tone 1 and incipit 6 while Toledo's unidentified llmissingli tones M3
and MS correspond to
stones 2 and 11. In each case of a rare
used in both traditions,
is also some coincidence in liturgical assignment.
our perception of the collection of invitaThis allows us to
tory tones in Toledo 44.2.
were doubts about th.e status of
the Ilmissing
for one and the same tone may allow for some
variation in its beginning, and therefore, incipits M3 and M5 Were
suggested to be
intonational variants. IS Now we can confidently
say that the additional incipits in the manuscript do correspond
different tones. We thus have twenty-nine implied tones in Thledo
44.2/ counting with the unusual internal division of tones 1 and
8:la, 1b (::::M6" le, ld=7=8b;
,4; 5; 6;
9; 10; 11;
; 14;
1 16; 17; 18 (a variant of 17); 19; 20; 21; 22; M1; M2;
M4; and
MS (a variant of 14).
There were also doubts about
nature of the unusually large
medieval comcollection of invitatory tones in Toledo 44.2.16 Was
faithful transmitter
piler a creator, a compulsive collector or just
of a living tradition? Once we are aware of Braga's usage, two of the
tones formerly thought to be unique are turned into rare, preexist
ing tones. This supports the idea that even the seemingly unique
tones were not new when the manuscript was copied, and that the
compiler did not select tones of
own making.
The case for the compulsive collector hypothesis rests apparently
on a stronger basis, for three of the tones included in the colleccourse of
tion {Toledo nos. 6, 10 and 181 are not called for in
manuscript whenever an incipit is written over the word Venite
after an invitatory antiphon.
tones require, however, a closer
examination.
I

ll

11

15
Hi

Steiner. "Introduction",
p. xx.
'T"".n",r gTones
the Palm Sunday Invitatory" , cH.,

150.

11

134

Manuel Pedro Ferreira


18 is a variant of tone 17, and therefore it can be thought to

have served as an alternative to it depending on personal preference. Tone 10, known from many sources/ is a tone designed for use
with second~mode antiphons, which corresponds to a relatively
different re~
development; this development must have occurred
gions
the same time for the tradition represented by 44.2 uses
which is also
other second-mode toneS amongst them tone no.
11
found in Saint#Martial de Limoges. Tone 10 seems therefore to
have been included as a witness of a more widespread treatment of
second~mode antiphons, probably known to the compiler from personal
FinallY1 tone 6 could be seen as a variant version of
7, and
be thought to serve as an alternative to it, but their musical differences point
another interpretation:
6, with its insistence
in the formula E G E (G)a, ambiguously used in relation to the
text, has a Gallican ring to it, even
its positioning as a second intonation,lS while
7 sounds much more regular and Gregorian
which suggests that 01d-style
6 was supplanted by its new-style
of tone 6 in the collection
reinterpretation as tone 7. The
may thus be attributed to a sentiment akin to our unwillingness to
throwaway good old shoes which we do not use anymore, but still
pnze our memory.
All the tones in Toledo 44.2 have thus claims to same kind of prac~
tical validity, even it was fulfilled in the past or intended to
fulbeen not a creator,
filled in the future. The compiler seems to
nor just a collector, but rather a transmitter of a living tradition
amalgamated with personal experience, not confined to a single moment nor to a single point in space. From this point of view1 Braga/s
invitatory tones, in same ways so close, appear more archaic,
cause, in spite of the relatively large number of tones selected, the
collection lacks this individual touch, this enthusiasm for tonal richl

17

R. Steiner, "The TWentyTWo lovitatory Thnes ... If, ciL pp. 64-5.
l

Michel Huglo, wGallican rite, music of the", in Stanley Sadie (ed.), The New
Grove Dictionary
Music
Musicians (London. 19801, vaL 7. pp. 113-25; Manuel
Pedro Ferreira, "Music at Cluny", ciL, p. 391.
III

BRAG A'S INVITATORY TONES

135

ness and the variety


experience, which lies behind the huge com~
pilation in Toledo 44.2.
We came then full circle, from Braga to the Aquitanian antiphoners in Toledo and back
Braga again, where early
tury manuscripts allow us to look back to an intennediary stage in
the development of the Gregorian invitatory tones. The comparative
research should time allowing, be extended to other manuscripts,
early and late, in the Iberian Peninsula and elsewhere: this small
contribution
just one more scratch on the surface of the Venite
problem.
t

P.S.: The papers


in footnote 2 are now available in Ruth
book Studies in Gregorian Chant (1999). The enor
to in footnote 13 has been corrected the reprint.

136

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Appendix. The Braga tones


1NCIP1T

No.
(MS)

AXIS

1
113/

El'

(;
f.I SO)

NOTB OF ANT.

SlON: SUNDAYS,

SION: FBRlAL DAYS

&

F&ASTS OF THE

CAN

TUS SI-

TBMPORALE

GLUM

AND THBIR OCTAVES

Dnica ii
through Dnica
v post Pascha

GGD D

.~ I -1

Ve.~~..

f.I47)

(13/

(13/

LITURGICAL OCCA-

1\4 t&. ....AI t.. ""'J

V&

f.l44v)

LITURGICAL OCCA-

TONAL FINAL MODE

ddd

7-

I.JC ~tt.~vs

. ~" 1 ...
V~

4-

ddd

iL txJrc~U!
77

(13/
f.l 53)

5
(13/

US5v)

E-~:1ltt f ~
Vwk

F E

ece

Dnica in I.
through
Dniea iii in xl
Die seta Pasche
Dnica in albis

Feria ii post
oct . Epiph.

G/D

uu!tt~\K

~ APA t ,
~.k.

FID

Dnica i post
act. Epiph.
through Dnica
in Ix
Dniea de Passi
one

4MO

~..tul
55

Ascensio Dni
Feria v in oct.
Oruca post Ase. Aseensionis
Die Penthecostes
Dnica i through
xxiii post Penth .

137

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

LITURGICAL OCCASION:

COMMON OF SAINTS

FEASTS OF THE SANCTO- AND OTHER LITURGICAL


RAL8

OBSERVATIONS

MUSICAL
PARALLELS

OCCASIONS

AND THIlIR OCTAVES

Feasts of Saints
during Paschal
time

Comm. Apost. et
Toledo 44 .2: no. 9
Evaog. T. P., Cornm.
un . Mart. T. P., Comrn.
pI. Mar\. T. P., Comm.
Conf. Pont. T. P.,
Comm. Coni. non
Pont. T. P.

LR: 7; Ferretti:
XV; LH: VII; Wagner: VII ; Heckenbach: 4; Toledo
44.2: 22; Piacenza:
14; Worcester: 9
(p. 196, lowerl;
Utrecht: 4

Toledo 44.2 also uses


this tone for Dnica iiJiv
post Pascha
Compare with Ferretti
4.E

The incipit corresponds


to Toledo 44.2: M3 (this
MS also uses this tone
for Dom. in !xx)
Compare with LH:
VlI lal
see also Frere, p. lii

Ferretti: VII ; Wag- see also Frere, p. xxx


ner: IV. L; Thledo \411\ Venite)
44.2: 16; Utrecht: Compare with LH : E
10
LR: 5; Ferretti: X; see also Frere, p. xxxv
LH: V; Wagner: V;

Heckenbach: 6;
Toledo 44.2 : 17;
Piacenza: 9;
Worcester: 8 (p.
196, upper):
Utrecht: 13

138

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

No.

INClm

(MS)

TONAL FINAL MODE


AXIS

LrruRGICAL OCCA-

LITURGICAL OCCA-

Non! Of ANT.

SION: SUNDAYS,

SION: FBIUAL DAYS

8t CAN-

FBASTSOPTHB

TUS 51-

TBMPORALB

GUJM

AND THEIR OCTAVllS

6
4

(131
f.lSSvl

.'!., 1'.
(13/
fJ61v)

(131
f.164v)

VI.

MAo'

f ,

J.. ...Jhl84lf

.
.,
.
t
f

UL.Jk ~r...ws:

hJa
hid/a
b

aJG
alG
G G

(13/
f.l7Ov)

NataJe Dni
Die circuncis.
In die Epiph.
4CH
oct. Epiph.

Dnica ii Ady.

(13/
f.167v)

10

33

5,6PA

.,....

f ..
V,..1t

aaE

uJiltfWt

Dnica i Adv.
Dnica. iy Ady.
Vigilia Nat. Dui
2,4 NE Dnica iv in xl
Dnica in ramis

pa1marum
11
(13/
U73v)

F l..lf
~

=:t. ' ,

GIB
G

.;,J.. ~Mn

l,4WR

(see Ven 5)

139

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

LrrURGICAL OCCASION:

CoMMON OP SAINTS

FRAS'IS OP THB SANCTO- AND OTtffiR LITURGICAL

RALB

MUSICAL

OBSKRVATlONS

PARALLBLS

OCCASIONS

AND THBIR OCTAVBS

see Braga no. 12 lanother verBion of essentially the same tone)

LR: 3; Ferretti: 11; LH: In section 3 and part of


S. Mathei
Ill; Wagner: Ill; Heck- section 4 the reciting
enbacn: I. 10;
tones h and d are reThledo 44.2: 11;
placed by c.
Worcester: 6 (p. 194,
See also Frere, p. xxi
lower); Utrecht: 3
Officium BMV be- LR: 4.g; Ferretti: Ill; see also Frere, p. xxx
13rd Venitel
tween oct. Epiph. -LH: IV"; Wagner:
Basis for tone GR le.g.
and Purif.
IV.2i 'Ibl. 44.2: 15;
Thledo
44.2: 2; HeckenPiacenza: 15; Worcester: 4. (p. 193, lowerl; bach 2,5)
Utrecht: 7
see also Worcester 12
LR: 6; Ferretti: XII;
LH: VI; Wagner VU; Ip. 198, upper)
Heckenbach: 7 12;
Thledo 44.2: 21;
Piacenza.: 12; Worcester: 13 (p. 198, l~!.:...}_ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
Fab. et Sebast., Pauli, Comm. Apost.
LR: 4.B; Ferretti: IX; see also Frere, p. xxxi
Martini, Nicolai, Anne, Comm. V"u-g. (with 111 LH: IV; Wagner: IV.3;
Marihe. Clare, Magantiphon); Comm. pl. Heck.enbach: 3; Thledo MS 'lbledo 44.2 also
uses this tone for the
dalene
Mart.; Comm. Coni.
44.2: 3; Piaceru.a: 8;
In annunt. BMV
Pont.; Comm. pI. Vrrg. Worcester: 5 (p. 194., Common of Saints as inIn visitat. BMV
Off. Cantica cantico- upper); Utrecht 6
dicated
In concepL BMV
rum

S. Johannis Bapt.

lohannis Apli, Vmcenill, Blasii. Cath. S. Petri


Apli, Victoris, Petri et
Pauli, Cony. S. Pauli,
Iacobi apli, S. Petri ad
vincula, lnv. S. Stephani, Laurenru, Andree

Worcester: 3
(p. 193, upper)

This tone corresponds to MS


in ThL 44.2, and also to the incipil on 01. 12v of'lb1. 44.1. It
is a variant ofThl. 44.2: no.
14, related to no. Sa.
See Frere, p. ID (2od). Compare with LH: E la)

140

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

No.

INC1PIT

TONAL FINAL

(MS)

12
1131
f.l76v)

13

AXIS

-...,.,.f---:---____ GGE

PAt'! f

MODE

LITURGICAL OCCA-

LITURGICAL CCC/.-

NOTB OP ANT.

SION: SUNDAVS,

SlON: PBRlAL DAVS

& CAN-

FBASn> OF THB

TVSSI-

TEMPORALE

GLUM

AND THEIR OCTAVES

Dnica iii Adv.

..

4.

(I31
f.179)

ccG

.. t -

(this tone is

FE

Vt ,*'Ia UId.,",~
(equivalent to Ven3)

Ven 1
{31.
501

Ven 2

(8,
23 ,
31 .

VeM.i-ft.

j
6

#,,)tw1.ti""'1

(equivalent to Ven4)

..
F

feria Upost Dnica


ill Adv .
ferias ante Vigilia
Natali Dni
[MS 8; fer. v, vi,
sabbato]
feria ill-vi,
sabb. post oct.

Epiph.

Vc..~f

SO)

Ven 4

949)

feria ii prima
hebdom. Adv.

tI

~ .. , E "

32,

29, AD

tatorium
(eriale.
See Ven l-S}

Ve ~'.J~ uw1h-

Ven 3

(8. 17,
27. 28,

identified in
the MS as invi-

32)

(31,

t~

BL

.. ~ .. )

1I~tr,~

Iferia iii post


cct . Epiph.:
only MSS.
31/32]
IMS 8: fer. iv]

141

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

LITURGICAL OCCASION:

CoMMON OF SAtN'TS

PEASTS OP THE SANCT'O- AND OTHBR LITURGICAL


RAI..E

MUSICAL

OBSBRVATIONS

PARALLELS

OCCASIONS

AND THEIR OcrA'nS

oct. S. Jacobi

Comm. un. Mart,


Comm . Conf. non
Pont.
Comm. Virginum
(with 21\d antiphon)

LR: 4.d; Ferretti:


V; LH: IV; Wagner: IV.4; Worcester: 71p. 195J

This tone corresponds


to M 1 in Thl. 44.2. Thl.
44 .1 has the final recitation on E, as does
Braga. See also Frere, p.
x, and Steiner 1984.

Ferretti: XIV; Wagner: VI.2; Worcester: 2 (p. 192,


lower); Utrecht: 2

This tone is also found in Thl.


44.l, fo1. 177, and corresponds
to M2 in Thl. 44.2. Compare
with 101. 44.2: 19; Piacenza:
11; Heck.enbacb: 11.

Ferretti: XlV; Worces


leT: 2 (p. 192, lower).
see also 101. 44.2: M2

corresponds to tone for


Officium mortuorum in
MS ADB 739

(incipit on fol. 131v)

Wagner: VI. 2;
Piacenza: 11

see also Heckenbach: 11

see 'Ibl. 44.2: M2 MS 9 has this incipit for


(incipit on fo1s. 34, saturday, but substitutes
36)
C for B in the remaining

days.
See also Ven 4.
In agenda mortuorum;

Officium BMV

Officium BMV with


ferial antiphon Ave
Maria on F (MSS. 17,
28,29,949\

142

Manuel Pedro Ferrf~'ira

No_

INCIPIT'

(MS)

Ven 5
(31,
32)

Ven 6
(16.28.
29. AD
949)
Veo 7
(16.
17
19 1"
hand,
29,

AXIS

-t

VeM.ile

ij'

et}

LITURGICAL OCCA-

NOTE OPANT.

SION: SUNDAYS,

SION: FERlAL. DAYS

& CAN-

FEAS1"S OF THB

TUSSI-

TBMPORALE

GLUM

AND THEIR OCTAVES

..

[feria ii p. Pascha
sabbatto in albis
feria! days from
Dniea in albis to
Ascensio Dui
feria vi post Asc.
oct. Ase.
ferial days post
Penth.: only MSS
31/321

LX~-

III

Vt.
F

LITURGICAL OCCA-

TONAL FINAL MODE

-M~
2

Ve.~

AD
949)
14

(271
p.168)

e,

t ." ~

Vt.M.i~ e u~~

cia

c/G
F

F/a

6-

143

8RAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

LITURGICAL OCCASION:

CoMMON OF

SAINTS

PEAS1"S OF T'H.B SANCl'O- AND OTHER LITURGICAL

RALE

MUSICAL

OBSBRVATIONS

PARALLELS

OCCASIONS

AND THBIR OCTAVES

For the same liturgical


occasions, MSS 9 and 50
have tone no . 9.
See also Wagner Vl .2,
Piacenza 11

In dedicatione Ec- Thledo 44.2: 13


clesie

oct. Assump . BMV


oct. Nativ. BMV

MS Thledo 44.2 also


uses this tone with the
antiphon Sanctifjcavit
Dominus for the dedication of a church

proper to ferial antiphon Ave Maria on D


(MSS. 16, 17, 29, 949)

Close, but distinct from


LH: VI*, VIa.

144

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Key to Table
- [left column) music missing (not found in Braga's choirbooks)
- (right columns) text missing
v text also found in Thledo 44.1 or 44.2
. complete text (given if short or not recorded in CAO)
/ alternative word
( ) may not appear
+ with text-variant relative to CAO or 1bledo MSS
0000 r X recorded in CAO, but only through MS X
\0000\ based on, or closely related to text recorded in CAO
it. not in Soeiro's Breviary, of c. 1400
[aJ anterior: replaced in the 16 1t. century
[P] posterior: replacement from the 16th century

Notes

*' The MS has only the incipit, whose text (T 108) coincides with
Braga, but the melody is different.
* * The MS has only the incipit, whose text coincides with CAO 1112,
E 117 and Braga; the melody is the one found in Toledo 44.1 and
Braga.

Sources
Arquivo Distrital de Braga, MS. 657 !cf. Pedro R. Rocha, L'O{fice divin
au Moyen Age dans l'Eglise de Braga, Paris: Gulbenkian, 1980)
Arquivo Distrital de Braga, MS 949 .
Catedral de Braga, 1. C. 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 26, 27, 28,29, 31, 50

145

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

Table
MODE

BRAGA'S INVITATORY ANTIPHONS

To44.I 1'044.2

l002 ,! M Adaperiat Dominus cor vestrum in lege


sua et in
Adoremus Christum pietatis immensa::
Dominum quem resurgentem prima meruit Magdalena videTe Maria.

Adoremus Christum Regem confessorum


Dominum
Adoremus Christum Regem qui ceterna
2
sanctum Martinum coronavit gloria. [P]
Adoremus Deum invisibilem qui
7
Clementi martyri in mari condidit habitaculum.
Adoremus DeumlDominum qui in sanctis
4
gloriosus
Adoremus Dominum quia/quoniam ipse
6
fecit nos.
Adoremus regem apostolorum qui privi4
legio
Adoremus regem magnum Dominum qui
4
in sanctis
AdoTemus regein sreculorum. in quo vivit
4
Nicolaus
Adoremus unum Deum atque trinum
4
pariter, in quo vivit felix martyr Blasius perhenniter.
Adoretur virginum rex per sreculorum
4
~cula virgini qui Catherinae contulit
crelestia.
Agnum sponsum virginum venite adore4
mus (P]
Alleluia, alleluia.
4
6, 7 All eluia , alleluia, alleluia.
Alleluia Christum Dominum ascenden5
tem in
Alleluia salve sancta Crux salve, alleluia.
7

CAD

1006

TIOl

1006+
Tl02+

lO 10
1011

1013

1015

1017

10211S

1022
1023

v
v
v

v
v
v

lO321F v

~ O29

146

ManueL Pedro Ferreira

MODE
BRAGA'S INVITATORY ANTIPHONS
._
5
Alleluia Spiritus Domini replevit orbem
terrarum
Angelorum regi Domino iubilemus
pariter raj
Ascendens Christus in altwn, aUeluia.
6
2
Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum.
Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum
2
benedicta
Beatus CaJlistus Christi martyr triumphat
Beatus Iacobus Christ; martyr triumphat
4
4
Beatus Laurentius Christi martyr triumphat
4
Beatus Thomas Christi martyr triumphat
4
Beatus Victor Christi martyr triumphat
coronatus
4
Christum natum qui beatum hodie coronavit
7
Christum natum regem pro quo martyres
innocentes occisi sunt venite adoremus.
Christum regem adoremus dominantem
gentibus qui se manducantibus dat spiritus pingued.inem.
4
Christum regem Dorninum pro 'lObis in

CAO

T044.1 To 44.2
v

10391F 1041
v
1042

1034
1037

1045
1045
1045

1045
1045
1048

E104

cruce exa/laturn, venite adoremus.


4
4

Christum regem regum adoremus ...


Andream
Christum regem regum adoremus .. .
Pe t rum

Christum regem regum hodie transfigu.raturn, venite adoremus Dominum.

Christus apparuit nobis: venlte adoremus.


Christus natus est nobis: venite adorerous.
Confesso rum regem adoremus Christum.
Deum verum unum in trinitate et Trinitatern in

1051

1051

1054

1055

1061

147

BRAGA'S INVITATORY TONES

MODE

CAO

BRAGA I S INVITA10RY ANTIPHONS

Dominum Deum nostrum venite adore- 1064


mus.
6 Dominum
fecit nos venite adoremus. 1066

Domum Dei decet sanctitudo, Sponsum eius \1069\

Christum. [P]
venit plenitudo temp oris

Eia pervigiles Domino iubilate fideles


conceptumque pire Solemnizate Marire,
[a]
Exsultemus Domino summi regis filio qui dedit Thomre palmam dedit et victoriam.
Filia 5)1on occunite, adsunt enim celebria
1079+ IS

matris
Festum ... palmam ... dedit aternam. [a]

6
4
4

quo 1073

ad templum sanctum suum


1072
dominator
venit rex: occurramus obviam saIu 1074

To 44.1 To 44.2

Gaudete et exsultate
nomina vestra
scripta
Geraldus eece migrat hie pauper crelo
dives quem sanctorum eoncentus Christo
psallens deducit nos crelestibus hymnis
laudemus in hunc Deum.
Hoilie scietls quia veruet Dominus.
Hoctie scietis quia
Dominus et
mane videbitis
Hoctie vocem Domini (eius) auctierltis
nolite
Imperatorem caelorum adoremus legum
Christum qui gratia hospitalitatis coronavit hospUam suam Martham. [a]

In conceptione beatre Marire jubilemus


Domino. {P]

In honore (beata!j An.nre Ipirel matris


ManGe iubilemus cantemus Domino in
eius sacra solemnitate.

1080

\ 11 03\

TU!

\1084\
1084
1085

148
MODE

--

Manuel Pedro Ferreira


BRAGA 's INVITATORY ANTIPHONS

4
In honore(m) beatissimre Marire virginis
5, 6 In manu tua Domine omnes fines terrre.
In sanctre Crucis exaltatione venite collaudemus Dominum quia per Crucis mys1erium martyres suos coronavit Cornelium et Cyprianum
4
lpsi vero non cognoverunt vias meas
quibus
Jubilemus Deo salutari nostro.
6
4
Justus florebit in domo Domini plantatus

CAO
1086
1087

1092

1095

v
v

1096

Laudemus Deum nostrum in confessione


beate N. lPl

1098

Laudemus Deum nostrum in conversione


apostoli
Laudemus/Laudibus Deum ... in solemnitate (m]
Laudibus egregiis Christo psaUamus in
unum qui levitre Vincentio inter supplicia
tonnentorum obsequia misit angelorum.
Martinus esse migrat hie pauper cre10
dives [aj
Mirabilem Deum in sanctis suis venite
adoremus
Nativitatem hodiernam beatre MariGe omnes populi devotissime celebremus et humili corde regem regum adoremus.
Non sit vobis vanum mane surgere ante
1ucem
Ploremus coram Domino Deo nostro qui
fecit nos.
Populus Domini et oves pascure eius venite
Prcecedam nos in GalilCEam.
Pr~ocupemus facie m Domini et in
psalmis
Prope est iam Dominus: venite adore~
mus.

1098

2
2

2
4
4

7
7

7
4

To44.1 To 44.2

1098+

T113

1103

1105

v
v

EllS

T114

1110

Ell7

1113

1115

E 118+ v
v

11201 F v

149

BRAGA'S INVITATORV TONES

Mom~

7
7

BRAGA1S INVl1'ATORY ANTIPHONS

---------------------------------

CAO

Quadraginta
offensus fui genera1121
tioni illi et
Quooiarn Deus magnus Dominus rex 1124
magnus
Regem adoremus Dominum qui pedendit -

To44.1 To44.2

v
Tl15

In

Regem angelorum Dominum,


mus.

apostolorum Dominum venUe


adoremus.

11

Regem archangelorum Dominum venUe


adoremus, alleluia. [P]

\1126\

Regem confessorum Dominum venite


adoremus.
Regem
omnia vivunt venite
mus.
Regem evangelistarum Dominum venite
Regem martyrum Dominum venite

1129

3,4 Regem prrecursoris Dominum venite [P]


2
qui camem
prrefulsit per
feeU vis am~ns.
2
Regem regum Dominum adorare debemus

1140

6
3
4

adorev

1131
1132
1137

qui sanctum {suum} Geraldum digne hodie


mirificavit in
2
4

Regem regum Dominum venite adoremus 1146


quia
Regem regumlmagnum
adoremusDominum qui
suum baptistam Ioannem per sacrum martyrlum coronavit in crelum. [a]

v
17

Regem sanctorum omnium venite adoremus \1147\

5,6 Regem venturum Dominum venite


1149
adoremus
4
Regem virginis
venite adoremus.
4
Regem virginum Dominum venUe adore- 1151
mus.

150
MODE

6
4

6
2

4
4

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

BRAGA'S INVITATORY ANTIPHONS

Reginam ceeN mariam concorditer adoremus, quce visitans helisabeth spem contulit
ut /audemus.
Repleti sunt omnes Spiritu Sancto, alleluia.
Rex noster adveniet Christus quem loannes
Sancta Dei genitrix virgo intercede pro
nobis.
SanctiHcavit Dominus tabemaculum
suum et fa]
Se dedit Dominus in cibum, alleluia.
Seraphim stabant super illud sex alre uni
et sex alre al teri .
Surgite vigilemus venite adoremus quia
nescunus
Surrexit Dominus vere alleluia.
1\1 es pastor ovium princeps apostolorum
tibi
Venite adoremus regem re gum cuius hodie ad
Venite adoremus regem regum, qui per demonstrationem nivis matris suee condidit
habitaculum .
Venite adoremus salvatorem omniu.m, qui
nobis ad custodiam depufavit angelum.
Venite exsultemus Domino.
Venite exsultemus Domino iubilemus
Deo salutari
Venite omnes Christicoice ad adorandum
Christum Regem eeternum, qui apostolum
suum mirabililer decoravit [acobum.

CAO

To 44 . 1 To 44.2

1154IS v

1155

\1157/8\ -

11611 E v

1165

1166

v
v

1167
1177

1179

v
v

E123+

T123

1180

Cantus Planus 1998 --l '. Esztergom ft Vi segrad

151

ANTIPHONEN SUDDEUTSCUER HEI1IGEN~


OFFIZIEN DES HOCHMITIELALTERS

Roman Hankeln

Die Analyse des Offiziumsrepertoires der westlichen Kirche des


auf die Identifikation von
Mitte1alters beschrankte sieh hisher meist
.
Formeln und 'JYpenmelodien in den traditioneIlen Gregorianischen
Antiphonen und Responsorien. Meloruen, deren Bildung nicht auf
den traditionellen Strategien dieses Corpus heruht, waren nur selten Gegenstand der Forschung. Wait.er Howard Frere beispielsweise
ordnete sie 1901 in seiner klassischen Erhebung der Antiphon- und
Responsoriumstypen, 1 wenn er sie iiberhaupt erwihnte, in Phasen
schwacherer Gesangskomposition ein - jene Zeitalter von SilbeJ,
Bronze und Blei, wie Frere sie nannte. An dieser Einschatzung hat
sieh bis heute wenig geandert.
Seit 1996 beschiiftigt sieh eine Forschungsgruppe unter der Leitung von David Hiley am Musikwissenschaftlichen Institut der Uni~
versitat Regensburg im Rahmen des von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unterstiitzten Projekts "Die Gesange der Heiligen-Offizien (Historiae) im MittelalterU v.a. mit Offizien, die, seit ea. dem
10. Jh. entstanden, historisch und stilistiseh nicht dem Gregorianischen Offiziumscorpus zuzurechnen sind. Ziel des Projekts ist es neben der Edition besonders interessanter Exemplare - eine erste
Beschreibung der stilistischen Verfahrensweisen dieser Kompositionen zu erarbeiten. Dazu wurden bis jetzt ca. 80 Offizien gesammelt
(aus Publikationen und eigenen Obertragungen).
Der vorliegende Beitra,g beschreibt anhand einer Gruppe von Offizien, die zwischen dem 9. und 13. Jahrhundert in Siiddeutschland
entstanden sind, zwei Konzepte zur Stilanalyse dieser spateren Hi.

I Einfiihrung zum Antiphonale Sarisburiense, 6 Bde. (London, 1901-24, Repr.


Farnborough, 1966).

Roman Hankeln

storiae. 2
Beitrag beschrankt sich auf
knapper darstellbare
Antiphonenrepertoire (die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchungen sind
aHerdings auch auf dem Gebiet des Responsorien-Repertoires bestatigt word en).
stilistischen Analyse werden im Vordergrund
Zwei Aspekte
stehen: Tonalitat und Melodiebildung.
Zur Tonalitat

Begriff "Modus " erfa~t nicht alle jener melodischen Spannungsvorgange, die
in einem Gesang ereignen konnen und
man allgemein Jldie ThnaliUit"
Gesangs nennt. Das in seiner
strengen Systematik vielleicht am weitesten fortgeschrittene
schreibungsmodell von Thnalitiit hat Finn Egeland Hansen vorgelegt
rnit
Analyse
Tonars von Dijon, Montpellier H 1 ,3 Diese
Untersuchung beruht allerdings u.a. auf Computerkalkulationen,
die
einheitlich uberliefertes Repertoire analysieren,
den
MeBtonar selbst. Unser Material ist
sowohl stilistisch wie
auch uberlieferungsgeschichtlich
heterogen. Deshalb schlage
eine andere, moglichst einfache Analysemethode vor. Ich
rUcksichtige
n u r ' charakteristische Knotenpunkte
Melodik. Das sind: Kadenzen, wiederholte Tone und umspieite
ne. Betrachtet man Kadenzen, Tonwiederholungen und
spielungen j
rur sich,
verschiedene
Je
Tone haufiger
Kadenzen, Wienach Modus werden
Beispiel
derholungen und Umspielungen verwendet als andere.
17. Modus) benutzen die Kadenzen nur
Finalis und ihre Oberquint. Fur
wiederholten
sieht man auch nur Finalis und
Oberquint. Auch
Umspie1ungen beschranken'
ausschlieBlich auf d und G.

VgL zur Ubersicht die Tabellen 1 und 2 am


Beitrags. Tabelle 1
bietet Grunddaten zum
Heiligen. ruT Entstehungszeil, zu AntorenZuschreibungen und den
die Dbertragungen benutzten Quellen. Tabe]2 liefert die Grunddaten rum Aufbau
mer behandeHen Historiae.
3
Grammar of Gregorian Thnality. An Investigation
on the Repertory
in Codex H 159
2 Bde. (Kopenhagen, 1979).
2,

153

ANTIPHONEN SOODEUTSCHER HEILlGENOFFIZIEN DES HOCHMITTELALTERS

Beispiel A4
A. Corde manu mundu9 7. (Vlrieb M-A9)

Carde

manu

CUius

a-

mundus

mar

do-

sat i-at

minum

nee

que- rit

fas- tidit

siti-bun-

sa-

dus.

ti-atus.

Kadenzen
A. Corde manu mundus 7. (Vlrlch M-A9)

Corde

manu

Cuius

a-

mundus

mOT

do-

minum

nee

sat i-at

que- Tit

fas- tid!t

siti-bun-

sa-

dus.

ti-atu5.

Wiederholte Tone
A. Corde manu mundus 7. (Ulrich M-A9)

Corde

manu

Cuius

a-

mundus

maT

do-

satt-at

minum

nec

que- rit

fas- tidit

siti-bl.ln-

sa-

dus.

ti-atus.

UmspieUe Tone /.. Achsen")


A. Corde manu mundus 7. (Vlrieb M-A9)

Corde

manu

Cuius

a-

mundus

mor

sat i-at

do-

minum

nee

M-A9 "" 9. Antiphon der Nocturnen.

que- rit

- tidit

siti-bun-

sa-

dus.

ti-atus.

Roman Hanketn

Blenden
die Muster dies er drei Kategorien - Kadenzen, Wiederholungen, Umspielungen - zusammen: Alle
verwenden
die Finalis und
Oberquint.
nenne dieses tonale Muster
dehalb Quinttonalitiit. Die Quinttonalitat scheint symptomatisch filr
einen neueren StH zu
Es
naturlich
andere Muz.B. Finalistonalitat, Quarttonalitat. Auch Kombinationen van
Quarten unci Quinten und verschiedene pentatonische Muster sind
moglich.
Narurlich sind nur wenige
so einheitlich strukturiert wie
Beispiel A.
Abwechslung sorgen besonders
Beispiel B ist
Antiphon aus der Historia
Kaiserin Kunigunde
H. 13. Jh.).
(entst.

Beispiel
A. In .ttlnctitat

In

sanctitate

serui-a-

et 7. Modus ' ..."' .. e" ....;"'..,

et

-mU5 tibi

iusti-ci-a

do-

-mine

contempnen- tes

cum

be-a- ta

mundi

uici-a

Kune-gun

-de

uir-gine

Kadenzen
A. In sallrlitate et 1. Modus

In

sanctitate

serui-a-

et

-mus tibi

lJir-gille

L-Ab ... Antiphona ad

iusti-ci-a

do-

-mine

018 L-Ab)

contempnen- tes

cum

be-a- ta

mundi

uici-a

Kune-gun-

-de

ANTIPHONEN SOODEUTSCHER HEIUGENOFFIZIEN DES HOCHMlffiLALTERS

155

Wiederholte Tone
A. In

In

~anctil4fe

sanctitate

serui-a-

et 7. Modus (KuDegubde OlS L-Ab)

et

-mU5 tlb!

iustl-ci-a

do-

~lne

contempnen- tes

cum

be-a- ta

aundi

uiei-a

Kune-gun-

-de

Umspielte Tone
A. In SQActitate et 1. Moiul (KuDeluude III lrAh)

In

sanctitate

serul-a-

-de

et

-mus tibl

iustl-ci-a

do-

-mine

cum

be-a- ta

Kune-gun-

1.1 ir-g! ne

Hier korrespondieren zwei tonale Muster. Wie in Beispiel A hat


die Antiphon em Qumtmuster in den Kadenzen und in den Wiederholungen (G-dl. Das Muster der Umspielungen beruht hier aber
nicht auf der Quint, sondern auf
pentatonischen Geriist: a-c,
d-f. Zusammen mit dem zweimal auftretenden F-a-c-DreikJang
entsteht hi er so etwas wie erne P1bnalitat im G-Modus. Diese
F-a-c, d-f-Thnalitat wird kontrastiert durch das deuilich definierte
Quintgeriist in Kadenzen und Wiederholungen. Plakativ lieBe sich
diese Tonalita.t "Mischtonalitaf' nennen.

Zur Melodieanalyse
Innerhalb der Melodieanalyse unterscheide ich zwei Hauptkategorien: Umgebungsmarken und Melodi2marken.

156

Roman Hankeln

Die Umgebungsmarken sind: Ambitus, Uinge, Me1ismatik. 6


Die Melodiemarken sind vier spezielle Zuge der Melodik selbst:
1. Sprung-e, die gr6~er sind als eine Quart,1 2. Sprungkombinationen,s 3. Skalengange, die groJ1er sind als eine Quart 9 und 4. die 50genannte Gallikanische Kadenz.
Einige Beispiele:
1. Spriinge grofier als eine Quart - Quintspriinge herrschen hier
vor, in der zweiten Antiphon sieht man aber auch einen Oktavsprung A-a.

........

...

A. IstQ est generacio 8. Modus (Kilian 010 M-AB)

....

lsta

~-.c -s..
quos

gene-

est

in

iW

ra-ci-o

..

eternales

:-;;:

.........

portas

queren-

~.
tl-um

't"

qua
~

tunc

.....

civi-ta-

sed

dominum

::::a:

in-tro-dux;t

celeste

,,- ..
I

~
te

cum

... ... "...

turpi!

.. ,,4'

k~ ....... )l: .~ ....

A. In quo dvilO(e 2. Modu, (ACra M-Al)

Ji

pos t roodum


su-is

;u--:r-~s

..

veneris

.. ...

---.'

sanctissi-11I8

-.r~

ha-bi-ta-

bat

deslde-Ti-um

......

.,.

sacr is 'fed ita

Afrs .

2. Sprungkombinationen ... konnen DreikHinge sein, aber auch


zickzackartige, lange Bewegungen, wo Spriinge mit Sekundschritten
abwechseln.lo
6 Die Lange wird dUTch die Anzahl der Noten bestimmt. Der Anteil an Melismatik wird durch das Verhaltnis von Noten zu Silben bestimrnt.
, - innerhalb sowie zwischen W6rtern und auch Phrasen.
8 Mindestens zwei Spnlnge in gleicher Richtung, odeT mindestens drei Spriinge
in unterschiedlicher Richtung, die jeweils hochstens dUTch einen Sekundschritt unterbrochen werden.
9D.h. Sekundfortschreitungen, deren Anfangs- und Endtone mindestens erne
Quint voneinander entfernl sind.
10 S-A = Antiphon zur Sext.

157

ANTIPHONEN SUDDEUTSCHER HEILlGENOfFIZIEN DES HOCHMITTELALTERS


A.

Adolt!s~~flS

=, i .wt

quidam fu,.ie

_. -. ~

&.- -

Ado-Ies-cens

turi-e

hunc

desperatis

be- a-

ti

in-

Chunradi

ho-

ri.

de

.3
Ad

te

G2-

6; . .

conspectu

aux-i-li-is

con- mendatuT.

qu;bus

in-colo.is

!B ... ~. ,..,. ~4.iH .

torTen-tl

.~.

do-ml-ne

mergltur .

concurren- t;-um

iactatus

A. Ad te dornitle S. Modus (Konrad

=,~

.~-

fluminibus raptus

patrocini-Is

!wQ

pluribu,

f-

...... -..... ....

quidam

sed

5. Nod CKonrad S-A)

rabat

0-

un-da

1;-

be- rB- tur.

~-A4)

- ... -- p- ~

sanctus

culul

iste

lIi- am

in

qane

ti-bi

tu-o

110-

lu-

i s-t i

diri- ge-re

if" PQ ..... I - _. i. - as- sis-te- re

coronandus

cuo

ut

possit

11

uae

3. Skalen - Die erste Antiphon aus dem Gregoroffizium ist fast


eine IlStudie uber das Skalensingen. In der Regel sind Quintskalen
ublich, aber auch Hingeres ist moglich, wie der Oktavlauf in der
il

zweiten Antiphon.
A. Christi

fiderir famulus 7. Modus (Gregor, y. Leo L-Ab)

:.4 ...... ""t;i .....


Christi

.....

fide-lis

postquam

ce-

10

fa-mulus

... tR fBg .....

pru-dens

Gre-

quoque

tempore

in

reddidit

"0"

.... m .........
su-o

a-

nl-mam

v i xi t

ter-re

e- ius

go-ri-us

fa- mi-li-e

carnis

~
ma-

theri-am

158

,...................

Roman Hankeln

A. 0 mirandarn 7. Modua (Arra 2V-.u.)

mi- -randam

ex-eels;

.,,~

et

laudan- -

'*9 . . . .

.. --

- -dam

. -

Ilutat \-0- -nem

i'J . . . . .

dextere

"~w9

lie-ne -randam

M. . .,

5.

reenl

me- mo-ri-am

i~us

do-mi ne

'tx}.

os-ten- -dilti

pro

qua

re-fe-rentes

nos
'

de

IUP-

viti-is

. . . . . 49

fl-ll-o-rum

de-I

tibl

debita!

-pllcamus

ut

Chrlste

Ihesu

..... .. .......
M

..

grate.

..

...

.... ..

...... ....

ad

Du-tare

v I rtu-tes

misericorditer

Ipsarum me-ritis

M

et

In

suffragan-t I bus

adoptl-o-nem

..,,=- ......,.,.....~J;
..
~

dig-ne-rls

trans-

...

-for-lOa-re

4. Gallikanische Kadenzen - Ein Beispiel aus dem Emmeram-

offiziuffi. Das Stuck hat sieben Phrasenkadenzen. Davon wird jede


mit Gallikanischer Kadenz gebildet. Als Gallikanische Kadenzen betrachte ich auch soIche mit Quarten und Quinten.

,.


aeterne

aeterne
M

aeterne

..

in


saecula

In

saecula


in saecu
I a etc.

ANTIPHONEN SUODEUTSCHER HEILlGENOFFIZIEN DES HOCHMITIELAlTERS

E-vangelicis

ad-he-rens

cl i 1ec- ci -on i I

be-&-tu5

hQ-

d;-e

tenges

pontifex

splrltl.l

Em-

preceptis,

cornu

i-mita-cl-o-ne

e-rectum

me rammu s

mlgT&vlt

et

ad

per

ce-llcas

in

domo

martirl-I

sedel.

159

domi-nice

Da-vid

fidei is,

tTibu-la-cl-o- nes

EUDl.lae

Kennzeichnend fUr die Melodiemarken ist, da sie im alten IIgregorianischen Gesang nur
vorkommen. Man kann sie ala Symptome fur lIungregorianische" Melodiebildung ansehen, Damit 5011 nicht
gesagt werden. daB z.B. Quintspriinge von vornherein //ungregoriaware falsch. Entscheidend ist vielmehr, wie oft
nisch sind.
Quintspriinge in einem Gesang vorkommen, ob er
ganz damit
durchsetzt'
oder ob sie nur an wenigen, besonders markanten.
Punkten der Melodik, etwa beim Incipit auftreten.
Die leicht identifizierbaren Me10diemarken bieten die Moglichkeit, ein einfaches quantitatives Verfahren zu wahlen: Man kann
den Anteit die Dichte dieser Meloruemarken feststellen. indem man
sie einfach zahlt und im Verhaltnis zur Lange des Gesangs beurteilt.
Keiner dieser Melodieziige allein ermoglicht irgendwelche positiven Aussagen iiber die Stilistik eines Gesangs. Der Anteil der emzelnen Melodiemarken soUte im Zusammenhang gesehen werden. Erst
wenn die Dichte aller Melodiemarken eines Gesangs in einem Gesamtbild
wird, entsteht ein Befund, der fUr weitere Intergeringe Dichte van
pretationen als Basis taugt. Hat ein Gesang
Melodiemarken, konnte er noch dem klassisch IIgregorianischenJ./
StH angehoren. 1st diese Dichte aber hoch, konnte das ein Hinweis
lIungregorianische" Stilbaltung
auf
ll

il

160

Roman Hankeln

Hier 5011 nicht ausfuhrlich erlautert werden, Wle die Dichte der
Melodiemarken gemessen werden kann,ll Ich benutze dazu eine
Punkteskala. Jede Melodiemarke erhiilt je nach Dichte Punkte von
0-10. Die Dichte aller Melodiemarken in einem Gesang kann - ad~
diert - also theoretisch 0-40 Punkte erreichen. (Die groBte Melodie~
marken-Dichte betragt bei den Antiphonen 20 Punkte, bei den Responsorien 26 Punkte . 20 Punkte erreichen 6 von insgesamt 273
Antiphonen des Untersuchungsbereichs. 26 Punkte erreichen 2 von
insgesamt 129 Responsorien des Untersuchungsbereichs.)
Das folgende Beispiet zeigt drei Antiphonen mit dem Spitzenwert
von 20 Punkten. Die erste Antiphon ist ein Paradigma fUr Melodiemarken-Stil. Die zweite Melodie ist kurz, von der Lange her gesehen nichts auffalliges. Doch auch ihre Melodie scheint "ungregorianisch", ebenso wie die der dritten Antiphon aus dem Afraoffizium.
Zum Vergleich zeige ich hier auch eine Antiphon aus dem Konradoffizium mit nur 18 Punkten. Dart sind die melodiemarkenfreien
Abschnitte bereits etwas langer.

"Spitzenwerte der Melodiemarken, Antiphonen"


A. Apud sancli

deni9u~

~ ~,- ,'., -._---It:


A-

pud

sane!1

.. ...

8. Modus (Wolfgang M-A8)

t ...

denique

cor po-re

eellam

ti
lunctus

, ....
,
~ E2<q~.. I

mart iris

Me-gi-nardi

sol i ta-ri-is

1><.1 .. ..
*

de si de- r i -UIII

cordis

su- i

./

e~-.--g"1
ad-eptu5

Genauere Auskunfte - auch zum hierbei notwendigen Datenbankverfahren erteile ich gem uber meine email -Adresse: roman .hankeln@hfm.uni-weimar.de.
!ch mochte hier darauf hinweisen, daB es sich bei dem dargestellten Verfahren keineswegs urn ein "System", sondern urn IIwork in progress" handelt. Weitere .Melodiemarken" sind hinzufugbar. Ich warne vor einer einfachen Ubertragung des
Verfahrens auf andere Repertoires rnittelalterlicher Einstirnmigkeit, denn hierbei
handelt es sich urn ein Vergleichsverfahren innerhalb eines klar definierten Repertoirecorpus. Andere Repertoires bieten andere stilistische Milieus.
11

ANTIPHONEN SUDDEUTSCHER HEILlGENOfFIZiEN DES HOCHMITTELALTERS

161

Narurlich .
solchen quantitativen Verfahren langst
nicht alles
Bs beschrankt sich ja nur auf bestimmte Melodiewendungen und nieht auf
Gesang als Ganzes. In einem weiteren Schritt mussen neben die Melodiemarken auch die Werte der
Umgebungsmarken
!Ambitus,
MelismatikJ. Erst dann
kann genaueres clamber gesagt werden, wie sieh
Melodiebildung dnes Gesangs zu
anderer Gesange
Offiziums, oder
zu der Melodiebildung van Gesangen anderer Offizien verhalt.
Man kann sich zurD.indest ein partielles BUd vom stilistischen
Profil
eines ganzen Offiziums machen t indem man in
einem Diagramm verzeichnet, wieviele seiner Antiphonen eine bestimmte Dichte innerhalb
Melodiemarken haben: Die y-Achse
folgenden
gibt
wieviel
der Antiphonen
eines Offiziums der jeweilige Melodiemarken-Dichte
Die x-Achse gibt den Melodiemarkenwert (die Dichte) an (niedrigste
= 0, h6chste Dichte == 20).
Diagramm 1 (S. 169) zeigt die Melodiemarhenprofile der Antiphonen zweier stilistisch recht gegensatzlicher Offizien, dem Gallusund dem UlrichoffLZium. Die hochste Dichte, die im Untersuchungsbereich innerhalb der Antiphonen erreicht wird, ist, wie gesagt.
Punkte. Die meisten Antiphonen des Ulrichoffiziums haben
grolle Dichte innerhalb der Melodiemarken (Spriinge, Sprungkombinationen, Skalen und Gallikanischen Kadenzen}. Damit .,. .... ,. .,...""
spondiert def Befund im Bereich der Umgebungsmarken: Die
sten Antiphonen des Ulrichoffiziums sind Hinger, melismatischer,
haben
gro~eren Amhitus.
Uberblicken wir abschlie~end die Melodiemarkenprofile aller Historiae des Untersuchungsbereichs: Diagramm 2, A-C IS. 170
-172.' Ich beschdinke mich hier - wie gesagt - auf die Antiphonen.
Die Profile sind hler nach ihrer Form von links nach rechts angeordnet und, der Ubersicht halbert in
Gruppen aufgeteilt.
Gruppe A (Diagramm 2, A):
Gruppe wird gebildet von
Gallus, def A~Fassung des Dionysiusoftraditionelleren Offizien
Dionysiusoffizifiziums, dem Emmeramoffizium, der B-Fassung
urns. Diese Offizien gehoren dem 10. und 11. Jahrhundert an.

162

Roman Hankeln

dieser Gruppe gehort aber auch die Historia der Septem Fratres (neben dern GallusoffiziumJ, die erst urn 1150 entstand.
Gruppe B (Diagramm 2, B): Das Kilianoffizium erwartet man
aufgrund seiner vermutlichen Entstehungszeit im 12. Jahrhundert
in der letzten Gruppe, bei den Spitzenwerten. Doch im Rahmen der
Melodiemarken erscheint es hier in der zweiten Gruppe. Es ist vergleichbar mit Brunos Gregorhistoria, die ca. 80 Jahre vorher entstand. Auch die jungsten Offizien des Untersuchungsbereichs, jene
fur Heinrich und Kunigunde aus dem 13. Jahrhundert, liegen in
diesem eher zuriickhaltenden Mittelfe1d.
Gruppe C (Diagra mm 2, C): Die Antiphonen von Hennannus
Contractus aus dem 11. Jahrhundert, Mra und Wolfgang, sind was die Melodiemarken angeht - fast so avanciert, wie die rur Konrad und Ulrich, die Uodalscalc im 12. Jahrhundert schrieb.
Dies ist als erstes Ergebnis also festzuhalten: Im Bereich der Melodiemarken der hier versammelten suddeutschen Historiae kann
von einer linearen stilistischen Evolution nicht gesprochen werden.

ANTIPHONEN SODDEUTSCHER HEllIGENOFFIZIEN

REIHENFOLGE:

Tabelle 1
Tabelle 2
Diagramm 1
Diagramm 2, A
Diagramm 2, B
Diagramm 2, C

HOCHMlmLALTERS

163

Tabelle 1.
Die friihen suddeutschen Historiae, Grunddaten
OFFIZlu M/HAU ('TV ER-

AUTOR(ZUSCHREIBUNG)

EH RU:'>!GSORT

DATlE-

ENTSTEHUNGSORTI

RUNG

AUFFOHRUNGSORT

ca. 900

St. GallenJSt. Gallen

Gallus/St. Gallen

Ratpert (t ca. 900)i

EmmeramJ
St. Emmeram ii

Arnold v. St . Emmeram 1030


! .. ca . lOOO-nach 1037)

Dionysiusl
Regensburg iii

Fassg. A: anon., Fassg . ca . 1050


B: Otloh? It nach 1067)

Wolfgang/Regensburg iV Hermannus Conctractus (1012-1054)


Hermannus Contrac
AlraJ Augsburg
tus

ca. 1050

ca. 1050

Gregor/ ...

Bruno v. Thul
11002-1054 = Papst
Leo IX. 1048-54}vi

ca. 1040

KonradlKonstanz

Uodalskalk It ca.
ii
I1 S0
Uodalskalk

1123

UlrichJ Augsburfiii

112S ix

U BERTRAG EN AUS:

Karlsruhe, Bad. Landesbib.,


Aug. perg. LX, Zwiefalten, 12.,
13.114 . jh.
Miinehen, Bayer. Staatsbib.,
EsztergornJ
St . Emmeram
elm 14870/14872, Regensburg ,
11./16. Jh.
Ml1neben, Bayer. Staatsbib., elm
Frankenreichl
Regensburg
14069, elm. 14871 !St.Emmeram,
ca. 1050)
ReichenaulRegensburg MUnchen, Bayer. Staatsbib., elm
14872 , St. Emmeram, 16. jh.
Reichenau?/Augsburg MUncheD, Bayer. Staatsbib., elm
23037, Prillening, 12. Jh.
Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbih,
'lbul?
Aug. perg. LX, Zwiefalten, 12.,
13.114. Jh.
Aui der Riiclueise von Heidelberg, Univ. bib. Sal. XI. 11.
Rom! Konstanz
Nachtrag ca. 1300
Augsburg?/Augsburg Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbib.
Hs.573
(l1.-13.Jh., Offizium 12.]h. )

OFFIZIUMlHAUPTVER-

AUTOR{ZUSCHREIBUNG 1

EHRUNGSORT

DATlE-

ENTSTEHUNGSORTI

RUNG

AUFFUHRUNGSORT

Septem Fratres/Ottobeurenx
KilianJW Urzburg

anon.

ca. 1150 OttobeurenJOttobeuren


Johannes Gallicus? (ca. 2. H. 12. Wfuzburg/Wfuzburg
1163-23.10.1176-79)'" Jh.

HeinrichlBamberg

anon.

Kuni gundef Bamberg

anon.

Bamberg?/Bamberg
1200D
128S
ca. 1288 xili Bamberg?/Bamberg

DBERTRAG EN AUS:
MUnchen, Bayer. Staatsbih, clm
9921, Ottobeuren, ca. 1150
Aschaffenburg, Hofbibliothek, Ms.
Perg. 1 bzw. Ms. Perg. 12 (Aschaffenburg, 1536, bzw. spates 15. ]h.)
elm 18329 (Tegernsee, 14. ]h.)

elm 18329 (Tegemsee, 14. Jh.I, Bamberg, Staatsbib. lit. 25 (Bamberg, 13.
}h., Off. unvollst.)

Fu1\noten zur Tabelle 1


Zur Zuschreibung s. Andreas Haug, Art. Sankt Gallen, in: MGG 8 (1998), CC. 948-969, bes. c. 956 und Thb. 3.
i1Vg]. die Edition von David Hiley, .. Historia Sancti Emmerammi Arnoldi Vohburgensis circa 1030 Musicological Studies Bd.
LXV/2 IOttawa, 1996).
lli Das Offlzium wurde in MUncheD, Bayer. Staatsbib., elm 14871 von Otloh von St. Emmeram aufgezeichnet. VgL dazu die Eclition von Roman Hankeln, .Historiae Sancti Dionysti Areopagitae, St. Emmeram, Re gensburg, ca. 1050/16. ]h.M, Musicological Studies
Bd. LXV/3 (Ottawa, 1998), bes. S. xx:xvi.
I" Zuschreibung nach der Vita des Hennannus-Schtilers Bertbold It 1088). Vgl. Hans Oesch, Berno und Hermann von Reichenau als
Musiktheoretiker, Publikationen der schweizerischen musikforschenden Gesell schait, Ser. 2, Bd. 9 [Bern. 1961), S. 154. Vg!. die
Obertragung von Pranz A. Stein, .Das iiltere Offizium des hI. Wolfgang in der Handschrift elm 14872 aus St. Emmeram zu Regensburg in der Bayenschen Staatsbibliothek Munchen", in: Sacerdos et Cantus Gregoriani Magister. Fs. Ferdinand Haber!, hrsg. v. Franz
A. Stein (Regensburg, 1977), S. 279-302. Zur Autorschaft Hermannus' vg]. David Hileys Bemerkungen mit Verweis aut die iiltere Literatur in: David Hiley, "The Regensburg Offices for St Emmeram, Sf Wolfgang and St Denis", in: Musica Antiquo Europae Orientalis.
i

v. E.

, 1

~Vu4J."""'Vt

-1.

. lV. VgL MrmemZ

Verelns fUr

aus

Lafeinische

.Les

!1002-

19

164,

S.9ot.

s.

vii

LJlOzesan-./i

AnIaA

!l
Offizium

751,
ill

lY1CU.ll,.U.l/S,

Offizium s.

..

namen der stat

Studien zu
19891. S. 45-56.

{rankischen

, in:

Klauser,

des ehe162. Der-

an

168

Roman Hankeln
Tabelle 2. Die fnlhen suddeutschen Historiae - Aufbau

OFPIZIUM

ENTSTEHUNGS-

CURSUS

VORHERRSCHENDE
TEXTPORM

ANT[PHO-

RESPONSO-

NEN

RIEN

nem
Ja
nem

nem
nem
nem

monast. Reimprosa

Ja

nem

monast. Prosa
roonast. ProsaJReimprosa
sakuJar AkzentuieIier
Vers
monast. ReimprosaJProsa
sakular Leoninischer Hexameter
sakular ProsaJReimprosa

Ja
ja

Ja
Ja

Ja

ja

nem

Ja

Ja
ja labsteigend}
Ja

Ja
Ja
ja

Ja
Ja
nem

ZEIT

GaJlus

ca. 900
Emmeram 1030
Dionysius ca. 1050

MODALE REIHENPOLGE?

monast. Prosa
monast. Prow Reimprosa
monast. Prosa

Dionysius ca. 1050


B

Wolfgang
Afra
Gregor

ca. 1050
ca. 1050
ca. 1040

Konrad
Ulrich

1123

Septem
Fratres

1125

ca. 1150

2. H. 12. s. sakular Reimprosa


Heinrich
1200-1288 saktuar ReimprosaJProsa
Kunigunde ca. 1288 sakular ReimprosaJakzentuierter Vers

Kilian

Ja

~
N

b()

...cd
Q

.~
(1)

tIl

S
:

...

Q)
..-..c

..w~

;gI
~.

Diagramm 2, B
....0

o~

M~lodienlar:kenprofile,

.S

mittleres Drittel

(;It

B6(}

~:
Cl)

.~
.~

30

r=20

10
0

-:-::;=1

";-K

.g
'Q.,

'::1

~.

~~.

~~f.

~VJ .

?~;'!;

~a
~~.

~r;

Gregor

Heinrich

Kunigt.UJde

u
N

~
boO
....<U

a,)

---c

tj

"t::

4)

tr.I
~

.80
"

'

I:

~,

,.

G)

ta
e
~

t;j

Si

G)
..,.

..9
(\)
~

Cantu5 Planus 1998 -J " Esztergom & Visegrad

AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL


CHANT FRAGMENT

Theodore Karp

One difficulty faced by many teachers of medieval music arises


from the fact that students seldom have ready access to MS materials. Often they lack a feeling for source
and the tech
for their exploration. While sources are indeed available in
many major U . cities, it is generally difficult, if not impossible, to
an entire class to the requisite library at the same time. We are
fortunate in having available
fine facsimile editions, some of
them extraordinarily handsome, but these lack the
of the
ine article. As advertisers of a half-century ago proclaimed: accept
no substitutes.
a personal solution to this situation I took advantage of
an exhibit by the bookseller Philip
at
International
Congress of Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo in 1996. I purchased
with greater haste than forethought a few
from a Gradual of
c. 1400. The asking price seemed moderate in today/s market and
I acquired four
containing either on their recto or verso one
or more chants that I recognized. Sometimes there is a special
Providence that protects fools and I was more fortunate than I de~
served. Although I was not to have
opportunity to teach the
class for which my purchase was intended;
work
I planned
to share with
class I undertook alone. The paper that I offer is
the result of my study.
leaves that I thought to be random formed instead a consecu~
tive series. Thble 1 provides an index of their contents. At first
glance, there seems to be nothing unusual here to attract our attention. The chants listed are not all the ones assigned to these
Feasts in the 1943 Graduale Romanum, but we have known for a
long time that the contents
individual Masses in the Sanctorale
p

174

Theodore Karp

Table 1.
[SS.

JAN. 20]

FABIANI PAPAE ET SEBASTIANI MART.

[f. 20v Intret in conspectu


Gloriosus Deus
21r Verse: Dextera tua

Introit
Gradual]

Alleluya Sancti tui


21 v Laetamini in Domino
Multitudo ]anguentiam

Offertory
Communion

S. AGNETJS
22r Me expecto\)erunt

DiffusQ est gratia (cue)


22v Alleluya Pulchra facie
23r Filie regum

S. VINCENTIl

[ET

Introit
Gradual

Offertory
Communion

23v Quinque prudentes

- - - 24r Lefabitur justus

JAN.21

S. ANASTAsn]

24v Posuisti Domine (Respond only)

JAN. 22
Introit
Gradual

End of fragment. The gradual verse, Desiderium animae, followed on the


ensuing recto. Present size of leaves (cut) 12 1/4" x 18"; 6 staves per side;
f-line in red.

are often variable. We have a welcome reminder of this facti but


little more. With but one exception, the chants in this fragment
are all well-known. The one exception is the Alleluya Pulchra facie.
This is a chant that was previously known to survive in only eight
Aquitanian sources; it was mentioned among other specifically Aquitanian alleluias treated by Mitchell Brauner in his paper before our
group at the International Musicological Society Congress in London. The MSS preserving this chant are given in Thble 2. I am grateful to Professor Karlheinz Schlager for informing me about the Toledo concordance and indicating that among the numerous sources
that he had explored he had not encountered this chant elsewhere
with basically the same melody.

175

AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL CHANT FRAGMENT

Table 2. Sources for the Alleluia Pulchra facie


Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 776
MS lat. 780
MS lat. 903
MS lat. 1084
MS lat. 1135
MS n. a. lat. 1177
London, Brit. Lib. Harley
MS 4951
Thledo, Bibl. Cap. MS 35.10

ALB Gaillac
NAR Narbonne
f. 19
f.21v YRX Saint-Yrieix
Aurillac
f. 167
Limoges
f. 105v
Moissac (?)
f.40
f. 148 TOU Thulouse
f.24v

f. 14v

11 th c.
11 Ul_12th c.
11 th c.

11 Ill_12th c.

11 th -12th C.
late 11th c.
11 th c.

TOL Copy of French 13 th c.


source for
Spanish church

One might suppose that a regional chant preserved in only a


handful of sources would have a fairly stable tradition. Yet the reverse is true with regard to the Alleluya Pulchra facie. Even the most
rapid comparison between the reading offered by the fragment and
anyone of the best known sources in Table 2 reveals immediately
a startling degree of independence. These differences prompt a
closer investigation of the various readings to determine what light
they shed on the process of transmission and the ways in which the
sources relate to one another.
Once we compare each of the various readings with its fellows,
we discover that our so-called melody defies ready definition. We
are dealing rather with what I have elsewhere tenned a melody
complex. I There are no fewer than four realizations of the jubilus,
three of which are independent of one another. Furthermore, the
influence of the Alleluia and its jubilus on the verse is not constant.
The central group of readings for this melody is comprised of British Library MS Harley 4951, together with Paris, Bibliotheque Na~
tionale MSS lat. 903, 1084, 1135, and n. a. lat. 1177. The readings
of the Albi Gradual, Paris, MS lat. 776 and the Narbonne Gradual,
Paris, MS lat. 780 stand somewhat apart from the main group, while
I Mirabantur omnes: a Case Study for Critical Editions", Cantus Planus, Papers
Read at the flh Meeting, Eger, Hungary, 1993 (Budapest, 1995), Il, pp. 493-516.

176

Theodore

Toledo,
Capitular
.10 and especially
Karp fragment are
more distant. No
encapreading can
su
transmission
this chant.
shown in
the Alleluia
ens with a
various guises
chants. In
gesture that
branch, the
climbs gradually
repeated circling motions
by means of a chain of thirds.
arriving at a
a
the initial, it
a
and
on The initial
gesture
not have
one to predict this close, but the cadential
is in fact
inasrnuch as this g appears three
t
as the lowest point of a circling motion. This basic ground
plan is followed
the readings
Albi and
Graduals, althou
amplification is individual, as shown
example. The
Thledo, Biblioteca Capitular MS 35.10 berecognizable
of the opening
but
gins with an
sharply from
continuation. It
a peak on Cl
d', Z and returns
the opening e
cadencing on
t tone. The later
preferred a closed tonal arch rather
than an open one. The version of the Karp
on the
hand, follows the
ground plan of
original for a
longer distance
it too makes a
descent to close on
again ach
a closed tonal
. In
reading of Paris
1084,
a closed tonal arch is achieved
opposite fashion, by
the
first
tones so that the
opens and closes on
The verse clearly draws on materials from
opening Alleluia,
does so in
among the
readings. Furthermore, the
among
were observed
the opening Allelu do not remaIn
for the verse. Obviously, the ini
for the verse is modelled after
opening
of the
in all sources except
lat. 1084. At
there
is no
point at which
come to a
The reading
of
4951, for
includes one neume more than the
ngs of Paris MSS 903, 11
and n.a. lat. 11
MS lat. 1084
(staff e) goes
on
own and
a markedly different
I omit from
[he
junction with
third syllable.
2

liquescent d' that

con-

AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL CHANT FRAGMENT

177

ing from its fellows. While they return to the material of the opening Alieluia lat. 1084 eschews the descent to e and continues instead in a high tessitura. Toledo MS 35.10 (staff hI, on
other
hand, does return to the opening but
its presentation after
the fourth neume and
on g. The Karp fragment Istaff i) features a modified return, and it tOOl ends on g.
Thking into consideration the variable ending points of
central
nucleus, when constructing a performing edition r I would append
the end of the jubilus to the readings of this main group of four.
musical cues available to us seem adequately clear in this regard.
The last neumes given in the reading of Paris lat. 776 also relate
clearly to the jubilus
the Alleluia, and it is very probable that
the continuation was expected here too, albeit with a version that
was clearly differentiated from that of the main body.
of Paris 1at. 780 seems also to require completion even though
the evidence leading to this conclusion is
forceful than is the
case with lat. 776 inasmuch as the reading of lat. 780 comes
an end
notes
The remaining
readings, those of
MS lat. 1084, Thledo
MS 35.10 and the Karp fragment pose more of a problem. In the six
of a fifth
sources mentioned previously, there is a downward
that leads into the final text clause. As indicated earlier, this leap is
lacking in Paris lat. 1084, which ends on b. It is conceivable that the
singers were intended then to take
downward leap of a fifth
and launch into a textless repeat of the entire Alleluia plus jubilus.
Following this
would have returned once more to
texted
presentation of the Alleluia and jubilus. The merits of such a twofold return seem extremely dubious to
especially in view of the
idiosyncratic opening employed in this source. I conclude therefore
that the reading of lat. 1084 is complete as it stands. The ending on
b was apparently regarded as a satisfactory half-cadence, with the
return to the Alleluia and jubilus furnishing
logical conclusion.
The
in both the Toledo MS 35.10 and
Karp fragment
both feature the downward leap that we have been discussing and
both return, as do the other sources, to the material of the opening
of
Alleluia and of the verse. However,
source refers to
l

178

Theodore Karp

the jubilus itself, and neither encourages us to supply any continuation.'l In both instances the return
the Alleluia itself would
suppl'
the expected sense of tonal completion.
If these conclusions are accepted we find that we have
diffor the Alleluia verse. For
most
the form
ferent stru
of the verse is fully rou
with respect
its relationship to the
opening Alleluia and jubilus. In the readings of Toledo 35.10 and
the Karp fragment,
is a partial rounding, while in
reading
Paris lat. 1084,
appears to have
no
for rounding
at
verse end. One can find comparable
in form when
studying the history of the Allelula Laetatus sum, although
seem to begin
much later date,
to the turn
the
sixteenth century. If we do not now know
still other
this is likely owing to the fact that we have not pursued the study of
with sufficient energy.
comparative
study of the Alleluya Pulchra facie
instructive
more than
one reason. The
ordinary range of changes that affect melodic
detail, degree
odic elaboration,
modal construction,
and form demonstrate clearly that no one reading can
a
sense of the'
norama
the ITIusical processes at work in
the transmission of this chant during the Middle
shown
in an
study of
on
communion Mirabantur omnes/
processes cannot
captured by means of one or two tranFor one reason or another, this is the case with countless
other chan of wider circulation and greater importance. And yet
the limitations of our time and the capacities of our minds are such
we are constantly
to seek economical expedients. I have
not
put completely out of mind the aggrieved comment of an
anonymous reader of
who lamented that even
wading
through ten pages of descriptive detail he (or she] was still unable to
tell how the introit t Eduxit Dominu.s sounded during the Middle
I had failed this
entirely, for my objective had been opI

Strict1y speaking, this statement is misleading with regard to the version

Toledo MS 35,10. One can indeed trace a resemblance to


jubilus in the form
central corpus, but not to the version of the jubilus stated earlier
utilized
the MS itself.

AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL CHANT FRAGMENT

179

posite. The reason for the lengthy account was to document the fact
that
was no one way in which
introit had sounded during
the Middle Ages. Rather we are faced by an almost bewildering
multiplicity of conspicuously different versions, each valid different times and places. An
on single solutions can result
only in distortions of
historical truth. We
not have the capacity to deal with massive critical editions of countless chants/ but
we must at least be fully aware of
dangers we run when limiting our vision to a single account of a given melody.
At present, variability in melodic transmission seems genera!ly to
impelled
result from one or more of three main factors. It may
by the necessity to notate fractious chants with multiple variable
within the confines
the Guidonian gamut. may be
pelled by the desire to assure conformity with an evolving sense
may arise from a relaxed attitude tocentralized modality. Or
wards fidelity in the transmission of a late chant lacking the impri~
matur of a supposed Gregorian origin. Both the second and third
to the Alleluya Pulchra facie.
factors are operative with
When we study highly variable chants in detail, we acquire
valuable tools for the understanding of MS interrelationships, and
these in turn allow us
insight into the
authority of
different sources. All those who have had occasion to consider questions of filiation among chant MSS are of course familiar with the
massive work accomplished by
Solesmes monks and made
available in Volume 4 of Le Graduel Romain. As you are well aware,
their work based on comparisons of salient neumes in a variety of
individual chants. The bases for their choices are scrupulously justified. Some 1 sets of comparisons are included in the first sounding and
are
forth graphically by means of four diagrams showing various degrees of interrelationships. The second
sounding includes 310 comparisons, but these are pursued
Intensively.
the
scholars are occupied with the
tion of Missals, Graduals, and Cantatoria, three of the previously
known sources for the Alleluya Pulchra facie are not utilized in their
endeavor. These are Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS lat. 1084, 1135, and n. a.
lat. 1177.

180

Theodore Karp

In the
subgroup of 50 variants, the Aquitanian MSS are part
of a much larger group of westerly sources
six or fewer
variants
them.' The readings
Paris lat.
and London,
Harley 4951,
with those of Madrid, Academia de la
MS 18, are identical for
passages in
. Paris 1at. 776
forms a similar group with Langres Seminaire MS 312, while Thledo
35.10 and Paris lat. 780 appear individually
somewhat
distance within
oval of six variants. In the second subgroup of
50 variants, 1at. 903, Harley 4951, and lat.
still have no more
than 6 variants each, but
35.10 is more distantly related,
having between 6 and 12 variants with its fellows.
1at. 780
apart from four groups having no more than 12 variants and is contained within a circle of 18 variants. s In
final subgroup, Toledo
35.10 and Paris 776 are among a group of
MSS having no more
than 6 variants each, while lat. 903 and Harley 4951 occupy independent places in a broader group having no more than 12 variants.
one finds that 1at 780
more distant from
feUows, but
6
still withIn
broader circle
18 variants. Lastly, the results of
and third subgroups are combined. 7 We find
Harley
1
lat. 776 are among a small circle having no more than 6
le with one other MS,
variants, Lat. 903 occupies another small
and Toledo
.10
an independent place within a still
broader'
whose members contain no more than 12 variants
. Lat. 780 moves to a still more distant realm, having
12
variants.
A study of our example shows that the transmission of our Alle
luia
cou
to the results of the
study. I hasten
point out that
virtue of
very limitations, the
is not intended as a challenge to
truly monumental work of the Solesmes
It
however, point out that
study of MS filiation ough t not to
restricted to one method alone. Moreover, the
example brings into play
sources that remained outside
" See the Chart following
152.
S See
Chart following p. 158.
6 See the Chart following p. 204.
7
the Chart foJlowing p. 220.

AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL CHANT FRAGMENT

181

purview of the Solesmes study. It is of no


interest to note the
very close relationship between the
Paris lat. 11
n.a.
lat. 1
and lat. 903. On the opposite side of the scale, one
remark that
closeness of Harley 4951 and Paris lat. 776 indi~
cated by the last of the Solesmes diagrams simply does not hold for
our chant. These two readings belong to clearly differentiated
families. Furthermore, the same situation holds true for the
ings of the Alleluia Lapidem quem reprobavenmt, one of the later
members of the Alleluia Dies sanctifjcatus family. Here tOOl lat. 776
a highly distinctive
11 In neither instance can the difmarking the individuality of lat. 776 be attributed to scribal
error or mi5-hearing; they
from contrasting approaches to
delity of transmission. Yet in our example lat. 776 does not stand
alone; it makes a group with lat. 780 the most individual of the
Aquitanian sources according to the Solesmes methodology. One
may hope that further study of some of the late Aquitanian Alleluias may lead to a
picture of source interrelationships. For the
moment, all that one can do is to suggest that the elements reflecting MS Hliation are more complex than we have hitherto suspected.
While the Alleluya Pulchra facie is the most noteworthy of
group of chants contained in the fragment there are others that
merit passing remark. The
opens with the verse of the
Gradual, Glonosus Deus, which lacks its opening syllable and the accompanying neume. With regard to the remainder, we find that
melisma on the
syllable of the word Domine is much shortened.
The melisma on the second syllable of virtute remains as found in
other sources/ but the one on the following syllable curtailed ~y
four notes. Both melismas on tua are shortened, and the lengthy
one on
second syllable of confregit is virtually eliminated. The
concluding melisma is slightly reworked. This consistent treatment
of the melismata was not, however, followed throughout the source.
The fragment
with the respond of Posuisti Domine, and here
the melismas are given complete. We know that by the end of the
16th century there was a consistent policy of sharply curtailing mel1

my book, Aspects of Orality and Formu.larity in Gregorian Chant (Evanston,

1998). pp.

(including Example 52).

182

Theodore Karp

ismas, as exemplified in the Gardano print of 1591. Earlier evidence


of such practice has been noted. However, I am not aware that
source citations have been provided that would facilitate the study
of the growth of this impulse in greater detail.
Other fea tures are matters of detail. We may note the unusual beginning of an eighth-mode psalm tone for the introit, Laetabitur
justus/ or the apparently individual form for the Seculorum amen for
the introit, Me expectaverunt. Some cadences for the communion,
Quinque prudentes virgines, depart from their normative fonns,
and the final melisma of the offertory, Pilie regum, is reworked. I
have not had the leisure to study the transmission of each of the
fragment's chants in great detail, but there is no reading that lacks
some element of individuality. The willful destruction of the source
is to be lamented. Yet, in retrospect, I do not regret the purchase
of the leaves, which had been separated before their acquisition by
Mr. Pirages. On the con trary, I am grateful that they reached
the hands of a person able to value them as something more than
inciden ta I decoration .
It is difficult, and probably impossible to place the source with
any satisfactory degree of precision. It is clear that the fragment
comes from the second volume of what had once been a two-volume MS containing the Temporale and Sanctorale in separate parts.
H is clear that this was a westerly rather than an easterly source. 9 It
is clear that the MS had not been created for the Cistercian, Dominican, or Carthusian orders. But neither the handwriting, nor the
flourished major initials, nor the contents are sufficiently individual
to delimjt within narrow bounds the Locale of the MS/s origin. I am
grateful to the persons with paleographic expertise whom I consulted and who willingly shared their findings with me. The majority felt that the source came from a place north of the Alps rather
than south, but even here opinions differed. Given the comparative
rarity of the Alleluia Pulchra facie, I am inclined to suspect that our
source originated somewhere in the southern region of France. Details of the musical script corroborate this impression. The norma9 The reading of the gradual , Posuisti, is clearly not Germanic in nature; the con
tinued rise following the leap d-a is not to c/ but to b .

AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL CHANT FRAGMENT

183

tive use of a form of the pes that


the upper
to the right
of the lower/ together with
form of the Fclef and that of the
custos all seem to narrow the likely possibilities to a geographical
swath stretching from Provence in southpeastern
to Portugal
in the west.lO The extreme western portion of this range seems
an unlikely candidate for the origin
this source. I have
oyed
my limited study of the fragment and hope that I may
the occasion to probe further into its contents.

10

I am

obliged to Manuel P.

this information.

Example. Alleluia Pulchra facie:


a) Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 903; b) London, Brit . Lib. Harley 4951; c) Paris, B. N. 1135; d) Paris, B. N. n.a.l. 1177;
e) Paris, B. N. 1084; fJ Paris, B. N. 776; g) Paris, B. N. 780; h) Toledo, Bib!. Cap. 35.10; i) Karp fragment

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Cantus Planus 1998 .-J '. Esztergom ft Visegrad

189

CONTRAFACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

Gdbor Kiss

In studies dealing with melodies of the ordinary of the mass the


following things are generally emphasized: their style differs significantly from that of classic gregorian chant; in their usage a great
freedom shown; and their repertory is strikingly abundant, referring to an increasing compositional activity in the
Middle Ages.
We know from the current ordinary catalogues that a considerable
portion of that huge repertory consists of melodies known only
from single sources or can only be documented from a very restricted area. At the same time we can gather from these catalogues
as well, that the medieval need for new melodic products paradoxically increased the importance of already
melodies serving
as a model for
new compositions. Actually a not negligible
quantity of
perplexingly exuberant melodic repertory shown in
the ordinary catalogues is actually based on preexisting material.
In musicological literature such analogies are generally referred
to as con trafacta , even if they differ from each other to an extent
that placing them into one and the same category
problematic
from a methodological point of view. The extension of
boundaries of the term could help to a certain extent, but the danger that
rests in this is that the term would be too general and eventually
meaningless.
The conflict between the endeavour to form a clear-cut definition
and classification and the complexity of the examined field can be
experienced throughout the short history of
technical term:
contrafactum. This complexity of the musical (and, as we shall
not only musical) phenomenon seems to have led necessarily to the
evolu Han of the diverse terminologies. Beyond a given point these
terminologies are connected only by the common practice of reusing preexisting entities in one way or another.
l

190

Gabor Kiss

In the following I shall firstly summarize my observations concerning the conflicts in the history of the term contrafactum than I shall
try to outline the different types of adaptations found in the repertory of the ordinary confronting the empiric experiences with the
condradictions in the different theoretical approaches.
l

I. From contrafactum to melodic type


(terminology)

While the employment of preexisting material (res prius facta) can


be attributed to the general attitude of the Middle Ages, we have to
emphasise the fact that the musical term being used to designate
this procedure was not in usage in the Middle Ages, neither as a
practical nor as a theoretical term. The first and single medieval occurrence of it - that was used in a musical context - can be read in
one of the rubrics of the 15th -century German Pfullinger manuscript . It was introduced into the musicological literature by Karl
Hennig/ who firstly analysed the manuscript in the 20th century
and by his followers.
For us, the most important consequence of this is that we may
not seek the root of the difference between individual interpretations of the term in the Middle Ages. A judgement of the differing
terminologies is possible via the following questions: What kind of
role do they intend the text and melody to play? How do they inter
pret the motivation for composing the new piece? How do they
comment on the direction of the reconstruction of the old melodYI
or formulated in an other way: how do they interpret the interrelationship between the source melody and the adaptation? And finallYI how wide a circle of analogies do they want to embrace with
their interpretation, and how do they try to categorize the transitional examples?
The circumstancies of the birth of the term detennined one of the
possible directions of its interpretation: based on the manuscript
men tioned contrafactum was defined by Hennig as a transformation
I K. Hennig, Die gelslliche Kontrafaktur im Jahrhundert der Reformation (Haile,
1909) .

CONTRAFACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

191

of a secular song, more precisely, a secular text to a religious one.


The etymological basis of the term was seen by subscribers to this
interpretation in the word contra: in the article Parodie und Kontrafaktur from the old MGG Ludwig Finscher still used the following
definition: lIetwQS ins Gegenteil verkehren. .. ", more precisely Ugeistliche Umtextierung eines weltlichen Liedes.. , It obvious that the opposition in the definition refers to a contrast between secular and
religious content.
himself already indicated that more
musicologicalliterature employed the term in a wider sense, But the
of the boundaries of the term had started already in 1918 with an
article by Friedrich Gennrich, 3 In his view, we have to define every
such new text based on a preexisting melody as contrafactum, where
the connection between the old and new product (i.e. the I/bewutste
Anlehnung an irgendein... Vorbild") is provable, regardless of which
text is secular, and which is religious. The broadening
the term
implies a certain subtle shift of
While according to the nar~
rower interpretation the contrafactum is regarded as a procedure
in the wider meaning the universalconcerning primarily the
ity of the reuse of melodic materials and, in consequence of this
the primacy of the melody (over the text) is stressed indirectly. In
the situation of research history that Gennrich started from, the meextent. But
lodic aspect of the adaptation was neglected to a
he himself supposed not only that textual analogies must be reflected in
music as well, but that the motivation for the adaptaa
tion is actually the melody and not the text. 4
Beyond the formulation of
for an extension of the term,
this was carried out and supplied with an adequate categorization
only in 1965 in Gennrichs monography titled as Die Kontrafaktur im
Liedschaffen des Mittelalters (see Footnote 4), Gennrich attempted to
1

11,2

L. Finscher, HParodie
Kontrafaktur", MGG 10. coL 815.
F. Gennrich.
Musik als Hilfswissenscbaft
Philologie" ,
Zitschrift fUr romanische Philologie 39 (1919), pp. 330-61.
4
bei dieser Art der Nachbildung nicht del Strophenbau, ... nicht der Inhalt,
. .. sondern cJ..aj1 einzig und
Melodie die Hervoruluberin neuer Liedtexte
gewesen
11 F. Gennrich, Die KOl1trafaktur im Liedschaffel1 des Mittelalters (Erlangen, 1965), 4.
2

::I

Gabor Kiss

categorize the different types of adaptations found among . . . u~""" ..


songs with definite
and fOnTI.
several
des on the
of the degree of resemblance between the model
and
new product.
the first group were placed instances, where
the form of the strophe, the number of syUables rhyme scheme and
the melody are
including the usual tiny
of
(regulare Kontrafaktur). In his second
because of a
- either shortening or
melody
only starting point for establishing the relation between
can be
model
contrafact.5 Thus, with this group the importance of the
musical conlponent is stressed even more, from the point of view of
both the history of
and methodology.
is worth noting that
musical task
how a given
material
adapted to a modified
with changed parameters is
In Gennrichs further categoanalysed
discussed
ries a
in change
approach is implied. While in
definition of the term contrafactum,
emphasised the concrete
Nachbildung, and
the deconnection between Vorlage
liberateness the adaptation, the explanations to the further examples, called Initialkontrafaktur and Grundlagenkontrafaktur refer indito the abstract character of the models serving as an unconscious background for
musical thinking. His
us
the adaptation technique of
as Initialkontrafaktur
psalm tones, rus Grundlagen-Kontrafakturs recall thinking in meA
Iodic
of which is an evidentia for ethnomusicologists. Nevertheless, even in
cases Gennrich does
abandon
behis supposition of
existence of a concrete, individual
hind the contrafactum, regardless of whether we know this model
or not. 6
J

"Der Aufbau
Strophe '" giht
Textmetriker
und
ungleichen Anzahl der
keine Handhabe fUr
Verteilung der
den Nachweis der Kontrafaktm" [irreguHi.re Kontrafaktur]. F. Genrukh, Die
(akillr. " p. 70.
6..
neue Werk wird dann mit der
Vorlage
mehr
alien Srucken
iibereinstimmen, aber
wird die
Linienfuhrung in def neuen durch
" F. Gennrich, Die Kontrafaktur ... , p. 137.
S

193

CONTRAFACTUM . THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

The wider definition of the term contrafactum not only broadened


the circle of musical phenomena designated by it, but at the same
time invalidated the earlier interpretation that was
on the
secular-religious contrast in the textual content. Accepting Gennrich's approach, Walther Lipphardt tried to modify the terminology
In his studYI published in
again according to the broader
1967, he returned to the Pfullinger manuscript, and found that the
do not corroborate a secular-contra-spiritual connotation of the
term. 7 Consequently, the contra component of the word must
exclusively to the melodic aspect. As an argument,
mentions
that instead of super cantilenam, medieval manuscripts frequently
use the designation contra cantilenam. Using the term in the broader
Lipphardt paradoxically returns to the notion that the detersays the creative activmining factor in an adaptation is the text.
of the process
in the reconstruction and of parodying of the
old text, consequently
factum constituent refers to this activity. 8
This interpretation r~ises the question whether the content of the
term can be devided into a textual and a musical component. A fur
ther weakness of Lipphardt' s approach
that the aspect of the
creation of a contraiactum as a musical/ compositional task is COffiN
pletely neglected. All this of course an outcome of the approach
from the direction of the text. Lipphardt found Gennnch s categoriunsatisfactory, and he pursued its further differentiation
based on the primacy of the text. In his system the different types
of use of preexisting melodic material, differentiated by Gennrich,
appear only in the lowest level. The identification of contra{actum
with the word Bearbeitung, indicates that Lipphardt also assumed
an actual model and consciousness behind
creation of a new adaptation. The instancies of analogies from the musical point of view
much more wide-ranging still remain beyond the horizon.
l

W. LipphlUdt, ~Ober
Begriffe: Kontrafakt, Parodie, Travestie", Jahrbl.lch tar
Liwrgik undHimnologie 12 (19671. pp. 104-11.
8 ~Offenbar geht es dabei um
kftnstlerische T!tigkeit, die in erster Lime auf
den 'Yext richtet, nAmlich auf das Parodieren. In def
sind alle Beispiele, welche
in der Pfullinger Handschrift unter
Begriff stehen, vollendete Beispiele mittelalte:rlicher Parodie". W. Lipphardt, !lUber die Begriffe ...... , 104.
7

194

Gabor Kiss

However, we encounter in the literature a different type of approach to the question. In this approach exactly the ambiguous instances of analogies are taken into account and faced to the different tenninological interpretations. According to this attitude, which
is represented by an article by Christopf Petzsch, we have to distinguish more clearly the real contrafacta and such musical similarities
in the case of which the genetic relation between them is not provable. 9 The latter must be regarded as an outcome of a musical thinking that is based on types and formulas (Neurealisierung eines Melodierypus}.1O The most important aspect of this interpretation is not
the negative, that in certain cases the concrete relation between different products (the bewu~te Anlehnung) is not provable, but the
positive, that, in spite of the mentioned uncertainty, we can elucidate their relationship. According to this, the similarity can not be
interpreted as a relationship between a concrete source melody, a
kind of opus perfectum and a new adaptation based on it. The related chants are alternatives existing alongside the reality of abstract
musical ideas and imaginary melodic models behind them, even if
these do not exist as an opus perfectum.
The distinction is plausible, but seems to have a weakness that
can be attributed partly to methodological partly, historical causes.
The methodological cause is the following: since the degree of similarity will inevitably become the criteria for the differentiation of
the products, transitory instances can be uninterpretable and unclassifiable. Furthermore, in consequence of the sharp confining of
real contrafacta (in Gennrich's terminology: die reguliire Kontrafaktur), variant melodies representing a general melodic idea (Melodie9

Ch. Petzsch, "Kontrafaktur und Melodietypus~, Musikforschung 21 (1968),

pp. 271-90.
10 "Wenn eigene Leistung, wenn 'sch6pferische Umbildung' [WioraJ den Grad
der Ubereinstimmung in Text und Form merklich relativiert, so ~ - bei gleicher
Melodiesubstanz - zunachst ein anderes oder neues Lied vorzuliegen scheint, ist
nachweisliche Absicht zur Wendung unumgangliche Vorau5setzung zur Ansetzung
einer Kontrafaktur, was wir aucb in alien anderen Fallen rur unabdingbar halten.
Im bereich cler Umformungen ... es wird eine Reihe von Ansetzungen indirekter
und sogenannter Grundlagen-Kontrafaktur kritisch treffen ... ". Ch. Petzsch, ~Kontra
faktur. .. ", p. 287.

CONTRA FACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

195

typus, Melodiegeriist, Gestalt) and partial borrowings {Entlehnungen}


and free adaptations may easily become almost inseparable from
each other. As we have mentioned these anomalies are due to given
circumstancies in research hlstory. Although the
of the term
contrafactum is customary and used widely in medieval musical
studies its terminology was elaborated primarily in the field of medieval secular monody. The melodic material of this field being connected generally with texts of definite forms/ and consequently being resulted in definite melodic structures and forms {Gestalt} determined a special approach and methodology. The inevitable conseof this is that the examination and categorization of musical
analogies found in other areas of medieval monody remained more
modest.
J

11. Contrafacta, free adaptations, type formation


and style (repertory)
Let us now try to contrast
previously formulated observations
concerning terminology with real musical analogies found in a special repertory, i.e. in
field
the melodies of the ordinary. 11 The
clearest instancies of reusing preexisting material are when a given
ordinary chant is based on another plainchant, most frequently another ordinary melody. The most general procedure
to use the
melody of a given Sanctus
the Agnus Dei of the same mass as
well. According to the catalogue by Schildbach,12 30% of Agnus
melodies have their equivalent among Sanctuses. The similarity in
function and the conventionally melismatic style of both
might have played a role
the evolution
this practice/ in which
the new pieces seem to have been created with remarkable
The following
and statements are based on my own ordinary
catalogue containing several melodies unregistered in the widely-used ordinary
catalogues (Melnicki,
and SchildbacbJ. This catalogue is
eluded in my
where also the questions
this paper are discussed in
detail: A Historical, Liturgical and Musical Analysis
the Medieval Hungarian Ordil.lary Melodies in the Conext of the Central European Repertory (Budapest, 1997).
12 M. Schildbach,
einstimmige Agnus Dei und
handschri/tliche Uberlieferung vom 10. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert IErlangen, 1967).
It

196

Gabor Kiss

a quasi-improvisative routine. It weJI-known


frethe new Agnuses were not necessarily notated down, the
notator or user of the manuscript
himself to inserting
alternative words
the old
These post-entries are
doubts over which word
sometimes accurate, but
belongs to which melodic section, suggesting either that the
by heart
the notation is simply a Nachschrift, or that
performance could always be a rebirth of the melody.
In
case, this kind of
is also reflected in
case of
fully notated
which means that even obvious contrafacta
can not be
as a result of a mechanical procedure. Sometimes the new
uses only
sections from the old
ody, in
cases
original order
melodic
or the
ner proportion of the old melody
be changed radically etc.
the same
material was
is even more so in the case,
the same
or
for Kyries, Sanctuses, and even Glorias
from
genres
ordinary melodies were based on
that of
ordinary;
example antiphons, responsories, or
1j
even sequences. These
belong to a
higher level
Using the same material
of the cOlnpositional aspect of
for a
and a
s representing different form principles, or
or a Sequence representing different
for a
. and
and
a deep knowledge of
conventions of the
styles and
a certain compositional skill to arrive
a suc1 new adaptation.
An analysis of these
shows
they do not match the
above mentioned terminological interpretations. The composition of
these
can
all be restricted to a textual procedure.
While according to
terminology
constant
is the
ody,
the
an abstract formal
plays
in the terminology the substance of
matter is the
of a new
to an earlier melody,
pairing of a new,
though
(i.e.
facta) melody and a
text is
schopferistressed. Thus the creative moment of the adaptation
l

B.
schriften
!1

H
,

den Ordinarium -Satzen cler ungarischen


Studia Musicoiogica 1911977), pp.

CONTRAFACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

197

sche Umbildung, according to Lipphardts explanation of


component factum in the term) can not refer to the creation of a new text,
but lies rather in the fitting of melody to text, in the distribution of
the melodic material, in the formation of
cadences, etc.
A comprehensive analysis of the whole, or at least the accessible
repertory shows that analogies among ordinary chants can not be
confined to the above listed obvious adaptations! some kind of relationship between melodies being much more frequent than Sanctus-Agnus pairs suggest. These melodic connections differ significantly from each other and their interpretation can be very
cult. In dealing with them we find ourselves in a shared area of different branches of research: the question of adaptation or composition of melodies, the problem of variants, on the basis of which we
can separate individual manuscripts, groups of sources or even traditions, and last but not least: the question of a thinking in melodic
types and patterns, according to conventions, which may also result
in musical analogies. In what follows r will formulate some of my
observations and considerations regarding
fields.
into existence of variants is an inherent possibility of
the above mentioned
adaptational technique. Beyond the consideration that the adaptation itself is a "variant", the listed instances indicate that we can regard as an opus perfectum neither the
melody serving as a model, nor the result of the adaptation. Sometimes the variant solutions can be regarded as Uspontaneousn variations, found everyvv-here in plainchant repertoryl but sometimes
not. And in the latter case, we are forced to conclude that not the
outcome of an adaptation but the adaptation as a process (technique) itself is transmitted. This means that the use of a model melody may happen differently in different traditions, resulted in variants. In these cases the fruitful approach is that the variants have
less reference to each other than to a
source melody, and that
the difference
them can be attributed to the differing
transmission of that source melody. In the case of Agnus contrafacta
we can speak of a realization of a general practice rather than of
transmission of a concrete melody. Example 1 [po 203.1 shows that
l

198

Gitbor Kiss

these realizations may result in strikingly different solutions even


inside one and the same group of sources. 14
All through the foregoing we have been speaking of instances, in
the case of which the genetic connection between different melodies was provable or at least probable. That is, these examples fulfil
the postulate of being recurrent in the history of the terminology of
contrafactum, i.e. the "bewu~te Anlehnung an irgendein ... Vorbild l' At
the same timer already in these cases it is problematic, which is the
model, and which is the secondary melody. While consideration of
the history of genres can help in some cases (a responsory or antiphon version of the same melody can be regarded as the earlier,
consequently primary one), among ordinary melodies our judgement concerning chronology may only be hypothetical, even with
the help of wide-ranging comparative research in the field.
At the same time, very frequently it can not be decided wether
two melodies are related to each other genetically at all or their
similarity refers simply to the usage of general ideas and a common
style. Furthermore, it has to be stressed that the degree of melodic
similarity and actual relation between melodies are not categories
being correlated to each other. It is imaginable, and experience corroborates this, that while the genetic connection between two melodies is obvious, it is confined to a given detail of the melody, and we
would categorize them as different melodies. According to Gennrich's categorization, we would call such. instancies Initialkontrafaktur or irreguliire Kontrafaktur. Example 2 (p. 204) may serve as an illustration for this and at the same time for variants that are differing contrafacta of a given source melody. In other cases we feel a
strong relationship between pieces, the connection of which seems
to be unlikely (either because of chronological evidence of their
documentation or because the analogies are not concrete enough to
be convincing).

J4 While the whole numbers of the examples are taken over from the widelyused ordinary catalogues (Melnicki, Bosse, Thannabaur and Schildbach), the digital
numbers represent melodies not included in them and come from my own ordinary catalogue (see Footnote 11).

199

CONTRAfACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

With the latter, from the field


genetic connections we now find
ourselves
sphere of more complex and less concrete
gies, that at the same time can not be sharply separated from the
formerly discussed adaptations.
the demonstration of
transition, a
much cultivated group of melodies of a very much cultivated tone in the late Middle Ages (E-tonus) may serve as an example. In several cases among them our impression that the melodies
are built upon each other is very strong, even they can be found
in different places in the current ordinary catalogues, due to the rigorouS principles employed
them. But, as can be seen in the examples! the melodies are composed from the same or very similar elements and motives, and their difference is the consequence of a sort
of cento technique (Example 3/a, p. 205). At the same time this can
be stated of another group of Phrygian mode melodies, the relationship of which to each other and to the former examples more abstract (Example 3/b, p. 205). These are again built from similar motives and patterns, even when the shapes
the melodies as a
whole are different, or represent a similar shape or Gestalt, without
literally identical motives. The two groupSt Le. the melodies that are
probably related to each other and the melodies that are only similar, can not
sharply separated from each other. This can
illustrated by the melody of Example 3/c (p. 206), where the more abstract similarity might have inspired a borrowing of concrete details
of melodies: the Gloria in the example is none other than a combination of a given Kyrie and Sanctus that belong
the same type of
Phrygian melodies.
The question arises again where these examples stand on the
scale of different theoretical approaches concerning musical analogies? Concerning the criteria of a concrete connection between
melodies and of a consciousness in the creation of contrafacta , it is
obvious that a relatively small portion of analogies meet their re
quirements. At the same time, we can not demarcate
sharply
from more abstract analogies. Even then we arrive at a marshland,
we regard the
of similarities to be determining. That iS I we
will encounter relatively rarely echte Kontrafakturs in that a whole
melodYI as a musical entity, is taken over. Nor can
differences of
<:4,"',<:I,,1'U

200

Gabor Kiss

related melodies
regarded to a consequence
thinking in types
ethnomusicological sense /Neurealisierung eines Melodietypus).
(I
to the type tables
WaIter Wiora. 15 J Finally, nor can
the analogies of ordinary melodies be compared to such kind of
technique of Neurealisierung, i.e. to realisation of melodies among
old layer of antiphons whose typical melodies are
up
typilines according to quasi-grammatical rules being carefully
adapted to the requirement of a new text (as is demonstrated in the
new antiphon edition in the
of Monumenta Monodica).16
Returning to ordinary repertory, it
to fonnulate some confirst appears to be an enormous variety of meloclusions. What
dies proves to be apparent to a certain extent. Secondly, behind the
virtual universality
the frequent analogies we see a great variety
due to the very elastic
free adaptation
same
time, this technique is not simply a practice for creating new items
based on earlier ones, bu t a general characterisitc of melodic thinking. The analogies are frequently
inside one and the same
melody as well, and in preparing an adaptation
same
is used as in the formation of different sections of a melody using
same material. IExample 4/ p. 207; though numerous melodies
may be cited here, I reproduce an example
an article by P.
Thannabaur, J7
its arrangement is very instructive in showing
how the different sections are made up of the same melodic core.)
With this, from a consideration
contrafactum technique in a narwe have
at observations concerning the general
rower
and even the style
characteristics of a melodic
Returning to the terminologyJ we have found that musical analogies of a special area of medieval monody can not be placed into abstract categories, and that none
approaches found in
tory of terminology could serve as a satisfying basis for an orientaW. Wiora, EuropCiischer Volhsgesang - Gemeinsarne Formen in Charakterisnschen
Abwandlungen (Cologne, 1952).
16 L.
- J. Szendrei, Antiphonen, Monumenta Monodies. Medii Aevi
V/I-II -HI (Kassel, Basel etc., 1999).
17 P.
"Anmerkung zur Verbreitung und Struktur def Hosanna-Tropen irn deutschsprachigen Raum und den Ostlandern". Festschrift
Stablein
zum
Geburtstag (Kassel, 1961), p.
1S

CONTRAFACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

201

the many kinds


adaptation generally called contrafactum in the colloquial language of research. However, the contradictions and inconsistencies of
history of terminology may prove to
be fruitful and inspiring ones: their formulation and the confrontation of them with instances from a given repertory of plain chant are
not without some use. The intellectual endeavour to form an unambiguous terminology, critisism of it and an adaptaion of it to differmusical fields may contribute to a deeper understanding of the
behaviour and style of
fields and of the phenomena that are
the object of the terminology and which actually brought
terminology into existence.

tion

**"
The sources referred to in the article
MN

Missale Notatum Strigoniense saec. XIV/in, Bratislava Ar ..


chlv Mesta ,
18 (oHm EC Lad.3).

Fu

Graduale Francisci de Futhak 1463, Istanbul Thpkap Se ray,


2429.

Ba

Graduale Strigoniense Thomae Card. Bak6cz (2 tomi)


1487-1500, Esztergom F5szekesegyhazi K6nyvtar, Mss. I.
1, lb.

Br

Graduale ecclesiae Brassoviensis saec. XVI/in, Sibiu Muzeul Brukenthal, Ms. 759.

Ni

Graduale ecclesiae St. Jacobi Nitriensis saec. XVI/in,


Bratislava Statny slovensky ustredny archiv, Nr. 67.

Ca

Graduale
Cassoviensis (2 tomi) saec. XVUin,
Budapest Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar, Clmae 172a-b.

Cim-4

Cantatorium ecclesiae S. Viti in castre Pragensi saec. XIII,


Praha Knihovna metropolitni kapitulYJ Cim. 4,

Pr~ 1714

Graduale Pragense saec. Xv, Wrodaw Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, B 1714.

202

Gilbor Kiss

Wi

Graduale ex Wislica (collegium) c. 1300, Kielce Biblioteka


Seminarium Duchownego, sine sign.

Kr-45

Graduale Cracoviense saec. XV, 1543, Wawel Biblioteka


Kapitulna, Ms 45.

Kr-46

Graduale Cracoviense, 1543, Wawel Biblioteka Kapitulna,


Ms 46.

Gn-196 Graduale ecc1esiae Gnesniensis Tom. H. (de sanctisJ 1536,


Gniezno Biblioteka Kapitulna, Ms 196.

Wl-l

Graduale ex Wlodawek (de sanctis )1531, Wloclawek, Biblioteka Seminarium Duchownego, Ms 1.

Wr-386 Graduale saec. XIV/ex, Wrodaw Biblioteka Uniwersytecka


IF 386.

Wr-387 Graduale saec. XV, Wrodaw Biblioteka Uniwersytecka I F


387.

203

CONTRAFACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

Example 1.
Differing Agnus Dei adaptations of the same
Sanctus melody
Sanctus 150

ctus. San

San

Agnus 179 a, hi

Clus. San

ctus Do mi nus De . us Sa ba . olh.

Br, (. 6v

gnus De I.

101 . lis pec ca la mun di.

Qui

rnl

se re re no

bis.

Ni, p. 266

~~~~~ a'tt'/. :~ ~ .
gnus Dc . i

Kr4S,

qui 101 . ~s pec ca la mun

-- ~-

di. rni

~"'::-f@

1"

se re re no . bis.

r. 45v

if :r:;:~. ~.
A

.
l ' ",'r' r

gnus De

. i.

"1'
qui

N, f!" ~b ... .,.1'"


101

. lis pec ca la mun dl.

mI

se re re

no

. bis.

204

Gabor Kiss

Example 2.
Partial analogies in different melodies
Kyrie 16
W1,

5v

~4-f !" ~ '1 ,... I""


Ky - li - C

~,... Of .,. ,... N'

l' I!"
ley - 5011_

CM - sle

"r I
ley . son.

Gloria 10
Cim4, f 59

+1''''~
n . a

Glo

~ r"

~ r'

Of
in

ex

sis

eel

rr rI';

De

o.

El

In

ler

,.
ra

r- b

pax 110 . ml

/\i "'1" !" r" I.. ..,.. !" ,.. "'" ;if ,.. ,.. I

ni . bus bo rile

lun . la . tis. Lau . da - mus

VD

le,

Be ne .

di

cl mus le .

Ad

la

mus

le.

Glo ri fi . ca mus

le.

Gloria 10.1
MN,

'~1'

325

!"

G10 . ri . a

in


9~'

eel

~ ~,.. "1' ..,. 1'"


ni . bus

~ t;;

bo . nlf!

mi

1" I 1'" 1" "1' 1'"

De o.

vc lun la - lis. lau da

1"'!"" 'f"I;

Ado- ra

ho

sis

I
Et

in

ler

ra

mus le. Be ne . di

~ "1' ,.. ,.. .,. I

mus te . Glo

pax

fi - fi . ca - mus

le.

- ci mus le,

205

CONTRAFACTUM ~ THEORIA CONTRA FAOUM

Example 3.
E-mode melodies in repertory of the ordinary

a)
Sanctus 147
Kr-46, f. 25

f f-; ... ,.
I

SIVI - dU$. Sin C1US.

Pi(~ " T r' N ,.


san .

dui

Do ITI .

IIU$

De III

I
* ~
l' -" " M ' pr 1'''

Sa bl . otll PIlI /11 11ft cee

III

lel .

Kyrie 149

eo.. f

f . f' iT\: I' .1* NI ~ 1$4i l ' .. I f"r ~~ .. -I


I<v . ri .

\ey . son. CM t.!e

le;! .

101\.

It'f .

I<V ' ri .

SOlI.

Sanctus 146.1

b)
Sanctus 136
W1, f 284",

'P

Sat) I"!'
. ctus.

San

ct1iS iOo mI nus De

ct\l$,San

us

Sanctus 144

Pr-J714,

f.

28v

, ,...,.1 I" "1"r - fit, '!'o rT or" ~ IW I' l' 1"'


I

San

dus, San

eNs, San

dUa Do

mI . nua De us

206

Gabor Kiss

Sanctus 144.1
Pu, (. 215

~ r"'f ,.' .,. ~


San

clus. San

NI"'\',. t IT"I'O r'11' ,. I"H I


0

ctus , Sd1I

De . us Sa ba

ctus Do mi nus

0(/1.

Agnus 177
Ba,

145v

f4 'fto f' 1'i


A

l'

gnus De

i.

1\P-T ~
tol . lis

qui

PS;,-. .
mun

pec ca . la

di .

c)
Kyrie 148 - Gloria 45 - Sanctus 150
Kr46, s. f.

~'Trn~:O i"f 1"l'~ .. I l' N ,..,. ~ 1'i .1


Ky

n e

Gn c/6,

p.

lay soo. Chri sle

lev son.

Ba,

ri

ley

In

ex eel SIS De

l'

~ ~F
0

0 ... _......... _............... Doml -ne Oeus rex cae . le Slis

De . us

r 144v

~1\'1',"'~~~I\"'-
San

son.

21

~~-=;:=*~gg
Gin

Ky' ri .

CIU5

San

clus

San

R r' I"l'

0]

clus 00 ' mi nus De . us Sa b.a . olh.

207

CONTRAFACTUM - THEORIA CONTRA FACTUM

Example 4.
Adaptation technique used in one and the same melody
[reproduction from an article by P. Thannabaur,
see Footnote 16.)
Engelberg, Srilt$bibliothelc; 314, fo1. 145 (.us Ense1bus, 1372)

8$p. 2'

a.

-I

r.

41:

.....

-)

II1II,

SMc-

11--)

.CIIII,

{.wI-)

(JaIl-'

*,-

5.an.-

~4.c-

0rtIna~~ Will

PC..: . . CMIla

_;.-ri. .a_

in eraI.-

--- ......

1Il0l. -

l/at.-)

bI.-.

SIIDIA

aw

~...n.._

Ut 1!If<If.-

Iu.-u.. .... _

.... ~ I""""
~lIIl-\

WIIIir Ul

I \

"'--I(at-J

...
A-

....

_iKO"-c.-

- .....

.-_ 1It-

CIIrUa III ~ rahad.Nusa .... NMa . . ,..... fiaau.a.,., .....

..
Ho-

.. -!la-

"

t.

WD-

UII( )

, ,..;. - ..;

1OIl-, \

ftl

lit..

Cantus Planus 1998 ~ '. Esztergom & Visegnld

209

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGELIAR DES 9. JH.


(PARIS, BN, LAT. 268} -

ZU EINER BISLANG UNBEACHTET GEBLIEBENEN


QUELLE FUR SEQUENZ UND PROSULA

Michael Klaper

Als der Liturgiewissenschaftler Theodor Klauser in den 20er Jahren


des vergangenen Jahrhunderts an seiner grundlegenden Studie uber
das CapitulaTe Evangeliorum arbeitete, 1 stie~ er in einer Evangelienhandschrift der Bibliotheque nationale in Paris auf einen bemer~
kenswerten Texteintrag: ein Verzeichnis der Metzer Stationskirchen
fur die Fastenzeit. 2 IGauser machte diese Stationsliste, die er unter
anderem in den Ephemerides Liturgicae ver6ffentlichte,3 als ein Werk
Bischof Chrodegangs von Metz (t766) wahrscheinHch und datierte
den Codex aufgrund paUiographischer Indizien ins 9. Jh." In der Folge wurde das Evangeliar roit der Signatur lat. 268 (hinfort: Pa 268)5
wiederholt als eine Metzer Handscbrift zitiert, die nicht allein im
Hinblick auf die Gescruchte des Metzer Heiligenkultes Interesse beansprucht, sondem ebenso als Dokument fur die Ubernahme des

Th. RJauser, Dos romische Capitulare Evangeliontm. I: 'J}Ipen, Liturgiegeschichtli-

che Quellen und Forschungen 28 IMfinster/W., 1935).


2 Th. Klauser, "Eine Stationsliste der Metzer Kirche aus dem 8. Jahrhundert,
wahrscheinlich ein Werk Chrodegangs", in: Ephemerides Liturgicae 44 (1930),
S. 162-93 {wieder in: DeTs., Gesammelte Arbeiten zur Liturgiegeschichte, Kirchengeschichte und ChristIichen Archdologie, Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum, Erganzungsband 3, hrsg. v. E. Dassmann [MUnster/W., 1974], S. 22-45).
3Vgl. Anm. 2. - Nicht zuganglich war mir: Th. lGauser - R.-S. Bour, HUn document du IX c siec1e. Notes sur }'ancienne liturgie de Metz et sur ses eglises anterieures a }'an mil~, in: Annuaire de la Societe d'histoire et d'archeologie de la Lorraine 38
11929), S. 1-143.
4 Klauser, .Eine Stationsliste der Metzer Kirehe" Iwie Anm. 2), S. 165 [ND, S. 24].
5 Bei der abgekurzten Zitierung von Handschriften orientiere ich mich an der Zi~
tierweise der Textedition des Corpus 'n-oporum (Stockholm, 1975ff.\.

210

Michael Klaper

romischen Ritus ins Frankenreich wie auch fur die allgemeine Entwicklung des Stationswesens. 6
Emeut Gegenstand einer eingehenden Untersuchung wurde die
Handschrift in der durch den Kunsthistoriker Wilhelm Koehler begriindeten Corpusedition Die karolingischen Miniaturen. 7 Koehler
nahm das Evangeliar provisorisch in den Band mit den Metzer Handschriften au, S augerte aber dezidieti Zweifel an dessen Provenienz
aus Metz: 9 Das mit seinen schmucklosen Kanontafeln und nur wenjgen Zierinitialen recht schlicht wirkende Evangeliar sei deutlich
unterschieden von der Metzer Angilram-Gruppe einerseits und von
der beriihmten, unter Bischof Drogo entstandenen Gruppe pri:ichtig
illuminierter Handschriften andererseits und lasse sich am ehesten
nordfranzosischen Beispielen aus dem ersten Viertel des 9. ]h. an
die Seite stellen. lo
Nun war spatestens seit dem Erscheinen def Katalogbeschreibung durch Philippe Lauer im Jahre 1939 bekannt, daB die in Frage
stehende Handschrift eine Seite mit dem '!ext einer Sequenz und
6 Vg1. M. Andrieu, "Reglement d 'Angilramne de Metz (768-7911 flXant les honoraires de quelques fonctions liturgiques", in; Revue des Sciences Re/igieuses 10 (1930),
S. 349-69 ; H. Leciercq, Ar\. "Metz~, in: DACL, Bd. 11 (1933). Sp. 790-885; C. Vogel,
"Les echanges liturgiques entre Rome et les pays francs jusqu'a l'E~poque de Charlemagne", in: Le chiese ne; regni del1'Europa occidentale e i loro rapporli con Roma si110 a11'800 , Settimane di studio del Centra ltaliano di studi sull'alto medioveo 7 (Spoleto, 1960). Bd. 1, S. 1BS-295, hier S. 243; B. de Gaiffier, "Notes sur le culte des SS,
Clement de Metz et Caddroe" , in: Analecla Bollandiana 85 (1967), S. 21-43, hier
S. 26 Arun. 4; G. Philippart, "Le manuscrit 377 de Berne et le supplement au legendier de Jean de Mailly", in: Analecta BoIlandiana 92 (1974), S. 63-78, iller S. 76
Anm.4 .
1 Berlin 1930ff. ; ab Band 4 (1971) hrsg . v. FI. Mutherich.
8 W . Koehler (Hrsg.l, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, 3. Bd. Erster reil: Die Gruppe
des Wiener Kronungsevangeliars. Zweiter reil: Metzer Handschriften (Berlin, 1960),
hier S. 114-8 .
9 Koehler, Miniaturen /wie Anm. 8), S. 100: "Fur Metzer Entstehung spricht das
Stationsverzeichnis ... Da aber weder mit Hilfe textlicher Kriterien, noch dUTch pa1aographische und ornamentgeschichtliche Untersuchungen ein Zusammenhang
roil andereo Metzer Handschriften zu belegen ist, wird man zweifeln musseD, ob
die Kopie des Stationsverzeichnisses als bind ender Hinweis anzusehen und nicht
vielleicht auf andere Weise zu erklaren ist ... "
10 Vgl. Koehler, Miniaturen (wie Anm. 8). S. 114.

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGELlAR DES 9. JH ....

211

mehrerer Tropen unter EinschluB einer neumierten Zeile enthalt ll


(s. Abb. 1). Die Neumen sind eindeutig der traditionell I/Metzer" ,
von Solange Corbin Jothringisch" und von David Hiley uLaonNotation genannten Schriftart zuzurechnen. 12 Daher taucht Pa 268 auch
in Jacques Hourliers kommentierter Quelleniibersicht "La domaine
de la notation messine" auf,13 scheint aber anderweitig von musikwissenschaftlicher Seite bislang kaum Beachtung gefunden zu ha
ben. Ich werde daher im folgenden den Textbestand der
betreffen
er'. ..
den Seite unter Aspekten wie Aufzeichnungsform und Uberlieferungszusammenhange besprechen und dabei auch die Verwendung
von musikalischer Notation in vorliegendem Zusammenhang diskutieren.
U

Die in Pa 268 auf zwei urspriinglich leeren . \~e If. 2, 23v) in


brau~er Tinte ~ingetragenen Ar~adenstellu~ge ~~n vermutlich
auf eln und dleselb~ Hand zuruck. 14 Aber nut.~Y auf f. 23v gegenuber dem Begtnn des Matthausevangeliums - befindliche
Arkadenstellung ist mit Gelb, Griin, Blau und Rot koloriert, und nur
hier sind die Interkolumnien mit einer Reihe von Texteintragen versehen: einer Sequenz, einer der .welhnachtlichen Hodie-Antiphonen
und rnehreren Prosulae (s. hierzu die Ubersicht liber den Textbe
stand im AnhangJ. Eine liturgische Zusammengehorigkeit der Gesange ist dabei nicht ausfindig zu machen.
Die zu Beginn der Seite aufgezeichnete Sequenz Alma chorus domini (AH 53, Nr. 87) wurde haufig am Sonntag nach Pfingsten bzw.
zum 1hnitatsfest gesungen t doch ist ihre liturgische VelWendung
11

Ph. Lauer, Bibliotheque nationale: Catalogue general des manuscrits la tins. Thme

r' (Nos 1-1438) (Paris, 1939). S. 455f.


12 vgl. D. Hiley, Western Plainchanl. A Handbook (Oxford, 1993), S. 348f. (mit Angaben zur alteren Literatur).
13 Erschienen in: Revue Gr~gorienne 30 (1951), S. 96-113 und 150-58, mer S. 100
(unter den der Metzer Kathedrale zugerechneten Quellen).
1-1 Die Arkadenstellung auf f. 2 mit iillen sich durchschneidenden Rundbogen
uber saulen auf abgetreppten Basen (ganz ahnlich der auf f. 23v) ist offenbar in
brauner Tinte frei Hand eingezeichnet und anschJie~end farbig - hier ausschlie~
lich in einem gleichbleibenden Rotton - gefiillt worden.

212

Michael Klaper

Abb. 1. Pa 268, f. 23v

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGELlAR DES 9. JH ....

213

gerade in den fnlhen Quellen unterschiedlich oder uberhaupt offen. ls Die in den Handschriften bisweilen als I/De nominibus Christi IJ16 o. ii. rubrizierte Sequenz geh6rt zu den seltenen in Hexametern abgefaBten Vertretern def Gattung. 17 In funf - von je einem responsionslosen Versikel zu Beginn und am SchluB gerahmten - Doppelversikeln wird eine Vielzahl von lateinischen und griechischen
Gottesbezeichnungen durchgespielt. DaB der SchluBversikel eine
Doxologieformel in Hexameterform darstellt ("Salvificet nos, sit cui
saecla per omnia doxa"), diirfte den Schreiber veranlaBt haben, im
AnschluB hieran auch noch die gelaufige Form der Kleinen Doxologie (IIGloria patri et filio") festzuhalten.
Bei dem auf die Sequenz folgenden Text mit dem Incipit Concepit
Maria uentre uerbi handelt es sich urn eine Responsoriums-Prosula,
und zwar urn die Textierung eines vor allem in Verbindung mit dem
Responsorium der Weihnachtsmatutin Descendit de caelis (CAD 6410/
6411) gesungenen Melismas. Dieses gehort zur Gruppe def von
Thomas Forrest Kelly in seiner Studie iiber das /IN euma triplex" behandelten Melismen, und auch der Thxt Concepit Mm'ia ist in KeUys
Am Pfingstfest erscheint die Sequenz z. B. in den norrnanno-sizilischen Troparen; vgl. die Edition von D. Hiley in den Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, Bd. 13,
Nr. 33 (Kassel usw., 2001). Fur Trinitas vorgesehen ist Alma chorus domini etwa in
der sudfraozOsischen Handschrift Fa 1084 If. 319v-320). In den beiden bekannten
Regensburger Thopar-Sequentiaren des 11. Jh ., Mu 14083 If. 36v-37) und Mu 14322
(f. 42v-43), erscheint Alma chorus aIs ,Alia'-Sequenz zum 'frinitatsfest; als zweite
1hnitas-Sequenz fmdet sich Alma chorus zudem. in einem wohl in Sankt Gallen rur
Minden geschriebenen Codex von 102411027, Be 11 If. 222v-23) . In einer auf
9901995 zu datierenden Handschrift aus Prum, Pa 9448, steht Alma chorus unter
den Sequenzen fur die gewohnlichen Sonntage If. 8B-B8v). Die Handschrift aus
Echternach, Pa 10510, reiht das Stuck zwischen den Weihnachts-Sequenzen Natus
ante saecula und Bia recolamus ein (f. 25).
16 So in Pa 9448: "Dominica De Nominibus Christi" (f. 88); vgl. auch Pa 10510
(f. 25).
17 Einige Hinweise zu Hexameter-Sequenzen bei W. v. d. Steinen, "Die Anfange
der Sequenzendichtung n , in: Zeitschrift fUr Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte 40
(1946), S. 190-212 und 241-68 sowie 41 (1947), S. 19-48 und 122-62, hier 40,
S. 251; vgl. auch AH 53, S. 153. Zu dem in den AH 37 als Nr. 24 abgedruckten Lux
de luce vgl. K. Levy, .Lux de Iuce: The Origin of an Italian Sequence", in: MQ 57
11971), S. 40-61. - !ch danke Frau Dr. Lori Kruckenberg IOregon} fur die Bereitstellung von Konkordanzen und weiteren Materialien.
15

214

MichaeL Klaper

Artikel wiedergegeben - hier allerdings nach einem italienischen


Antiphonar des 12. Jh. fLucca, Biblioteca capitolare, 603) als einziger Quelle. 18 Bemerkenswert ist, daB die Prosula ziemlich getreu
das Wortmaterial eines praexistenten Textes umsetzt, namlich die
Strophen 3 bis 6 des Weihnachtshymnus Agnoscat omne saeculum
(AH 50, Nr. 71). (Vg!. die Gegenuberstellung der beiden Texte im
Anhang.] Dieser dem Venantius Fortunatus - wiewohl nicht unwidersprochen - zugeschriebene Hymnus war seit dem 10. ]h. allgemein verbreitet, wobei seine Strophen qua Divisio-Verfahren haufig
auf die verschiedenen Stundengebetszeiten des Weihnachtstages
verteilt wurden. 19 Der Prosuladichter hat in diesem Falle also unter
einer zweifachen Vorgabe - textlicher- wie melodischerseits - gearbeitet und die Textadaption an das Melisma durch Wortumstellungen bzw. -auslassungen und den Einsatz van Synonymen bewerkstelligt. 20
Die sich hieran anschlieBenden Texte hat der Schreiber von Pa
268 dUTch eine horizontale Linie van den vorangehenden geschieden. Es finden sich ein Komplex von Prosulae zu dem an verschiedenen Marienfesten verwendeten AlIeluia V. Post partum uirgo,Zl die
18 Th. f. Kelly. ~Neuma 1hplex", in: AcM 60 (1988), S. I-3~, hier Example 1 (Melisma C2) sowie Appendix Il, Nr. IV (S. 28f.).
19 Zu Venantius Fortunatus vgl. Fr. Brunholzl, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur
des Mittelalters J. Von Cassiodor bis zum Ausklang der karolingischen Erneuerung
IMunchen, 21996 ['19751), S. 118-28 und "Bibliograpb..ischer Anhang S. 525f.; spe
zie)) zu Agnoscal: J. SZDverffy, Die Anna/en der lateinischen Hymnendichtung [ (Berlin,
1964). S. 138f. - Die DivisioPraxis ist angesprochen in den AH 50 (was Venantius
betrifft, 5. S. 70-88); vg!. daz.u Abb. 16 in C.-A. Moberg - A.-M. Nilsson, Die liturgischen Hymnen in Schweden lI. 2. Abbildungen ausgewiihlter Quellenhandschriften, Acta
universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia musicologica Upsaliensia, Nova series 13:2 [Uppsa
la, 1991). S. 22 (eine Seite eines Hymnar-Fragments des 12. Jh. mit Maria uentre
cOf/cepit und Rada Iesse rur Terz sowie Condidit sub matre und Legem deditque seculo
zur Sext).
u
W Vgl. etwa "olymphum fur "caelos - In einigen Lesarten steht die Version van
Pa 268 dem Hymnentext naner als jene van Le 603 ("fructum" statt npartum~, ,Jegem" statt ..lucem ~sub uincula statt "subditus Der Versucb einer melodischen
Rekonstruktion der Version von Pa 268 wird andernorts durchzufuhren sein.
2' K.-H. Schlager, Thematischer KataJog der iiltesten Alleluia-Melodien aus Handschnften de.'> 10. und 11. jahrhunderts, ausgenommen das ambrosianische, alt-romische
U

).

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGElIAR DES 9. JH ....

215

Weihnachts-Antiphon Hodie Christus natus esf2 und schlieiUich ein


Komplex von Prosulae zum Alleluia V lustus ut palma florebif3 fUr
verschiedene ffiannliche Heilige. Die in Pa 268 festgehaltenen Alleluia-Prosulae gehoren zu den am weitesten verbreiteten uberhaupt,
wie man schon der Textedition im zweiten Band des Corpus 'IropOTum 24 mit ihrem keineswegs vollstandigen Konkordanzenverzeichnis entnehmen kann. Den hiermit angesprochenen Uberlieferungszusammenhangen nacbzugehen, ware freilich ein eigenes Thema,
und ich mochte hier nur auf einige rur die Einschatzung der Aufzeichnung in Pa 268 besonders relevante Gesichtspunkte eingehen.
1.

Die drei Prosulae Psalle ludens Thalia, Post patemi uerbi partum
und Dei genitrix quia sic meruisti stellen Textierungen von Alleluia-Ruf und -Vokalise sowie von zwei Vers-Melismen des Marien-Alleluias Post partum uirgo dar.2S Die haufigste und geographisch am breitesten gestreute trberlieferungskonstellation von
Prosulae zu diesem Alleluia setzt sich aus vier Textierungen zu sammen; zu den drei in Pa 268 vorliegenden Elementen tritt
dabei als viertes rur den SchluB des Alleluia-Verses Intercede
pro nosh-is pia hinzu. 26 Nun schliei\t die letzte der in Pa 268 vorhandenen Textierungseinheiten mit einer singuHiren Lesart, die
keinen Sinn ergibt, unterdessen aber auffallige Ubereinstimmungen mit dem Schlu~ von Intercede aufweist ("et totius meritis adiuuaru [?r in Pa 268 gegenuber J,et totius sceleris oratrix u
[3a1 bzw. "tuis adiuuari suffragiis (4}).27 Es ist daher anzunehmen, d~ der Schreiber von Pa 268 versehentlicb von einer Tex
U

und alt-spanische Repertoire labgek.: ThKS), Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft, 2 IMiinchen, 1965), Nr. 164 (S. 143f.).
22 CAG Ill, Nr. 3093.
Z3 ThKS , Nr. 38 (S. B6f.).
lA Corpus Doporum 1I: Prosules de la messe. 1: Dopes de l'alleluia, hrsg . v. O. MatCUSSOD. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Studia Latiba Stockholmiensia 22 (Stockholm, 1976).
2.5 CT 11, Nr. 59/1-3.
U Ebd., Nr. 59/4; vgl. die Konkordanzenubersicht aut S. 12H.
'1,7 lch folge nicht durchweg dem bei Marcusson edierten Text, sondem gebe Lesarten wieder, die Ps. 268 besonders nahestehen.

216

Michael Klaper

tierung in die andere geraten ist - moglicherweise ein Indiz fUr


emen Aufzeichnungsvorgang aus dem Gedachtnis.

2.
Das Alleluia V. Post partum uirgo ist in den von Hesbert herausgegebenen sechs altesten Handschriften mit den Texten der
MejSgesange 28 noch nicht vertreten, und roit dem Einsetzen der
melodischen Uberlieferung urn 900 geben sich zahlreiche Versionen insbesondere fur das Alleluia-Melisma zu erkennen.
Was dieses Melisma anlangt, lassen sich eine langere und eine
kiirzere Fassung voneinander abheben. Doch auch wenn man
die kurzere zugrundelegt (wie sie etwa im Graduale Laon 239
uberkommen ist),29 deckt die in Pa 268 festgehaltene Textfassung von Psalle ludens Thalia nicht das gesamte Melisma ab
Is. Abb. 2). (Die Fassung dieses Textes in Pa 268 ist kiirzer als in
samtlichen anderen Quellen. ) Die N eumen in dieser QueUe
stimmen indes ziemlich genau roit dem SchluB des Melismas in
Laon 239 iiberein. Hieraus geht hervor, daf1 der Schreiber in Pa
268 musikalische Notation lediglich dazu herangezogen hat, die
Abb. 2. Pa 268, f. 23v (Ausschnitt] und
Laon 239, f. 87 /AusschnittJ

Antiphonale Missarum Sextuplex, hrsg. v. R.-J. Hesbert (Briissel, 1935).


29 Die Handschrift ist im Faksimile ver6ffentlicht in PM X, Tournai 1909 [ND
Bern 19711; das Alleluia V. Post partum uirgo fmdet sich hier innerhalb der AlleluiaSammlung am Ende (f. 87).
Z8

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGELlAR DES 9. JH ....

217

Koordination von Tropus und Prilnargesang zu verdeutlichen.


Fur samtliche and ere Prosulae in Pa 268 gilt namlich, da~ diese
entweder am Bnde den Primartext wieder aufgreifen 30 od er die
Zuordnung durch einen cue klargestellt wird. 31 Stattdessen ist
bei Psalle lud~n.s der untextiert verbliebene Teil des Melismas fixiert worden.
11

Zum Abschlu~ meiner Ausftihrungen gebe ich noch elnlge einordnende Hinweise zu Charakter und Stellenwert der Aufzeichnung
in Pa 268.
1.

Wenngleich eine genaue Datierung nicht maglich ist r so spricht


doch manches daful", daB der Eintrag der Gesangstexte in Pa
268 noch der ersten HiHfte des 10. Jh. angehort. 3Z Aus dieser
friihen Zeit hat sich generell nut wenig erhalten; das erschwert
die Suche nach Vergleichbarem. Amehesten wird man an die
seit langen1 bekannten Aufzeichnungen von Thopen und Sequenzen in den Handschriften Mu 14843 (aus Toull und Vro 90
la Vgl. POST PARTUM VIRGO - Post paterni ue1'bi parium ttirgo, INVIOLATA PERMANSISTI - inuiolata Maria et illtacta pe nn Q 11 Si s t i . Der Text Lux illstorum angelo-

rum deckt den Alleluia-Ruf samt Vokalise ab.


31 Bei Dei genitrix quia sic meroisti und Et sicut liliorum candor.
32 Man hat verrnerkt, da.B die karolingische Minuskel im westfrartkischen Bereicb wahrend des 10. Jh. roit einer beachtlichen Kontinuitat gepflegt worden ist;
vg!. B. Bischoff, Paliiographie des romischen Altertums Imd des abendliindischen Mittelalters, Grundlagen der Germanistik 24 (Berlin, 21986 [1197911, hier S. 165f. Fehlt
Iwie in vorliegendem Fall) die M6glichkeit, eine Aufzeichnung in einen Skriptoriumszusammenhang einzubinden, ist man fast ausschlie.Blich auf die Berucksichtigung allgemeiner Thndenzen cler Schriftentwicklung angewiesen; Datienmgsversuche konnen dann nur naherungsweise erfolgen. Auf meine Anfrage hin teilte mir
Frau B. Ebersperger von del' Kommission fUr die Herausgabe der mittelalterlichen
Bibliotbekskataloge an der Bayerischen Akademie del' Wissenschaft-en in Mlinchen
freundlicherweise mit, dai\ die Palaographie-Experten clef Handschriftenableilung
def Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek (Munchen) den Nachtrag auf f. 23v von Pa268
auf das 10. Jh. datieren, was im tibrigen auch schon W. Koehler, Miniaturen (wie
Anm. 8), vorgeschlagen hatte. Es verdieul hinzug-efiigt zu werden, dafl die Hand,
welche die Gesaugstexte aufgezeichnet hat, clef Haupthand ausgesprochen nahe
steM.

Michael Klaper

(aus N orditalienJ denken,


in der Tat lassen
aufzeigen :33 In
zwischen den drei
drei
Fallen
Tropen und
die Texte van
Gesangen
Unterscheidung nach
bzw. Funktionen sowie ohne
innerhalb van '-IV''''''!'''"". . ';:) festgehalten, die
li turgischer
nicht primar zur
dienen und
10
der Fal1e
Ordnung nach litu "'M""JA&~'A& Kriterien erkennbar. Wahrend
Abschnitt in Mu
als - wenn auch
und Sequenzen
34
Sammlung angelegt sein k6nnte /
Bestand in
90 (James
hingewiesen darauf hat) im Vedaufe
worden,35
Jahrzehnte von unterschiedlichen
l

14B43 vgl. immer noch W. v. d. Steinen.

iiltester
Ausgewahlte Bei-

. in: K. Langosch
Mittellateinische
Erforschung.
149 (Darmstadt, 1
[Wiederabdruck
der in Anm. 17 genannten
50Katalogbeitrag van W. Arlt in: Chr. Stiegemann - M. Wemhoff
jHrsg. L 799 .. Kunst und Ku/tur der
Gro~e und Papst
In
Paderborn,
Paderbarn 1
IMainz, 1999), S. 853-5. Zu Vro
liegt die kodikologisch-paHiographische Arbeit von G. G. Meerssemann vor: ,,11
dice XC della
, in: Archivio Veneto 106 11975), S. 11-44. Mit
Handschriften setzt
von R.
L. Theitler ausein,,!'ropes and the Concept
, in: Pax et Sapientia: Studies in Text and
Music
7ropes and
In Memory of
hrsg. v.
R.
Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Sludia Latina
29
{Stockholm, 1
59-89, insbes. S.
:H W. V.
Initialsequenz (wie
hat erwogen, d~
Mu 14843 .einem Geistlichen als patristisches Erbauungsbuch"
konnte IS. 160) und
hinaus die
vertrelen, da die UCLLUllllU..u
von Tropen und
"ziemlich zufaUig aus verschiedenen QueUen
etwa
- zusammengeschrieben"
durfle IS. 162}. Wahrend v. d. Steinen
an das Kompilationswerk ein und desselben
dachte, hat B.
driUen Autlage
Sildostdeutschen Schreibschulen
Bibiiotheken
in der
(Wiesbaden
von "einer gro~en
seher
saec. IX 2 " gesprocheo,
belrifft, keinen
ausvermag ich, was die
lID Verhaltnis zu den ubrigen
zumachen.
innerhalb dieses v'-<".;.u ........
Texten des Grundstocks.
Center in the Middle
JS Vg!. J. Borders,
Cathedral of Verona as a
1983). S. 262-4.
Its History, Manuscripts,
Liturgical Practice,
84.

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGElIAR DES 9. JH ....

219

Die musikhistorische Bedeutung von Pa 268 uegt unter an


derem darin, dai\ mit dieser
die friihe Uberlieferung aus
dem
Kemgebiet entscheidend bereichert wird unabhangig davon, woher genau der Codex stammen mag, und
wo genau man die Sequenz und die Prosulae eingetragen bat.
(N ach meinen Beobachtungen konnte es sich so verhalten,
daA die Handschrift erst sekundar nach Metz gelangt und hier
urn die Stationsliste erganzt worden ist.)
lassen sich etwa
manche Thxte in Pa 268 anderweitig entweder uberhaupt
oder in der hier vorliegenden Konstellation, nur in spateren italienischen Handschriften nachweisen. 36
l

3.
Im erueInen noch zu untersuchen bleiben Besonderheiten der
Aufzeichnungssituation in Fa 268. Wenn die an Kanontafeln er~
innemden Arkaden, nicht zur Aufnahme von Gesangstexten
eingezeichnet warden sind - was eher unwahrscheinlich ist -,
dann bleibt unklar, welche Funktion
moglicherweise ur~

sprunglkh erfiillen sallten. Zwar sind einige Beispiele bekannt,


bei denen Thxte undJoder Meloruen liturgischer Gesange
ei31
ner architektonischen Rahmung versehen wurden. Doch ist
Die Prosula Lux iustorum cmgelorom (CT 111 NI'. 40/8) ist schon
Mu 14843
und weiterhin in Quellen sus Sudfrankreich {Pa 1118, Wo 79) und Novalesa (Ox
222) be1egt,
der Kombination mit Bt sicut liliorum candor (er 11, NI". 4011) freilich
- au&er in Pa 268 - nur in italienischen Handschriften (Vro 107, IVY 60, RoA 123);
ciavon, dd
Respon8(')riums-Prosula Concepit Maria
12. Jh. in ltalien erneut auftaucht, war bereits die Rede.
:rT In einer Handschrift aus Ottobeuren, Mll 27130 (um 1100).
dem interlinear
neumierten "Iext der Offertoriums-Prosula Loetemur gaudiis seitlich
gende Melisma zugeordnet, und zwar innerhalb einer Arkadenrahmung If. 2av);
die Seite fmdel sich abgebildet
A. Haug, .. Neue AnsAt:ze im Jahrbundert". in:
H. Maller - R. Stephan IHrsg.),
Musik des Mittelalters, Neues Handbuch def'
94-128, bier
99 (mit Hinweis auf das
Musikwissenschaft 2 (Laaber, 19911,
mogliche ikonographlsche Vorbild
Kanontafeln). Dd
Anrufungen der ADe:.-heiligenlitanei in dem bereits erwihnten Codex aus Pnlm (Ps 9448) archltektonisch
gerahmt sind, konnte
einer weiter verbreiteten Ubung zu tun haben, Litaneien
in dieser Wei&e auszuzeichnen; die Reihen von Namen, die natiirlich jeweils keine
Zeile fiir
beanspruchen,
frich dabei fUr erne Anoninung
Inter36

220

Michael Klaper

wohl anzunehmen, da~ im Falle von Pa 268 der Schreiber der


Gesange die leeren Arkaden bereits vorgefunden hat und sich zu
Beginn seiner Arbeit noch nicht dariiber im klaren war, wieviel
er letztlich aufzeichnen wiirde. 38 Hiermit stellt sich zugleich die
Frage nach seinen moglichen Vorlagen. Zwar sind in Pa 268 die
gro1!.eren Texteinheiten klar voneinander abgesetzt, verdeutlichende cues eingeschoben und sogar die AnHinge der einzelnen
Versikel der Sequenz durch Majuskelsetzung und jeweils neuen
Zeilenbeginn markiert. Indessen deuten Eigenheiten der Orthographie und der vielfache Wegfall von Endungen auf die Wiedergabe eines Gehoreindrucks. 39

In jedem Fall aber ist die Bedeutung des Eintrags in Pa 268

rur

die ejnsetzende Verschriftlichung der neuen Formen des 9. Jh., 1\-0pus und Sequenz, evident .

kolumnien an . Das sog. tStammheimer Missale' (12. Jh.)t zu dem Elizabeth C. Teviotdale eine Studie vorgelegt hat, entb.alt mehrere Seiten, auf denen ganze Gesangsbestande in Arkadenstellungen notiert sind (vgl. Elizabeth C. Thviotdale, The
Stammheim Missal, Getty Museum Studies on Art ILo5 Angeles, 2001}, hier Abb. 13};
freilich handelt es sich dabei nicht urn - Zusatzcharakter tragende - 'ITopen oder
Sequenzen. Ich danke Frau Tevioldale fur ihre freundliche Auskunft, hl fur zu der
angesprochenen Aufzeichnungsweise innerhalb des Stammheimer Missale keine
Vergleichsbeispiele bekannt sind.
38 Zumindest ist es sehr wahrscheinlich, dai sich Textaufzeichnung und Kolorierung auf f. 23v der gleichen Person verdanken: Auf der gegeniiberliegenden Seite
(f. 24) ist die ursprunglich farblose Ioitiale nachtdiglich koloriert, der ,zweite Anfang' des Matthaus-Evangeliums IIIChristi autem generatio sic erat", in der rechten
oberen Ecke erganzt und sind mehrere Majuskeln im laufenden Text mit farbigen
Flecken verziert worden (s. die Abbildung der Seite in Koehler, Miniaturen [wie
Anm . 8), Thf. 52c); es kann angenommen werden, daB hier die gleiche Hand tatig
geworden ist wie auf f. 23v (so auch Koehler, S. 117).
39 Urn nur einige wenige Beispiele allzufUhren: ~non" fUr "nunc" (erstes InterkolumniumL "dicensum" fur ndecem sunt" und "suuincula" rur "sub uincula" (drittes).
- Auf der anderen Seite sprechen Phiinomene wie das ohne Abkurzungsstrich stehengebliehene HOS" statt aorbis" (iro zweiten Interkolumnium) und moglicherweise
aucb das als Majuskel ausgefuhrte .. S" am Beginn von <P>salle ludens ffu die Abhangigkeit von schriftlichen Vorlagen (in letzterem Fall batte dementsprechend in
der Vorlage eine lnitiale "pu gefehlt).

DIE NEUMEN IN EINEM EVANGEUAR DES 9. JH ....

221

Anhang

Text- und N eumenbestand von Paris, Bibliotheque nationale,

lat. 268, f. 23v


Sequenz Alma chorus domini (AH 53, Nr. 87)
Kleine Doxologie

la.
1b.

Prosula Conceplt Maria uentre uerbi jKelly, Neuma lliplex,

2.

S. 28f.) zum Weihnachts-Responsorium Descendit de caelis


leAD IV, Nr. 6410/6411)

Prosulae zum Alleluia V. Post partum uirgo


Psalle ludens Thalia (CT III Nr. 59/1)
- Neumeneintrag Post patemi uerbi partum (CT Il, Nr. 59/2)
Dei genitrix quia sic meroisti I HI Nr. 59/3)
mit cue INTERCEDE PRO NOBIS

3.

er

4.

Weihnachts-Antiphon Hodie Christus natus est (CAD ill, Nr. 30931

5.

Prosulae rum Alleluia V. Iustus ut palma florebit


LllX iustorum angelorum [eT H, Nr. 40/8)
Et sicut liliorum candor (eT H, Nr. 40/1)
mit cue MULTIPLICABITUR

Responsoriums-Prosula Concepit Maria uentre uerbi nach Lucca,


Biblioteca capitolare, 603 {Le 603)40 und Pa 268 (Lesarten) Strophen 3-6 des Weihnachts-Hymnus Agnoscat omne saeculum
{AH 50, Nr. 711
Le 603: Concepit Mane. uentre uerbi sem.i.ne fide
AB:
Maria ventre concipit 1 Verbi fidelis sentine, /
Le 603: Quem totus orb < i > 5 non baiulat continens puellae uiscera
AH:
Quem torus orbis non capit [Lesart: baiulat]/ 1 Portant puellae
viscera /

Den Angaben im 9. Bd. der PM zufolge (FaksimileAusgabe des Antiphonars


LucGa, Biblioteca capitolare, 601, Thumai 1906 IND Bern 1974]1 stammt def Codex
Le 603 aus S. Maria di Pontetto bei Lucca IS. 12); vgl. die Reproduktion einer Seite
aus diesem Codex in PM n (Solesmes, 1891 [ND Bern 1974]), PL 34.
40

222

Mkhael Klaper

Le 603 ; Radix floruit Iesse uirga


AH:
Radix [esse floruit I Et virga
Le 603: Edidit partum [Pa 268: fructumj uirgo faecunda Partum tulit
AH:
fructum edidit, / Fecunda partum protuliU
Le 603; Et intacta Perseuerans Presepe porut
AH:
Et virgo mater permanet. / Praesepe poni pertulit, /
Le 603: Auctorque extitit Lucis pertulit cum patre olymphum
AH:
Qui lucis auctor exstitit, I Cum pat re caelos condidit, /
Le 603: Condidit panno sub mat re induit Lucem [Pa 268: legemJ dedit
Quae seculo [Pa 268: per secula]

AH:

Sub matre pannos induit. / Legem dedit qui saeculo, /

Le 603: Cuius praecepta decem sunt dignando factus est homo esse subditus {Pa 268: su < b > uincula] legis mundi
AH:
Cuius decem praecepta sunt, / Dignando factus est homo / Sub legis esse vinculo.

Cantus Planus 1998

Esztergom ft Visegnld

223

PARALLELISM IN OFFICE ANTIPHONS OF THE


1ST AND THE 3RD MODE
Eva Rungwald

From Old Roman chant to Gregorian chant


The diagram below shows the occurrence of the modes of the oktoechos from three different sources: Archivio S. Pietro B 79, a
source of the Old Roman chant/ that was copied in the second part
of the 12th century. The second one is a German Tonary from the
loth century and the third: the Italian codex Lucca 601 from Puteolis dating from the 12th century. They are both representatives of
Gregorian Chant.
ANTIPHONS FROM:

MODES:
ARCHMO

III
E

S. PIBTRO

THE TONARV OF

B79

RBGINO OF PROM

23%
0%
2%

27%
8%
0%

LUCCA, BIBL. CAPITOLARB

601

24%
5%

0%

Extracts from a diagram by Philippe Bemard from: Archivio S. Pietro B 79,


Antifonario della Basilica Di S. Pietro, Bonifacio G. Baroffio - Leonard E.
Boyle, vol. 1, p. 30.
It seems that the Old Roman liturgy did not know of the 3M

mode. It knew on the contrary the archaic mode E,l which can be
observed neither in the Regino of Priim Thnary nor in Lucca 601.

Jean Claire, Les repertoires liturglques avant l'octo&:hos. I. Voffice ferial


romanoftanc, Etudes Gregoriennes XV (Solesmes, 1975), pp. 100-7.
I

224

Eva Rungwald

This means that when the repertoire of the office came from
Rome to the Carolingian area in the middle of the 81h century! a theory that many scholars can agree on, there was no 3rd mode. It was
probably the Gallican singers that took the initiative to sing some of
the antiphons that the Romans sang on the scale a G FED using
the scale b-naturaZ a G FED in stead. But a thorough examination
of these office antiphons with finalis E shows that this is not a matter of an automatic transcription of what was already written with
finalis D.

Two versions of Tantum ergo


In Varim Preces,2 a collection of Gregorian pieces by Joseph Pothier, there are different versions of the hymn Tantum ergo. 1\vo of the
melodies are very similar in their modal structure, though they
were taken down in different modes and Pothier has provided valu
able infonnation when saying that the Tantum ergo in the 1sI mode is
a cantus ex libris Italice.
In 1948, Joseph Gajard wrote an article!! about this in Revue Gregorienne. He transposed both melodies, the one in the 1si mode and
the other in the 3rd mode to final A in order to give room for both
the b-naturel and the b-flat. The braces indicate melodic identical
phrases.
Joseph Gajard regarded the Italian version as the oldest one and
the version in the 3rd mode as a later development of the former. He
remarked that the main difference between the 1sI and the 3rd mode
is the difference between the minor thirds above the finalis:
The protus authentus with finalis D consists of: 1 note + 1/2 note:
DEF.
Whereas the tritus authentus with finalis E consists of 1/2 note +
1 note: E F G.

Varice Preces ex liturgia turn hodierna turn antiqua aut usu receptae, 5'11 edition
(Soiesmes. 1901). pp. 18-20.
J ]oseph Gajard, "La melodie primitive du Thntum ergoN, Revue Gregorienne IV
2

(1948), pp. 130-41.

225

PARALLELISM IN OFFICE ANTIPHONS ...

Example 1.
4

rd

L.U. 954, the 3 mode


transposed.
L.U. 950, the l ! l mode
transposed.
(Cantus ex libris italirej

1----'
1
2

11

1
10

11

\2

11

16

15

Ta.n-turn er-go Sa-cra-men-tum Ve- ne- re-murcer-nu- i:

18

17

18

111

2t

2.ll

28

In face of so great mystery,

therefore, let us bow down


and worship;
let precepts of the Ancient Law
give way to the new
Gospel rite;
and let faith assist us and help us
make up for what the senses
fail to perceive.

Et an-tf~uurndo- cu-men-turn No- vo cc- dat ri- tu- I:

III

P~-stet

I811

n-

.I()

des supple-mt!n-turn Sen-su' urn de- f~-ctu- i

This influences the melody especially at the neumes 3, 27, 35 and


43. The pt mode version has on 26 27 28 a descending scale c bsharp a which it is not possible to give in the 3rd mode. The same
procedure can be observed at neume 35 where the 3rd mode version
is obliged to give the notes a C, as the 3 rd mode cannot notate an (sharp. The semitones at 3 and 43 in the 3rd mode version so to say
define the mode_
Finally I would remark that the intonation D C f g a 13, 4 5 and 7
of the pi mode Thntum ergo is the most common intonation formula
in the first mode antiphons. The intonation of the protus version
Ihere transposed): aGe d e (ex libris italire) is pentatonic whereas

LU: Liber Usualis missae et officii pro dominicis et festis I. \)el Il. cla.ssis (Rome,

1921).

226

Eva Rungwald

the deuterus version (here transposed) has not kept the pentatonic
scale and goes: a b-{lat Q G c de.

The hesitation of tbe Gregorian chant


between the 1 Sf and the 3rd mode
Here follows a list of antiphons s which are normally notated with
finalis on E (deuterus authentus) but in some manuscripts are written on the scale of D (protus authentus) or on the scale of A.
SOURCE

PAGE

FINAL

ORIGIN AND DATE

Dominus legifeT nosier (AM6 217J


Karlsruhe St. Georges VI fo1. 17
(with psalmtone on A
raised to b-flatj
fol. 16
KaIlsruhe Aug . LX
fol. 42
St. Gallen 54S
Worcester
fol. 10
Praha XIV 13
fol. 21
fol. 12
'lher L S9 1=1801
Benevento 19
fol. 130
Benevento 21
fol. 6
Einsiedeln 83 (761
Lyon Musee Historique fol. 80
des Tissu B79

D
D
D
0
D
D
D
0

-Willingen 14th c.

Reichenau 12-13th c.
Germany 14th c.
Worcester 13 th c. (anno 1247)
Prague 13-14th cc.
Trier 14th c.
Benevento 12th c.
Benevento 12-13lh cc.
Einsideln 11 th c.
Lyon 14th c.
Lyon, printed in 1739
Augsburg?
Silos

Lyon Antiphonary. 1739


Ottobeuren
fol. 13
Silos Temporal
fol. 17
Paris EN 784

Limoges 1St. Martial)


14-1Sth c.

Vercelli 170

Arras 13th c.

fo1. 11

D
?

These informations have been been taken froro the Comparative Thbles of Monastic Antiphons cL the following section. The dating and the provenance have
been controlled in Le Pichier de La PaJeographie Musicale (Solesmes, not published).
6 AM : Antiphonale Moan.sticum pro diumis hon"s no. 818 F (Tournai. 1934).
5

PARALLELISM IN OFFICE ANTIPHONS..

SoURCE

PAGE

FINAL

Hie est diseipulis ille


fol. 31
D
Benevento 21
fol. 44B no
A
Vercelli 170
psalm tone
D
fol. 36 reciParis BN 17296
tation on c
Cambridge F IV. 10 Mag- fol. 28
A
dalene College
D
Bari 2
fol. 309
London, Ellis 89
A

D7

ORIGIN AND DATE

(AM 255)
Benevento 12-13th cc.
Arras 13th c.
St. Denis 12th c.

Petersborough 13-14th cc.


Paris about 1339
Dawson, California,
Langres 13th c.

Simeon justus (AM 8021


Karlsruhe Aug. LX
fol. 50
D Reichenau 12-13th cc.
Karlsruhe St. Georges VI fol. 198
D
Willingen 14th c.
Worcester
fo1. 202/278
D
Worcester 13 th c. anno 1247
Benevento 19-20
fol. 43v
D
Benevento 12th c.
or
45v
.'
Benevento 12-131h cc.
D
Benevento 21
.,,-Il- -1 fol. 71
Cambridge F IV. f{[ ..,. __ fol. 201?
Petersborough 13-14th cc.
A
Magdalene College"-'

Inter natos (AM 9251


Piacenza 65
Benevento 21
Piacenza 65
Worcester
Benevento 21

fol. 379
fol. 192, 189

Caecilia famula
fol. 418
fol. 2691 407
fol. 262

tua
D
D
D

Piacenza Chapter anno 1200


Benevento 12-13 th c.

lAM

1140)

Piacenza Chapter anno 1200


Worcester 13 th c. anno 1247
Benevento 12-13th cc.

It might be interesting to have a look at more manuscripts to see


if the slight tendency of choosing the finalis D is general for Italian
manuscripts.

Eva Rungwald

228

Scrutiny of the Comparative Tables of


Monastic Antiphons

The Comparative Tables of Monastic Antiphons, henceforth TMA,


are synoptic tables of office antiphons transcribed from various
manuscript sources. Hie est discipulis ille, for example, which will be
accounted for further down, has been copied from 57 different
manuscripts. The Benedictines of Solesmes copied antiphons from
the codices with the purpose of editing the AntiphonaZe Monasticum 7
omitting antiphons that were not considered relevant for this edition. This secondary sources which forms the basis of this investigation has made it possible to refer to so many manuscripts.
First we will have a look at Dominus legifer noster:
Example 2.
AM 217

5 Ant. C
ma
.1

D
-

c
ip~

Omi-nus legi- fer noster.


I

ve-ni- et,

et salva-bit nos.

D6mi-nus Rex noster,


I

I'

.
~A

11

11

E u

0 u

a e.

The Lord our legislator, the Lord our King, he comes to save us.
The last days of Advent, laudes et per horas.

The problem of notation occurs in the 3rd and the 41h melodic
phrase of the antiphon. The 3rd phrase can be written on the scale
of D (the scale of the 151 mode) and in the scale of the E (the scale of
the 3rd mode] without problems but the 4th phrase can be notated
only in the scale of E.

Cf. note 5.

L'Atelier de la Pa/eographie muslcale at St. Peter's of Solesmes most kindly


placed the working tool TMA at my disposition.
S

PARALLEUSM IN OFFICE ANTIPHONS ...

129

It is .
to compare this antiphon with Hie est discipulis
ille which exhibit a similar type of problenls. In most part of
manuscripts that
the antiphon on the scale of E one will find
rd
P E in the 3 and the 4th phrase of the melody, thus the deuterus
version. With the manuscripts on
of D one will find
in both phrases thus the protus scale.
l

Example
AM 255

Ant. ---~-----,,,.....-.----,,--4--------~

ma

~S.~~.-~~~~--~--~~~~~~--~~-

IC est disci.pu.lus H.le, .. qui tcstim6ni- urn perhi-

bet de his: et scimus qui- a 'le-rum est tcstimo..ni- um ~- ju!'.


.

III

III

(intanatio psalmi).

4&

Eu

0 u a e.

It is this same disciple who vouches for that and we know that
testimony is true.
St. John the Evangelist. laudes et per horas,

With a transposition of Dominus legifer noster to final A a comparison can easily be made, and we notice that the two antiphons
belong to the same melody type/timbre9 of the
mode:

notions "melody type- or "timbre Me both used in French works on Gre#


gorian
to describe a melody that has
adapted to various texts.
the melody. Andre
modifications do not affect the fundamental structure
Madrignac - DanieIe Pistone;
chant gr~gorien (Paris, 1984), p, 122.
9

230

Eva Rungwald

Example 4.

-. ..

D Omi-nus

H re

noster,

est disci.pu.lus iI-le. qui

..

il'-~

ve-m-

legi~ fer

-- -

--.

-. -

et ~cilnu$ qui-

- -- --- -- - - -

.- - . - . -

J.

- ..

et,

Rex noster.

D6minus

testim6-ni- urn perlli- bet de his:

-'ilia -b - I1
et salva-bit nos.

- - - .. t -~ ve-rum est
um

...

r-.

[~$[im(ini-

e~ ju~.

Comparison between Dominus legifer noster and Hie est discipu.lu.s me

Variance in the transmission

We shall now have a closer look at Hie est discipulus HIe.


This antiphon has been taken down with three different finals: A,
D, and E in the sources consulted. The reason is probably the difficulty with the transmission of the 3 rd and the 4th phrase. In the edited version of AM the 3rd phrase is notated: A-D-natural-E (thus
the protus version) and the 4th phrase is notated: A-D-flat-E (thus
the deuterus version).
In the individual manuscripts five different procedures can be observed, out of which the first version can be subdivided in four:

231

PARALlEUSM IN OffiCE ANTIPHONS,.,

Example 5.
Hie est discipulus ille, the 3rd and the 4th phrase. Examples of
different versions. lo
IJD-D

- ___t-::::--=---==-_a.._----------

Karlsruhe

=~~;=~~~~~!!:;;:::= St. Georges

a ve-rum est tc~tinuilli- urn c- ,ill!'

scimu!;

1)

fo1. 173
Piacenza 65
foL 370

a ve-rum est tcstimonl- urn e- jus.

Bari 2

fo1. 309

IjA-A

q&q

et !'cimu!; qui-!l ve-rum est tc!'tinu",I1;- um e- ,ill!',

Vercelli 170
fol. 14B

2) A-A
q&~

3)

London - Ellis
fo1. 89

!'\dmus qui-

ve-rmn est tcc:;timi,.ni. nm c- ,ht!:.

il

Firenze Arc,ll
fol. 32

D-E
scimu~

qui- a ve-rum est tl.":'\lilluini- urn c-

Lucca 601 12
fol. 55

4}
et scitnus qui- a ve-rl.lm est t~tin\li.

ni- um e- jll!,;,

5) D13_D

Paris BN 17296
fol.36
et !{cimu!I\ qui-

(l

ve-rum est t~stinu;nl- um c- jll~,

The examples have been transcribed from TMA.


Arcivescovado, without indication. Firenze 121b century.
L2 Lucca 601, Lucca 12th century.

10

11

!3

With triad.

232

Eva Rungwald

Some manuscripts, whether they notate on E in D or in A, give


the same melody in both the 3rd and the 4th phrase of the melody.

1)

WITHD

WITHB

WITH A

Benevento 21 foL 31
Paris BN n.a. 1236 fo1. 51 Bari 2 fol. 309
Karlsruhe Aug. LX
Piacenza 65 fol. 370
London-Eills fol. 89
fol. 24
Karlsruhe St. George Monte Cassino 542
VI 01. 173 14
foL 20
Vatican 4.756 fol. 99
Klosterneuburg 1013
fol. 41
Benevento 19 fol. 151 15
St Gall 545 fol. 63
Silos Sanctoral fo1. 30 Ivrea 64 fol. 32
PiaceIl2a 54
Worcester fo.l 21
Everingham fol. 35' .. 16

Monza c 1682 fol. 30"


Chartreux 808 fo1. 30? ., .17
Thledo 443 fol. 20

The fact itself, that some of the scribes chose to write on the scale
of A shows that they recognized a difficulty, but they did not know
how to overcome it, and maybe they did not know both the accidentals b and ~.
Some manuscripts on A have q in the 3rd formula and b in the
4th formula:
Cambridge F IV. IQ Magdalene College fol. 28 and Vercelli 170
fol. 14B which does not even give an indication of a psalmtone.

2)

14

15
16
L7

The manuscripts stressed are used as examples above.


'Without F in the 3rd phrase.
Without F in the 4111 phrase.
Without F in the 3rd and the 4th phrase.

233

PARALLELISM IN OFFICE ANTIPHONS...

3)

The scribes of the following manuscripts have understood that


there is a difficulty and they have found if necessary to write
the 3Jd and the 4th formula in a different way. They have not
used the b and the ~ but they have transposed the 3rd phrase a
step down from E to D.
3 RD PHRASE
G-F-sharp-E (not possible in Gregorian notation)
1-

4'" PHRASE
G-F-E

F-E-D

G-F-E

Firenze Arcivescovado fol. 32


London, Syon College fol. 59

4)

The following manuscripts have avoided the problem by transposing the 3rd phrase to a higher step.
3RD PHRASE
c-b-natural-G
Lucea 601 fo1. 55
Lucea 602 fo1. ?
Lucca 603 fo1. 29
Mount Mellery fol. 168
Munich 7918 fo1. 100
Munich Franciscan fol. 38
Monza 1579 fo1. 185
Paris BN n.a. 1412
Perugia 28 fol. 32
Rome Vat . Borghese S.A.I. fol. 405
St. MaUT des Fosses, BN 12044 fo1. 18

5)

4'71< PHRASB

G-F-E

Another way of getting around the problem is to avoid the passing note in one of the phrases using a triad. Some of the manuscripts also avoid the second (E) in the 4th phrase.
G (F) E (deuterusJ
F (E) D (protus\

234

Eva Rungwald

Thus the modal structure is preserved through a simplification of


the ornamentation.
Cambridge 2602 fol. 23'
Edinburgh fol. 37
OP Rome St. Sabina fol. 48
Paris BN 17296 fol. 36
Rome Vallicella c13 fol. 110
Rome Vallicella c5 fol. 42
Sarum fol. 66
Vercelli 70 fol. 61

Special cases

6)

Toledo 44-1 fol. 17 18

-- - - - - - - - .-. . ~

et !:clfIIUS qui- a ve-nllll est tc~tiln(, . "i \1111 t- .i\l~ .

eThledo 4814

19

.. _.",..

.-.

--

et scimus qUi- a ve-ruln est

t~tinHi.lli-

t\II.

um e- .ill!' .

With Thledo 44-1 is transmitted what seems to be a tritone, but the F has
probably been sung as an F-sharp. The pes in the last formula is an exception. Other manuscripts seem to prefer a virga.
The version of Thledo 4814 seems to be a unique case. The 4th formula is
typical for the 4th mode.

Thanspositions and/or repetitions inside Hie est discipulus ille seem


to testify to the scribe's uncertainty facing the problem of writing
with few accidentals at his disposition. He had to solve the problem
with choosing the right mode for an antiphon according to the rules
of each mode.
In all , the variants considered here seem to reflect the problems
that occurred precisely at the time when orally transmitted chants
were written down.
Previously the recitation of the psalms that followed the antiphons may not have posed any problems to the cantor. But the dif18
19

Thledo 44-1 Aquitan.ian manuscript from France, It-12th century.


Toledo 4814 is Calmaldolese from the North of Italy, 12111 century.

PARALLELISM IN OFFICE ANTIPHONS ...

235

ference between protus and


the oktoechos demanded of
scribe to specify
mode when making a tonary Of an antiphonary.
Through observation of the various ways of notating Hie est discipulus ille one can see an example of how
nafrow theoretic
tern of the oktoechos put a straitjacket on the rich
of the
Latin chant Western Europe.

Cantus Planus 1998 ..J '. Esztergom & Visegrad

237

MUSIK IM RITUELLEN KONTBXT:


DIE MESSE ZUR
NURNBERGER HEILTUMSWEISUNG

Volker Schier

In seinem grundlegenden Aufsatz uber "Ritual in Plural and Plurali

stic Societies, Instruments for Analysis" aus dem Jam 1995, mit
dem er einen rur die kulturhistorische Analyse praktikablen Ansatz
der Ritualtheorie formulierte, betrachtet Jan Platvoet Ritual unter
verschiedenen soziologischen Gesichtspunkten, die er im Hinblick
auf eine Definition als 13 "dimensions" zusammenfa1!.t.! Im Hinblick auf die zeitimanente Rezeption und AuffUhrung von Ritualen
des Mittelalters sind besonders seine Uberlegungen von Interesse,
durch die er den Versuch unternimmt, die vielfaltigen, primar kollektiven Interaktionen, aber auch die individuellen Aspekte aller an
einem Ritual beteiligter Personen und die verschiedenen Ebenen ihrer Kommunikation zu erfassen.
Die Anwendung von Platfoets theoretischen Ansatzen auf liturgische Feiern des Mittelalters zeigt deutlich, dai in einem Ritual verschiedenen Formen des liturgischen und kiinstlerischen Ausdrucks
vereint sind, die erst durch ihre untrennbare und zwingend zusammeng.ehorige Verbindung die rituelIe Feier formen, ja definieren.
Waren liturgische Feiern in der mediavistischen Forschung bisher
auch ohne eine explizite theoretische Fundierung als Zusammenstellung einzelner liturgischer und kunstlerischer Bereiche gesehen
worden, die mehr oder weniger genau einem Fachbereich der wissenschaftlichen MedUivistik zugeordnet werden konnten, so scheint
eine wichtiger Ansatz fUr zukunftige Vorschungsvorhaben in der Oarstellung des Gesamtbildes eines Rituals zu liegen.
Jan Platvoet, .Ritual in Plural and Pluralistic Societies. Instruments for Analysis" , in: J. Platfoet - K. van der Toom (Hrsg.), Pluralism and Identity ILeiden, 19951,
I

S. 25-51.

238

Volker Schier

Dieser Beitrag kann in keiner Weise den Anspruch erheben, eine


rituelle Feier des Mittelalters in ihrer Gesamtheit darstellen zu konnen, er solI jedoch auf ein Projekt verweisen, das in einem Hicherubergreifenden Kontext eine der zentralen ritualisierten Feiem im
romischen Reich am Ende des Mittelalter untersuchen wird und
zwar nach Fragestellungen, die im einzelnen noch entwickelt werden mussen.
Kein Fest bestimmte den Jahresablauf der Reichsstadt Numberg
in den Jahren zwischen 1424 und 1524/26 (der Ankunft der Reichskleinodien in Nurnberg und dem Beginn der Reformation) in dem
Ma~, "vie die offentliche Weisung des sogenannten Heiltums, der
Reichsinsignien und Christusreliquien, rue der Reichsstadt durch
Kbnig Sigismund zur ewigen Verwahrung ubergeben worden waren.
Die heute in der Hofburg in Wien aufbewahrten Reichsinsignien,
alien voran die Reichskrone, mussen in ihren unterschiedlichen
Funktionen gesehen werden, die ihnen im Mittelalter zugewiesen
Wluden.
Sie hatten zunachst eine machtpolitische Funktion, dienten sie
doch als Unterpfand fur die Herrschaft des Kaisers uber das Reich,
dessen RechtmaBigkeit einerseits durch das Geblutsrecht, andererseits durch den Besltz der althergebrachten Insignien demonstriert
wurde. Zu den eigentlichen Herrschaftssymbolen, hier sind neben
der Reichskrone Reichsapfel, Zepter, Reichs und Zeremonienschwert
und die Gewander zu nennen, treten rue Reliquien, denen seit dem
hohen Mittelalter ein religi6s fundierter Schutzcharakter, teilweise jedoch auch ein weltlicher Herrschaftsanspruch zugesprochen wurde.
Dies wird im prominentesten Snick des Heiltums, der heiligen
Lanze, besonders augenfallig, in der diese Polyfuntktionalitat als
Reliquie und als Insignie deutlich zum Ausdruck kommt. Die herausragende Bedeutung der Heiligen Lanze ist in einem Heiltumsblatt vom Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts allein schon aus den irrealen
Gr6~enverhaltnissen zu entnehmen. Die physische Darstellung der
Reliquie, die beim neuzeitlichen Betrachter einen eher unscheinbaren Eindruck hinterla~t, erlaubt an sich noch keine Deutung. Aus

MUSIK IM RITUELLEN KONTEXT

Abbildug 1. Germanisches Nationalmuseutn Niirnberg,


HB 24755: Heiltumsblatt mit dominierender Heiliger Lanze.
Ende 15. Jahrhundert.

239

240

Volker Schier

dem Blatt einer Fhigellanze, wohl aus karolingischer Zeit (8.-9. Jh.L
wurde eine ovales Stuck Metall ausgestanzt und ein Nagel eingelasseD, der zumindest ab dem 10. Jahrhundert als vom Kreuz Christi
stammend gedeutet wurde. Vermutlich bei der Einfiigung dieses Nagels war die Lanze wohl zerbrochen und die Bruchstelle wurde mit ei(tem Eisenband repariert, das Kaiser Heinrich IV. durch eine silberne Manschette verdecken lieB . Karl IV. fugte im 14. Jh. noch eine
goldene Hulse hinzu.
Die Geschichte der Heiligen Lanze ist durchaus gut dokumentiert
und in clef Geschichtsforschung durch die Dissertation von Julia
Schnelbogl uher "die Reichskleinodien in Niirnberg und durch Beitrage von Albert Buhler, Gunther SchumalUl, Gerhard Rechter und
besonders Franz Machilek erforscht .zEin Exkurs scheint an dieser
Stelle dennoch notig, urn ihre vielschichtige Bedeutung einordnen
zu k6nnen .
Konig Heinrich I. hatte nach dem Bericht des Geschichtsschreibers
Liutprand die Lanze vennutlich 926 oder 935 von Konig Rudolf lI.
von Burgund erworhen als Gegenleistung fur die Dberlassung der
sudwestlichen Teils des Reiches mit der Stadt Base!. Rudolf n. wiederum war sie - so die Uberlieferung - vom lombardischen Grafen
U

Alberl Biihler, Reichskleinodiengeschichte im Uberblick {Karlsruhe, 1953}; Julia


Schnelbogl, "Die Reichskleinodien in Nurnberg 1424-1523 N , in: Mitteilungen des
Vereil1s flir Geschichte der Stadt Nilrnberg rim weiteren MVGN] 51 (1962). S. 78-159;
AJbert Suhler, "Die Heilige Lam~e. Ein ikanographischer Beitrag zur Geschichte der
deutschen Reichskleinodien", in: Das Munster 16 (1963/. S. 85-116; Ders., /iDie Kopicn der Heiligen Lame bei den deutschen Reichsk(einodien u in: MVGN 53
(1963J64). S. 428- 39; Ders., "Albrecht Durer und die deutschen Reichskleinodien .
Einige Fragen und Feststellungeo" , in: MVGN 58 (1971), S. 139-60; Ders., "ZUI Geschichte der deutschen Reichskleinodien", in: Das Munster 27 !1974J, S. 405-9;
Gunther Schumann, .Der Reichskleinodienforscher Albert Buhler {1896-1980} und
sCln Nachla~" , in: MVGN 68 (198ll. S. 342-5; Franz Machilek, Karlheinz Schlager
und Theodor Wohnhaas, ,,0 felix lancea. Beitnlge zum Fest der Heiligen Lanze und
der Nagel" in: Jahrbuch des Historischen Vereins fUr Mittelfranken 92 (1984/85),
S. 43-107; Franz Machilek, ~Die Heiltumsweisung#, in: Niirnberg - Kaiser und
Reich. Ausstelhmg des Staatsarchivs Nilmberg, Nurnberg 20. September - 31 . Oktober
1986 lim weiteren Niimberg - Kaiser und Reich) {Neustadt a.d. Aisch, 19861. S. 53-70;
Gerhard Rechter, "Die Ewige Stiftung K6nig Sigismunds van 1423", in: Niirnberg Kaiser lInd Reich, S. 50-2; Gunther Schumann, "Die Reichsinsignien und Heilt\imer", in : NI'irnherg - Kaiser und Reich , S. 32-49 .
2

MUSIK IM RITUElliN KONTEXT

241

Samson im Jahr 921/922 als Zeichen rur die Herrschaft iiber das
"regnum Italicum" iibergeben worden. Als Insignie verkorperte die
Lanze in der .k aiserlichen Auffassung die Anwartschaft auf Italien,
die fur die Erlangung der kaiserlichen Wiirde wichtige Voraussetzung war. Als schutzende Reliquie und Herrschaftszeichen wurde
die heilige Lanze von den ottonischen Kaisern auch mit in den
Kampf gefUhrt, so wurde ihrer Kraft der Sieg uber rue Ungam auf
dem Lechfeld im Jab! 955 zugeschrieben. Auf seinem Zug nach
Rom im Jahr 955 lieS Otto rn. die heilige Lanze seinem Heer voraustragen.
. Ab dem 11. Jahrhundert verlor die Lanze wohl zunehmend ihre Bedeutung als fiihrende Reichsreliquie, einerseits da 'Kaiser Konrad n.
eine als authentisch vermutete Kreuzreliquie aus Byzanz iibergeben
word en war, andererseits wohl auch dadureh, daS die Deutung
der heiligen Lanze als Reliquie nieht unproblematisch sehien: Die
Zuweisung erwies sich zunehmend rus schwierig, moglicherweise
dadurch gefordert, dd aus Konstantinopel und PaUistina weitere
Heilige Lanzen bekannt wtirden. Die Verbindung der Heiligen Lanze zu der Offnung der Seite Christi, wie sie Un Evangelium des Johannes (19,31-34) geschildert wird, war wohl bereits im 10. Jahrhundert gegeben. Zunehmend scheint sie jedoch auch als Lanze des
Mauritius bekannt geworden zu sein.
Karl IV. hatte die heilige Lanze und die Reichskleinodien im Jahr
1350 von Ludwig dem Brandenburger, Sohn Ludwig des Bayem,
ii bemommen und zunachst zur Aufbewahrung in den Prager Veitsdom hringen lassen, bevor die Burg Karlstein (bis zum Jahr 1365)
zum eigentlichen Aufbewahrungsort ausgebaut wurde. Die Person
Karls IV. ist im Hinblick auf die Forderung des Reliquiencharakters
der Heiligen Lanze nicht zu unterschitzen, wurde sie durch ihn
quasi als vomehmste Christusrelique propagiert, da die Frage nach
dem Ursprung der Lanze nicht zuletzt dureh kaiserliche Autoritat
ein und fUr a1le mal geklart sehien: Es handelte sich urn die Lanze
des Longinus, des legendaren romischen Soldaten, der Christus die
Seite mit seiner Lanze durchbohrte urn den Tod festzustellen. Betont wurde, d~ sowohl Lame als auch Nagel mittelbares Werkzeug
der Erlosung waren, dd die Mensehen aus den Wunde, die durch

242

Volker Schier

geschlagen
"die Gnadenstrome
gottlichen
erftihren. Ein
Kultus
vom Kaiser angestrebt und
zur offentlichen Heiltumsweisung, die von
Karl IV. institutiowurde, erbat der
einen Abla&brief von Papst Clemens VI
im Jahr 1350
Ablal1 ven 7
und 7 Quadragenen {l
entspricht 40 'ragen) rur
erlaubte,
die bei der
sung anwesend waren.
Nur vier Jahre
im Jahr 1
erreichte Karl IV,
kirchliches Fest zur Verehrung der
von Papst
VI. erlau bt wurde,
cler Heiligen
und der
mil
besonderen Offizium am Freitag
Quasimogeniti (erster
nach Ostern),
zwei Wochen
Karfreitag,
begangen werden sollte.
wurde in der papstlichen Bulle
fUr Deutschland und B6hmen vorgeschrieben, die Verbreitung auBerhalb Prags wurde jedoch dadurch
erschwert, daB der
nur 1n
erworben werden
Das Fehlen
Fonnulare
origlnaren
Zeit
wohl
hin, daB eine Verbreitung uber
hinaus nicht
3
funden hatte.
Wie
Hei1tLimer
Niirnberg
ist unter
emem
Gesichtspu
von Interesse. K6nig Sigismund lieB
die
und
aus Furcht vor Hussitischer
Bedrohung vom
im Jahr 1421
Visegrad
wo
{nach zei
Vervvahrung in
am 22. Marz
den
Vertretern der
Nurnberg als
Stiftung zur "unwilichen und ewigen" Verwahrung ubergeben wurden. 4
j

Heiltumsweisungen waren innerhalb des


keine Ausnahmen,
doch an verschiedenen Kirchen die lokalen Heiltiimer
- def teils betrachtliche Reliquienschatz - offentlich durch eine Elevation gezeigt, vergleichbar def
13. Jahrhundert
der
3 Julia Schnelbogl,
88. Schnelbogl
nung
deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzei"
Beleg
Missale von 1
VgL
Rechter, "Die
Niimberg und Reich, S. SOL

Hermann Grotefend,
, der als
von 1423",

MUSIK IM RITUELlEN KONTEXT

243

Messe verwendeten Elevation der Hostie, jeweils in einem vorgegebenen rituellen Rahmen. Hierbei handelt es sich urn erne klare
"expressive dimension" im Sinne Platfoets, wird durch dieses Ritual
ein Aussage - in den Worten Platfoets erne "message" - auf die Teilnehmer ubertragen, die durch explizite, eher offensichtliche "messages" und durch implizite, durch Deutung des "Sichtbaren" und
"Offensichtlichen" erlangte /lmessages" realisiert wird. Genau dies
ist im Fall der heiligen Lanze und der Nagel l( teilweise aber auch
im Fall def restlichen Heiltiimer) durch ihre Poryfunktionalitai und
mehrfache Deutbarkeit gegeben: Der explizite christologische Bezug
def Lanze erhalt erst durch die implizite Urndeutung auf we Heilwirkung den Sinn, der in der Heiltumsweisung auf die Thilnehmer,
in diesem Fall quasi als Rezipienten des ReUs, ubertr'agen werden
solI.
Wie hebt sieh die Heiltumsweisung in Nurnberg von den
Heiltumsweisungen an anderen Orten ab? Zunachst sicher durch
die bereits mehrfach hervorgehobene Prominenz des zentralen Heilturns, das in seiner "immanenten" Deutung MS Kontaktreliquie und
demzufolge als Erlosungsinstrument kaum zu uberbieten war. Daneben war es die konkrete Realisierung, die in ihrem Aufwand und
in ihrer - deutlicher als in anderen Fallen - festspezifisc'hen Liturgie den Rahmen des Ublichen sprengt.
Wie ging die Weisung in Numbe.rg konkret vor sich? Eine explizite Schilderung aller Details wiirde zu weit ffihren, fUr den Musikhistoriker sind dennoch einige SachverhaIte von Interesse. Gewiesen
wurden die Heilrumer nicht in einer Kirche. sondern auf dem
Numberger Hauptmarkt (vergleichbar mit der Weisung in Prag auf
dem Karlsplatz). Dies war einerseits aufgrund der zu erwartenden
Menschenmassen notig, andererseits urn die rechtliche Kontrolle
iiber das Heiltum zu verdeutlichen: Kaiser Sigismund hatte den
Ausschlu! jeglicher geistlicher Kontrolle ausdriicklich festgelegt, so
daB eine Weisung in oder von einer lGrehe faktisch ausgeschlossen
war. Zudem kamen auf diese Weise alle Opfergaben nicllt den
Stadtpfarreien, sondern direkt der Reichsstadt Niirnberg zu, ein
Motiv, dd nicht unterschatzt werden darf.

244

Volker Schier

Die Weisung erfolgte von einem sieben Meter hohen HeiltumsstuW aus Holz, der am Westen des Platzes vor das sogenannte
Schoppersche Haus gebaut wurde. Das Heiltum wurde in der Nacht
vor der Weisung aus der Kirche des reichsstadtischen Heilig-GeistSpitals in eine speziell fur diesen Fall vorbehaltene Kammer des
Schopperschen Hauses unter strengsten Sicherheitsvorkehrungen
uberfuhrt und bis zur eigentlichen Weisung in Heiltumskarnmern
aufbewahrt. Zur Weisung wurden die Heiltumskammern durch Stege mit dem Heilturnsstuhl verbunden. Gewiesen wurden die HeiltUrner durch Abte, denen jeweils ein Mitglied der "Alteren Herren"
des Rates beigestellt war. Zusatzlich befand sich ein Ausrufer, Vocalissimus genannt, auf dem Stuhl, der aus den Reihen der Nurnberger Geistlichen berufen wurde.
Eine detaillierte Abbildung des Heiltumstuhls findet sich in einem Wolf Traut zugeschriebenen Holzschnitt, der erstmals 1487 in
dem von Peter Vischer verlegten Heiltumsbiichlein - hierbei handelt es sich urn eine Art Auslegungs- und Andenkenschrift fUr reichere Besucher - abgedruckt wurde. Der Vocalissimus ru.ft jedes einzelne Heiltum aus und tragt eine knappe Erklarung aus einem
verbindJich vorliegenden Schreizettel vor. Auf einer unteren Ebene
des Heiltumsstuhls befinden sich bewaffnete Wachen. Vor dem Heiltumsstuhl drangt sich das Volk/ das durch den Sichtkontakt auf die
Reliquien ihre heilspendende Wirkung zu erlangen sucht. Beachtenswert sind zwei Frauen mit einem Spiegel, der das Bild regelrecht "einfangt" und hierdurch lokal beweglich machen solI.
Die Musik war ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der rituellen Weisung. Das Fest begann mit der Feier einer Messe auf demHeiltumsstuhj etwa eine Stunde vor Thgesanbruch, die vom Abt des Niirnberger Schottenklosters St. Egidien an einem kieinen tragbaren Altar gesungen wurde, sofem nicht einem Bischof oder Kardinal diese
Ehre vom Rat angetragen wurde. Vorgetragen wurde das aus Prag
iibemommene festspezifische Offizium "De lancea domini et armorurn Christi das aus einem Mei\- und einem Offiziumsformular besteht. Das Offiziumsformular wurde in einem Aufsatz von Franz
IJ /

MU51K IM RITUELLEN KONTEXT

Abbildung 2. Germanisches Nationah11useum Niirnberg/


Bibliothek Inc. 2268: Heiltumsbiichlein von 1487
bei Peter Fischer in Niirnberg auf Pergament gedruckt.

245

246

Volker Schler

Machilek unter Mitwirkung von Theodor Wohnhaas und Karlheinz


Schlager nach
vermutlich Prager libellum ediert,
beide
Formulare waren bisher
Nurnberger Quellen nicht
5 Fur
MelSoffizium hegt keine Edition vor,
ist es
rade das MefHormular,
besondere Weise in
rituelle
als "customary dimension".
ich
sung eingebunden ist,
erneut
die Terminologie Platvoets - die das Ritual
beziehe
Bahnen lenken soH, ihm
formalisierte Struktur
soIl und somit auch andererseits Spontanitat in def
AusfUhrung keinen Raum liif!t.
verhilft auch dazu, die individuelAspekte
Interpretation des Rituals, im konkreten Fall der
Bedeutung
zu lenken und zu vereinheitlichen.
Zusatzlich kommen
von Platvoet
"multi-media dimension
und "performance .
genannte Prinzipien zur Geltung:
nur durch Medien,
beAussagen
Rituals werden
sonders auch durch Symbole ubertragen,
sich aus der kulturelHeiltumsweisung sind
len Thadition entwickelt haben. lm Fall
derart vide Symbole t daf! in meiner knappen Aufzahlung bei
weitem
enthalten
konnen: Liturgische Tenet Musik,
Gesang, Gebarden, Kleidung, Reliquien, kultische
etc.
nau diese Symbolik und ihre Interaktionen werden es sein
auf
interdisziplinarer
untersucht werden mussen. Alle diese
an
die rituelle HandSymbole sind an dem Ort
lung stattfindet,
unserem Fall
den Heiltumsstuhl.
wird
aus
symbolischen Bestandteilen "aufgefiihrt'I, was
letztendlich zur "integrative dimension"
zur Einteilung
vomehmlich
Thilnehmer in identifizierende Gruppen, in
in die Ausfiihrenden
Rituals und in die Zuschauer, wobei es
hi er auch gradueHe Abstufungen
der Funktion gab, betrachtet
man
die Stadtsoldaten unter dem Heiltumsstuhl, die beiden
Gruppen zugerechnet werden mussen.
ll

Handschrift New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M. 905


Reichsstadt
Projekt uber die Musikkultur in
Anmerkung 2.

MUSIK IM RITUELLEN KONTEXT

247

Niirnberg vor der Reformation in der musik- und liturgiewissenschaftlichen Forschung keinerlei Beachtung, abwohl es sich urn. eines der zentralen Werke der Niimberger Handschrlftenproduktion
handelt, das in der Kunstgeschichte seit langem erforscht wurde. 6
Bs handelt si ch urn ein zweibandiges Graduale, das zu Beginn des
16 . Jahrhunderts von Friedrich Rosendorn, einem Vikarier der
pfarrkirche St. Lorenz, geschrieben wurde. Beide Handschriftenteile sind datiert mit 1507 und 1510. In der Literatur wird das Werk
haufig als "Gansebuch" betitelt, da eine der hochqualitativen fllustrationen, die dem Niimberger Illuministen Jacob Elsner zugeschrieben werden, einen Gansechor zeigt der van einem Wolf im
Kantorengewand geleitet wird. In einem Aufsatz iiber das umfangreiche Tropenrepertoire dieser QueUe konnte ich aufzeigen, ~ das
"Gansebuch u zum iibelWiegenden Teil aus der Handschrift Numberg, Landeskirchliches Archiv, Niirnberg St. Larenz 3 kopiert wurde, von der nur noch der Winterteil erhalten ist. 7 Diese Quelle war
von Johannes Gredinger im Jahr 1421 abgeschlossen worden. Der
Sommerteil des Gansebuches durfte demnach dem verlorenen Winterteil der Handschrift Numberg, Landeskirchliches Archiv, Niimberg St. Lorenz 3 sehr nahekommen, allerdings nicht im Hinblick
auf die Lanzenmesse, denn die Ubertragung der Reichskleinodien
hatte ja erst 3 Jahre nach Fertigstellung dieser Handschrift stattgefund en . Friedrich Rosendorn mui.\ demnach die Lanzenmesse aus

AusfUhrlicbe Angaben zur umfangreichen kunsthistorischen Literatur und Zu


sammenfassungen der Forschungslage finden sich u.a . bei WiUiam D. W1Xom,
Graduale. sog. Gansebuch, in: Niirnberg 1300-1550. Kunst der Gotik und der Renaissance. Ausstellungskalalog Germanisches Nationalmuseuru Nurnberg und The
Metropolitan Museum of Art New York (Munchen , 1986), S. 186-91; Corine
Schleif, Donatio et memoria. Stifter, Sti/tungen und Motivationen an Beispielen aus der
Loren2hirche in Niirnberg, Kunstwissenschaftliche Studien 58 (Munchen, 1990),
S. 202. 214-6; Ulrich Merkl, Buchmalerei in Bayern in der ersten Halite des 16. Jahrhunderls: SpiitbIiite und Endzeit einer Gattung (Regensburg, 19991.
7 Volker Schier, .1Topi in ecclesia sancti lautentii in nuremberg. Numberger
Quellen fUr die Bamberger 'Iropenpraxis , in: Neues Jahrbuch (ilr MusihwWenschaft
7 (1998), S. 9-44.
6

248

Volker

einer anderen
kopiert und in den Jahresverlauf der Hochfeintegriert haben.
eingehende
zu den
muB dem einerwahnten Projekt vorbehalten bleiben,
dieses
war es allerdings
die Einbindung cler Messe in die
ritualisierte Handlung der
zu beleuchten.
nur noch
Anmerkungen.
Die
besteht aus dem

der
dem
der

Introitus Fodenmt manus meas mit


Factum est
cor meum,
Alleluia Angelus Michael descenit,
Sequenz Hodierne festum lucis,
Offertorium Videbunt in quem transfixerunt und
Communio Apprehende arma et scutum clavos et lanceam.

Insgesamt hinterlaBt
Messe, ehenso
das Offizium, weder
noch musikalisch
Eindruck, daB
Werk einer
Hand vorliegt.
vier Kirchentone
D-authentisch
und CommunioL F-authenthisch (OffertoriumL p.
plagal ,Introitus) und G-plagal,Alleluia).
Der Text
Foderunt manus meas basiert auf
hannes-Evangelium (1 31-34), das im
def Kreuzigungszene davon berichtet,
Soldaten die
Jesu nicht zer, sondern seine
roit einer Lanze
/ wobei Wasser
nlcht Blut
Lanze als Heil
wozu
Deutung als
Symbol in der
Handlung
sie du
transformiert wird - ich
die Aussagen zur llffiultimedia-dimension" und zur "performance-dimension " - I wird demnach
zu Beginn
deutlich
Introitus exponiert
du
den Gesang verkilndet.
Gliederung
Melodie nach dem
"per colon et
wohl das folgende
vermuten
obwohl sich die
. . . . "'"."".. . ., grammaWiederholung
AHeluia am Ende
la~t:
tisch
u ........... "", ... ,

249

MUSIK IM RITUELlEN KONTEXT

Notenbeispiel. Introitus Foderunt manus meas.


The Pierpont Morgan Library, M. 905, Vol. I, fol. 176r:
De lancea domini et armorum christi

~ ;;;;~/-

:;: '-iII-- -lio;~:- -

~ - - - . . ? . :---Fo

di- nu - me

- ra - ve- runt om-ni

sum

ef- u-sua

a-e. u

de - runt ma

a-e - u

nus me

ae. ...
i;;ii
- --

as et

os - sa

I~~

lPe)des

me - a et si - cut

ia

a -

me - os

a - qua

ia

' ia

Foderunt manus meas et pedes meos, colon


dinumeraverunt omnia ossa mea, comma
et sicut qua effusus sum, colon
alleluia, alleluia, alleluia, periodus
'!bnal verhalt sich die zu Beginn fsieht man vom Einleitungsmelisma ab) neumatische Melodie des Introitus, die einen H6hepunkt in
einem melismatischeren Habitus gegen Ende findet, eher konventionell. So finden sich an Kadenzstellen hauptsachlich die Schlu~
tone die aufgrund der Aussagen der mittelalterlichen Musiktheofie zu erwarten sind_ Vor dem "comma steht die stabile Finalis F,
vor dem ersten "colon eine Affinis a und vor dem dritten "colon ~
der in seiner Schlu~wirkung schwache Nebenton g, der unmittelbar
zur Alleluia-Passage iibertUhrt. Im ersten Thil der Melodie bis hin
zum "comma" erfolgt die Wortsegmentierung beinahe konsequent
auf der Finalis oder den stabilen Affines D, a, und c, wahrend die
Segmentierung im dritten "colon u it den Nebentonen C und g vollig
j

Schier

abweicht
hierdurch
festlichen Ausklang der
die, das dreifache melismatische Schlu~alleluia, umso
herausstellt.
Au
innerhalb der Melodie ist jedoch der zweifache Quintfall
und "ossa durch
jeweils auf den Endsilben der Worte
das Substantiv "ossa'l deutlich innerhalb der Melodie isoliert
und die Aussage (Iomnia ossa mea klar aus dem melodischen FluB
herausgestellt
Melodie verhalt sich
Spriingen anstonsten
zuruckhaltend. AutSer
weniger QuinHHle dominieren Sekundanbindung
Terzspriinge. Zudem wird auf der
ren Silbe van "omnia"
e der Spitzenton des Ambitus
erreicht.
Die Melodie kennzeichnet durch
deutlichen Abweichungen
von der melodiebildenden IINorm" das
Ausverweist uberdeutlich
die Gebeine Christi,
mit der
dem Heilsinstrument - in Kontakt
und
der
im Rahmen der HeUtumsweisung gezeigten
den Rang
Kontaktrelique verleihen. Durch
Melodie wird
Bedeutung
rur die im
des Introitus nicht explizit angesprochene Lanze impliziert.
explizite Bedeutung geht jedoch aus dem Umfeld,
dem der Gesang aufgefuhrt wird und
aus
ritueHen li
Handlung, deutlich hervor. Auch die Handschrift macht
dies
unmittelbar vor dem Introitus wird durch die
des
"de
Rubrik herausgestellt dal! def Gesang zum
lancea et annorum xpii' gehort.
Wie verhalt sich
Komposition nun im Hinblick auf das
al der Heiltumsweisung? Der auch im Vergleich zu anderen Introiund Weihnachtszyklus
feierlich zu bezeichnende
im
Melodiecharakter, der
u.a. am ungewohnlich gro~en Ambitus
laBt, kann durchaus als implizite Botschaft gewertet
werden, durch
explizite Aussage
zusatzlich erhoht
und
in einen - durch den kulturellen Kontext der feierlichen
Melodiebildung
- festlichen Rahmen gestellt wird.
Hier liegt der Fall vor, dal! die Wirkung der impliziten Botschaft
expliziten Botschaft iibertreffen kann: DeT musikalische Vortrag
determiniert
Funktion
Textes
macht ihn zu etwas andeJJ

11

MUSIK IM RllUEUEN KONTEXT

251

rem, zu etwas teilweise Neuem. Durch das Abrufen von kulturell


definierten Mustem und Symbolen, die mit Feierlichkeit assoziiert
werden, leitet die Melodie einen Bedeutungswechsel ein, der aus
der Aussage des Thxtes allein nicht hervorgeht.
Letztendlich tragt diese musikalische Urnrahmung wesentlich dazu bei, dd die van ihrem Aussehen her unscheinbare Lanze im rituellen Kontext der Heiltumsweisung zur Heiligen Lanze wird und
nicht ein mem oder weniger wertloses StUck Metall bleibt.

Cantus Planus 1998

.-l ESltergom

& Visegrad

253

mSTORIA CANTIORUM
IN THE ANTIPHONARY FROM KRANJ

Jurij Snoj

In the Archiepiscopal Archives Ljubljana there is a two-part antiphonary, the first volume of which was completed, according to its
explicit, in octaVQ victoriosissimi martyris Laurentii, i.e. on August l?h
1491. 1 The codex, whose two volumes comprise nearly 500 folios, is
in folio fonnat and was copied by a certain Ioannes VQn Werd de
Augusta, named in the same explicit at the end of the fir~t book.z
The manuscript, which is written in gothic notation and is lavishly
illuminated, is one of the most important late medieval codices
from the duchy of Carniola. Before coming into its present location,
the manuscript' formed part of the rich medieval library of the parish church of Kranj IGerman Krainhurg] in Upper Camiola.
N~AL (Archiepiscopal

Archives Ljubljana), Rkp 17, Rkp 18. Codicologica:l description: 248 (part one) and 236 (part two) numbered folios; format of the folios of
the first part: 572 x 399 mm, format of the written space 452 x 280 mm; one column, 12 (part one) and 11 (part twollines per page; staff of four re d lines 16.5 mm;
one hand. Cf. M. Kos - F. Stele, Srednjeve!ki rokopisi v Sloveniji [Medieval Codices in
Slovenia] (Ljubljana, 1931), n. 105; J. Hofier, HGorenjski prispevk.i k naj$tar1ejti
glasbeni zgodovini na Slovenskem" [Some Upper Carniolan contributions to the
oldest music history on Slovene territory], Kronika 14 ILjuhljana, 1966), pp. 96 ff.;
.J. Snoj, "Antifonal iz Kranja: Uvod v oblikoslovno razelenitev [The Antiphonary
from Kranj: Introduction to Formal Analysis). Bogoslovni vesmik 52 I(Ljubljana, 19921.
pp. 192-202; N. Golob, MKIijimo slikarstvo v osrednji Sloveniji- [Manuscript illumination in central Slovenia], Gotika v Sloveniji [The Gothic in Slovenia] (Lj ublj ana,
19951. pp. 351-69. especially 367 f.; J. Snoj, Medieval Music Codices. A Selection of
Representative Samples from Slo\)ene Libraries (Ljubljana, 1997), n. 10 (facsimile pp.
39,40).
2 Volume 1, folio 248v: Finitum est opus presens gratia divina coadiuvante per iean
nem von werd de Au.gusta sub anno a partu virginis Salutifero Millesimo quadringentesi.
I

mo nonagesimo primo in Octava victoriosissimi martyri& Laurentii: quo. temp4AState .sea.


pful siliginis vendebatur pro quatuor Qureis. trifici pro quinque. ordei pro tribus. a~e
pro duo bus. pro quo laudibus continuis collaudetur trinitas almipotens.

254

Jurij Snoj

several offices
verse form is that
feast of the
patron
of the church of Kranj, the
of the Cantii
educator Prothus,
family, Cantius,
Cantianilla and
who were executed near Aquileia
Diocletian, i.e. at
ning of the 41h
This poetic
so far known
from
the antiphonary from Kranj.
medieval
of an unknown poetic office in a
questions: who composed the
plainchant manuscript
who was the author or compiler of its
under which
did the
come into being; which literary sources
were used in
. what conclusions can be drawn as
the process of
composition; and, finally, which
aesthetic principles can be perceived as
its creation
possible to
termining its final shape. It is
answers to
these questions;
following contribution
therefore
an attempt to ou
the possible answers that can be
from the relevant sou
as far as
are known, and,
above all, from
itself.
The feast of the
whose martyrdom is closely
with the centre of the ancient
of Aquileia in
Italy, belongs
the local Aquileian sanctorale. 3 Yet
the
manuscripts from the two patriarchal
Aquileia and Cividale,
these inare only four that
feast of the Cantii4
5
clude
two proper
their honour.
two chants are
antiphons for the first and second
that occur for
first time in the breviarium plenarium from the 12th
R. Camilot
liturgischen
Patriarchat Aquileia, Monumenta Monoclica Medii
J

aus dem mittelalterlichen


Subsidia, Band

Teilband

1 (Kassel,

" R Camilot-Oswald, op. cit.,


CXVI.
S I
highly indebted to RaIfaeUa Camilot-Oswald from the University Erlanfor providing me
exact information on
liturgy for the
the Cantii from Aquileian sources,
6 Cividale, Biblioteca
Museo Archeologico Nazi onale ,
252r-53v. The antiphons in question are
Cantiani et Cantianille and "'DEl'""_
si.m.i martyres Cantiani.
Hesbert, Corpus antiphonalium

officii, vo!. IIJ, lnvitatoria et Antiphonae


1968); nor are they present
1- R.
Bryden - D. G.
An Index of Gregorian Chant ICambridge, Mass" 1969).

HISTORIA CANnORUM IN THE ANTlPHONARY FROM KRANJ

2.55

which is written in German adiastematic neumes and also contains


the legend of the saints' martyrdom to be read as office lessons.
These two antiphons also turn up in later Aquileian sources: both
are present in the 14th_15t h. century antiphonary from Cividale and
one of them, Beatorum martyrum Cantii, Cantiani et Cantianille, appears in two antiphonaries from Aquileia itself.s All the other chants
mentioned or prescribed for the feast of the Cantii in Aquileian
manuscripts are taken from the commune sanetorum or from another
Aquileian feast, that of Helari et 1llciani. There is no complete
proper office for the feast of the Cantii in the Aquileian manuscripts.
However, two complete offices for the feast of the Cantii in verse
form are found in two other late medieval manuscripts. The first of
these offices, the only one that has been published and known so
far, appears in one of the Parisian manuscripts from the 16 th century.
It was included in Analecta hymnica medii aevi (where the name of
the sister appears as Cantionilla)9 and is also available in a modem
edition of late medieval poetic offices. 10 There ~s also a long hymn to
the saints in the same Parisian manuscript. 11 The second poetic office for the feast of the Cantii appears in the antiphonary from
Kranj.12 A comparison of these offices shows that they should be regarded as two completely independent and unrelated works, obviously composed by two different poets.
The presence of a complete poetic office dedicated to the Cantii
in a new manuscript necessarily implies that that manuscript was
compiled for a church in whose sanctorale the saints occupied an
Cividale, Biblioteca del Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 57, foL 16Or.
th
8 Gorizia, Biblioteca del Seminario Maggiore, cod. A (13
c.), fo1. 21Sv; ibid., cod.
B (l3 tb -14Ih c.), fol. 161r- v.
9 Analecta hymnica medii aevi 13, pp. 88-90. The office appears in Paris, Bibl.
nat., 17331.
to A. Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices, Subsidia mediaevalia 23, 24 flb- .
ronto, 1994, 19961
IJ Ana/uta hyml1ica medii aevi 19, p. 100 f.
t2 The text of the office was published - not without misreadings - by F. Stele,
NSlike gotskega krilnega oltarja iz Kranja" [Paintings of the Gothic altarpiece from
Kranj], Zbornih za umetnosrno zgodovino 6 (Ljubljana, 1.926), pp. 199-202.
7

256

Jurij

place. The fact that the poetic


the feast of
appears tU a
preserved in a parish church with
same patron
can hardly be
. It may mean that
together with the new antiphonary, a new office in verse
for
the feast of
patron saints was
commissioned.
There
however, uncertainties as regards the au
of the
and the place of its
. In
explicit of the first part of
honary, which,
gives an
account
of
in the year 1491,13
which was obviously written by
same hand as
of the codex,
is a statement;
the manuscript
finished by Ioannes von Werd de
Le. by a
von Werd
Augsburg. The same
Ioannes von
de Augusta, also
up in the explicit
a missal
according
the
of Salzburg from 1490, preserved
Oster14
Nationalbibliothek,
. 1778. Obviously, Ioannes von
Werd
Augusta was a
presumably from Augsburg, working
at the end of
century. As for
roles however,
the explicit of
antiphonary is not
the production of
the manuscript
involved more persons, Ioannes might
also have
the production
the new book or even de~
cided upon its contents. He might
been the illuminator, and,
finally,
might also have
the author of the new office in
verse form and its
However, neither of
explicits mengives exact
on his
illuminator
the Kranj antiphonary
been recognized In some other
including the
quoted, but in these manuscripts the name of
Ioannes is
mentioned. ls
There
addition, u
concerning the
of production.
explicit leaves one in doubt as to whether' was In
th
a town with a
manuscript
In the 15
footnote 2.
I~ F. Unterkircher,
datierten Handschriften del"
Nationalbibliotheh von 1451 bis 1500, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift
in Osterreich, Band HI (Wien, 1974), p.
- ein fahrender .vU',",lU:U<LI.'<;Ol
Go15 N. Golob, "Johannes von Werd
pp. 397-402.
tiha v SlovenljilGotik in Slowenien (Ljubljana,
I

HISTORIA CANTIORUM IN THE ANnPHONARY fROM KRANJ

257

century,16 that the manuscript came into being or whether it was 10annes who came from Augsburg but was not necessarily there during the production of the manuscript. Unfortunately, the explicits in
the Salzburger missal and the antiphonary from Kranj appear to
contain the only known quotations of loannes von Werd's name so
far. 17
The content of the poetic office in the antiphonary from Kranj,
the legend of the Cantii, originated in Rome at the beginning of the
6th century. Its origin must have been connected with the legend of
St. Chrysogonus and St. Anastasia, since parts of that legend are
also found in the legend of the Cantii. 18 The legend as related in the
Acta sanctorum is briefly this: Mter the emperor Diocletian began
persecuting Roman Christians, Cantius, his brother Cantianus, their
F. Brusniak - J. Mancal, -Augsburgft, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart 1
(Kassel, 1994), columns 1005 ff.
17 The narile Ioannes von Werd does not occur in other Austrian manuscripts
(F. Unterkircher, Die dlltierten Handschriften in Wren ausserhalb der Osterreichischen
Nationalbibliothek bis zum Jahre 1600, Katalog der datierten Handscbriften in
lateinischer Schrift in Osterreich, Band V [Wien, 19811; M. Mairold, Die datierten
Handschriften du Universitiitsbibliothek Graz bis zum Jahre 1600, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in 6sterreich, Band VI [Wien, 1979]; M.
Mairold, Die datierten Handschriften in der Steiennark aussBrhalb der UnivB7'sifatsbibliothek Gra2 bis zum JaMe 1600, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in l.ateiniscber Sc.hrift in 6sterreich, Band VII [Wien, 1988]; O. Mazal - R. Hilmar, Katalog
16

der abendliindischen Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliotheh., "Series nova" [Wien, 1997]); it is not to be found among German codices and among music

codices of the Universitatsbibliothek MUnchen {G. Kornrumpf - P.-G. V6lker, Die


deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, Die Handschriften der UniversitiHsbibliothek MUnchen, Enter Band (Wiesbaden, 1968]; C. Gottwald, Die MlJ.sikhandschriften, Die Handschriftt!n der Universititsbibliothek MUnchen, Zweiter Band lWiesbaden, 1968)) nor among German codices produced in Augsburg in the 15th century
(R. Micus, "Augsburger Hand.scbriftenproduktion im 15. Jahrhundert~, Z8itschrift
fUr deutsche Philologie 104 [1985], pp. 411-24); his na.me is not included in the Deutsche biographische Enzyhlopiidie, hrsg. von W. Killy und R. Vierhaus (Miinchen.
1997), and it does not turn up among the names of manuscript illuminators (Th~
Dictionary of Art, ed. by J. 'fumer [London, 1996]; Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden
KiJnstler, hrsg. von U. Thieme - F. Becker [Leipzig, 1907-1).
18 R. Brato~, KrscQnst\)o \I Ogleju 'in na vzhodnem vplivJ1sm obmocju oglejshe cerkve
od zacetkov do nastopa verske svobode (Christianity in Aquileia. and the Eastern Influential Area of the Aquileian Church from its Beginnings to the Introduction of
Religious Freedom], .Acta Ecclesiastica Sloveniae 8 (Ljuhljana, 1986), p. 218 f.

Junj Snoj

258

sister Cantianilla together with


educator Prothu8
Rome.
stemmed
the old
genus Anitiorum, another mem~
of which was
late emperor Carinus, who was
fond
Christians.
Cantii
refuge
Aquileia,
they possessed no
estates, but there
conditions
Christians were
even worse than in
Looking for their
Chrysogonus,
they were told that some days previously he had been
at
gradatae,
from
town
The praeses of AquiDulcidius and rus
comes
ordered that the
. should sacrifice to
which they refused to do. After
consulting the emperor Diocletian, Dulcidius and
insisted
on their demand, stipulating that if
did not
would be executed.
that the
and Prothus left for
gradatae
visit the
of Chrysogonus. Reaching the place, one
of the mules collapsed, as a consequence of which they were capby Sisinnius and executed. Their
were
by a
native ZoyIus, who
before
also gathered the re19
of Si. Chrysogonus.
The critical evaluation
the texts relating the
has not
been und
; it is therefore difficult to account for its growth
and
sources of all
narrative details. However, historical and
archaeological researches have made it possible to uncover
hisAquae
In
torical core of the legend20 as well as to
S.
d'Isonzo in northern ItalYI
there the local toponym Grodata
exists. 21
cult of
Cantii was known in
patriarchate of Aquileia
At the beginning of
fifth
Maxim
in ancient
rin gave a sermon commenting on their behaviour and as Aquilelan
they were mentioned by Venantius Fortunatus. 23 Before
the end of the first millenium
Cantii cult spread into eastern
19

Bratoz,op.

ro R. Bratoi,

R. Bratof,

'/ p, 207;

sanctorum, Mai VII,

421 f.

cit., pp. 205-21,

cit., p, 209.
Maxirnus episcopus Taurinensis, De natale sanctorum Cantii Cantiani et Cantianil/et Corpus Christianorum,
Latina 23,
23 Patrologia Latina 88,
21

22

HISTORIA CANTIORUM IN THE ANTIPHONARY FROM KRANJ

259

parts of the patriarchate, whose population was christianized by


missionaries from Aquileia. Among the oldest parish churches on
the territory of the margraviate of Camiola there were two that
were dedicated to the Cantii, one of them being the parish church
of Kranj. The foundation of the parish in Kranj goes back to the
time the margraviate itself was constituted, i.e. to the middle of the
10 tb century, when Kranj was also the seat of the province. The fact
that it was the Cantii to whom the church was dedicated points to
the importance of the cult and supports the conjectures about an
earlier Aquileian mission in the same place. 24 In subsequent centuries, the number of churches dedicated to the Cantii still grew. In
the second half of the 16 th century there were three parish churches
with this patrocinium in Carniola, not to mention succursal churches,
chapels and altar patrocinia;25 while among the chur~hes of the
Ljubljana diocese, which was established in the rlliddle of the 15 th
century, there were seven dedicated to the Cantii at the beginning
of the 11h century. 26
It is not clear when the text of the legend first appeared in Aquileian liturgical books, but it had certainly happened by the 12th century. As far as is known, there are three 12th century Aquileian
breviaries that include the feast of the Cantii with the text of the
legend to be read as lessons of the office. These include the oldest
breviarium plenarium mentioned earlier in connection with two
proper antiphons for the same feast.27 In addition to relating the legend itself, this text includes a large portion from the sennon of
Maxim of Thrin, from about the beginning of the 5th century, pre-

J.

HtHler, 0 prvih cerhvah in pralupnijah na SIavenskem [On the oldest churches


and parishes on Slovene territory) (Ljubljana, 1986), pp. 24, 25, 46.
l5 J. HljOer, Trije popisi cerkva in kape/ na Kranjskem in slovenskem Stajerskem s konca
Z.l

16. sto1. [Drei Verzeichnisse der Kirchen und Kapellen in KJain und slowenischer Steiennark

aus dem Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts] (Ljub\jana. 1982), pp. 19-61.
l6 A. Lavril, Ljubljanska Skofija v vizitacijah Rina1da Scarlichija 1631-1632 (The
Ljubljana diocese in the visitation records of Rinaldo Scarlichi, 1631-1632], Acta
.
Ecclesiastica Sloveniae 12 (Ljubljana, 1990), indices of patrocinia, pp. 417 H.
27 Cividale, Biblioteca del Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 91, ibid., 92, S. Daniele del Friuli, Biblioteca Civica Guarneriana, 4. Cl. G. Peressotti, "I martiri
Aquileiesi nel breviario del XII secolo, Memorie storiche POnJgiuliesi LXXV (1995),
pp. 41-87; the text is edited on pp. 50-4.

Jurij Snoj

260

preached in
itself. The sermon does not report
facts that would have been known
Maxim's audience;28
departure
it focuses on the meaning of
Aquileia and
a comparison with the prophet
and
his chariot.
departure from
was, according
Maxim,
not a flight
a journey towards a triumphal and
death.
this sense the saints chanot
that of Elijah: both were
to
into
addition to
portion of Maxim s
there is still one
deviation
the objective
of the 12th century Aquileian breviscription of the facts in
by the saints in
course of their abduc: a long prayer
tion to the
execution.
The text of
Aquileian
was presumably
main
source on which similar texts of
liturgica] books were modelled.
It was
source of
in the printed Aquileian breviary
1
29 which could
as a
version of
1
text. Further, it became the
although not the
only literary source for the
in the Kranj antiphonary.
This can
seen from many
agreement
two texts. First of all, the disposition of the contents is
the
same in both cases. After the
Aquae gradatae/
poem
also contains a long argumentation on the real nature
saints'
departure from Aquileia
parallel with EHjah' s chariot. In
both
this part ends
a fictitious provocative speech of the
who stubbornly
death to
to the gods;
and before
itself, there is a long prayer in the poem as
well.
are many concepts and expressions in the
Furthermore t
betray their
the text of the oldest Aquilepoem that
.lan
(see Thble 1).30
most conspicuous occur in the fiwhich may
considered a direct
re-creation
nal
l

28R .

B ratoz. op. elt.,


. p.

f.

29 Breviarium AquiJeiense (Venice, 14961. Pars hiemaHs, without pagination. For


tbe present study
from the National
University Library
tNUK, 14425) was
30 The line numbering refers to Peressotti's edition, see footnote

HISTORIA CANTIORUM IN THE ANTIPHONARY FROM KRANJ

261

Table 1
ANTIPHONARY FROM

KRANJ

neque mOTam faciatis ne invitos


nos credatis
non decet nos demonibus offerre immo vero omnipotenti deo
adorarnus qui creavit celurn terram nosque lavit
in cochito cruciantur qui non
credunt domino

STANZA

BREVIARlA AQUJLllIENSlA

LINE

nolumus enim videri inviti duci


93
ad penam,
97
31 se numquam demoniis immolaturos, sed omnipotenti Domino
98
32 qui fecit celum et terram maTe
er omnia que in eis sunt.
33 Nam omnia ydola sive et qui ea 99
colunt ... ibunt in ignem perpetuum.
si non offerrent thura plectan- 34-35 si Jovi tura non offerrent, capite 102
tur mox capitibus
plecterentur.
o ihesu xpiste domine manentes 42 perseverantibus in ruo nomine
107
tuo nomine pater mater velis
te patrem et matrem dixisti
esse
o ihesu tu vis omnibus eva pro
108
43 et pro temporalibus futuro et
temporalibus eterna pro labilipro perituris perpetua et pro
bus divitiis
diviciis terrenis incorruptam vitam etema cum felicitate dare
promisisti,
obsecramus le arnator bonorum 45-46 le obsecramus arnator pure
110
remunerator secretorum indaconscientie ut respicias de sumgator cordium respicias de celomitate celorum
rum su.mmitate
inter sanctos collocari et eleetis
47 et inter S<lnctos et electos tuos
112
comparari tecum esse more
collocari precipias
pan
. precipe ut cognoscaris solus
48 ut cognoscant omnes quia tu e.s 113
deus adorarls secula benedi
Deus solus et benedictus in
cans in seculorum amen
secula.
et coronas acceperunl quas a
51 et acceperunt coronas sempiter- 115
xpisto meruerunt
nas
26

the prayer at the end of the breviary text . It cannot be by chance


that the prayer of the poem not only conveys the same ideas in the
same order, but also chooses the same words and phrases, such as
pater mater ",elis esse, obsecramus te amator bonorum .. . respicias de ceIorum summitate, et coronas Qcceperunt. These examples clearly show

262

Jurij Snoj

that it was the


of the breviary that the poet had in front of him
when composing
office.
the
the
cannot
considered
only literary
from
fact that the poem mensource of the poem. This is
tions the martyr Chrysogonus, whom
wanted to visit
Aquileia; whereas in the text of the breviaries, Chrysogonus does
not appear at alL
of as many as 53 four-Hne stanzas. There is no
reason to doubt that it the work of one poet
that it was originally conceived in the genre of offices in verse fonn. There is evihowever, that
creator of
verses did
compose the
music, OT, if
did, that the making of the verses
not occur simultaneously with the musical composition and exact planning of the
All the processes mentioned, making
the verses, the distribution of stanzas to the office items, and the musical composition,
are to
regarded as different steps in the creation of
office,
steps that
to
independent or only loosely related to
other. This can be seen from comparing the contents of the poem
the disposition of its stanzas through the hours of the
ITable 2).

There are two .


where the continuous narration
interrupted: the hymn of the first
Jesu martyrum corona, which
comprises 7 stanzas that
not relate the story of the legend, and
Invitatory antiphon, Nisu cordis martyrum, which consists of one
stanza, paying due attention to the exhortatory function of the following psalm. Thus, the hymn and the invitatory antiphon look like
insertions. Yet they are written in the same poetic pattern and can
considered the work
the poet who composed
rest of the poem,
which may be taken as a proof that the poem was originally conceived as an office.
The hymn and the invitatory antiphon interrupt
narration
rather awkwardly, so that after the responsory of the first Vespers
continues in the Magnificat antiphon, and after that no sooner than
in the Matins antiphons of the following day. Furthermore, the
person who
the stanzas of
poem to actual antiphons

HISTORIA CANTIORUM IN THE ANTIPHONARY FROM KRANJ

263

and responsories, presumably the composer of the music, did not


pay due attention to the contents of the stanzas, failing to take into
account the fact that the stanzas were to be sung during different
parts of the office. In assigning the stanzas to actual office items he
appears to have proceeded rather mechanically. Basically, each antiphon, responsory respond and responsory verse got one stanza, but
the Benedictus and Magnificat antiphons, being more important,
normally got two. There are very few exceptions to this rule. As a
consequence of such a procedure, the narration may break at an unexpected point: for example, the prayer of the saints, which begins
with the second responsory of the third nocturn, does not terminate
in the Matins but is carried on to the antiphons of the following
Lauds. There are some extreme instances of disregard of this 'kind,
as in the cases where the same clause gets cut up into two subsequent antiphons or an antiphon and a subsequent responsory, so
that the sense of the antiphon becomes clear only after the responsory has been sung, i.e. after the complete lesson. One such case
occurs between the last antiphon of the second nocturn and the following responsory: the antiphon terminates with the first part of
the clause (hine iniqui iudices) , which continues in the responsory
(hortabantur ut o(feTTent thura iovi). However, consciously or not, the
culminating event of the whole legend, the decollation of the saints,
takes place in the two stanzas of the Benedictusantiphon, Le . .at
the crucial point of the whole office. The second! Vespers take up
the antiphons of Lauds and the two stanzas of the subsequent Magnificat antiphon, the very last stanzas of the poem, reiate the martyrs' intombment.
From these observations it can be concluded that as a whole, the
legend material is reasonably disposed, since it is at the central
point of the office that the culminating event takes place. But apart
from the hymn and the invitatory antiphon that do not relate the
story, the poet does not seem to have ,cared about distributing the
stanzas to the actual office hours. The completion of the poem thus
appears to be independent from the assigning of singular sta'nzas to
the actual liturgical items.

Jurij Snoj

264

Table 2.
LtT. FUNCT!ON

In I. Vesp. 1
2
3
4

Responsorium
v.
Hymnus
Super Magn.
Invitatorium
In 1. n. 1
In L n. 2
In I. n. 3
Responsorium

CONTENTS

Historical introduction: persecutions


Carinus dies
Carinus' affinity for Christians
Persecutions continue
Flight in quadriga
Commendation to God
Saints' intention to visit Chrysogonus in Aquileia
Not relating the legend
Saints' ignorance of Chrysogonus' death
Not relating the legend
UAquae gradatae" not far away from Aquileia
One of the mules falls
Capture; beginning of the parallel with Elijah
1 Continuation of the parallel

STANZA

2
3
4
5
6
7
8-14
15
16
17

18
19-20

Responsoriurn 2
v.
Real meaning of the saints' behaviour
Responsorium 3
v.
The saints' provocative speech

21
22
23
24
25
26

InlI.n.1

27

v.

The saints are taken prisoner by Dulcidius and


Sisinnius

In H. n. 2

In 11. n. 3
Responsoriurn 4 The condition of their liberation
v.
The saints' answer
Responsorium 5
~

Responsorium 6 Dulcidius and Sisinnius pronounce the conditional


sentence

29

30
31

32
33
34
3S

v.

In Ill. n. 1
In HI. n. 2
In HI. n. 3

28

The saints' state of mind

36
37
38

HISTORIA CANTlORUM IN THE ANTIPHONARY FROM KRANJ

LIT. FUNCfION

CONTENTS

-------------------------------------

Responsorium 7 Abduction
v.

Responsorium 8 Introduction to the last prayer


v.
The last prayer
Responsorium 9

265
STANZA

39
40
41
42
43
44

v.

45

Uiudes
2

46

47

48

5
Ad Benedictus
Ad Magnificat

Execution
Zoylus entombs the corpses

49
50-51
52-53

A similar kind of indifference can be seen from the fact that the
contents of the poem do not correspond to the contents of the Mat
ins lessons as they appear in the printed Breviarium Aquileiense from
1496,31 which could have been used as the source for the actuallessons. The second to fifth lessons relate the parallel of Elijah and
meditate upon the meaning of the saints' departure; the correspond~
ing responsories, however, proceed with the narration of the story.
Furthermore, in the lessons the narration necessarily terminates in
the last noctum; but the Matins antiphons and responsories relate
. the abduction of the saints to the place of execution and their
prayer. It is only in the antiphons of the Lauds that the decollation
itself is described. Obviously, the person who assigned the stanzas
to the office items did not observe the fact that the responsories
were to be sung after the lessons describing the same events, and
carried on with the narration irrespective of what had been related
in the lessons. Thus, within the Matins, the legend is told twice
with a slight postponement on the part of the poem.
The poem, which comprises, as mentioned before, 53 four-line
stanzas, is cast in one poetic pattern. The verses consist of four tro31

See footnote 29.

266

Jurij

the last' of each four-line


Cum ecturbaret 1 christianos et multaret 1 tyrannorum
daret 1 se
va persecutio.
first three lines of the stanzas are
by
rhyme or
. however, sometimes only a
relationship
as
same word ending: His vera
sub temporibus 1 earinus cesar
1 deo christianissimus 1 moritur
in domino. In addition, the
the subsequent
are also connected by rhyme, assonance or the same
felix imperator / {iIiorum generator 1
fidei amator /
in Romana
. /1 Liquit ibi successores / ydolorum
cuItores / petunt ut eorum mores 1 sequantur et numina. The
poetic
had in mind could thus be ..... '-.. . '-'~
as
that the author
made up of four-feet
consisting of two
catalectic, and the rhyme
verses, with the last
of
a-a-a-c - b-b-b-c. However,
did not keep strictly to
Many times he broke
lines! which
that
in a different number of syllables;
sound cortespondence is
not strictly observed. The basic
appears
to
only the'
that the poet had
he was unable or did not want conform to it strictly.
Not surprisingly for a late
work, the chants of the office
are arranged strictly in
modal order {Thble 3j. In Matins
correspondence between antiphons
responsories, the
as the preof each nocturn being in the same
ceding
With two exceptions, the cycle of
appears
the first cycle there is no chant in the last
three
however,
eighth mode.
for this could be
into account the nu
to be set to music and the modal
correspondence between
and the responsories - one
of modes had to remain incomplete; perhaps the designer of
wanted the last item of
office to be in the last
one of the modes
as a
of which he
earlier. It very likely that such reasoning on the composer's part
combined with
that it was exactly the invitatory antiphon
that would
to be composed in the eighth mode;
JI.'_H.." " ....

w'U,",u.JI. .....

HISTORIA CANTIORUM IN THE ANTlPHONARY FROM KRANJ

267

was no eighthmode invitatory psalm tone,32 the first period of


modes remained incomplete.

Table 3
LIT. FUNCTION

TBXT INCIPIT

MODE LAST NarES OF ADAPT.


PHRASES

Cum ecclesiam turbaret


In 1. Vesp. an. 2 His vera sub temporibus
In 1. Vesp. an. 3 Olim felix imperator
In 1. Vesp. an. 4 Liquit ibi successores
In 1. Vesp. an. 5 Omnes ob hoc (ugerunt
In I. Vesp. re.
Mulas currui iunxerunt
Aquilegiam tendentes
Versus
Doxologia
Gloria patri
Ihesu martirum corona
In 1. Vesp. hy.
Ad Magn. an
Nescientes decollatum
Nisu cordis martirum
Invitatorium
Ubi loco nominato
In 1. noct. an. 1
In I. noet. an. 2
Stante curru tunc cadente
Sancti viri caphvati
In 1. noet. an. 3
Sic er illos quos amavit
In I. noet. re. 1
Versus
Ut helyam currus rexit
In I. noet. re. 2
Sic traxit mirabiliter
Ne videan tur fugam dare
Versus
In I. noet. re. 3
Voluntati se divine
Neque mOTam faciati3
Versus
Gloria patri
Doxologia
In n. noet. an. 1 Audite persecutores
In H. noet. an. 2 Hec audiens sisinnius
In n. noet. an. 3 Comprehendi hos beatos
In n. noet. re. 1 Hortabantur ut offerrent

In I. Vesp. an. 1

1
2
3

4
5
6

3
7
4
1
2
3
1
2

dafd
dadd
c'g e e
eece
e'c'a f
f c'f f
f e'f f

A
B
C

ebee
d'g d'g
eeee

adad
dacd
e'g e ebb b e
aadd
daad
dadd

daAd
3

egce
ebee

aece
e'e'a f
ca f f
eeee

5
6
4

R. Steiner, "Invitatory, The New GrO\le Dictionary of Music and Musicians 9


(London, 1980), p. 286.
la

268

Jurij Snoj

LIT.

FUNCTION

TEXT INCIPIT

MODB

NOTBS OF

PHRASES

Versus
Quibus dicunt devotius
In n. noeL re. 2
Adoramus qui creavit
Versus
Eternis bonis spoliantur
In IL
. re. 3 His audrds sisinnius
Plectantur mox capitibus
Versus
Glona patri
Doxologia
In Ill. noeL an. 1 Postquam hec intellexerunt
In HI. noeL an. 2 Hinc a carcere soluti
In UL noet. an. 3 Leti fortes et constantes
In II I. noeL re. 1 Cum beaU ducerentur
Cordis iubilo gaudentes
Versus
In IU. noet. re. 2 Oraban! clans vocibus
o ihesu xpiste domine
Versus
Ill. noet. re. 3
ihesu vis omnibus
Pennanentem quoque
Versus
Glona patri
Doxologia
laudes an. 1
Obsecramus te amator
Ad laudes an. 2
De celorum summitate
Ad laudes an. 3
Inter sanctos collocari
Ad
an. 4
Precipe ut cognoscaris
Ad laudes an. 5
dominum colentibus
Ad Ben. an.
completa prestolantur
In seeundis vespens antiphone in laudibus
an

laudabilis

ebbe
e'f:J

ADAPT

<

---

a e'e'a
6

ff

C'CIC'f

8
1
7

d/d'a g
ggag
dadd
g g d'g
d'd'f g

gggg

d'd'd'g
ddad
dd'f d

2
3
4
5
6
7

daad

beae
deae
feff
d'g did' d'b b g

There are two important exceptions in


progressive modal or~
cler of the chants: the hymn of the first Vespers
the invitatory
antiphon. It cannot be overlooked that it is exactly these two chants
that do not relate the story of the legend. The fact that
also do
part in the progressive modal order of the chants may . . . "'....,....
not
their later insertion in the office; this can be maintained espe~
dally for the hymn, as there is no explanation for its falling out of
33

Due to the scribe's mistake, the

of this respond is written as g.

H1STORIA CANTIORUM IN THE ANTIPHONARY fROM KRANJ

269

the modal order of the chants. On the other hand it should be


pointed out that besides being in the same poetic pattern, both
hymn and invitatory also show the same compositional principles
as the other chants and may be considered the work of the same
poet and musician as the rest of the office.
The composer was very keen to observe the characteristics of a
given mode, which is especially evident in the plagal chants. In these,
the range below finalis is sometimes emphatically marked at the
very beginning. Since many plaga1 chants also exploit the full octave
above finalis/ it can be assumed that for the author of the music it
was the range below finalis that was the only criterion in distinguishing the plagal chants from the authentic ones.
Further, the composer fully observed the musical characteristics
of particular genres. Thus, the Vespers and Matins antiphons are
short and simple. The cantica antiphons, however, reveal a more
elaborate setting. In their style they nearly match the responsories,
which are characterized additionally by ]ong melismas, especially at
the end of the respond, appearing as a kind of mannerisln in many
chants of the office. Very often, these final melismas begin with
a restatement of the initial part, thus resulting in typical bar-fonn. 34
Apart from these general guidelines it was the design of the
poem, the poetic pattern of the stanzas, that was the main source of
articulation and musical structuring of the actual chants. Since each
stanza comprises four lines, the majority of ,a ntiphons, responsory
responds and responsory verses consist of four phrases. The composer quite consciously modelled phrases ,as basic units of the
chants. This is evident from the fact that the phrases nearly always
terminate on the pivotal notes of the mode, such as final is, tenor,
upper fifth, lower fourth or even upper third, which gives the compositions tonal determination and stability.35 Often the final notes of
the phrases seem like targets and resting points in the continuously
developing melodies. The phrases are sometimes arranged in such a
way that the melody of the whole outlines the contour of the arch.
W. Apel, Gregorian Chant (London, 1958), pp. 342 ft.
Table 3- demonstrates in the fourth column the notes on which the verse's of
the poetic text tenninate.
34

35

Jurij Snoj

270

However, this
not happen
often
many
move
between pivotal notes without
manifest intention as to the form
of the whole.
Among
antiphons
a given mode there are instances of
they are
the
aptation of the same melody to another stanza,
36 In some cases it would be risky
decide whether a melody
is a conscious adaptation or just an unconscious
upon the
same
plan, defined by
choice
the same final notes at
the
of the verses. In this sense it would
methodically very
the melodic interrelations among
chants
difficult to elucidate
of the
The author of the poetic office for the feast of
patron saints in
antiphonary from Kranj cannot be identified by name. It
not clear whether it was ooe or whether there were more persons
new office, which appears to have
engaged in
creation of
been
together
the new
But the
analysis of the work as a whole proves that it came into being by
several independent
unrelated
that may be described as
on
basis
follows: 1. composition the poem relating the
of
relevant texts; 2.
assignment of the composed stanzas to
delineation of the modal plan of
actual
items; 3.
of the
whole office; 4. musical composition; observing the
res,
of the modes and,
alII the
strucPOSS!ture of
stanzas; 5. creation and insertion of the hymn
bly, the invitatory antiphon.
The
that came into being bears
to this stepwise
procedure which. in
left its vestiges on it and, moreover, dethe new poetic
also as a work of
. One could ask
what kind of work of art it that was brought into being through a
and princicombination of
independent creative
ples. but answering such a question would be the subject of another/ aesthetic issue.
l

the last column of


with letters,

3, where the

adaptations are

Cantus Planus 1998 ..J" Esztergom & Visegrad

271

Barbara Haggh

How did Aurelian write his treatise MusicQ disciplina? In the preface, first chapters and end of the treatise especially, he borrows
from numerous authors. Medieval singers relied on memory rather
than exemplars, so might not music teachers, such as Aurelian, have
done the same? Aurelian's texts offer the entire spectrum from allusion to quotation, however. The purpose of this brief contribution is
to examine the MusiCQ disciplina text in order to determine whether
Aurelian needed a library, which books he used, and how he worked
with their texts. As we shall discover, the treatise is a coherent opus
by one wellschooled and musical author working from memory for
the most part, but with a few books at hand,
The contents of four important ninth-century libraries separate
Aurelian's better~known from his lesser-known sources" which 'w ill
be considered in toto once we have discussed the individual chapters of the treatise. I In the table at the end of this essay (p. 29311, Aurelian's sources are listed along with evidence of their presence in
the monastic libraries of Auxerre, eorbie, Fleury, and St Amand.
This is not an attempt to isolate manuscripts Aurelian would have
seen - that is work fOT the future and perhaps impossible,2 Instead,
The list of sources in the Table is taken from Aureliani Reomensis, Musica disciplina. ed. Lawrence Gushee. Corpus Scriptorum de Musica, 21 {Rome. 19751, And
Micbael Bemhard, MThxtkritisches zu Aurelianus Reomensis-, Musica di~iplina 40
(1986). pp. 49-61. I have not deleted frOQl the table the sources I think played no
role in the treatise - they are discussed in my text. A useful overview of the history
of medieval libraries, even though many details ,a re now outdated, is James Westfall Tbornpson, The Medieval Library (New York, 1957). See especially ch. 3 MLibrar- .
ies of the Carolingian Renaissance- and ch. 7 "Libraries of Medieval France".
1 A search througb the manuscript sources of the De institutione arithmetica of
Boethius for variants in the diagrams as found in the Aurelian manuscripts would
be useful, for example, especially since Fried1eifi only used German manuscripts
for his edition, whereas the earliest history of Aurelian's t~xt rs French.
I

Barbara Haggh

the table reveals the intersection of the manuscript traditions of


dividual works in important
four ninth-century libraries
been at least partially reconstru
. Although
scripts of Auxerre (St Gennain) and
Fleury (St Benolt) aTe almost identical, manuscripts
Auxerre
been
and listed tentatively by Guy Lobrichon. The
Fleury manuscripts are the
of a recent book by MaTco
Mostert, who does
their content, unfortunately, and
therefore we take a 1
inventory of
Fleury
with
to Mostert's manuscript descriptions where
bIe.
Corbie, we are well served by two published twelfth-century mventories and by
Ganz's
Finally, we have
the
Index maior of
St
studrecently in a
by Franc;oise
:I
Aurelian's text is
with allusions to
paraphrases or
tions of
sources of our
at the beginning
end of
treatise
in the
seven
This has led many scholars
to disassociate
from the Musica disciplina or to dismiss the
work as a mere compilation. These judgements are.fP1s1eading.
the surface, the Preface is a pastiche of
of St Jerome,
to
authors, and a
but litbiblical
citation from
Benedictine Rule on the degrees of humility.
In fact,
passages were carefully selected and are introduc~A
with the skill of the rhetorician and an awareness
here too
letter.
citations of
Jerome emphasize at the outset not only the
orientation of
treatise
"Cristianorum" is the first
word - but
its new
4 Heretofore unrecognized
AureJ All works mentioned
paragraph are cited
at the
table. On the library of St Amand, see Fran~oise
Le scn'ptorium et la
iheque
Saint-Amand,
Eco]e Nahonale des
(19901. especially vo!. 1,
pp.
Marie-Pierre Dion,
la bibliotheque de l'abbaye de
Saint-Amand au IX'
, La Cantilene de
Eulalie: Actes du colloque
Valenmars 1989,
Dion I
1990), pp. 35-52.
4 Aurelian cites the letter of Jerome to Dardanus
1099]' with incipit
Christianorum nobilissime et nobilium Christiarussime, quae sit
terra repromissionis Aurelian IS opening phrase also
In
IS letter 57
U

AUREUAN'S LIBRARY

273

Han's subtle reference to the translation attributed to Jerome of the


Bible. This is not so much the beginning of the treatise, J/Incipit
praefatio musicae disciplinae" (compare St Jerome's translation of
the New Testament, IIlncipit praefatio Sancti Hieronymi Presbyteri
in Evangelio"), since this is an obvious way to begin a text, but
rather a later passage near the end of the preface, where Aurelian
writes u et quae a vobis et ab aliis audivi, ipse novum opus condere
studui, ... ". St Jerome's New Thstament begins with a letter to Pope
Damasus with the incipit I'N ovum opus facere me cogis ex veteri, ... u. Other references to St Jerome's letters and to biblical pas
sages, as indicated by Gushee, further underscore the Christian orientation of Aurelian's work, compensating for the references to the
pagans, P1autus and (Licinius] Crassus. For eJCaIl1ple, Aurelian's phrase
"rerum laciniosum praescriberem sermonem" (Preface.31 takes a
rare adjective used by St Jerome, "laciniosus".s None of Aurelian's
citations in this chapter require a manuscript exemplar, however. The
allusions or partial citations could all have been made by a writer
relying on past reading and memory, not copying. The letters of
St Jerome were widely read and known.
The references to the letters of St Jerome are aptly selectM as
well, because Aurelian structures his preface following the conventions of letter writing in his time, by beginning with superlatives
and ending with some form of the verb IIvalere". 6 His writing also
includes rhetorical flourishes characteristic of this genre: internal
end rhyme and word repetition. 7 The three introductory distichs,
too, are entirely in keeping with the discriminating style af<ld skill of
this writer.
Au reli an 's first eight chapters draw in different ways upon the
main music treatises known in the mid ninth century, Isidore of
to Pammachius [PL 22, 578), MSed ut infinita praeteream et ostendam tibi, vir omnium nobiliwn Christianissime, et Christianorum nobilissi.me" cujusmodi falsitatis
meae-,
5 See st Jerome, Commentaries on Isaiah (PL 24, 140). Esther (PL 28, 1433,), Daniel (PL 25, 566); Zachariah (PL 25, 1506).
6 See, for example, Loup de Ferri~. Corre&p07Idance, ed. Leon Levillain, 2 vols.
(Paris, 1964),
7

See Gushee, The "Musica. disciplina", pp. 170-1.

274

Barbara Haggh

Seville's Etymologiae and Boethius's De institutione musica above all,


but also the writings on music of Cassiodorus, St Augustine, and
Macrobius. 8 Aurelian makes fleeting references to the grammatical
writings of Bede and to Sergius's Donatus commentary, but not to
the better~known Donatus and Priscian. There are no references to
Martianus Capella or to Calcidius, either. In chapter twenty, the
texts cited change. Here Aurelian alludes to or paraphrases freely
ninth-century writings on liturgy, particularly Amalarius of Metz,
and also draws upon historical and hagiographical writings.
The most important authorities behind Aurelian's text are Isidore
and Boethius, but chapter one of the Musica disciplina is not taken
word for word from any source. Its point of departure is Isidore's
Etymologiae, book III.xvii "Quid possit musica", which begins "ltaque sine Musica nulla disciplina pot est esse perfecta, nihil enim
sine illa". Aurelian instead attaches the discipline of music to the
authority of the Bible in his first sentence, "Musicam disciplinam
non esse contempnendam, multa et antiquorum gentilium videlicet
et sanctorum librorum affirmat auctoritas".
In his third sentence, Aurelian invokes Orpheus following Cassiodorns almost literally, but borrows short phrases from the Etymologiae, taking them out of context. Evidently, Aurelian remembered
the story, but could not put the right pieces together or wanted to
tell it differently, which indeed he does. Whereas later treatises
used Orpheus's playing as a springboard for a description of the nature of music, Aurelian cites Orpheus as an example of the power of
music, listing the savage beasts of the underworld that Orpheus's

On Aurelian's borrowings from Boethius in general, see Ubaldo Pizzani, NAureliano di Reome e la riscoperta del De institutiane musica di Boezio n , Esercizi arte musica spettacolo 2 11979), pp . 7-29; idem, "The Fortune of the De institutione musica
from Boetruus to Gerbert d'Aurillac: A Tentative Contribution n , in: Michael Masi,
ed . Boethius and the Liberal Arts: A Collection of &says !Bern, 19B1}, pp. 97-156,
and, in the same volume, Calvin Bower, ~The Role of Boetruus's De insntlI.tione musica in the Speculative Tradition of Western Musical Thought", pp. 157-74. For fur
ther bibliography OD all of the writers named here, see Michel Huglo, ~Bib1io
graphie des editions et etudes relatives El la theorie musicale du Moyen Age
(1972-1987r , Acta musicologica 60/3 (19881. pp. 229-72.
8

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

275

singing could tame. 9 1Wo texts served as sources for the animals: a
passage in the Etymologiae where David's singing frees SauI from
the unclean spirit by the discipline of wholesome melody which
even affects various animals, and the similar story in Cassiodorus,
where the beasts are listed las in a passage by Varrol, but just be
fore the Orpheus story. Cassiodorus (and Varro) note that the power
displayed by certain modes is so strong, that they can compose distraught minds and also attract beasts, serpents even, birds, and dolphins, to listen to their melody, Aurelian adds tigers to his borroyved
menagerie, perhaps from the passage in Varro but not from Cassiodorus's citation of it. 10 To biblicize the end of this chapter, Aurelian
next describes the singing and playing of the book of the 'Apocalypse, a subject which recurs in the paragraphs appearing between
the two explicits at the end of the treatise. It is remarkable that in
this first chapter Aurelian never cites any text verbatim; except the
two brief passages from the Apocalypse concerning instruments and
a well Jknown chant incipit from the psalms.
In chapter two, Aurelian takes up the subject he introduced in
the distichs preceding the preface: praise of Pythagoras, the first
musicus, Chapter two begins with the story of Pythagoras and the
hammers, but Aurelian introduces references to Jubal, David and
Solomon and only cites Boethius word for word where an unusual
gloss appears in some Boethius manuscripts, Aurelian and the

On the various Orpbeus tales in medieval theory, see Nancy Phillips, MMusicaand "Scolica Enchiriadis": The Literary, Theoretical, and Musical Sources, Ph.D. diss-,
New York University (19841, pp. 11-3; and Susan Boynton, -The Sources and Significance of the Orpheus Myth in 'Musica Enchiriadis' and Regino of Prom's 'Bpis
tola de harmonica institutione'-, Early Music History 18 (1999). pp. 47-74. The Orpheus story by Fulgentius the Mythographer is unrelated to Aurelian's. Roethius
mentions Orpheus in passing but only in relation to the four strings of the lyre (De
Musica, ed. Godofredus Friedlein [Leipzig, 1867, re pr. Frankfurt. 1966], 1.20, p.
206). Pseudo-Bede, -Quid sit tonus'r JPL 90, 914C). has Orea Graece pukhra,
phone vox, inde Orphaeus pulchra vox dicitur".
)01 was not able to check Vano's works, but he is cited in Lewis and Short, A
Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1879) after the word Qtiger". Cassiodorus's Institutione3
IJ.v.8 is translated by James McKinnon in Source Readings in Mu&ic H~tory, ed. 01iver Strunk. revised edition ed. Leo 1teitler (New York, 1998), p. 148,.
9

276

Barbara Haggh

anonymous glossator illustrate the four Pythagorean consonances


by naming four corresponding chants.1l The chants appear with
added neumes in only four glossed manuscripts of Boethius's De institutione musica, of which the earliest, also the archetype of two of
the three others, is Paris, BN Lat. 7200, a manuscript with glosses
of Auxerre-Fleury origin from the second third of the ninth century.12 According to Michael Bernhard, Boethius's De musicQ was in

Pizzani sees traces of Cassiodorus and Gaudentius in Aurelian's story {Ubaldo


Pizzani, "The Fortune of the De institutione musica", p. 133}. Nancy Phillips observed that the chants of Aurelian's gloss serve the same purpose as those cited by
Remigius of Auxerre in his glosses on Martianus Capella, as examples of the consonances, and that the same chants appear in one branch of the manuscript tradition
of Regino's Epistola in the same context. The author of the Alia musica knew the
trarution as well, for the same chants are used in a conspicuous position of the text
of each of the three parts, See HClassical and Late Latin Sources for Ninth-Century
1Yeatises on Music", Music Theory and Its Sources, ed. Andre Barbera (Notre Dame,
IN, 1990J, pp. 115-8.
12 The glosses are edited by Michael Bernhard and Calvin Bower, Glo.ssa major in
institutionem musicam Boethii (Munich, 1993), Editionsband I, pp. 199-201; also see
Calvin Bower, "Die Wechselwirkung von Philosophia, Mathematica und Musica in
der Karolingischen Rezeption der 'Institutio Musica' ven Boethius", Music und die
Geschichte der Philosophie und Naturwissenschaften im Mittelalter, ed. Frank Hentschel (Leiden, 1998), pp. 163-83, esp . pp. 166-7. The most detailed ruplomatic edition of the glosses with their notations and the most thorough discussion of Paris
BNF Lat. 7200 is IlIa Humphrey, Le .'De institutione musica libri V' d'Anicius Manlius
1brquatus Severinus Boethius du Manuscrit Pan's, Bibliotheque Nationale, la tin nOD
(IX's.) (etude codicologique - etude pa/eographique - edition des gloses), Ecole Pratique
des Hautes Etudes a la Sorbonne, IV section, these de doctorat (Paris, 1993). The
glosses are edited in vol. 2, p. 54-ter, from Paris BNF Lat. 7200 (fols. 1-218 from
Auxerre, later at Fleury according to Mostert, The Library of Fleury, pp. 214-5; contents described in RISM B 1II 1; written in the last third of the ninth century; and,
with Paris BNP Lat. 13908 and 13020, both from Corbie, the oldest manuscript
with the Glossa maior), and from Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. Lat. 1638, fol.
lOv (Fleury neumes of the early tenth c., some variants) and Paris BNF Lat. 7297,
fo1. S8v (written at Fleury in the ninth C., neumes of late ninth or earJy tenth c.,
but glosses crossed out, at St Lomer in Blois in 1138), both dependent on Lat. 7200,
their direct archetype. and also from Chicago, Newberry Library, MS F. 9, fo1. 6r.
Neither Paris BNF Lat. 7297 nor Bibl.ioteca Apostolica Vat icana , Reg. Lat. 1638 are
listed by Mostert. lUe Humphrey points out that Paris BNF Lat. 7200 and Lat. 7297
give the glosses exactly the same signes de renvoi (cl vel. 1, pp. 29-33). According
to Calvin Bower, reporting Bischoffs s conclusion (communication of 8 November
II

AUREUAN'S Ll8RARY

the library of the Carolingian court,13 but Bernhard and Bower place
the origin of the glosses in northern France; Bower dates them
c. 830-860. 14
Calvin Bower has emphasized the entirely different character of
these glosses from that of the other uphilosophical/1 glosses, and
thinks these were the work of a cantor. IS Yet neither Bower nor
Bernhard are willing to admit the possibility that Aurelian invented
glosses which would have found their way into the Boethius manu-,
scriptS. 16 Since the Valenciennes manuscript may be their earliest
source, and they appear only there without notation, it seems possible that a teacher such as Aurelian, who cites chants as examples
throughout his treatise and not only in the annotated. tonary, ~ght
have been the author of these glosses. Other musicians may then
have added the neumes. Nevertheless, Aurelian only cites Boethius
literally where his text is glossed,17 the chant incipits are eXactly the
same length in the gloss and in Aurelian, and the Paris BN Lat. 7297
gloss is slightly shorter than Aurelian, suggesting that Aurelian may
have added to it.
Aurelian's first twenty sentences in chapter three are taken almost but not entirely verbatim from Boethlus chapter two, but introduce two paraphrases of biblical passages. 18 A curious passage in
19971, Paris BNF Lat. 7200 was originally written at Soissons-Laon-Reims, but was
soon transferred to Fleury or to the triangle Fle\1IY-Feni~re8Auxerre, where the

manuscript was abundantly glossed.


, 13 See Michael Bemhard, MGlosses on Boethius's De institutione musica~, in:
Ancire Barber It, ed., Music Theory and Its .sources: Antiquity and the Middle ~
(Notre Dame, 1990), pp. 136-49, especially p. 143.
14 BNF Lat. 7200 and BN}J Lat. 13908 ICorbie, see my Thble) are closest to the
origin of the central tradition of the glosses. See the stemma in GloSSQ maioT, Editionsband I (Munich, 1993), p. LXXIII, also, on the origin of the glosses. p. XVI. On
their date and the date of the glosses, see Bower, "Die Wechselwirkung
15 Calvin Bower, -Reception, Reaction, and Redaction: A Reflection on Carolingian and PostCarolingian Musical ThouBht~, paper presented at the 63rd Annual
Meeting of the American Musicological Society, Phoenix, Ari2ona, 1 November
M

1997.
16
17

Ibid. and Bernbard, "Glosses, cited in note 13.


Note that H. lO and 22 come hom the same sentence in Boethius, as do ii.l!

and 27 lI.x.2 51
18 See Pizzani's useful observations on this chapter in MThe Fortune , p . 133.

278

Barbara Haggh

Aurelian's chapter three is iii.6. Pizzani


that Aurelian
two successive
in Boethius (I.ii. 12), I/Iam vero quattuor
elementorum diversitates contrariasque potentias nisi quaedam anTIOconiungeret, qui
ut in unum corpus ac machinam
convenirent?
haec omnis diversitas ita et temporum varietatem
corpus efficiaL Aurelian
parit
fructuum, ut tamen unum
conflates
remembering a short gloss on litemporum varietatell, which
the four seasons
also appears later
PseudoMusica theorica,
which a different section liQuid sit tonus"
appears both as a gloss to Boethius and as a separate work, disseminated in one manuscript with Aurelian1s MusicQ disciplina. 19 That
is reading and not simply
Boethlus is plausible here, for
two
are
similar, indeed.
In chapter four, Aurelian presents harmonics, rhythmics and metrics as parts of musica humana, a classification apparently of his
own invention, and then
of accentuation and of
whose
quantitative verse, freely borrowing from Isidore and
20
are sometimes interrningled. Aurelian also cites Juvencus,
and Gushee noticed that the
line the preface
by AureHan was also cited by
of Auxerre in
glosses on Martianus CapeUa, a point to which we return later. 21 Chapter four ends
with an almost literal paraphrase of the end of Boethius's De institutione musica I.xxxiV. 22
I

/J

The
in G/ossa maior, Editionsband 1,
89, where there is a.
reference to a
by Remigius
on
which I have
not seen. Also see Pizzaru. "The Fortune of the De institutione musiea ", p. 131 and
his
of Pseudo-Bede,
141.
sit tonus" and
Musica disciplina both
...... ,,<. ..., Bibliotheque
10078-95.
chapter
see
-The Fortune", p.
21 Lawrence Gushee, The "Musica disciplina" of Aurelian of Reome: A Critical
and Commentary. Ph.D.
, Yale University (19621,
176 note 1.
22 Boethius, with passages taken over by Aurelian in italics: MQuod scilicet quontotum in ratione ac speculatione positum
musicae deputabitur,
isque est musicus,
ad est facultas secundum speculationem rationemve propositam
ac musicae convenientem de modis QC rythmis deque generibus cantilenarum ac
permixtionibus ac de omnibus, de quibus posterius explicandum
ac de poetarom
carminibus iudica1Idi,"
)9

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

279

Chapter five is a very close but not literal paraphrase of the Ety~
mologiae. 23 After following Isidore through "cuius genera in quindecim partibus musici dividerunt, ex quibus hyperlydius novissimus
et acutissimus, hypodorius omnium gravissUnus n IEtymologiae Ill.
xx.7-8L Aurelian is reminded of Cassiodorus's fifteen tones and
conflates that mentally, then in his text, with Isidore's continuing
but unnumbered defmitions of cantus, arsis, thesis and descriptions
of various vocal inflections. 24
A similar compensation for a misreading is made in chapter Six,25
where Aurelian makes deliberate changes to the diagrams of Boethius's De arithmetica as transmitted in Valenciennes, Bibliotheque
Municipale 148, the 'earliest Aurelian manuscript. Working from the
diagrams, Aurelian has difficulty reconciling them with Boethius's
text, which he misreads and then corrects. The problem is in Boethius's chapter xlviii, UWhy the mean just described. is called. harmonic". Boethius explains that the interval of the fourth is derived
from the harmonic mean, with a diagram as an illustration. In the
diagram, we see two "harmonic" series: 3 4 6 above and 2 3 6 below. Interpreting the diagram, Boethius writes that the number six
is twice three, or, in the other series, it is thrice two. Thus, between
three and six comes the Hdifference" of three, and between two and
six comes the "difference" of four, numbers which, used in a ratio,
represent the interval of the fourth.
Aurelian (and another j were Ic onfused by the table and its explanation. They saw the two harmonic series given by Boethius, but
did not understand why he was insisting in the text on the difference instead of the hannonic mean between the two end numbers.
As a result, they reversed the numbers 3 and 4 not only in the text
but also in the diagram.
Now had Aurelian read chapter xlvii on the properties of the barmonic mean, he would have understood, for there Boethius ex
On this chapter. see Gushee, The Musica disciplina, pp. 191-4, and, Pizzani,
Fortune", p. 134.
24 In fact, Isidorus IBtym 0 logiae , Ul.xx.7) borrows some phrases from Cassiodorns's Jmtitutiones II.viii.
25 On chapter six, see Pi zzani , 'The Fortune". pp. 133-4.
23

~The

Haggh

280

the two harmonic


346
2 3 6. In the first
6
is 1/3
than 4 and 4 1/4 greater than 3.
the second series 6
is 1/2 greater than 3 and 3 is Vs greater than 2, A modem algebraic
harmonic mean.26
equation is ablb-c=aJc, with b
Aurelian also adds
headings J'sesqualter diapente" and
son
to another
an evident completion of it.
Munich manuscripts with
De institutione arithmetica do the
27
same.
Much of chapter six alludes to Cassiodorus, but Aurelian
its
Ul
chapter. After
almost literal copy
sense at the beginning
from Boethius's De institutione arithmetical AureHan gives a Cassiodorian list of the fifteen Greek
taken from the"
interpolated form" descended from the Delta complex of Mynors and re
produced exactly.29 Bernhard
that Aurelian's only omissions
from the citations of Cassiodorus, in sentences 37 and 43{ show
understanding, but memory or miscopying might
be responsi30 The final sentence of the chapter, "Unde
quoniam yperlidius tonis omnium acutissimus septem tonis precedit ypodorium,
omnium gravissimum 'l is taken verbatim from '-'....
Chapter seven
inspired by Boethius. The
from
11 Kings
a paraphrase introduced to the Boethius material as an
This book of the Bible was read as part of the liturgy in
the month of July and was thus a text well known to any monk.
Chapter eight the most problematic of the
The opening
Byzantine order
introduction presenting the eight tones in
y

..... ...., ..... ' ......

Godofredus Friedlein,
de Institutions Arithmetica libri duo,
De instirutiol1e musica libri quinque ILeipzig, 1867, repr. Frankfurt, 1
and also
JeanYves GuiHaumin,
-Institution Arithmetique (Paris, 1995).
two num
bers are reversed in the
institutione arithmetica in
eleventh-c. Munich,
ische Staatsbibliothek, elm 64-05.
manuscripts are
27
Gushee, Aureliani Reomensis "'MusicQ di.sciplina", p. 73.
18480,
the
the ninth and tentb-c. Munich
elm 3517,
eleventh-c.
twelfth-c_ elm 1
UI Gushee, The ftMusica disc;plina", pp. 1
29 See
uThe
, p. 113, on
fifteen
also listed by AlypiU8
The "Musica disciplina", pp. 160-1,
and Albinus as well as Cassiodorus, and
Ui

I found

ll

192-4..
30

Bernhard, "Thxtkritisches", p. 53.

281

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

shares enough
with Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek
2269 (thirteenth C.), fo1. 7v, and 5271 (sixteenth c.), fo1. 38v where
the text
attributed to Alcuin, that a common source can be assumedY These texts are certainly related to a treatise preceding the
'tonary of Metz' in Metz, Bib. Mun. 351 (archetype from the second
third of the ninth century),32 which, like Aurelian's text, illustrates Uprotus with Abel and Ildeuterus 'l with the book of Deuteronomy, FinallYI two Aquitanian tonaries, Paris BNF Lat. 776 and
1084, share texts with Aurelian, but they vary and must
later
than Aurelian and the Vienna manuscript.
Michael Bernhard has pointed to the common passages between
Aurelian viii,10-19 and an anonymous De modis but this text is
surely derived from Aurelian and not the reverse. 53 It is ce,rtainly in
the style of Aurelian in that the anonymous author cites chants as
examples throughout, and it found in two manuscripts containing
Aurelian, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canoruci Mise. 212 and Cesena
Biblioteca Malatestiana, pIut. XXVL1. J4 The illustration of the
parapteres with chants must be later than Aurelian, who never
chants for them and seems not to know such examples.
Having introduced the ecclesiastical modes, Aurelian then proceeds to a discussion of the eight celestial motions, identified in
j

fl

31
in Michel Huglo, Les tonaires (Paris, 1971). p.
and his
sion of the problem on
41-56,
most recently. his IIReview
Hartmut Mollef, IIZur
der musikgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der 'Academia' am Hofe Karls
des Grossen: Die 'Musica Albini',
Festschrift Werner Bral.m !Saarbnlcken, 1993)1
pp. 269-88, in Scriptorium: Bulletin codicologique 48 (1994/2}. no. 646. IMight the
singer with the pseudonym ldithun
Anstrannus,
Charlemagne's court
who
bishop of Verdun 800?; see David Hiley. Western Plainchant [Oxford,
1993), pp. 522-31 The "de octo torus" manuscripts are
discussed in Gushee,
Aureliani Reornensis "Musica disciplina-, pp. 39-41, and Gushee, The ~Musica disciplina", pp.
and 204-8.
32 Huglo, Les tonaires, p. 31.
13 Bernhard, p. 58, signals the edition by Thrence Bailey, "De modis ..
A new edition and explanation"/ Kirchenmusikalische.s Jahrbuch 61/62 (1977178),
pp. 47-60.
)4
especially Bailey's comparison of
with.
De modis. p. 48. On
these manuscripts, see Gushee, Ameliani Reomensis NMusica disciplina
43-4,
45-7.
A ...' ..........

lf

Barbara
viii.22 and 28 as "seven of the
and one of that which
called the zodiac",
with the aplanes, because
of the zodiac move
direction opposite from the
This
inspired more by
s De natura rerum,
passage IS
than by Macrobius's Commentary on Cicero's Dream of
Aurehan refers to stars and
planets, the latter
in
but never to spheres, as
Macrobius. (In chapter three,
Aurelian takes his description
from Amalarius
of Metz, perhaps also
Isidore's Etymologiae HI
but not from Macrobius as
suggests.) Nevertheless, sources
not been
for this
chapter viii of the Musica disciplina
securely
.35 Aurelian's word aplanes is
especially in
Macrobius,
the former includes no other
from that
The references to biblical texts
to Isidore are only approximations and are often taken out
. In sum, this chap" in the treatise.
ter may well be
Aurehan's annotated tonary, which is not modelled after known
tonaries and stands
of this investigation, alludes to very
authors
none are cited literaHy.36 In
a problematic chant, paraphrasing
from the book
of
subject is the responsory
derived from the
with the same text incipit. 31 The usual verse for the responsory is not from Esther but from Psalm 8(9):20, Exsurge Domine
non confortetur homo, and
disjunction of meaning is unacceptable to Aurelian, who points to writers who have
psalm with
Antichrist and the Devil. Again/ his
"L'harmonie des spheres seton
4 11929),
Michel Foussard, "Aulae
Introduction, texte, traduction et
notes, Cahlers archeologiques 21 11971). pp.
which the number
is associated with the octoechos and
miracle story of the
has a long history beginning
Am-eiian, but there is no
that Aurelian borrowed it from a Dre,eX1~~ting source. The best
of the Musica disciplina "tonary"
Perry Ponte HI, Aureliani
"Musica Disciplina": A Revi~d Text, Translation,
and Commentary, Ph O.
Brandeis University, 1961.
Ott, Offertoriale Th37
is AMS no. 197 and is transcribed by
is CAO 7511; its verse
plex
repr. 1985). no. 72 .
is only in the Ivrea MS.

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

283

ence was easily made from memory, and the problem of the mismatched verse is contemporary to the treatise. 38
There are a few allusions to other sources in chapter nineteen. In
an explanation of how notes and accents should be distributed at
the end of nocturnal responsories (xix.57), Aurelian uses waves as a
metaphor: "Et hoc secundum musicos qui non amplius quam quinque assevere maris undas, et ex eisdem omnes eximeri procellas n,
There are several passages in chapter 22 of the anonymous Alia musiCQ about waves, perhaps taken from Vitruvius, who is cited at the
beginning of the chapter, but in the Alia musicQ they are used to explain the relationships between the pitches of the modes and the
modes themselves, and the number of waves is eight not five as in
Aurelian. This is not enough evidence for a common so.urce between Aurelian and the Alia musica.39
Significant for the geographic and temporal placement of the treatise are the citations in chapter twenty and between the explicits. 40
Here Aurelian cites Amalarius of Metz, several explanations of the
mass, a biography, and hagiographical writings, all of these recent
or even contemporary to him.
At the very beginning of chapter twenty, it is difficult to determine a source for Aurelian's discussion of the nature and origin of
responsorial psalmody, because this topic was treated by several
authors- At n.5-g, Aurelian conflates sources, as he has earlier in
his treatise. He foUows Isidore in placing the origin of antiphonal
psalmody with the Greeks, but abandons him when he claims that
St Ambrose introduced antiphonaJ psalmody following the Greek example. Aurelian now takes information but not text from St Augusti38

See Kenneth Levy, "Abbot Helisachar's Antiphoner", Gregorian Chant and the

Carolingians {Princeton, 1998" pp. 178-86, especially pp. 179-80.


39 The passages in the Alia musica are, MNam in undis maris et flu mina semper
magis sonat prima unda quam VII . sequentes. .. . MDe undis maris et fluminum,
quomodo redeant, phlsicorum peritia pertractat, ... . MPorro quod adiecit, nona unda
octave similis est, nihil mirum, cum et nons. chorda octave adeo similis sit, ... " "De
tonitruis sicut et de undis humane phylosophie unam disputationem ponere supersedi".
060 On this chapter, see Ponte, Aureliani Reomensis, pp. 233-6, and Gushee, The
"Musica disciplina, pp. 162-9.

284

Barbara Haggh

Confessiones, where Amhrose's inspiration is left


and he
credited with his action of introducing antiphonal psalmody apud
Latinos. Indeed, Augustine assigns an Eastern but not a Greek
gin to the antiphon. 41 Aurelian's definition of the responsory is from
Isidore as well (in V, F and RC}, but later scribes (the RP groupj added
a brief clarification explaining how responsorial and antiphonal
psalmody differ. It is worth noticing that the Liber glossarum of the
ninth century, a manuscript type disseminated from Corbie, includes
from Isidore as definitions of "antiphona" and
sponsorium//. This glossary was in the libraries of Auxerre, Fleury,
and perhaps also St Amand, as well as at Corbie {see the Thble below J.
passages from
and the Liber glossarum are given
here for comparison, and reveal that the Liber glossarum conflates
its definitions from the Etymologiae and De ecclesiastic is officiis. AureHan does not copy any text verbatim but comes closest to expressing the ideas of
De ecclesiasticis officiis.
Isidorus, Etymologiae VI
(ed. LindsaYI voL I, p. 246; PL 82,
j

252):

Antiphona ex Graeco interpretatur vox reciproca: duobus scilicet


choris altematim psallentibus ordine commutato, sive
uno ad
unum. Quod genus
Graeci invenisse traduntur.
Responsorios Itali tradiderunt. Quos inde responsorios cantus vacant,
quod alio desinente id alter respondeat. Inter responsorios autem et
antiphonam hoc differt, quod in responsoriis unus versum dicit, in
antiphonis autem versibus alternant chori.
lsidorus, De ecclesiasticis officiis Lvii led. Law50n, pp. 7-8; cf. PL 83,
744):

VII. De antiphonis. Antiphonas Greci primi conposuerunt duobus


choris altematim concinentibus quasi duo
duoque testamenta inuicem sibi conclamantia. Apud Latinos autem primus idem
beatissimus Ambrosius antiphon as instituit Grecorum exemplum imitatus; exhlnc in
occiduis regionibus earum usus increbuit.
VIII. De responsoriis. Responsoria ab Italls longo ante
sunt
reperta et uocata hoc nomine quod uno canente chorus consonando
41 See
McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature (Cambridge, 1987),
p. 154. no. 351.

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

285

respondeat. Ante autem id solus quisque age bat," nunc interdum unus
interdum duo vel tres communiter canent, choro in plurimis respondente.
Liber glossarum, from Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. Lat. 1773,
ninth C., from Lorsch, fol. 42r, col. Ill:
Antiphona: ex Graeco interpretatur vox reciproca antiphonas Graeci
primi composuerunt duo bus choris alternatim concinentibus quasi
duo seraphim duoque testamenta invicem sibi conclamantium. Apud
Latinos autem primus beatissimus Ambrosius antephonas instituit,
Graecorum exemplum imitatus ex hine eucum[ducJtis occiduis regionibus earum usus increvit duobus scilicet c[hJoris alternatim psallentibus ordine commutato sive de uno ad unum. Quod genus psallendi Graeci invenisse traduntur.
fol. 276v, col. Ill:
Responsorios Itali tradiderunt quor[um) inde responsorios cantus
vocant quod alio desinente id alter respondeat. Inter responsorios
autem et antiphonam hoc differt quod in responsoriis unlus] versum
dicit. In antiphorus autem versibus alternant c[h}ori.

Given Aurelian's reference to St Ambrose, one must ask why he


never mentions hymns, which appear prominently with antiphons
in the life of St Ambrose by Paulinus: "Hoc in tempore primum. antiphonae, hymni, ac vigiliae in ecclesia Mediolanensi celebrari coeperunt. Cujus celebritatis devotio usque in hodiemum diem non solum
in eadem ecclesia, verum per omnes pene Occidentis provincias
manet" (PL 14, 31D). Hymns are entirely absent from all tonaries;
their absence here confinns that Aurelian was not writing a general
introduction to chant but rather a glossed tonary.
Aurelian includes several passages explaining the mass, but searches
through the Expositiones missae known in his time reveal clear dependence only on Amalarius of Metz's Liber officialis, not on Primum
in ordine or on Amalarius's Canonis missae interpretatio. 42 Aurelian
paraphrases the Liber officialis III.xvii.l, but cites exactly a passage
I could not check Froben's edition of Amalarius's De divinis officiis libe.r. Cf.
Gushee, Aureliani Reomensis "Musica disciplina pp. 130-1, and idem, The "Music{J
discipHna, pp. 163-8.
4Z

286

Barbara Haggh

common to the two texts from from the book of Ezra. The passage
cited by Gushee from the anonymous Ordo romanus V/ no. 24 [xx.12)
is also no more than Aurelian/s paraphrase. What is interesting here
is that the genre of the expos ih'o missae was cultivated especially in
Burgundy, to judge from surviving manuscriptsY
Aurelian draws upon other texts as well. Most are changed
slightly, even the Biblical texts, but xx:27 and 29 stand out as the
only borrowings from Isidore's Etym%giae (III.xvi.2 and xvii .2-3),
borrowings so literal that a manuscript exemplar would have been
necessary. This is revealing, because the same manner of citation is
used for one of the texts between the two explicits, from the Miracula 5ancti Germani Au tissiodorens is, a text which Bemhard has
used to suggest a later date for the treatise."" Although Aurelian
never associates his story with St Germain d'Auxerre, the passage
closely resembles book Il, chapter 1 of the Miracula sanch' Germani
Autissiodorensium by Heiric of Auxerre (d. 875-880), which have been
dated most recently to 872-873. 4S Bernhard concluded that _Heiric
could not have borrowed from Aurelian, but admits the possible existence of an intermediate source. 46 Gushee already considered this
in his 1960 dissertation, but felt that the evidence was inconclusive. 47
In my opinion, Aurelian took this material almost literally from
Heiric and secondarily from Gregory, keeping beginnings and ends
They include, in chronological order, Anon. uPrimum in ordine", Anon. HDominus vobiscurn", Anon . "Quotiens contra", chapter "De ordine misse N in Hrabanus
Maurus "De institutione clericorum", works by Amalarius of Metz and Florus of
Lyons, and Remigius of Auxerre's uExpositio de celebratione missae". On these, see
Andr~ Wilmart, uExpositio missae", Dictionnaire d'arcbeologie et de liturgie chretienne", vol. V/l, especially cols. 1019-1027, and Micbel Huglo, "Review of E.C. Ratcliff, Expositio antiquae lirurgiae gallicanae, London, 1971", Scriptorium : Bulletin codicologique 26 11972/2), p. 411, no . 903 .
44 Bernhard, uTextkritisches, p. 60.
45 A summary of the argument on the date is on p. 101 in Saint-Germain d~ux
erre: Intellectuels et artistes dans l'Europe carolingienne ix-xi" siecles IAuxerre , 1990);
also see Pierre Janin, "Heiric d'Auxerre et les Gesta pontificum autissiodorensium",
Prancia 6 (1976). pp. 89-105.
46 Bernhard, MThxtkritisches", p. 60.
47 Gushee, The "MusicQ disciplina", pp. 168-9, A13-A1S.
43

AUREUAN'$ LIBRARY

287

of sentences and characteristic words of the Miracula, but paraphrasing or rephrasing internal material to his own purpose. For example, instead of insisting on the dialogue between the deacon' Petrus, and Gregory, he reworks Heiric's passage to include a quote
from Paul's second epistle to the Corinthians.48
Moreover, there is historical evidence pertaining to the Miracula
that has been overlooked before: Heiric's life of St Germain d/Auxerre in hexameters and the Miracula in prose were commissioned
in 864-865 by Lotharius, abbot of St Gennain d'Auxerre and son of
Emperor Charles the Bald. Lotharius is also listed directly after
"Bemardus bishop of Autun", thought to be Aurelian's dedicatee, as
abbot of Re6me in the list that served as the basis for Roverius's
cited by Gushee, a list found in Semur-en-Auxois,. Bibliotheque Municipale 1, fol. 76r, an early tenth-century manuscript compilation
of lives and liturgical 'texts for St Jean de Reome which. was surely
copied at the abbey, given the extent of the liturgical material included. 49 It seems very likely that the miracle was added to the Musica disciplina either at St Jean de Reome itself or even in Auxerre.
The passage in question is cited, with the material taken over most
literally by Aurelian underlined:
Heiric of Auxerre, Miracula Sancti Germani, book I, chapter 2 (AASS
Jul. VII, p. 258)
Reversus ex Britanniis, reliquias antiquissimi pretiosique Albani ,m artyris
secum detulit, atque infra mUTOS Autissiodori basilicam eis condendis
exaedificans, praefati Martyris nomine dedicavit; in qua ferunt quem-

dam

anxi~

religiosum deservisse presbyterum, qui inter cetera probitatis

II Corinthians 12:4 "quoniam raptus est in paradisum et audivit arcan-a verba


quae non licet homini loqui". Heiric of Auxene foMows this text more closely than
does Aurelian. who refers to "secreta verba", but Aureuan and Heiric agree in malt
ing Paul "fear", whereas Corinthians 12:4 does not. It is curious that Heiric, a
scholar who knew the Bible, inexplicably attributed to St Peter a statement made
by St Paul.
49 The discussion based on the book of Roverius is found in. Gushee, Aureliani
&omensis MMusica disciplina", p. 15; cf. Bernhard, "Textkritisches", p. 60. The
names as they appear in the list of abbots of R~6me in the manuscript are ubernardus augustid[unensis] ep~scopuls, then -lotharius fili(us) Caroli".
68

288

Barbara Haggh

studia id sibi familiare effecerat, uL signo basilicae semoris increpante,


corpus e lecto corripiens, ad ecclesiam quam celerrime properaret: dumque ejusmodi erga divinum servitium instaret vigilantia, una nocti-

um, cum a propria egrederetur domo, quae supradicta basilicae adhaerebat, angelicum audivil chorom, harmonica concinentem consonantia, AIleluia, cum ps. CXLVIII, qui inscribitur Laudate Dominum de caelis,
ad finem usque psalterii. Qui attonitis auribus ad ostium oratorii auscultans diligentius, eamdem memoriter didicit modulationem.
Era! au/em AIIeluia quod nostra ecclesia Septuagesimae tantum die Dominica, cum supra memorato Psalmo modulari consuevit, quod in prima
versu semel, in secundo his, in lertio tribus reciprocatum vicibus, in quarto
demum reiteratur a capite: quantum autem rear, in honorem sanetae et
individuae 1hnitatis competenler canilur. Id cum teneret memoria, convQcatis post solemne matutinum Fratribus [Aurelian corrects to "dericis"], traditaque, quam perceperat, revelatione, ut res faret testatior,
modulationem quoque compertam eos edocuit: cuius omnis suavitas
protinus a mente illius ita elapsa est, ut non nisi vocabuli solummado
deinceps reminisci potuerit. Quod ei jure contigisse putatur, ut is, qui
in timata sibi secreta caelestia inconsulte prodidiC aliis id ad laudem
Dei retinentibus, sua solius ignorantia puniretur. Quod Petrus ApastoIus se metuere significans, fatetuT, se audisse arcana verba, quae non lice! homini loqui. El Johanni praecipitur, ne signet ea, quae locuta sunt
septem tonitrua. Animae quoque divina speculanti jubetur: Audi Israel,
et tace. Multa apud idem oratorium recensentur collata beneficia,
cum in expulsione demonum, turn in illuminatione caecorum; in his
vero quam maxirne, qui diversa febrium accessione vexati, ad locum
se, Sanctorum imploratis patrociniis, contulerunt.

Another miracle story was placed with the Auxerre tale between
the two explicits. Aurelian introduces the two stories as examples of
angelic singing on earth, after proclaiming that angelic song is ruled
by the discipline of music (as he has described it!. These stories are
entirely in keeping with the style of the treatise, which uses chants
throughout as illustrations, but they are unusual, too, because no
other music treatise includes miracles, a genre usually disseminated
with other hagiographical or liturgical writings.

289

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

The story preceding Heiric's, about the responsory Cives apostolorum (CAO 6289) tells of a monk from the monastery of St Victor in
Le Mans who makes a pilgrimage to a basilica dedicated to St Michael the Archangel on Mount Gargano, where he heard a choir of
angels singing Cives apostoiorum. As Gushee explains, St Michael
was known as a place of pilgrimage and site of miracles, but no collection of them was found by the Bollandists. 50
A closer analysis of the content of this story suggests that it might
have been created from and inspired by several sources. Besides
serving as an example of angelic singing, this story describes again
another problematic responsory verse that was changed, and, like
the Gaude Maria virgo miracle in chapter fifteen, invokes Rome to
iend sanctity to a curious responsory.
Three similar stories circulated in the ninth and 'tenth centuries
about Cives apostoiorum, two from St Gall. Ekkehard in chapter
eleven of his Casus Sancti Galli tells the story of the introduction of
the palatine chant of Metz at St Gall by two singers. 51 They are received by Emperor Otto I at St Gall, and all [of the monks at St Gall}
sing the responsory Gives apostolorum.
More closely related to Aurelian, but nevertheless different, is the
story from the De Gestis Beati Karoli Magni, book 11, probably by
Notker Balbulus, dated c. 884 and certainly between 883 and 887.$2
As an introduction to a story about Pippin the Short killing a lion,
the author writes that the chant Gives apostolorum was created. by
the Romans when Pippin, having vanquished the Lombards, went
to Rome out of devotion and was greeted by the singing of it:
Longobardis vel caeteris hostibus Romanos infestantibus, miserunt
legatos SUDS ad eumdem Pippinum, ut propter amorem sancti Petri
sibi quantocius in auxilium venire dignaretur. Qui absque mora subjugatis hostibus, orationis tantum gratia Romam victor ingreditur;et a
civibus hac laude suscipitur: Gives apostolorum et domestici Dei adve-

nerunt hodie portantes pacem, et illuminantes patriam; dD.re pacem gentiGushee, The "Musica disciplina", pp. 161-2. I found no
the PL database or in GalIia Christiana.
50

51
52

PL 66, 759B-C,
PL 9B, 1404.

evid~ence

of this story in

290

Barbara Haggh

bus, et liberare populum Domini, Cujus vim canninis


originem quidam ignorantes. hoc natalitiis apostolorum canere consueverunt.

Finally, a third story associates the singing of Gives apostolorum


with the reception of the
of
Corneille and
Cyprien at
in the ninth
King Charles
Bald. Charbrought
the relics from Rome, three thousand
and miracles occured, A cross was elevated in
came to see
of
and Charles founded clergy under
age of St Corneille which he made
to
of Notre Dame,
former patron of the church. The relics of St Corneille were
in the crypts. S3
In the Musica disciplina, the story is
to
basilica of
Michael, which is convenient, because the verse cited here as belonging to Czves apostoiorum originally, Emitte Dominum spiritum
tuum, was then already widely
with
only corresponding responsory Venit Michael Archangelus cum multitudine angelorum (CAD
7834], which was surely sung
a church dedicated to
archangel. Introducing Cives apostolorum necessitated a change in verse,
the verse appearing with this responand In omnem terram is '
sory in the
and Compiegne antiphoners.
this story
and Lothar,
and
Auxerre story can be traced to Charles the
his
was abbot of St Gennain d 'Auxerre and of Jean de Reome
it seems quite possible that the
were added in Burgundy in
later ninth century to an earlier version of the treatise.
the collage of biblical stories preceding
final explicit indiby
we add
Mary Magdalene Ixx.
cf. Luke 7:47)
the
at xx.
where
compares Paul the last apostle and Benjamin the last leader of the
tribes Israel
9:8).
In conclusion, we do an injustice to Aurelian by passing
the
Musica disciplina as a patchwork lacking originality. In
time,
scholarship
music especially were living arts not entirely frol

!i~

PL 1
1-1374, from Lebeuf "Recueil
divers
pour
d'eclaircissements a )'Histoire de France: monuments historiques sur Charlemagne et
Charles le Chauve",

AUREUAN'S LIBRARY

291

zen in WTiting. Aurelian, who was not the textual critic of today,
was remembering as best he could the well-known texts about music of his time and citing them textually only where he felt it was
necessary. Further analysis will be needed to determine whether he
was following known procedures of his time. In any case, his manner of bringing together diverse texts from memory is strikingly
reminiscent of the orally transmitted techniques of composing contemporaneous chant. 54 A writer of some rhetorical talent, Aurelian's
abilities were unfortunately obscured by the scribes who perpetuated his name.
Memory has its limits however, and Aurelian could certainly not
remember diagrams without recourse to the source; he also had difficulty with numbers, lists, and definitions. It is certain that he had
an important library available to him at some time before he wrote
the Musica disciplina / because he draws upon a wide range of sources,
most found in the major ninth-century libraries. Yet at the moment
of redaction, a small, selective library would have sufficed. From
the evidence of the Musica disciplina, Aurelian's library would have
needed to contain a glossed copy of Boethius's De institutione musica, Boethius's De arithmeticQ, and the Etymologiae and De officiis
eccIesiasticis of Isidore, also, if Aurelian was indeed the author here,
the Miracula Sancti Gennani. That an ejected monk would have
worked from a small number of manuscripts in his own possession
is a scenario entirely in keeping with our knowledge of book ownership by musicians throughout the Middle Ages.
What is revealed by the little disseminated works influencing
Aurelian? These include the Boethius glosses, the poems of Venantius Fortunatus (d. c. 600t, the expositions on the mass, and the miracles. It is remarkable that all but the poems of Fortunatus, who was
bishop of Poitiers and an important presence in Paris, can be traced
to the Fleury-Auxerre orbit, not far from the abbey of St Jean de
Pizzatll, MThe Fortune, p. 134, observes a similar Utechnique": ... the De Harmonica Institutione of Reginald of Priim, who died in 915. It is no more than a mosaic of passages clipped whole frem Boethius, with a sprinkling of contaminations
frorn Martianus Capella, Macrobius. Ca ssiodoTUS , the Bible and Aurelianus Reos.&

mensis

292

Haggh

Reome.
of Fortunatus were copied in Autun. The circulation of these
corresponds well with the numerous parallels
writings of
Aurelianls Musica disciplina
Auxerre, who
draws upon
treatises by uU''';;'U
but
cites other common texts, the antiphons of the Boethius
and the gloss on IItemporum vanetate", the Gaude Maria responsory
and Juvencusls preface to book 4 of his ecclesiastical history.55
Last,
has this analysis disclosed about Aurelian? That he
was a monk and a music teacher cannot be doubted of his citations and the fact
was asked
his Jlbrothers"
write are
of that.
can also imagine an older man
absolution from youthful
wistfully remembering lithe
of
novehy with
slips.
old and mixing wisdom
the
we can come to
the thoughts and sounds of
the world of which he was a
56
If,

See notes 11, 19, and 21 above, and Colette Jeudy,


Remi d~ux, L'ecole carolingienne d'Auxerre IParis, 1 1), pp. 383-4.
56 This essay is
a study in progress on the Musica dl.$ciplina.
in
Visegnld (Cantus Planus 1998) as tiThe Miracle
Responsory Gaude Maria Virgo
and
Relationship to the
Musica disciplina in Valenciennes,
Municipale. MS 148/1, J am grateful to the
of North Texas for
for research undertaken during the summer
1998, and to
introducing me tCl his
5S

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

293

Table: Aurelianls sources


Sources in alphabetical order by author with passages cited, followed by
the chapter and sentence where the reference occurs in Lawrence
Gushee's edition of the MusicQ disciplina, the latter in parentheses IRoman
upper-case numbers = book, Roman lower-case numbers = chapter, Arabic
numbers = sentence), then the location of any manuscript sources of the
work in question in AUX (Auxerre inventory by Guy Lobrichon\, COR 1 or
eOR2 ICorbie inventories of the early and later eleventh centuryl, FL
(Fleury inventory made 6 December 1552), IM (Index maior of St Amand
dated 1150-1159), or as discussed by Ganz Ion Corbiel or Mosterl (on
FleWYl. Shelf numbers of surviving manuscripts appear in brackets . .Editions not cited by Gushee or Bemhard are indicated next to the work in
question.
ABBREVlATIONS

Guy Lobrichon, Liste proviso ire de manuscrits d'origine et de provenance auxerroise {DC-xr siecleJ. Unpublished printout.
Bernhard Michael Bemhard, ~Thxtkritisches zu Aurelianus Reomensis",
cited in note 1.
COR 1
Emest Coyecque, Catalogue gen~a! des maJtuscrits des bibliotheques publiques 'de France vol. 19 (Paris; PIon, 1893), pp. Xl-XII
[Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg . Lat. 520]
COR2
Ibid., pp. XIII-XX [Bibliotec8. Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 520)
Ganz
David Ganz, Corbie in fhe Carolingian Renaissance (Sigmaringen:
Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1990\.
FL
Charles Cui ssard , Catalogue genha] des manuscrits des biblioth~ques publiques de France vol. XII (Paris: PIon, 1889), pp.
VII-XVIIl.
Mostert
Mareo Mostert, The Library of Fleury: A Provisional List of Manuscripts {Hilversum: Verloren, 19891.
lM
Index maior, the oldest apparently complete inventory of the library of the abbey of St Amand (Paris BNF Lat. 1850, fols. 199v
ff., published in Leopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la
Biblioth~que Nationale vol. 3 (Paris, 1881). pp. 449-58].

AUX

294

Barbara Haggh
BIBLIOGRAPHY

A1cuinus? De octo tonis (viii.1-21)


IM no. 93 Isidorus de rethorica et dialectica, cum disputatione Albini
et Karoli etiam de diaIectica et rethorica, et cum allis opusculis Hucbaldus [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun. 38601d].
IM no. 94 Albini et KaroH eadem disputatio [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun.
405] .
Amalarius: Bernhard, p. 52, points out that Aurelian jxii.6; xix.8S} uses the
masculine for invitatory and responsory as well as the neuter as does
Amalarius.
Amalarius Canonis missae interpretatio 73 (xx.20-21)
Amalarius (Pseudo) De divinis officiis liber xxxix (xx.17)
IM no . 105 Amalarius de divinis officiis
Amalarius /pseudo) De regula S. Benedicti praecipui abbatis (x.25)
AmaJarius (Pseudo-) Expositio missae Ixx.12J
Amalarius Liber de ordine antiphonan'i v (ili .14J
AmaJarius Liber officialis Ill. xvii, 1 (xx.13), III.xvi.3 (xx.17)
Anonymous Alia Musica Ixix.57)
Anonymous De modis (viii .10-19)
Anonymous Expositio missae "Primum in ordine" jxx.20-2I)
Known in Northern France, at Corbie [St Petersburg Q I 34] and else
where 57
Anonymous Ordo romanus V, no. 24 (xx.12, 17)
Augustinus Confessiones IX. vii (xx. 7)
AUX [Paris BN Lat. 1913AJ from St Germain dJAuxerre (F. M. Carey)
and later at the abbeys of St Peter in Ghent, then at the abbey of
St Thierry in Reims in the twelfth century. See Elisabeth Pellegrin,
"Les manuscrits de Loup de Ferrieres. Apropos du ms. Orl~ans 162
11391 corrige de sa main", Bibliotheques Retrouvees: Manuscrits, Bibliotheques et Bibliophiles du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance (Paris: Editions
du CNRS, 1990), pp. 131-57, especially p. 144 on BN Lat. 1913A.
CO RI no . 19 Retractio in libris Confessionum Augustini
See Andre Wilmart, 'Un traite sur la messe copie en Angleterre vers I'an 800',
Ephemerides iiturgJcae 1936, pp. 133-9. Reverend Pierre Marie Gy kindly supplied
this information at short notice. Also see Andre Wilmart, MExpositio missae", Dictionnaire d'arche%gie et de lirurgie ch re tien ne , vol. V/1 (19221. cols. 1019-20.
57

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

295

eOR2 no. 3 Augustini liber confessionum [Paris BN Lat. 12224]

FL no. 297 Libri confessionum Augustini


Augustinus De musica I.ii.2 (ll.l)
eOR2 no. 37 [Paris BNF Lat. 13375, Ganz, pp. 139-40)
IM no. 79 Augustini musicae duae [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun. 385)
Beda De arte metrica jiv.3, vili.26)
AUXlST AMAND Remigius of Auxerre wrote a commentary on Bede's
De arte metrica: see Colette Jeudy, "Voeuvre de Remi d'Auxerre H ,
L'Ecole cQTolingienne dj<\uxerre. ed. Dominique 10gnawPrat et al. (Paris:
Duchesne, 1991), p. 386 [Valenciennes, Bib. MUll. 390],
eOR2 no. 72
Ganz, p. 134 and 138 [Paris BNF Lat. 13025 and 13377]
Ganz, pp. 140-1 [Paris BNF Lat. 14088]
Ganz, p. 146 [Paris BNF Lat. 7569]
IM no. 102 Beda de metric a arte, cum vita sancti Amandi a Milone
versifice edita, et cum libro ejusdem Milonis de sobreitate [Valenci
ennes, Bib. Mun. 414]
Beda De natura rerum XIII (viii.26)
eOR2 no. 70 [Paris BNF Lat. 13403]
FL no. 254 [Paris BNF Lat. 1615, version close to Melk 412 - belonged to Heiric of Auxerre but later at Fleury, Mostert p. 243)
IM no. 100 Beda tres de naturis rerum et de temporibus [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun. 166, 114 and 343]
Benedictus Regula VII .21 (Preface. 131
AUX? [Orl~, Bib. Mun. 149, Flewy or Auxerre according to Bischoff]
IM no. 123 Martirologium Jeronimi et 8edae, cum regula sancti Benedicti
Boethius De institutione arithmetica 1I.48 Ivi.11-26)
eOR2 nos. 76,19
FL no. 89
IM -166 Boetii aribnethicae duae
w

Boethlus De institutione musica 1.10 with glosses, 1.2/ 1.34 lii.10-16, 22-25,
iii.I-20, iv.12a-14, vii.2-81
After Charlemagne's palace library was dissolved Isee note 12 above),
Corbie was important, having five copies of the De institutione musica
of which four survive.

296

Barbara Haggh

COR2 nos. 76,77,78.81.87 Boethius muska [Paris BNF Lat. 13020,


13908, and 14080, Ganz, p. 22,34,79,1
pp. 1
Boethius musica and
[paris BNF
13955J
FL no. 186 Boetius
harmonica institutione
Mostert,
259 [Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
Lat. 215. Fleury
or Thurs?]
IM no. "1 Boetii musicae duae
Cassiodorus Imtitutiones n
,7-9 It3,5, vi,3-6,8-9,29-43, vili.4}
AUX Cassiodorus Institutiones n and Augustine De Musica If 11.
12,26 [Malibu Ludwig XII. 1, ninth century from
d'Auxerre sold by Sotheby's in 1988, is comparable with two other sources
of Cassiodorus H, Bern, Burgerbibliothek 212 IMostert,
64; fols.
111 126 from Northern France or Fleury) and Bern, Burgerbibliothek
234 {not
Mostert)]
IM no. 44 Cassiodorus
artibus
disciplinis
studiorum
[Valenciennes, Bib. Mun. 172)
Cicero De finibus bonorum et ma/orum V.xxx.92 IPreface.l
Magnus Dialogii rv.xxviL 10-13 (xx.43-44}
AUX [Orleans, Bib. Mun. 1821
eOR2 no. 1 Gregory dialogorum liber
no. 148, 280 Libri dialogorum domini Gregorii papae
IM nos. 86 and 280 Gregorii ~"U""};.I,l.
IM no. 281
dialogus cum libro pronostricorum [Valenci.
ennes,
MUD. 175].
(Hi.l
Gregorius Magnus Homilia
COR2 no. 154 Gregorti omeliarum libri quatuor.
Heiricus Autissiodoreosis Miracula S. Germani, Lii [xx.37-451
AUX (see
Iogna-Prat, "
Miracula sanch Germani
l'architecture
de
temoignage
textes" Aboo)'e SaintGermain dj4,uxerre: IntellectueIs et Artistes
dam l'Europe Carolingienne
Siecles, ed. Christian Sapin, Aux
erre: Abbaye SaintGermain, 1990, pp. 97-1041
IM no. 143 Vita sancti Eligii, cum vita sancti Germ.a.ni Autisioderensis
Isidorus
ecclesiastici8 officiis I. vii Ixx.61
.............LL, p. 130 [St Petersburg Lat Q v I 15]
I

AURELlAN'S LlBRARV

297

FL no. 171 lsidorus de origine officiorum, quorum ministerio in ecclesiis erudimur


Fleury [Paris BNF Lat. 6400, ace. Lawson]58
IM no. 137 Vitae patrum cum Libro Isidori de officiis
Isidorus Etymologiae II.xxiv.3 (vili.29), II.xxlv.lS (viii.31), Ill. xv-xvi
(ii.1-9,28, viii.38), IU.XYl.2 (xx.271, IIl.xvii.2-3 (i.4, 14, xx.29), IIl.xviii.3
(i.7, iv.I-2,4), III.xxii.2 (i. IS), IIl.xix-xx (v. 1-25), VLxix.7-8 (xx.5,8-9),
VI.xix-xxi (x:x.16-17j
AUX [paris BNF Lat. 7584, Auxerre according to Bischoff, not in Mostert]
COR2 no. 191
Ganz, p. 131 [Paris BNP Lat. 13028]
Ganz, p. 146 [Paris BNF Lat. 14085]
FL no. 216
Mostert, pp. 49-50,57 (Bern, Burgerbibliothek 36, Fleury. or Auxerre,
probably Fleury; Bern, Burgerbibliothek 101, Fleury}
IM no . 90 Isidori ethimologiarum duo
IM no. 283 Isidorus ethimologiarum
Jeronllnus Epistola 57 ad Pammachium (Preface.ll
Jeronimus Epistola 77 ad Oceanum (Preface.17)
Jeronimus Epistola 81 ad Rufi,nu.m \preface.9)
Jeronimus Epistola 129 ad Dardanum IPrefaee.lJ59
Jeronimu5 Epistola 130 ad Demetriadem (Preface.lOI
AUX? Jerome Contra Rufmum and Epistula adversus Rufinum [Orleans, Bib. Mun. 153, Fleury-Auxerre according to Bischoff]
AUX? Letters of Jerome and Confessions of St Augustine [Paris BNF
Lat. 1913, origin at Fleury-Auxerre according to Bischoff but 151v-152r
from St Germain d 'Auxerre, not in Mostert]
sa Christopher M. Lawson ed. Isidorus Hispalensis, De ecclesiasticis officiis, eeL
vol. 113 ITumhout, 19891
59 AureLian is not citing the false letter of Jerome to Dardanus, no. 23, which has
the incipit "Cogor a te, ut tibi, Dardane n and is known for its references to musical
instruments. On the false letter and its musical references, see the discussion and
bibliography cited in Alma Colk Santosuosso, Paris, BibliotMque NatioJ1ok, foP1th
Latin 7211: Analysis, Inventory and 'Thxt, facsimile {Ottawa, 1991, pp. xc-xci, and especially Tilman Seebass, wThe illustration of Music Theory~, in: Anch~ Barbera,

ed., Music Theory and Its Sources: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, 19901,
pp. 214-21.

298

Barbara Haggh

eOR2 no. 172 Hieronymus contra Rufinum


BNF. 121
no. 12 Hieronymi ad papam Damasum epistolae
alios, quarum
prima est
Osianno
excelso
Jerome Epistola
no.
Hieronymi de omnibus divinae
libris
rM no.
Jeronimi quedam epistolae, minus breviarium ipsius
psalterio; dialogus ejusdem sub nominibus
et Critoboli compositus. Augustinus de engine amme. Item de <:'''''''1"''''''',,' Jacobi apostoli.
Cronica
episcopi. Liber apologeticus Orosii. In uno volumine
- Hucbaldus [Paris
Lat. 1863J
part 2 no. 252 Jeronimi epistolae,
voluminibus. In secunclo
libri ipsius
Danielem, ebraicarum
ebraicorum nominum, locorum, de
illustribus [Paris BNF Lat.

1883-1884]
Juvencus Evangelicae historiae,
. 4 preface liv.lll
19, 571 60
AUX? [Bern, Burgerbibliothek 534 Auxerre? IGuy Lobrichonj,
IPellegrin), St Gennain
Auxerre? (Bischoffl, Mosterl, p. 80]
no. 1 Evangeliorum quattuor libri
eOR2 nos. 202-203 Juvenci
Ganz, p. 138
Bib. Mun. 404]
FL no.
Juvencus Evangeliorum libri IV
Mostert, p. 264 [Biblioteca Apostolica Vat ic ana , Reg. Lat. 333 Fleury
or Auxerre]
[xx.5-9J
Liber
AUX {see David Ganz, "Heiric d'Auxerre, glossateur du Liber glossarum", L 'Ecole carolingienne d'Auxerre, ed. Doroinique Iogna-Prat, Paris:
1991,
297-312)
Ganz,
143 (paris, BNF
11529 and 11530]
IM no -153 Glosanus
Macrobius Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis b.12
14)
AUX Macrobius de sorono
[Bern, Burgerbibliothek 347,
from St
d'Auxerre (Bischoff), Mostert, p. 73]
B xii Auxerre or Fleury
Auxerre or Fleury [London BL Royal

60

Ed. Johann Huemer, Corpus scriptorum ecdesiarum i.atinorum


).

AURELlAN'S LIBRARY

299

(Mostert, p. 108): Leiden UB Voss. lat. F 12, 24v-26v (Mostert, p ..9211


Ganz, p. 153 Macrobius [Paris BNF N.A. Lat. 454)
FL nos. 84, 253, 286 [Biblioteca Apostolica Va ticana , Reg. Lat. 1587,
list of Michel Huglo, Mostert p. 284]
Fleury: see Bruce Barker-Benfield, "A Ninth-Century Manuscript from
Fleury [Paris BNF Lat. 16677, cf. Mostert, p. 236]: Cato de senectute
cum Macrobio," Medieval Learning and Literature: Essays Presented to
Richard W. Hunt (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), pp. 145-65
IM no. -191 Macrobius de somno Scipionis praemisso eodem somnio
Monachus Sangallensis De Caroio magno iLlS (xx.34)
Plautus Auiularia, 195 (Preface.9)
Sergius Explanatio in artem Donati (xvix.inscriptio)
Ganz, p. 134 [Paris BNF Lat. 13025, fol. 63vl
Socrates Historia ecclesiastica [M no. 31 vi.S (xx.3) [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun.
163)
FL no. 167 Liber acephalus, in cujus prima pagina Socrates et Sozomenus introducuntur
FL no . 247 Liher hlstoriae ecclesiasticae quam collegit anonymus quidam ex Theodoreto episcopo, Sozomeno et Socrate eamque latinitate
donavit; tripartita est historia
IM no. 31 Anon. Historia aecclesiastica [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun. 163]
Theodulf [bishop of Orleans and abbot of Fleury, d. 821) Carmina 26,9
(preface.18) and 25 (xx/50, cf. Bernhard, p. 58,601
Venantius Fortunatus Carmina 9.2.1 [iv.81
COR2 no. 139 Fortunatus de diversis rehus
Ganz, p. 142 Fortunatus carmina [St PetersbUf'g, Lat. F v XIV 1]1
Ganz/ p . 149 Fortunatus cannina libri XI [Paris BNP Lat. 8'090]
Ganz/ p. 154 Fortunatus carmina [Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Reg.
Lat. 329]
IM no. 122 Fo rtunatus , versifice de diversis opusculis, cum tractafu
ipsius de oratione dominica
Virgil Aeneid iv.336 (x:xA8, cf. Bemhard, p. 58} [Valenciennes, Bib. MWl.
368, 369 and fragments: 255 and 283]
AUX (Bern, Burgerbibliothek 167, origin in Brittany or Auxerre?,
Aeneid on fols. 54-80; Paris BN Lat. 7926, from Auxerre or Fleury and

300

Barbara Haggh

later at St Germain d'Auxerre; Paris BN Lat. 7929, a glossed Virgil


from Auxerre or Fleury]
eoRZ no. 298 Virgilii quinque integri
FL no. 146 Virgilii opera
IM no. 180 Virgilii duo [Valenciennes, Bib. Mun. 255, 283, 368, or
369?]

Cantus Planus 1998 -.J " Esztergom & Visegrad

301

DER OSTERREICHlSCHE nZISTHRZIENSERu TONAR


AUS DHM 12. JAHRHUNDHRT

Alexander Rausch

In zwei osterreichischen Quellen befindet sich neben anderen musiktheoretischen Thxten auch ein Thnar, der auf den ersten Blick
dem Wirkungskreis des vor 900 Jahren gegriindeten Zisterzienserordens anzugehoren scheint. Der Cod. 787 der 6sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek (WI, der im Jahr 1784 in die Wiener Hofbibliothek
gelangte, stanunt aus der ehemaligen Zisterzienserabtei Baumgartenberg (was der Besitzvermerk I/Pomerii montis/l aus' dem 16. Jahrhundert verrat). In einem noch heute bestehenden Stift desselben
Ordens,. in Zwettl, liegt die andere Handschrift mit der Signatur
Cod. 328 (ZJ. Beide Quellen dieses Registrum tonorum sind ins spate
12. Jahrhundert zu . datieren , wobei - was fur die Filiation van Bedeutung ist - der GroBteil von W (f. I-62v) etwas friiher, in die
zweite Halfte des 12. Jahrhunderts, angesetzt werden muS. 1 Eine
auf den Beschreibungen im RISM basierende Inhaltsangabe2 ihrer
musikalischen Thile zeigt, was Michel Huglo schon festgestellt hat:
da~ Z eine Kopie von W darstellt. 3

IS. Hermann Julius Hermann, Die deutschen romanischen Handschriften, Be


schreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Osterreich. Neue Fol
ge 11 (Leipzig, 19261, S. 195 (Nr. 1131.
.
Z ]oseph Smits van Waesberghe - Peter Fischer - Christian Maal, The Theory of
Music from the Carolingian Bra up to 1400. Volume 1, R~pertoire International des
Sources Musicales B 1111 (MUnchen - Dui sburg , 19611, S. 37-39 (W)und 48f. (Z),
3 Michel Huglo, Le.s 'lbnaires. Inventaire, Analyse. Comparooon, Publications de la
Societe Franc;aise de Musicologie UU2 (Paris, 1971), S. 184 Anm. 2.

Alexander Rausch

302

W 1EN 787
46v

47 -53v
53v-57v
57v-59v
59v
59v
59v
59v-60
60v
60v-61
61

61-62v
62v

63-70
70v

INHALT

ZWEITL

328

--------~G~ill~d~o-n~is-c~h-e~H~an-~d-------------------------------

Theoger von Metz

Registrum tonorum
Aribo !Exzerpte)
Glockenmensur De reponderatione
Glockenmensur Dimidium
Klangschrittlehre Quicumque I

Quam vis mille modis


Hermann, Thr tria iunctorum
Diapente et diatessaron
Qui cupias priscum
Frutolf, Quid teneat proprium
Procedens a throno
Guido VDn Arezzo, Micrologus
Ambituskreise
Hermann, Thr terni sun! modi

153-159v
159v-163v
Lakune
Lakune
Lakune
Lakune
164rv
164v-165
165
165

82v-84
84
84v

Da der zweite Teil von W (f. 63-7Ov) eine spatere Schicht ist, erstaunt es nicht, daB in Z Guidos Micrologus nicht vorhanden ist.
Auch die Guidonische Hand ist ein Nachtrag aus dem 13. Jahrhundert.4 Das Fehlen der kurzeren Texte jdarunter ein Thxt zur Klangschrittlehre mit dem Incipit "Quomodo organice moduletur")S erkHirt sich aus einer Lakune von 2-3 BlcHtern in Z, die auch den Anfang der Verse Quamvis mille modis und das Ende unseres Registrum
tonorum betrifft. Umgekehrt fehlen die bekannten Merkverse 1fr
terni sunt modi in W, die der Kopist von Z offenbar aus clner anderen Vorlage zur Verfugung hatte.
Abgesehen von der Provenienz der beiden Handschriften ist es
die Notation, die fur einen zisterziensischen Ursprung des Thnars
S. das Faksimile in Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, Musikerziehung. Lehre und
Theorie der Musik im Mitte/alter, Musikgeschichte in Bildem nU3 (Leipzig, 1969),
S. 138f. (Abb. 73).
5 Edition bei Michael Bernhard, .Ein weiterer Text zur Klangschritt-Lehre, Que/fen und Studien zur Musiktheone des Mittelalters 1. hrsg. von dems., Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Veroffentlichungen der Musikhistorischen Kommission
8 (Muncben, 1990), S. 68. - Dieser 'Text findet sich auch in Wien 787: s_ Michel
Huglo - Christian Meyer, The Theory of Music. Volume Ill: Manuscripts (rom the Carolingian Era up to c. 1500 in the Federal Republic of Germany (D-brd) , RISM B 111 3
(Munchen, 1986), S. 216.
4

DER OSTERREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSERtf. TONAR ...

303

spricht. Es handelt sich urn jene gotische Schrift auf vier Linien allerdings roit der Schhisselung D F a c nach Art der sog. IIKloster~
neuburgerJ/ Notation -, die sich durch besondere Formen der Virga,
des Pes und der Clivis auszeichnet und rur die nach Janka Szendrei
die Bezeichnung "Zisterzienser-Notation" am angemessensten ist. 6
Jeder Kirchenton wird mit einem Paar leoninischer Hexameter
verdeutlicht, wobei die Notation dieser Intonationsfonneln nur bei
den ersten flinf Modi ausgefUhrt wurde. Dabei wird jedem Kirchenton - stufenweise aufsteigend vom Unisonus bis zur gro~en Sext ein Intervall zugeordnet:
1. Thn Unisonus laequisonus)
n. Thn HalbtOD, Ganzton (limma, tonus)
Ill. Thn kleine Thrz \tonus cum limmate)
IV. Thn gro'e '!erz (ditonusl
V. Thn Quarte \diatessaronl
VI. Thn Quinte (diapentel
VII. Thn kleine Sext 13 toni + 2 Ii mma ta)
VIII. Thn gro&e Sext (diapente + tonus) (VIl,3)
groik Terz (ditonus) IVIII,3 = IV,2)

Der plaga~ proti hat den in gelehrter Weise als limma bezeichneten Halbton neben dem Ganzton, dem plagalis tetrardi werden irrtUmlich zwei verschiedene Intervalle zugeordnet, namlich die groie
Terz des IV. Thns zusatzlich zur systemgemien groien Sexte, die
schon beim VII. Modus jwenn auch eindeutig auf den VIII. bezo. gen) zitiert wird.
Der tiefere Sinn dieser Kombination van Intervallen und Kirchentonen diirfte darin liegen, dd der Sanger roit der jeweiligen Meladieforme1 (fonnula) zugleich ein bestimmtes Interval1 (modll.lum) 38soziieren konnte, wornr ja ofter (z.B. auch bei Bern und Hermann
von Reichenau) der Terminus modus verwendet wurde. 7
6 Janka Szendrei, wBeobachtungen an der Notation des Zisterzienser-Antiphonars
Cod. 1799- in der 6sterreichischen Nationaibibliothek Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 27 {1985" S. 273-90; Neumeotabellen auf S. 27Sf.
7 Diese Beobachtung verdanke ich Frau Dr. Pia Ernstbrunner.
M

304

Alexander Rausch

Ein Schreibfehler liegt (nur in W) offenbar beim HI. Kirchenton


vor, wo vor den elgentlichen Versen jene des 11. Modus wiederholt werden - jedoch ohne Notation. Wie Hartmut MalleT in
ner
das Quedlinburger Antiphonar gezeigt hat, sind
Worter, die vom Notator oh ne eventuelle sonstige Grunde ausgelassen werden, als getilgt aufzufassen. 8 Wahrscheinlich ist
einer
Rasur gleichkommende Verfahren
in unserem Fall angewandt
worden.
Beispiele aus dem Repertoire sind - mit einer einzigen Ausnahme nicht neumiert:
Initium des Introitus Fac mecu.m hat
(in W) adiastematische deutsche Neumen.
beeintrachtigt selbstverstandlich nicht
Thtsache, daB wir es
Handschriften zu tun
haben, die in und ffir Zjsterzienserkloster ange1egt wurden. Eine
here Untersuchung der Struktur des Thnars laSt jedoch Zweifel
uber seine Ordenszugehorigkeit aufkommen. Die Intonationsfonneln
Concinit equisoni ... werden zwar mit Zisterzienser Notation darge~
stellt, sie
aber den erlaubten Ambitus einer Dezime
(so reicht der melodische Aufstieg beim 1. Modus bis zur DuodezimJ. Schwerer wiegt der Umstand, da$! die Differenzen
Offiziumsantiphonen. wenn auch in der Anzahl gegenuber den groEen
deutschen Tonaren reduziert, nicht den Normen
Zisterzienser
entsprechen. Nur eine einzige Differenz haben der H. sowie (in
Ubereinstimmung mit der allgemeinen Tradition)
V. und VI.
Kirchenton; dagegen weist der I. Modus gleich fun! Psalmtonenauf, die ubrigen immerhin drei oder vier, wozu noch jeweils
der tonus prindpalis zu rechnen ist. Insgesamt kommen wir auf 21
gegenuber den 13 Differenzen. auf die sich die Zisterzienser
schranken. 9 So uberrascht es nicht, da~ wir in unserem Thnar auch
auf keine
weiteren Eigenschaften stoEen, die fur die Musiktheodieses Ordens charakteristisch sind, wie die Lehre von vier ma-

Hartmut Maller, Das Qued1inburger Anfiphonar (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek PreutH-

Kulturbesitz Mus. ms. 40047), Thil 1: Untersuchungen, '!eil 2: Edition und VeTzeichnisse, Teil 3: Fotografische Wiedergabe, Mainzer Sfudien ruT Musikwissenschaft,
9

1-3 {rutzing, 1990), Bd. 1, S. 28.


S. die Thfel
Huglo, Thnaires,

DER OmRREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSER" TONAR. ..

305

neriae und sieben finales oder die polarisierende Unterscheidung


zwischen reguUiren und irregularen Gesangen,10
Im Einleitungssatz werden drei Abte und ein M6nch genannt,
nach deren theoretischen Anweisungen der Kompilator des Thnars
sich gerichtet hat: Odo von Cluny, Bern von Reichenau, Wllhelm von
Hirsau und Guido. Bei dem letzteren ware es in unserem Zusammenhang verlockend, ihn mit Guido von Eu (Augensis) oder Guido
von Cherlieu zu identifizieren, doch lassen sich keine derartigen
Einflusse nachweisen und pa~t Guido von AIez.zo weit besser in die
Reihe der anderen Musiktheoretiker. Denn Odo von Cluny (t 942)
wird roit ziem1icher Sicherheit als Autor des die Kirchentone behandelnden Dialogus de mu.sica (GS I, 252-264) zitiert. l l
Auf einen Abt, der gar nicht genannt wird, gehen jedoch wesentliche Teile unseres Registrum tonorum zuriick: auf Uodalscalc von
Augsburg (t 1151\.12 Wie seit Huglos Studie bekannt ist, stammen
sowohl der Titel als auch die elWahnten Memorierverse von
Uodalscalc,13 nur wird sein Name durch die vier anderen Theoretiker ersetzt. Die Zuschreibung an den Augsburger Abt wird ubrigens
nicht nur durch die beiden Zisterzienser Codices in Frage gestellt,
sondern sie fehlt auch in dem (vom Herausgeber Philipp Jaffe nicht
beriicksichtigten) Manuskript Munchen Clm 9921. Diese Handschrift aus Ottobeuren enthaIt an zwei verschiedenen Stellen (f. 18v
und 39v1 die acht Distichen iiber die Thnarten,14 Auch die einleiten-

10 Vgl. Sarah Fuller, "An Anonymous Treatise dictus de Sancto Martiale: A New
Source for Cistercian Music Theory". in: Musica Disciplina 31 (1977), S. 5- 30.
11 Huglo, Thnaires. S. 184; s. auch Michel Huglo, Art. wOdOM, in: The New Grove
Dictionary of Music and Musicians. hrsg. van Stanley Sadie (London. 1980), Bd. 13,
S.503f.
l2 Philipp Jafie. "Des Abtes Udalskalk von St. Ulrich in Augsburg Registrum lbnorum". in: Arch;u (iir die Geschichte lks Bisthums Augsburg 2 (1859), S. 68-78. I~
dieser Edition (nach Wolfenbuttel, Herzog-August-Bibliotbek 80 Gud. !at. 334) wurden leider die Gesange weggelassen.
\3 Huglo, 7bnaires, S. 184, 290 Anm. 1.
I' Heinrich Sows. Zur Handschrift elm 9921, in: Acta Musicologica 5 (1933\,
S.63, 115-19. Neben einigen Thxtvarianten ist die Abweichung des letzten Verses
hervorzuheben: .Cuius subiectum docet istic forma retectwn" (so such bei Uodalscale, ed. Jaffe, S. 761 Die Verse han.gen auch mit der Musica des Theoger von Metz

Alexander Rausch

306

Beschreibungen jedes Kirchentons anhand seiner Quint- und


Quartspezies, seines Tenors und seiner Psalmkadenz sind direkt
aus dem Werk des Uodalscalc bezogen. Einzelheiten wie die Passauber das Quilisma
nur im Codex aus Ottobeuren vorhanden
ist,I5 finden sich in unserem Thnar wieder (I,S).
Die zweite hauptsachliche Quelle ist der Tonar des
von Rei
chenau,16 worauf bereits die prinzipiell alphabetische Anordnung
der Antiphonen innerhalb
Differenzen schlieBen laSt. Ausruhrliwortliche Zitate Hnden sich bei den Einleitungen zu
sponsorien (1,14) und
Gesangen des MeBprapriums (1,18).
Wie
ursprtingliche System der Differenzen umstrukturiert
wird, kann man
deutlich gleich beim 1. Modus beobach~
ten, wo die sieben Differenzen
Bern zu runf reduziert werden,
allerdings nicht verloren gehen, sondern unter
anderen subsumiert
{der von Uadalscalc dafiir verwendete Terminus VQrietas kommt
aber nicht var}. Antiphonen, die bei Bern unter
zweiten Differenz
authentus protus stehen werden teilweise
dem tonus principalis zugeordnet, obwah! sie auf F beginnen (1,6);
dasselbe giH fUr die Gesange der
Differenz, die somit iiberflussig geworden ist. Die Antiphonen der (nach Berns Zahlung)
siebenten Differenz bilden nun eine Untergruppe
runften und
letzten (I, 121.
Exempla der dritten und vierten Differenz, die alauf F beginnen sind gegenuber der Vorlage vertauscht !nur die
Antiphon Petrus autem befindet sich an der richtigen Stelle). Wie zu
erwarten, werden einige Gesange in den Tonar aufgenornmen, die
bei
nicht existieren, wie die Antiphonen 0 pastor aeterne (1 5)
oder Beatus iste (1,8). Dies ist noch starker bei den Responsorien
und in den Abschnitten iiber die Messe
Fall, wo manchmal ton
artliche Abweichungen auftreten: der Introitus
ventre matris
(11 19t wird van Bern als 11. Modus klassifiziert, die Communio
I

zusammen; s. Fabian Lochner, Dietger ITheogerus) of Met2. and his Musica, Diss.
INotre Dame, 1
S. 295f.
15 Munchen 9921, f. 22; s. Hugto, 1bnaires, S. 291.
16 GS 11, 79-91 lohne OffLZiumsgesange!; Alexander Rausch,
Musiktraktate des
Abtes Bern IJon ReichenQu. Edition und Interpretation our series Musica MediaevaEuropae Ocddentalis vo!. 5. (Thtzing, 1999;.

DER bSTERREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSER"-TONAR. .

307

sultavit ut gigas (1,21 J, die bei dern Reichenauer Abt fehlt, steht zumind est in der Version des Graduale 'IHplex im VI. '!bn. Am Anfang
der Introiten lesen wir stereotyp "De officiis" / nur bei den ersten
zwei Tonen erscheint daneben der gewohnte Ausdruck "introitus/I,
Diese Gattungsbezeichnung l ? erinnert an einen Teil in der Handschrift Wolfenbiittel Gud. lat. 8 334 (einem def Textzeugen fur den
Thnar des Uodalscalc), der mit Breviarium of{iciorum ad missam liberschrieben ist und bei dem es sich urn eine modale Klassifikation der
Introitusmelodien handelt. 18
Die Exempla des plagalis proti haben zwei problematische Falle.
Die Antiphon Assumpsit lesus fU/41 beginnt bei Bem auf C statt wie
die anderen auf der Finalis D, gehort also zur nachsten G~ppe.
Statt der Antiphon Cumque intuerentur (Il,5) ist Cumque ascendisset
gemeint, da die erstere im VTIr. Modus steht und dort dann auch zitiert wird (VIII,9).
Unter dem Ill. Kirchenton wird die Antiphon Accipiens Simeon irrtiimlichelWeise doppelt aufgelistet (IlI,4 und m,6L was daran liegt,
daB sie im tonus principalis mit Accipien.s Dominus verwechselt wur~
de. Die erste und dritte Differenz unseres '!bnars sind den entsprechenden Klassen bei Bern von Reichenau vergleichbar, mit dem
einzigen Unterschied, da~ die Antiphon Sic eumvolo (UI/7) dort unter dem plagalen Tetrardus steht (der Anfang aut c stimmt bei beiden uberein). Unter der zweiten Differenz jedoch werden alle Melodien ohne erkennbare Systematik zusammengefa~t. Die eher ungewohnliche Entscheidung Berns, den Introitus Nunc scio vere dem IV.
Kirchenton zuzuordnen, loste bei unserem Theoretiker offenbar
Verwirrung aus, da er ihn sowohl unter dem authentischen (111,10)
als auch dem plagalen Deuterus (IV, 11) nennt. Die Beispiele fur die
Allel uias sind neu. 19
Sie findet sich bereits bei Aurelian, MU3ica disciplina XX, 11: .Missarum vero
officium constat in antiphonis quae introitus dicuntur led, Lawrence A. Gushee,
0.0. 1975 (Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 21], S. 130). Auf diese und weitere Stellen
machte mich Herr Dr. Michael Bernhard aufmerksam, wofUr ich ihm hier danken
mochte.
IS S. Huglo. 7bnaires, S. 287 Anm. 1 und RISM BliP, S. 213.
19 Alleluia lam non estis: Karl-Heinz Schlager, Thematischer Katalog der iiite&ten
AlleluiaMelodien au.s Handschriften de& 10. unci 11. Jahrhunderts, ausge.nommen das
17

308

Alexander Rausch

Beim IV. Modus stellen wir ahnlich wie beim vorhergehenden neben genauen Entsprechungen (IV, 7 -9) auch das Phanomen fest, daE
die von Bern vOfgegebene Zahlung und Zuweisung der Gesange
zu den Differenzen nicht immer eingehalten wird. Besonders eklatant sind die Untersehiede wieder beim Hauptton, unter den mogHchst viele verschiedene Melodien subsumiert werden (Initien auf
E, Fund G). Die Antiphon Crastina erit (IVAl steht normaleI"\Veise
(und auch bei Bern] im VIno Ton; statt dessen soUte es Crastina die
heiBen. Beim Proprium ist zu erwahnen, daB der Introitus Exaudi
Domine zweimal zitiert wird.2O
Beim V. Ton postuIiert Bern zwei Differenzen (auf a und auf cl,
die in unserem Text, da sie beide auf a kadenzieren, zu einer zusammengefaBt werden. Ansonsten existieren keine groBeren Unterschiede, auBer daB die Antiphon In conspectu angelorum bei Bern
nieht zitiert wird. Unter den wenigen Gesangen des Propriums, die
hinzugefUgt werden, sticht das Alle1uia In exitu Israel hervoT, das
man eher beim II. Modus erwartet hiHte.
Bei def DarsteHung des VI. Modus mit nur einer Differenz konnte nichts Wesentliches verandert werden. Anzumerken bleibt ledig~
Heh, daB bei der Antiphon Hodie Christus, die in Wirklichkeit im
L Ton steht, eine Verwechslung mit Hodie secreta vorliegt. Die Beispiele fur jene Melodien, die nicht auf der Finalis einsetzen, wurden urn je eines vermehrt: auf D Quinque prudentes virgines, auf G
Et videns Iesus (VI,5-61. In der einzigen Differenz wurden Berns Exempla durch die Antiphon Benedixisti Domine ausgetauscht. Die
Communio De fmctu operum fmdet sich bei Bern zwar nicht im Thnar,
aber irn Prolog, wo er sie als transponierten VIII. Thn beschreibt
(GS Il, 75b).
Unter dem tonus principalis des VII. Modus werden auch Antiphonen aufgezahlt, die bei Bern den Differenzen 1-3 angehoren,
wodurch diese dann wegfallen. Die nachsten Abschnitte bringen
die weiteren vier Differenzen in der originalen Reihenfolge. Zwei
Abweichungen sind bernerkenswert: die Antiphon Angelus Domini
arnbrosianische, alt-romische und altspanische Repertoire, Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft 2 (Munchen, 1965), Nr. 197.
Z() AlIeluia Per manus Qutem: Schlager, Themarisc.her Kalaiag, Nr. 164.

DER bSTERREICHISCHE "ZlmRZIENSER" TONAR ...

309

(VII,51 steht bei Bern im IV. Kirchenton, Dirige pedes nostros (VII,111
im plagalen Tetrardus.
Der Hauptton des VIII. Modus listet zunachst Antiphonen auf,
die auf der Finalis beginnen (wobei Multa quidem bei Bern im VI.
Thn steht). Es folgen - immer noch unter dem tonus principalis - Gesange, die der Reichenauer Theoretiker unter der ersten Differenz
(au F oder DJ, der achten (auf D oder C) und der vierten (auf a)
gruppiert hat. Da die Differenzen 1-3 bei Bern alle auf F anfangen,
war es rno gli ch , sie auf eine einzige zu reduzieren (VIII,9); nur Stetit
Iesus, bei Bem 8.0, stellt eine Ausnahme dar. Die Reihe der Antiphonen auf c IVIII/IO) entspricht der ffinften und der siebten Differenz bei Bern, wobei 0 vos omnes dem authentischen Thtrardus
angehort. Die nachste Klasse beginnt ebenfalls auf c (Vlll,ll) und
verwendet wieder eine Antiphon des VU. Tons (Recordare mei). Von
den Responsorien konnte ich Iste est Deus nicht naher b estimm en ,
es sei denn, es handelt sich urn Iste est de sublimibus (CAO 6998),21
Die beiden wichtigsten, urn nicht zu sagen einzigen Quellen oder
Vorbilder fur unseren '!bnar sind somit Uodalsca1c und Bern. Da
Uodalscalc selbst von Bern ausgegangen ist, laSt sich der jeweilige
Anteil des Einflusses schwer feststellen. Die Prage, welchen Stellenwert der Tonar des Augsburger Abtes fur das vorliegende Registrum
tonorum im einzelnen hat, konnte auf der Basis einer vollstandigen
Neuedition seines Werks exakter beantwortet werden. Vielleicht sol1ten unsere beiden Zisterz.ienser Handschriften auch An1a, geben, liber
die Autorschaft von Uodalscalc noch einma1 nachzudenken.
Unsere rezeptionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung hat als negatives
Ergebnis gezeigt, d~ der hier prasentierte Thnar nichts mit Odo
von Cluny bzw. dem Dialogus oder Guido von Arezzo (oder irgendeinem anderen Autor desselben Namensl zu tun hat . .Ahnlich verhalt es sich nUt Wilhelm von Hirsau,lZ den man aber insofern "retten kann, als er bereits bei Uodalscalc - genauer: beim Redaktor
der Augsburger Handschrift - zitiert wird,23 Diese versteckte Anspielung ist ein weiterer Hinweis auf die n'o ch genauer zu untersuU

Alleluia Dilexi quoniam: Sch1ager, Thematischer Katalog, Nr. 307.


Willehelmi Hirsaugensis Musica, ed. Denis Harbinson, Corpus Scriptorum de
Musica 23 (1975).
ZI

2.l

Alexander Rausch

310

chenden Beziehungen zwischen den Codices


Munchen und Woleinerseits und jenen Handschriften
Wien und
andererseits. die zwar
Fonn nach zisterziensisch,
Inhalt abeT benediktinisch sind.
Edition
Editionsricb tIinien
Abkiirzungen werden stillschweigend aufgelost, auch
Incipits der
eine Ausnabme wird bei
Gattungen gemacht (A.:::: antiphona
usw.). Die Handschrift W schreibt regelmaig IIHeae (mit e caudataL was
zu "Hae normalisiert wurde;
richtet sich
Orthographie Mch
rue:selm Codex, mit
mitteHateinischen Varianten und Inkonsequenzen.
Die InterpunkHon
vom Herausgeber. Erganzungen des
bers
zwischen spitzen Klammern I < > j. Eine vom Inhalt
zu erLiicke im
!z. B. wenn
Differenz ubersprungen wird)
wird durch < .. > angezeigt. Der Ubersichtlichkeit und Zitierfahlgkeit halhabe
eine Kapitel. und Satzzahlung eingefiihrt.
Incipit registrum tonorum secundum predicts abbatum OHorus
acenS1S,
Augiensis, Willahelmi
Gwidorus monachi.

<I.>
1

Autenticus protus constat ex prima


dyapente et ex prima specie
dyatesseron superius.
Seculorum amen
in a. euius ultima
5illaba altius
a finali D diatesseron intervallo in G.
Conciuit equisoni

ex

sic formula proti

protus autentus sit

notus.

Ad indicium primi
hii versus ponuntur. Mox enim ubi finem
cuius antiphonae in idem melum bene videris CODvenire, de primo earn
esse tone non opus
dubitare. Quoniam vero diversa sunt principia

laffe,

Udalskalk, S. 69: "Notandum vero est, quod ab antecessoribus suis,


eet Willihelrno illustrissirno viro eiusque sequacibus, antiquus ordo
quibusdam
tonis mutarus est [.. y
2J

DER OmRREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSER"TONAR...

311

antiphonarum, variatur psalmus in suo fine, ut cum antiphone principio


bene valeant convenire. Gloria Patri. Seculorum amen. A. Ecce nomen
Domini. < A. > Egyedietur virga. A. Ego sum panis. A. Homo quidam.
5
Hae antiphonae, quae quilismata vel tremulas habent in prima vel secunda sive tercia syUaba, ad eundem modum proferuntur, quamvis a
quibusdam secunde differentiae ascribantur. A. Columpna es. A . Euge
serve bone. A. 0 pastor etemae. A. Senex puerum.
6
Hae antiphonae tone ac semitonio superius a finali suo incipiunt in F,
sed ad eundem modum re feruntur. A. Biduo vivens. A. Ego sum. A. In
lege Domini. A. Lux orta est. A. Vado ad eum. A. Ave Maria. A. Canite
tuba. A. Simile est.
?
Differentia prima a finali quidem D incipit, sed mox in quintum sonum
ascendit, ut sicut antiphona ab ultima Seculorum syllaba distat dyapente
in gravitate, ita secunda neuma a prima distat dyapente in aeumine. Seculorum amen. A. Domine Dominus. A. Fontes et omnia. A. Leva Hierusalem. A. Saule quid persequeris. A. 1\1 es discipulus.
8 Hae antiphonae tono inferius incipiunt in c et ideo secunde differentie a
quibusdam tribuuntur; nos autem ascribimus eas prime, quia post contiguum tODum statim in dyapente consurgunt. A. Amice. A. Beatus iste.
A. Cum autem esset Stephanus. A. Dies Domini.
9 Differentia secunda ab ultima Seculorum amen syllaha descendit ad fi
nalem sieque tone inferius incipit in c. Seculorum amen. A. Arguebat
Herodes. A. Cum esset. A. Ductus est lesus.
10 Differentia tercia Seculorum amen a finali dyatesseron intervallo distat,
ipsa autem ab eodem fmali semiditono inchoat superius, tono vero ab
amen inferius in f. Seculorum amen. A. Domine si hie fuisses. A. Dicite
pusillanirnes. A. Lazarus amicus. A. Mel et lac. A. Sol et tuna. A. Petrus
autem.
11 Differentia HIla cum eodem loco quo et superior < ordiatur > in f. melius tamen sono vocis per amen in fine dinoscitur. Seculorum amen.
A. Apertis. A. Alliga. A. Dominus quidem.
lo
12 Differentia VU ultimam sui amen sillabam V
loco a finali superius deponit/ melum vera in < medio > diapente initium in F. Seculorum amen.
A. Benedictus es. A. Reges Tharsis. A. Volo pater.
13 Hae antiphonae referuntur ad eandem differentiam. incipiunt autem in
a, ubi eius amen desinit. A. BeaU mundo. A. En cito. A. Erunt primi.
A. Iustum deduxit.
14 Modi vel tropi, quos usualiter tonos vocamus, noctun:ialium responsoriorum, licet a diversis chordarum sedibus incipiant, tamen unusquisque illorum per uniformem versuum suorum modulationem facilem sui

312

15

If)

11

1&

19

Alexander Rausch

prebet cognitionem, veluti ex ...."" .... ...,"'<>. quae pro exemplo


notavimus,
illSl
multiplicata neumarum varietate
quis ipsorum versuum modulation em decentius
adornare.
Autenticus protus. Differentia prima
responsoriis.
Patri et Filio
et Spiritui
Sicut
in principio nunc et c:p>,..n'n~" R. Benedicat
nos. R.
es Mafia.
Differentia secunda. R. Conftrmatum
Gloria Patri et Filio Spiritui
Sicut erat
principio
nunc et semper
in secula seculorum
In omnibus exhibeamus.
amen.
Differentia IU a R 0 regem
Gloria Patri. Seculorum amen. R. Vidi
Dominum.
'lbni pertinentes ad
et ad communiones per
modulationem Gloria Patri sicut et responsoriorum satis possunt discerni.
Quae
singulis
antiphonis, quae dicuntur introitus,
in communionibus uniforrniter vadit, nos tamen pro conservando
cantandi ordinem
gradalia, alleluia, offertoria curavimus interDifferentia
officiis ad introitus. Gloria Patri. Seeulorum amen .
. Gaudete. A. Exurge. A.
nostri.
ventre matris. Aliter
A. Factus. A. Iustus es. A.
pacem. Aliter A. Etenim sederunt. A.
c1amaverunt. Alia modo A. Misereris
A. Ego
cum iustiCIa.

20

21

Differentia n. Glons
et Filio et Spiritui Sancto.
erat in
pio
nunc et
et in secula seculorum amen. A. Rorate
A. Gaudeamus. A. Suscepimus.
Differentia Ill.
Patn. Seculorum amen. A. Meditacio.
Salus.
A. Sapientiam.
. Beata
GR. Custodi me. GR.
mihi .
. Posuisti. Alleluia Posuisti. Alleluia Iustus ut palma. Alleluia Mirabilis Deus. Offertoria
Domino. OF. Iubilate Domino. OF. Repleb sumus. Corn. Eeee
C. Exultavit ut gigas. C. Vos qui sec uti.
C. Dominus dabit. C. Revelabitur.

<II.>
primus modus. Incipit secundus qUI
dicitur plagalis
diseipulus
nam
ea voce finitur
qua et primus, nichilque ab eo differt nisi quod
et minus Beutas antiphonas recipit
Constat
plagis proti ex eadem
dyapente qua
autentieus
eius, et ex eadem specie dyatesseron
Bius Seculorum amen
cipit in F tenninatur
ubi antiphone incipiunt. Noeais.

DER OSTERREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSER"TONAR ...

Sed comes hoc iure sonat eius limma tonumque.

Sed priroi talis modus est et meta plagalis.

313

Gloria Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et


semper et in secula seculorum amen. A. Ante luciferum. A. Asswnpsit.
A. Cuius pulchritudinem. A. Calicem salutaris.
Hae tone a finali distant in gravitate in c, reguntur tameD eodem sono.
A. Ait Petrus. A. Benedicat nos. A. Cumque intuerentur. A. In spiritu
humilitatis.
Hae distant a finali superius semiditono in f. A. A seculo. A. Consolamini A. Iuste iudicate. A. 0 Domine.
De responsoriis. Gloria seculorum amen. R. Benedictus Dominus. R.
Sancta et inmaculata. R. Agnus Dei. R. Laetentur caeti. Gloria Patri et
Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in secula seculorum amen.
De officiis. Differentia prima. Gloria Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in secula seculorum amen.
De introitibus. Introitus A. Ex ore infantium.. A. Fac mecum. A. Vultum
tuum. A. Multe tribulationes. A. Micro autem.. A. Sicientes. A. Bcce advenit. A. Veni et ostende. Gradalia. De necessitatibus meis. GR. Angelis
suis. Alio modo GR . A summo cae]o. Alleluia Dies sanctificatus. AL. Video celos. Offertoria. Laudate. OF. Protege Domine. OF. Ad te Domine.
OFF. Vir erat . Communiones. CO. Hierusalem. C. Multitudo languentium. C. Domine Dominus. C. Exiit sermo. CO. Narrabo omnia.

<:: Ill. >


I

Incipit IIIuS qui grece dicitur autenticus deuterus idest alter secundus.
Cuius Seculorum amen inchoat in c acuto et finit in f semitonio a finali.
Constat autem ex sec)mda specie dyapente et ex eadem specie dyatesseron superius. Noenoeane.

Deuterus inde tODum retinet cum limmate iunctum.

Deuterus autentus patet hoc sub jure retentus.

In hunc modum terminatur omnis cantus eiusdem toni. Gloria Patri et


Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in secula seculorum amen. A. Adonay Domine. A. Accipiens Symeon. A. Beatus vir. A. Cecilia famula. A. Favus distillans. A. Qui de terra est.

Alexander Rausch

314
5

&

10

11

UllttelrerlHa la finit Seculorum amen in a altius tone


annpno:na, a finali vero dyatesseron. Seculorum amen.
UOlmUle p:rot,astL A. Omnia
quaecumque. A. Quoniarn in aeternum.
Differentia IL Seculorum amen. A. ACIClpileI1S Symeon. A. Auierte lsta.
A. Beatus
A
autem. A. Domine spes. A. Domine mi rex .
fortis armatus. A. Fac benigne. A. Lignum vitae.
..... u ... , ... ". A. Omni tempore. A. Qui sequitur. A. u.uen:!nt~~s
A. Nisi
U.Ulaam homo. A. Sancta legio. A. TU Bethleem
VIle> loco a finali terminat amen, ubi et cantus mC:lplL
culorum amen.
Sic eum. A. Vivo ego.
Unum opus
differentiis responsoriorum. Seculorum amen.
R. Congratulamini.
Postquam impleti.
Differentia II. ~el:::UlonlUll
mSlgnLUllrL
Petri et
et
prltnClplO et nunc et semper et in secula
Spiritui Sancto.
seculorum amen>.
De officiis.
la. G lona Patri
Filio et Spiritui Sancto.
nunc et semper et in secula seculorum amen.
pulchritudo. A. Cognovi. A. Dum c1amarem. A.
sicut olive.
Ego clamavi. A. Ecce oculi. A. Miserere
vere. A. Si iniquitates.
Differentia 11. Seculorum amen. A. Benedicite.
dedit. A. Intret oralio. A. In Deo laudabo. A. Loquetur Dominus. A. Omnia quae.
A. Timete Dominum. A.
dum
Gradalia. GR. Exurge.
GR. Eripe me. GR. Adiutor. rl.lIICI1:.tiU
enarrant. AL. Domine Deus saBe nedictus. OFF. Exulta satis.
lutis. < AL. > lam non
OFF ~pelrent
Beatus servus. C. Qui meditabitur.
'-'J.UA ...,.

CO.

~aJ)U11S

<IV.>
III modus. Incipit nu qui
idest disci~
pulus secundi. Constat autem ex
et ex Ha dya1esseron inferius. Cmus Seculorum amen incipit in a sicut primi et finit
in e suo finali.
2

Cuius disdpulum

emus

LU-l'_LL\

ditonus optat

CillSum

arDLlCUll11.

noris lateralem.

]n hunc modum terminatur omnis canrus


amen. A. Annuntiate populis. A. A summo '-"''',HJ.

Seculorum
Criistrna erit. A. Di

DER 6ffiRREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSER TONAR. ..


pt.

315

gnare me. A. Egredietur Dominus. A. Ad te Domine. A. Ex Egypto vocavi. A. A vuo iniquo.


5
Hae antiphone incipiunt semitonio altius a finali. A. Auro viIginum. A.
Anxiatus est. A. Credo videre. A. Dico vobis. A. Exemplum merear.
A. Est secretum. A. Ecce merees. A. In prole mater. A. 0 febrem om
ni. A. In eternum Dominus. A. Thrba multa. A. Vigilate animo.
6 Item hae incipiunt semiditono altius a finali, sed ad eundem modum re
feruntur. A . Exivi a patre. A. Nos scientes. A. In mandatis.
7
Differentia la Seculorum amen altius semitonio a finali detenninat. At
vero melum tono inferius inchoat. Seculorum amen . .A.. Appendebant.
A. Innuebant patri. A. Omnes intendentes. A. Rubum quem viderat.
8 Differentia lIB ulti.mam syllabam Seculorum amen semiditono ultra fina
lem deponit. canendi autem exordium infra uno tone assumit sicque inicium et finem idest -men dyatesseron rite coniungit. Gloria .P atri et Filio
et Spiritui Sancta. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in secula
seculorum amen. A. Ante thorum. A. Benedicta tu. A. Commendemus.
A. Desiderio. A. Expectabo. < ... >
l
9 Differentia JIn finit Seculorum amen in a dyatesseron intervallo a finali, ab initio vero antiphonarum tom. Seculorum amen. A. Factus sum.
A.O mors. A. Syon reD:0vaberis. A. Syon noli. A. Sub tuam protectio
nem o Ad eandem differentiam referuntur A. Adiutor in tribulationibus.
A. Magnus Dominus. A. Nisi diligenter. A. Rectos decet. Quae incipiunt
ubi -men finitur.
10 De responsoriis. Seculorum. amen. R. Rex noster. R. Petre amas. R. Egypte
noli. Gloria Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in principio et
nunc et semper et in secula seculorum amen.
11 De officiis. A. Exaudi Domine. A . Intret oratio. A. Exaudi Domine.
A. Nunc scio vere. A. Omnis. A. Salus populi.
a
12 Differentia I1 Seculorum amen. A. Exaudivit. A. Iudica Domine. A. Misericordia. A. Nos autem. A. Reminiscere. A. Resurrexi. De gradalibus.
Seculorum amen. GR. Exurge Domine et intende. GR. Ego autem dum
mihi. GR. Tu es Deus. GR. Tibi DOmlne derelictus. Alleluia Per manus
autem. AL. Dextera Domini. ALL. Excita Domine; AL. Laudate. De
offertoriis. OFF. Thi sunt. OFF. Offerentur regi. OFF. Thrra tremuit.
OFF. Confortamjni. De communiombus. CO. Vidimus stelLam. CO. Exulta filia. CO. Inclina aurem. CO. Sernel iuravi.

<v.>
1

Finit IIIIU' modus. Incipit VU5 qui grece dicitur autenticus tritus idest
auctoralis I1(11& qui constat ex III' specie dyapente et ex Ill' specie dyates-

316

Alexander Rausch

seron supenus. Cuius Seculorurn amen incipit in c acuto sicut tercii.


Noeoeane.
2

Hinc triti nonna dyatesseron editur oda.

Hie demonstratur tritus qua lege fruatuI.

1
8

In hunc modum terminatur ornnis cantus eiusdem torn. Gloria Patri et


Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in secula seculorum amen. A. Adhuc multa. A. Haurietis. A. Dum transiret.
A. Bene omnia.
Differentia la a finali duo bus tonis incipit, ubi et amen finit. Seculorum
amen. A. Exultabunt. A. In eonspectu angelorum. A. Solvite templum.
A. Montes et omnes.
Hae antiphonae referuntur ad eandern diffe renti am , sed incipiunt superius cliapente a finali. A. <Alleluia> quem queris. A. Elevamini. A. Eeee
Dominus. A . Eece iam veniet .
De responsoriis. Gloria Patri. Seculorum amen. R. Benedietus. R. Angelus.
De officiis. Differentia [I. Gloria Patri . Seculorum amen. A. Domine refugium. A. Loquebar. A. Verba mea. A. Bcce Deus.
Differentia liS. Seculorum amen. A. Circumdederunt me. A. Domine in
tua. A. Letare Hierusalem. Gradalia. GR. Ex Syon species. GR. Locus
iste. GR. Viderunt omnes. Alleluia Beatus vir qui. AL. Diligarn te. Alleluia In exitu. De o ffertoriis. OFF. Populum. OFF. Sanetificavit Moyses.
OFF. Intende voci . OFF. Reges Tharsis. Communiones. CO. Intellige.
CO. Qui mihi. CO. Servite Domino. CO. Quis dabit ex Sion. CO. 1\1
rnandasti.

<VI.>
\ Finit VU! tonus. Incipit Vltw qui gyeee dicitur plagis triti idest subiugalis
tercii appellatur, qui constat ex eadem specie dyapente qua et autenticus
~ius, et ex eadem specie dyatesseron inferius. Cuius Seculorum amen incipit in a sicut primi et IIU!!. Noeais.
Z

Atque per eiusdem canitur dyapente clientem.

Discipulum triti sic construxere periti.

In hunc modum tenninatur ornnis cantus eiusdem toni. Seculorum

DER bSnRREICHISCHE "ZISTERZIENSER"'TONAR. ..

5
6

317

amen. A. Gaudeamus. A. Gavisi sunt discipuli. A. Lupus rapit. A. Hodie


Christus. A. 0 admirabile.
Hae inferius semiditono sub eodem incipiunt. A. Quinque. A. Si ego.
Iste vero a fmali altius tone ordiuntur. A. Et videns Tesus. A. Nesciens
mater.
Haec sola differentia VI toni amen < tono > superius foot. Incipiendi
autem exordium ab ipso finali sumit. Seculorum amen. A. Benedixisti.
Haec eadem de responsoriis. R. Aspiciebam. R. Vere. R. Induit me.
R. Decantabat. R. Suscipiens lesum. R. Responsum. Gloria Patri et Filio
et Spiritui Sancto. Sicut erat in prineipio et nunc et semper et in secula
seculorum amen.
De officiis. Gloria Seeulorum amen. A. Esto mihi. A. Iusti ep,ulentur.
A. 05 iusti meditabitur. A. Hodie scietis. A. In medio. Gradalia. GR.
Exiit senno. GR. Fuit homo. GR. Suseepimus. GR. Venite. Alleluia Domine in virtute. Alleluia Dulce lignum. AL. Vox exultacionis. Offertoria.
OFF. Domine < Deus > in simplicitate. OFF. Domine convertere. OFF.
Domine in auxilium. Co mmuniones. CO. De fructu ope rum. CO. Pasea
nostrum. CO. 1\1 es Petrus. CO. Diffusa est.

<VII.>
I

Finit v,["s tonus. Incipit VIru' qui grece dicitur autenticus tetrardus idest

auctoralis III]tus, qui constat ex HIIIa specie dyapente et ex IIIf'B specie


dyatesseron superius. Huius Secu10rum amen incipit in d acuto. Noeane.
2

Oat duo nexa tows tetrardus Hmmsta ternis.

3 .

Ast dyapente tono plagis huius conserit ordo.

In hunc modum terminatur omnis cantus eiusdem toni. Seculorum


amen. A. Beata Agatha. A. Benedieta gloria. A. Disrupisti. A. Hie aecipiet. A. Hierusalem. A. Assumpta. A. Considerabam. A. Data est. A. Ecce
nomen. A. Cantabant. A. Ascendo. A. Cecus. A. Erexit. A. Sebastianus.
Differentia la ultimae amen syUabae per dyapente < in> finali concinit
ac reciproca vice de ipso finali in eandem consonantiam redit. Seculorum amen. A. Angelus Domini. A. Baptista. A. Caput draconis. A. Magnum mysterium.. A. Puer qui natus. A. Scio quod lesum. A. Veterem
hominem.
Hae autem, licet post ascensum in dyapente mox in alium modum se
mutent, ad eandem tamen differentiam pertinent. A. Argentum. A. Disceme causam. A. Exortum est. A. Helena. A. Orante sancto.

318
7

10

11

12

13

14

Alexander Rausch

Differentia lIB finil Seculorum amen dyatesseron superius a finali, ubi et


melum incipit. Seculorum amen. A. Benedicta. A. Dives ille.
Hae inferius incipiunt semltonio. A. Cum angelis. A. Dixit Dominus.
A. Misit Dominus. A. Quo progrederis.
Differentia III a a finali suo in acumine duobus torus amen finit et melurn incipit. Seculorum amen. A. Constitues. A. Mirificavit Dominus.
Hae incipiunt altius semitonio. A. Exiit qui seminat. A. Iste pauper.
A. Loquebantur. Ista inferius tono. A. Ipse preibit.
Differentia IIIl a fmali suo superius in dyatesseron amen determinat
melumque a dyapente inchoat. Seculorum amen. A. AnuJo suo. A. Agathes. A. Agatha sancta. A. Caro mea. A. Dixi iniquis. A. Dirige. A. Quis
es tu.
De responsoriis. R. Beata. R. Iste est frater vester. R. Elysabet. R. Aspiciens a longe. Gloria Patri.
Differentia lB. De officiis. Gloria Seculorum amen. A. Adorate. A. Audi~
vit Dominus. A. Expecta . A. Ne derelinquas. A. Viri Galilei. A. Iudicant
sancti. A. Ne timeas. A. Populus Syon. A. Protexisti me Deus.
Differentia na. Seculorum amen. A. Aqua sapientie. A. Oculi mei.
A. Puer natus. Gradalia. GR. Dirigatur oratio. GR. Oculi omnium. G.
Salvum fac. AL. Domine refugium. AL. Exultate. Alleluia Quoniam
Deus magnus. AL. Venite exultemus. AL. Pascha nostrum. Offertoria.
OFF. Coniitebuntur. OFF. Eripe . Communiones. C. Dicite pusillanimes.
CO. Fidelis servus. C. Factus. C. Tolle puerum.

< VIII. >


1

Incipit VilluS qui grece dicitur plagalis tetrardus idest subiugalis HII n nominatur, Qui constat ex eadem specie dyapente qua et autenticus eius,
et ex eadem specie dyatesseron inferius. Huius Seculorum amen incipit
in c sicut tercii et quinti. Noeais. Seculorum amen.

Thtrardi cantus poterit discurrere tantus.

Huius discipulum sibi ditonus optat amicum.

In hunc modum tenninatur omnis cantus eiusdem toni. A. Et venerunt.


A. Angeli. A. Astiterunt. A. Beata es. A. Claudus quidam. A. Malos male. A. Multa quidem. A. Nemo te. A. Thlis est.
Hae antiphonae tono inferius incipiunt, sed ad eundem modum
referuntur. A. Adorna thalamum. A. Animae impiorum. A. Zacheae festinans.

319

DER OSITRREICHISCHE "ZlffiRZIENSER" TONAR. ..

Hae vero inferius per dyatesseron incipiunt. A. Dixit Dominus. A. Martyres. A. Spiritus Domini. A. Angeli. A. Videns Dominus.
1
Iste autem per dyapente inferius ordiuntur, sed omnes ad eundem moo
dum referuntur. A. Iustorum. A. Stabunt iusti. A. Sapientia clamitat.
8
Hae quoque supra finalem altius tono uno incipiunt. A. Apertum .est.
A. Conversus est. A. De palma. A. Occurrunt. A. Dum complerentw-.
9 Differentia lA tono superius a finali incipit et per tonum in finalem redit, melum vero tono inferius incipil. Seculorum amen. A. Bonum est.
A. Cumque intuerentur. A. Deus misereatur. A. Domine Iesu Christe. A .
Dicite invitatis. A. Deus propicius. A. Dicite filiae. A. Ecce de quo.
A. Gloria in excelsis. A. Iterum autem. A. Magi viderunt. A. Missus
est. A. Nato Domino. A. Ponam in Syon. A. Iocundare filia. A. Stetit le sus.
10 Differentia Il' amen tono superius a finali G finit, melum vero lIIl loco
per dyatesseron in c. Seculorum amen . A. Aqua quam. A. Beatus venter.
A. Dominus in templo. A. Deus Deorum. A. De profundis. A. Deo nosrro. A . Ecce advenit. A. Hoc est preceptum. A. Magnus sanctus Pawus.
A. 0 ineffabilem virum. A. 0 vos omnes. A. Priusquam.. A. Stephanus
autem. A. Veritas de terra.
o
II Differentia IlIa IIIl a finali loco amen finit ibidemque incipit in c. Seculorum amen. A. Erat autem. A. Omnis plebs. A. Post dies octo. A. Recordare. A. Reges viderunt. A. Veniet fortior.
12. De responsoriis. Seculorum amen. R. Dies sanctificatus. R. Ecce dies.
R. lste est Deus. R. Doceam. Gloria Patri.
13 Differentia la. De officiis. Gloria Patri. Seculorum amen. A. Benedicta
sit. A. In excelso throno. A. Invocavit. A. Letabitur.
u . Differentia 11-. Seculorurn amen. A. Ad te levavi. A. Domme ne. A. Lux
fulgebit. De gradalibus. GR. Deus vitam meam. G. Deus euudi. G.
Propter veritatem. Alleluia Adorabo. Alleluia Deus iudex. AL. Dilexi
quoniam. AL. Angelus Domini. AL. Ostende nobis. De offertoriis. OF.
Miserere mihi. OF. Portas caeli. Communiones. CO. Domine memorabor. CO. Dico autem. CO. Spiritus sanctus. CO. Christus resurgens.

Alexander Rausch

Kritischer Apparat
Augensis WZ Willehelmi Z
L 1 dyap,en W 4 hi Z ubiJ ut Z 5
Z bone] om. Z 6
2
WZ Domini] om. Z 7 distat ]
8
WZ iste]
W
9 A. Differentia Z
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10 terciae WZ
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17 Patri] om. Z 18 tam in] tamen WZ conservandi WZ
19 nostril
om. Z matris] om. Z 20 A.2] om. Z 21 Patri] om. Z OFF. Benedicam (Domino om.) Z
Iubilate Domino] lubilate Z
Communio CO.
virgo. Exultavit Z
n. 1 Costat Z amen] om. Z 4 in 5 in secula W 6
WZ 9 Introitus] om. Z meisl om. Z Protege
Protege Z CO. I] om. Z
2
Domine ] Dominus Z omnia1 om. Z
HI. 1 Costat W dyap.en W Noeonoeane WZ 2 < S > ed comes hoc iUIe
talis modus est
meta plagalis.
sonat eius limma tonumque. Sed
Deuterus W tono WZ iuncto WZ 4. Domine] om. Z 6 ista] om. Z
om. Z Qui sequitur me Z Querentes eum tenere Z terra Iuda]
om. Z 8 Domine] om. Z Congratulamini mihi Z 9 R.] om. Z 10 et
pulchritudo] om. Z vere] om. Z 11 dedit) om. Z quae] om. Z Dominum] om. Z
egredererisJ om. Z
GR. 1] om. Z
OF. Benedictus Z
satisJ om. Z CO. Beatus servus Z CO.] om. Z suis] om. Z
IV. 1 deuteri] tritu5 WZ
secundi) tercii WZ
4. populis] om. Z
caelo]
om. Z erH] om. Z me] om. Z vocavi] om. Z 6 heae WZ Exivi a
patre meo Z 7 patri] om. Z 8 -men] mese WZ Desiderio desideravi
Z 9 in a1 in cl WZ protectionem] om. Z 10 amas] om. Z noli] om. Z
11 aratio] om. Z verej om. Z 12 Iudica Domine] Iudica Z mihiJ om.
Z Tibi derelict us Z manus autem] manus Z Excita Domine] Excita
Z regi1 om. Z
V. 1 tritus dicitur Z 5 angelorum] om. Z templumJ om. Z et orones]
om. Z 6
WZ venietJ om. Z 7 1.2J A. Z 8 PatriJ om. Z 9 A. L]
om. W
Hierusalem] om. Z
species) om. Z
GR. A. Locus
W
iste] om. Z amnes] om. Z voci] om. Z Tharsis] om. Z Domino] om.
Z ex Sion] om. Z
VI. 1 Noealis WZ
4
discipuli] om. Z 5
WZ 6 Iesus] om. Z
mater] om. Z 8 me] om. Z Iesum] om. Z 9 meditabitur] om. Z Hodie scietis] Hodie completi W Hodie Z
sermo] om. Z
OFF. 3] om. Z
est} om. Z
VII. 1 Vlp S ] VII tus W
2 tetradiis Z
3
Est WZ
5 vice] voce WZ
Baptista contremuit Z hominem] om. Z 6 Heae WZ causam] om. Z
9 Dominus] om. Z
10 Heae WZ
11
sancto] om. Z 8 Heae WZ
dyap.en W
12 De
Beata Z vester] om. Z a longe] om. Z 13 Do-

OER 6STERRflCHISCHE "ZlmRZIENSER" -TONAR.

321

minus] om. Z Expecta Dominum Z Syon] om. Z Deus] om. Z 14


GR. Oculi mei W oratiol om. Z omnium] om. Z GR. Domine refugium. GR. Exultate WZ pusillanimis W servus] om. Z
VIII. 1 dicitur] om. Z tetradus W tetrardis Z 4 quidam] om. Z male]
om. Z
est] ani:. Z
5 Heae WZ
festi n8n s] om. Z
6 Heae WZ
8 Heae WZ 9 filial om. Z 10 Aqua quam ego Z nostro] om. Z virum] om. Z de terra] om. Z 13 A. Letabitur - 14 resurgens] deest Z

322

Alexander Rausch

Abb. 1-5: Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek

Cod. 787, f. 53v, 54v-56r


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Cantus Planus 1998

..J '. Esztergom & Visegrad

327

HISTORICAL THINKING IN MUSIC THEORY


AROUND 1450

Elibieta Witkowska-Zaremba

History of music as a separate branch of the literature relating to


musical studies can be distinguished from the end of the seventeenth century, when the first dissertation on this subject, Bontempi's "Historia musica" was published in Peruggia 1695. 1 A forerunner of the new theoretical musical genre can, however, be found
somewhat earlier, namely in the treatise by Otto Gibel Ulntroductio
musicae theoricae didacticae" published in 1660. Within the framework of classification of music, the author distinguishes two categories in the theoretical section (musica theorica): history (historica)
and didactics {didactica}. Theorica histoncQ is understood as that
branch of learning which investigates the origin and development of
musical matters.2 If this classification were to be recognized as the
moment of the "fonna! birth" of history of music, the investigations
into the more distant past of historical thought within the theory of
music should be regarded as "Vorgeschichte der Musikgeschichte".
It is obvious that reflecting on its own past is a permanent element of Latin theory of music, and its continuous presence can be
traced back almost to the Carolingian times. It is moreover significant that this reflecting concerns above all the facts and musical
phenomena which have been set down in writing, and given a rationalized and systematic form. It is closely linked to the continuous
copying, studying and commenting on the works of the earlier
theorists. If I were to attempt to indicate the main currents within
this self-examination, I would mention two categories. The first consists of speculations of an encyclopaedic character, among which I
F. Alberto Gallo (Musica e storia Ira Medio Evo e Eta moderna [Bologna, 1986},
p. 9) drew attention to the close links between the first dissertations on the history
of music and Latin music treatises.
2 Ott 0 Gibel , IntTociuctio mu..sicae theoricae didacticae (Brerna, 1660), p. 14.
j

328

Elzbieta Witkowska-Zaremba

count
on the subject of
i1inventors" of
(musicae inventoresj and
etymology of the word 1J mus ica /unde
The
dicatur musical IJIoci communes 'I of the Latin theory of
second category concerns observations relating
the expansion of
the pitch system
musical notation. In the
of this
I shall
on this particular
The first, very clear 1I1ook back"! accompanied by an awareness of
expansion of possibilities in
area
notating music,
to the reforms
Guido Arezzo
the increasing of
ambitus
of the pitch
to 21
3 Subsequent generations of theorists
honoured Guido for this with the
inventor", The
reading
the fundamental work of Boethius, who owed
fame
to translating musical knowledge from Greek to
the
Boethian two-octave system with Greek terminology
permanent
point of reference for the later achievements
the area of pitch
construction.
e years around 1450 hring a significant turning point in the
theory of music with regard to interest in
past, which consists in creating a new
of ancient music,
primarily the
Greek tonal system. Claude Palisca links this change with
new
reading of Boethius,
precursor of which was Johannes
(GallicusL
author of the
1JDe ritu canendi vetustissimo et
novo 'l , written in Mantua in the years 1458-64.4
treatise
known from Coussemaker's edition, and from a later edition, produced by AJbert
5 '!Wo extant manuscript transmissions of IJRi_
tus
both created in ItalYI are
in
Libra ry. 6
The first part of
work
mainly devoted to an
of
Boethius's remarks and concerns the
system of the ancient
Greeks. As Pa1isca
JJGallicus was
first
writer to
appreciate that the
modes and those
plainchant were
ll

Micrologus,
J.
van Waesberghe. CSM 4,
C.
Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought INew
don, 1985), pp. 7,
280-3.
5 CS IV,
298-396b; Johannes Gallicus,
canendi,
Albert
College Music
Critical
13-14 (1981).
" Cf. M.
and Ch. Meyer, in:
B IU/4, pp. 47-8, 86-7.
J

- tonColo-

329

HISTORICAL THINKING IN MUSIC THEORY AROUND 1450

ferent and independent systems. Thus the fresh rereading of Boethius becomes not simply a continuation of medieval Boethian studies
but a vital component of the reexamination of antiquityll.7 The historical interests of this author were, however, not limited to antiquity but concerned also the period preceding Guido's reform. Gallicus devoted more attention to this problem in the first book of the
second half of his treatise, entitled "Vera quamque facilis ad cantandum atque brevis introductio". A significant novu'm in relation to
the observations about that period made by earlier theorists is the
inclusion within the area of study of Daseian symbols, as a system
which made it possible to notate melody without using staves.
Daseian signs had been explained in treatises from the uMusica
enchiriadis" group in sufficient detail so as not to create doubts as
to the ambitus and interval structure of the pitch system resulting
from them'oS However, their interpretation by Johannes Gallicus
shows certain differences in relation to the original texts. Firstly, Galticus mentions only 16 -out of the 18 daseian signs, omitting both the
residui sounds. Secondly, he relates these 16 signs on the one hand
to the two-octave systema teleion [taking into account the synemme~
non tetrachord). and, on the other hand, to the diatonic scale Gamma Graecum - aa duplicatum, thus modifying the interval structure
of the daseian scale by omitting its characteristic altered steps:

' : .. ry

':r

N "f

a c

"a

--

~. ~

7'

HudC4.

F 11:'4 d

p E

c. 0

......

... ' ..

F"

..

r:: " .. Hi

H~

., t .,. It

~~

~1

c-cl eo

co

f 1t ,

~f1::

-.

'j.&.ualtt.$

".~
II

V
~,

C, Palisca, op. cit., p .7,


8 Cf. Musica et scolica enchiriadis una cum aliquibus tractatulis t;Jdiunctis, ed.
H. Schmid 'MwllCh, 1981).
7

Elzbieta Witkowska Zaremba

Johannes Gallicus outlines the following picture of the pitch


tem before
s reform. The oldest pitch system of church music was the 1
Greek
III
diatonicum. Gallicus called
it "Ritus pristinus graecus
ecc1esia primitiva",
was supposed
by St Gregory, who waS also
to
to be
system
against the introduction
note bmolle in tetrachord acutarum. Daseian symbols, according to Gal1icus, corresponded to this
equivalent
already jn Gregory's times: proslambanomenos
deuteros gravium of
Daseian
highest note tetrardos
excellentium corresponding to neie hyperboleon: 9 see Example 1.,
l

p.

The expansion
the
which took place in pre-Guidonian
times, consisted, according to Gallicus,
adding the note Gamma
graecum below proslambanomenos, and introducing bmolle, cor~
ug
trite synemmenon. The system
in this manner corresponds exactly
the result obtained from
division
the monochord familiar from
de musica by
Odo
(ca. 1000),10 Daseian signs were also supposed to correspond to this
336.)
system.
Example 2.,
the
Johannes Gallicus had thus immersed daseian notation
pattern of the expansion of pitch systeln established by the traditions of Guido's "Micrologus"
Johannes Affligemensisls treatise
musica 11 The system of daseian signs was treated in this couas an
link between the lSsteps
originating from
the
System (Gallicus did not explicitly
it to
Boethian
tradition). and
21'note Guidonian system,
to staff notatl

ll

11

tion.

GaUicus undoubtedly studied the treatises from


enchiriadis" group. He mentions the fact that he came across lIa very
ancient Catholic musicians debate
old book, in which
planus in a manner worthy of admiration".12 At the same time
mentions a
In
form
a dialogue (most probably the
IJ

Gallicus, Ritus canendi !pars secundaJ, ed. A.


pp. 1-5.
IQ Ps. Odo, Dialogus de musica.
I, P 2S3a-b.
iI Johannes Affl
De
cap.
, J. Smits van Waesberghe,
I, pp.

HISTORICAL THINKING IN MUSIC THEORY AROUND 1450

JJ1

first part of "Scolica enchiriadis~L which in its conclusion contains


daseian notation of the antiphon "Ego sum via veritas et vita",13 He
quotes this notation at the beginning of the second book of the second part of "Ritus canendi", with the remark: "such not~s without
staves were then in use throughout the whole church": see Example
3., p. 337.
It is difficult to judge the true extent of Johannes Gallicus's familiarity with daseian notation on the basis of the excerpts of the
treatise "Ritus canendi quoted here. Such a modification of the daseian system may have been a concession in favour of the theory of
the development of pitch system sketched above or, perhaps, a trace
of other traditions, little known today, of reading daseian notation. 14
However, it can easily be shown that the melody of the quoted antiphon IIEgo sum via veritas et vital!, when read in the manner suggested by Gallicus, does not differ from its original form. It is a
well-known fact that the chants quoted in texts from the HMusica
enchiriadis "group usually remain within the limits of the two-octave system, and only occasionally reach the chromatic notes located at the extremes of the daseian scale. Gallicus could thus read
the chants recorded in the daseian notation without the risk of a major error, Moreover, a comparison of the daseian signs with the Latin
pitch-letters and the Greek names of notes of the Perfect System
H

Johannes Gallicus, op. cit., ed. A, Seay, p. 47 ~ "Non me movet, carissimi, vobis
ita scribere parva novitas, cum, sedente Domino pro secundo, Iibellum vetustissimum invenerim, in quo plures antiqui musici catholici plura de pIano cantu mirifice tractabant. Quorum siquidem unus in modum dialogi loquens discipulum varia
de sonis et vocibu8 magistrum interrogantem introducebat, BC in fine subscriptam
Antiphonam cum his et huiusmodi notulis quibus tola tunc utebatur ecclesia sine
lineis canere docebat. ~
13 Musica et scolica enchin'adis ... / p, 88.
14 See, e.g., C. Parrish, The Notation of Medieval Music INew York, 1957), Plate XI
(MS Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat.7369, 1sti' c." Italy). There, the two octave
diatonic scale A - A corresponds to 16 of 18 d.aseian signs, while tbe elimination 01
two signs probably results from the modification of the tetrachods gravium and acutorum in accordance with the requiremeftt of the Perfect System, Moreover, one
can recognize among the daseian signs the Greek letter theta which in Hucbald"s
notation corresponds to the note bmolle, I would like to express my gratitude to
Professor John Caldwell for dnwing my attention to this manuscript.
12

332

Elzbleta Witkowska -Zaremba

finds some justification in the diagrams from JJMusica enchiriadis"


and J'Scolica enchiriadis", although none of the these texts contains
a direct translation of the daseian system into the Greek or Latin
symbols. IS
The answer to the question: to what extent and degree was the
pre-Guidonian pitch system known and studied in the middle of the
fifteenth century? requires deeper research. It is known however,
that texts from the "Musica enchiriadis" tradition continued to be
copied at that time. From among over 47 transmissions used by
Hans Schmid for the critical edition of these texts, as many as seven
had been set down in the fourteenth-fifteenth century; at least five
of them had been created in Italy. 16
At this point I would like to mention a trace of Cracovian studies
on the subject of the system of daseian signS.17 The only manuscript
preserved in Biblioteka Jagiellonska in Krak6w which contains the
treatises from the "Musica enchiriadis" group, dated by Michel Huglo
and Hans Schmid to the eleventh century, originates from Northern
Italy (PL-Kj 1965),18 Before finding its way to the Biblioteka Jagiellonska collection, it used to belong to a professor of Krak6w University, an astrologer and a physician, Albert of Opat6w (d. 1467J. It is
known that Albert studied and lectured at Padua and Bologna during the years 1454-56, and that he used to purchase books there.
There are some indications that it could have been this particular
manuscript which served as the basis for the glosses and interpola~
tions to the transmission of "De musica" by Boethius contained in
the Cracovian manuscript PL-Kj 1861. 19 This manuscript is dated to
the period around 1445-1455, while the margin glosses and interpolations could have been entered somewhat later. Their author,
anonymous so far, was primarily interested in the divisions of the
J

However, cf, a gloss to Musica enchiriadis (MusicQ et scolica enchiriadis ... ,


p . 30.): a diagram in the Paris manuscript jq from the tenth-eleventh century relates 18 daseian symbols to the pitch system of two octaves and the fifth.
16 MusiCQ et scolicQ enchiriadis ... . pp. VII-XII.
\7 I already indicated an evidence for this during Bydgoszcz-LubostTon Confer
ence in September of 1997.
Ig For description of this source cf. RISM B III/5, pp. 34-7.
19 ct. RISM B III/S, pp . 28-31.
.

IS

333

HISTORICAL THINKING IN MUSIC THEORY AROUND 1450

monochord, and he used excerpts of texts from the uMusica enchiriadis" tradition to provide a commentary to the appropriate sections
of Boethius's treatise from this point of view. The longest of them is
written on a small sheet added to the text of the ninth chapter of
the fourth hook of Boethius's treatise. It is a description of the division of the monochord, today known from only two transmissions:
one of them is the Cracovian manuscript PI-Kj 1965, which at one
time had belonged to Albert of Opat6w.20 The glossarist of the PL-Kj
1861 manuscript compared a scale written in daseian notation with
a diatonic scale resulting from the Perfect System and came to the
conclusion that "Enchirias musicus" expanded Boethius's monochord by three whole tones in the ascending direction. In this comparison the Perfect System undergoes an obvious modifiCation: an
additional note, called IJhypaton", is introduced between pToslambanomenos and hypate hypaton. In this manner the system was expanded by two whole tones upwards and one whole tone downwards; it is thus included within the ambitus and the intexval structure corresponding to the 'the teaching of "Musica enchiriadis
ll

s to
tit1t'
it1J totJ III

rsri

IV, ,.,, F /

TstT
.J

,\CW14

20

~~

It'

rS

J, .:J ~

!=1~
-!

j.
;j

TT

J
~

r.s

~ I; 1
t

,.-

f.

J- -TS ...,...

u~"'.s

The text edited by H. Schmid, Musica er scolica enchiriadis ... , p. 40.

334

Elibieta Witkowska-Zaremba

The two examples of interest shown in daseian notation around


1450 which have been discussed here are, of course, insufficient for
evaluating the significance of this kind of speculation for the theory
of music of that time, whether in the domain of "ars canendi n or
"musica speculativa". They do, however, show that the earlier pitch
systems were a focus of interest from both these points ,of view.
For Johannes Gal li ell s,' who intended, as he put it, urenovare veram
antiquorum patrum atque brevem et fa-ciiem de sonis ac vocibus
practica,m", the daseian notation, as well as all kinds of alphabetical
notations, might have been an inspiring hint as to the way of simplifying the principles of mutation resulting from the hexachordal sys~
tem. 21 For the anonymous glossarist from Krak6w, the method of dividing the lnonochord indicated by "the musician Enchirias" was an
achievement in the area of "ars musica '/ , understood traditionally as
a skill resulting from the inventiveness of the human mind which
a)lows one to construct and perfect pitch systems. Both authors Johannes Gallicu~ and the anonymous glossarist of manuscript PI-Kj
1861 - attempted to reconstruct a notation system which had been
disca'r ded centuries before. These seem to be the first attempts of
this kind in the history of music theory. It is very likely that daseian
notation was the first obsolate notation system "discovered anew n ,
to become the subject of historical interest.

21

H. Riemann, Geschichte der Musitheorie (Berlin, 1921), p. 304 and sqq.

Example 1. Johannes Gallicus, Ritus canendi,


London, British Library, MS Harley 6525, f. 35r

,
r_...ti_rJ.~
-h--~n14
:-tm~..!,
" -~!Jl""~
. ~il.l0;
1C'W1.. . ~<L+~.tii~d
.~'!'~,

336

Eli:bieta Witkowska Zaremba

dlJ~.yd{1 C.,~\t1t,.,." . Nll)lJ ('(1- b(",llll(


,

SI h'C~ tt,en! co,, t,":"f: ~_r

Example 3. Johannes Gallicus, Ritus canendi,


London, British Library, MS Harley, f. 57v

~mZza.~rlr1~~~-fR~~~~!hrofM"

~a)'1r!LD~rt~~4UriLu{[n~ut7~tt~k.u.tr :
_ Jwd.J~

a .'l!

~_~

~r~Jb4

~ CJA
I
/tI,,- "".1 ~-"'-
J~ ~ . . t:1'!!t rno~ ~tl:~. uw.u._ lIra.,.

dnl; (HtiJ,,1ik1LJ:" 6~'A.JX, .~~/


.~.--.
"-- -F" nctUia(.arftkntr:'~--:I
"
~~.
. .

:_ , , - '

1-

tlal!_
' .~ ..~ ._ .~~rnuGa;

.. .

~
.~
.. .
,_~_ .. :r..- . . -l~...Iv.I~
~~. ; .~ .
. -:~~:~~&. .

"-

'r ..'.~
..... ,.
~._

..

~ - ~ -;

. . ."

~~ .

___

~"~_..,_
~ 'f~"
~
~~ _ ~~.IDrnt.

.... .__ ._, ,. ~-_u.~/


__... .- . ,u,i)
~

.
;

,{)i1tI'Jri1~:. /

-.
~~~~~- - - ~-tul!; 1 -_ao""'"""'r~~.,__ .A~u:;J
: ~ /;/(7ift:
~
..
.
j:' .., 1:1,,#:1 -:l-J-,:{-/'-'-- -,--~
_ . ~~_ , .~ . ,
~.'
~ j' k-.. . ~'-. _.d::: l!.- -:
: ".~:.~ ;
uenraC ea 'clr;.;&. d~ul:a .die- lutA.. ~ . i
.
~

or

. . um;..
."'

"

f~J
:

#-y . ~

__

~r~

~ ,, -

'1

...

- - . -~

.L:u(:;'_~_; .. '~ _ ..:.~ j. .

, ,

'd'

'.

' .

. -. ~

'.:-'l . :.;..... - -..: _ --.~ -'-_:. .: ...--~ ~ ~ .

'.~~_J~~~a.~tufCUfiurd'id.r~~~~peUi~!f
1iu.-ul
... tDtU:~~ w.{~~A-L- :~_.r~ tiiC ~__~..:. -fJ~-- _ . ". ~~IP"7 _
__'''- --' ~.~Y
..q-- -~.
~-Mlra
. ~~~t~#U:~~~~~.Jl~~~~~1tM ~.
. 1"'-'11:-,,-- .
I .J.. ~ ~ rea.' - .
.1 ... ~;;-=~'1 d -. '" rTI'U:.L AC'to"" ~JC.'KDna:ol~ -r-~. . ;j~~f.!l)t~~~ d,~

~..
I

dy"".2~d4d~dtme<tDnrrnono~d{~~~._Atr~(

-'-~" "

.\
I

Cantus Planus 1998 ,J '. Esztergom & Visegrad

339

G-MODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

Ldszl6 Dobszay - Gabriella Gilanyi Eva Gurmai - D6ra Petery Zsuzsa Rakai - Baldzs Szabo

The analysis of Old Roman G-mode responsories has been prepared


by Uszl6 Dobszay and his seminary students, and presented in
poster form at the Gantus Planus conference. This fom is retained
here as an appendix to the conference material. t

Table 1. General Remarks


A. Bibliography
B. G. Baroffio - S. J. Kim, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Archivio S. Pietro B 79 - Antifonario della Basilica di S. Pietro (Sec.
XlI) Vols. 1-2 (Rome, 1995).

P. F. Cutter, MDie altromischen und gregorianischen Responsorien im zweiten Modus", KzrchenmusikalischesJahrbuch 54 (1970),
pp. 33-40.
P. F. Cutter, A Study of the Old Roman Antiphoners Brit. Mus.
Add. 29988, and San Pietro B, 79 Diss., Princeton University
(Princeton, 1964).

P. F. Cutter, "Oral 'Ihlnsmission of the Old-Roman Responsories?/', The Musical Quarterly 62 (1976)/ pp. 182-94.
E. Nowacki, Studies on the Office Antiphons of the Old Roman
Manuscripts, Diss., Brandeis University (1980).

Scores: Beata Meszena .

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

340

R. J. Snow, "The Old-Roman Chant" in W. Apel, Gregorian


Chant (Bloomjngton - Indianapolis, 1958), pp. 4B4-505.

B. Material for Analysis


The two-hundred-sixty G-mode Responsories of the Old Roman
antiphonary San Pietro B 79. The analysis disregarded the verses
(since their melodies have no differences) but they are taken as indicators for modal assignment i.e. (distinction of Mode 7 and Mode 8
chants) .

C. Relative Number of Mode 7 and 8 Responsories


%

MODE

SNOW

1
2

65
86

10,45
13,82

3
4
5

33

5,3

82

6
7
8
(7-8

277

13,18
4,98
4,5
19,61
28,13
47,74

Sum

622

100

31

28
122
175

ANALYSED

110
150
260

20,37
27.77
48,14
570'

GREGORlAN CHANT

..

14,35
12,46
9,77
12,3
5,99
3,47
19,71
21/2
40/9)

100

. The total number of responsories in B 79 is 570 (see Baroffio in his Introduction p. 35) .
.. In Hartker's Antiphonary (according to Ape] p. 137).

Remarks
1. Responsories in 7-Mode make up appr. 1/5. in 8-Mode appr. 1/3
of the Old Roman repertory.
2. The proportion (but not the number) of 8lh -mode chants became smaller in Gregorian chant as a consequence of the omission
of many local feasts of the Sanctorale Icf. the following table) and
also the increase in use of the other modes.

341

G-MODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

3- The proportion of the 'rh-mode chants is nearly the same in the


two repertories.
4. The proportion of all authentic modes has increased in GR.

D. Distribution of Mode 7 and 8 within the main sections of


the repertory
MODB7

Thmporale
Sanctorale
Commune

75

27
8

MODE

68,2
24,5

64
77
9

7,3

42,7
51,3
6

Remarks
1. Mode 8 prevails in total, but:
2. its rate is much higher in the Sanctorale, while
3. Mode 7 is more intensively utilized in the Temporale.

Table 2. Responsories in Mode 8


(Balazs Szab6)

A. Typical lines
Smaller noteheads: optional components of the line.
The variants of incipit and those of cadence are independent from each
other.

..

-<

,......

>

t....;
"-"

......

'..,

..

11

/
~

--

I'

\
I

"a

,1

-------------~-------------

-----,;......

-----

--------------~--------------

... 13
o -

H{
c: ..
- ...

~.

I ~.
11

----------

,'"

B. The scope of variation in a typical line


lIIIA

~.

ad

IUIB

.f l'

er

fIs

urn

mo - na - $le - ri

~.

'!!"i

IIIID

,.

quos de

per

*
I

qui -

I
I

~
per

,.

di

~.. I" I" I" t

fi

da

"

De-c-i-us

rl"1'"

fj - Ii - urn tuum

iT
sub

Cae-sar

in - cli

nil

f't,..
le

du -

KC

" ofW

ni

ge- ni

~ ofiI

rat

FM"

abs

con

.0

chJa- my

,.

T"t .,s rP"f

t!

au

rem

(Omnipotens adorante

r 59)

turn

I"

chla

'f'

,,~
*"+
rP"f I f(h"141)sun' v;n

,
if

glono..
rP"f I f(Vi",o
170)
bus

t"

et

ad

(Quidam rusticus
f 1&7 v)

nil

T'"t4S
r

l'

~
~

ve

,.

non

et

IIIIC'

~r or! 1"'!'1'

,.

(Sebastianus Dei cullOr

f56 v)

dis

I r 56

(Sebastianus v;,
V)

my

dis

N ~

r!'1' I f(Ab_od;" popul.,

vc

83)

5ttam

+ .,. 1"'.
f ~. '!'?t'
f f ,. t e , .
.,

1'!

in

qui -..

de-R

R -

~
em

qui

, ,.,... !: .
"

r. " mu lam

ju

"t..,.f

re

Se

(Jam non dicam

,.,...,

r 123)

sris

*1'

ju

ran

Jf ~

....,.,..

fa

80)

am

me

co - po-vi

m if

su - am

(hte homo perfecil

""'fi,. ~f1

mn; -

id e -

qui me per

in

I
1"1'f"

(Ecce sacerdos

rP'f

f 180 V)

do

.."

(Ego_ ..

, r 152)

phi . am
(Canrantibus organis
f 170)

fi

Do

It

,.
C\I

~~ .
jus

mi

ne

- =*
pul

chri

cor

um

me

:J ~
tu

di

*
nem

(lpsi sum de:sponsal:l

f 5"9\1)

350

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

C. Typical structures

I-II-III (+ IVI-VI
I-II-III (+IV1-V-VI
same, with partial repetition after VI
same, with partial expansion after Ill-IV
same, with omissions
beginning with deep line (U2, I/3 cf. V)
a different beginning (e.g. taken from Mode 7)
"centonate"
Sum

36
27
7
19
6

22
24
150

D. Examples for the most typical structures


The line-structure is marked by the signs used in 1able A.
IIIB

..

..
Cl - .,; -

la

.....

!an

--

- .:-=1

.AUlA

.,

..

Ru - fi

Se

et

ani

cia

AUlA

. ,1

..

r. .

IIIi - ni

S.-c:tIfi-C4

li

Is

..

,. et

VIA

..

i . _

10

pm _Iio

co

la

aI

..
.

QIIo, po. pe

~
.,

.
,

.,

.,

,.
'

.,

"

AIf2

"

11-,'"

).'
I

-I

~-

"

-A IIJ

I"

,....

, , ,- T'
0

be

.,

'.-

Mode11f
IL

...

etU.,

--

'1.-

esl

-di

cs

pnc

dII -

,-.. r-, . . .

~,

Hie

VIA

nil'

dco_

et

pi!

.,

~.

hi

di

Item

-I

11/1

HIlA

., ..

:lIP.

cir - cum , da

tu

Doml

~~= ~-M'1' ~ rd5=~


~- -~~on
i
: tu"'o
mu - rn!\.
c . jLl>
"
'"
~

tu

Cl

I1I1A

11.1V1 A

IV/A

dl - ant

: IV/C

-.

-1"11:

.>1
Clu

11

so-m -

""

~" - gi

'

11

~I

n..,

Ro, rna

~es

11

wnt

Du - ml ' num

dil

Do

mi . nu,

lie

I.., .

: IV/e

IUID

.,

,
Do-ml ' nus

di - dt
A

-fi

ISC_ctJ

In

dl

r-nim

"

CnII

",I

""

DUe

1111

el ..
d

c.. ' !o,NIllIe

pet"

rnli-si -

'fib -

dar

O!

IDa .., - ter

: de - teen

,
:, IV/A

:et

I-i

n-

ne

" ' .. '

11.

.,
Ii

.
DC

Ii

11-

pa-Ia

Wl

101, CICI"

..

..,

t1e

_.1:1:

pi-Ill

do

.. - N

'

iI

pro-

di.oo-no

: IV/A

11(.

ei-pe

l1li:

Ib 110- ml

ni but

Mode 8IIl1

Mode7ffl

Ior.,..

.sI,nI:

.,

Do- ..;.

w. ....

.-

CS 1IICIII. brit

iDquo

IllID

., ..
11

: JV/A

lllle

WI

quem pro- pile

,et

Rd - de:

I
mE

1711 -

Ji - .Gm me -

: IVlA
I

la

,..,,-dl

nIIII

_M

8E li

Ml- 0

"-~-1\U1I

VIIi

VIB

-.r
C~

..

J
Do - nai - _

ell

po-

po-

lu..

1'-

IU

UmI

,-

VIB

er

I"~'

quK

Ori

pto

IIJ

"'."./Ie

It

IUI-pi-_ ~

re

III

rei

RI -

.. VIA

er
A

me

0Iri

if

V/B

IU

11111

dil.

'U

I'"rrf""'

bU

o - mnr:rn IIn

JIi

I .....

~"..,,.

Rm.

IJlO

ryr

r'

......

si

..

[IIC

VB

le

J .....

lroi - IIi

.'

I"" , ...

iUO

... crin-d-II" of ra n:

..

IIi

nu.L

,I

CUI '"

VI1iI

~.

vc

~,

pa-

,r

$c-t.

VIII

"

...

"

, i}

VIII

tJ

...

I .....

/10

VIB

quae

I.

I=J-F-

VUI
,

er

di

-if

.. VfB

-'

,.,-ri-e-

Qlmllli

VIII

l
~-ci.pi

IM

"".
.

VIA

".

-.
,

,t : "

.1pII

JICI"

me

ic

red

mil.

VUI

-,
-.;
ell- JUS

*1

1II1'II

",.

-p

"i den

lIS

p - .,; -

u _

Cl mu-/lC-ra

lob-Ill

It

run(.

<

.I

~-------~---------

<

-----------~----------

s--

---

-----------------------

------------------------

361

GMODE RESPONSORIES 'N OLD ROMAN CHANT

B. Typical structures

I-II-(ID)-Z
same, with partial repetition after line I
I-m-(lll-Z
same, with partial repetition after line III
I-IT ... line taken from Mode 8 ... -z
I-ll-X-Z
beginning with line
"centonate"
The line-structure is marked by the signs used in table A..

17
28

6
7

3
8

19
22

C. The scope of variation in a typical line

~ ~ '(f
Re

NQID

t!

fa - ci - no - ra

pie

l'

t,. "f1""T-r

f '"

et

m.a

tri

- I.D

i\

'fT'

'"

Se

cun

&""",
Qui- cum

Cl

0 -

pc - ra - tus

dum

fj - des tu - a wb ve - nil

or di

DCJZI

sc:m par- vu - la

""r 'N

bl

tu

et ec - cc ~Il- va ta

ICe

re

rl:

f r v)

'11' f
se: -

'N

'1't'N

11

Cl!

s.i

non

da - bit

l"t5i ~

4'!:

'1'"

fa

ci

un

ti - hi

fru - CtUs

'I"

su -

De

IlS

7~~~a"

0$

'M"-..,...

me

(Congratulamini f 2.8 v)

mo

" ~.,.,. l' ~ 'f!t ~ t 1"1' ~


I&f. rU1

Praecursor pro
v
nobis (19 )

~h

.T~

ere -

(Lucia virgo

CSI.

chi

pia

(Yeni Domine
f 13)

!l'l"'"o 'M ~

.,.

Mel

t"e~O

fu - c - ris

tu

t" orrl'"

t, '" ..",.,.,. fi'

f ~ &. " " '" t


Cum

"ffW f

IlS

(Ecce odor

f 72)

rna

6L

J,- _

in

7=

....,7

L: _ __

rDO-

f--' I"!
El ne di

de

.4'

dum vi - di

!'Ion

1't
de

Ris

. ~!i'

ti

se

r:as

mi -

I(>

re

re

"P'r N

me:

nem

t!

Iffi

pI

r 49)

(Exaudi DellS
f 5 I)

le

(Viri Galilaei

f 119'')

'!'

'is
gem

vi - am.

, .

peccavi

me

~.
T:::::'

I'

(Tibi soli

um

le

d3m

r'

Cl

Kt 1"ffi?t 'l""t'f
~

rl:

le

fIlIi f

l I ...,

cas

mit

~N' M'

:aMi::.

1l"r:

1':

Ad prt- pa -,run

4'

ram

nI

A _ _ ____~_ _

(;0

- ,-

~:p ..,

Quam ad -

lum

II.:n

t"1'f,...

~
~
SlOI'

,..
Iris

eef

I -

le -

co mi

~
'
t

h
.,

bo

ne

tur

(Audi fili
mihi f 143 '')

tu

&'"
L:l

""N

l'

ffir

(Sicul

preces~it

f 158)

no - bis - cum

(G",som luum

f Sol v)

D. Examples for the most typical structures

=+.

't

Ye .

4
ni

Do

mi

Si man

~ if ~
f
Hie:

e\

11

''''-

ne

Sot

I1

ae

f:!rPe

trf

l' f

an - (e qllam

no

li

lar

In:

r#
I

P% ~ j
ml

101"

da

1'! ~.

M' - d"I'~

.Je

nl

Cl

vi

......

in . du . e

le

!{e

"., - lIi

11

rem

men

I1

-r

I'jIrI

~ ~!f'

po

pu

I;

11

~m

re

re

H t . . , f 1'i

Pe

rn (",m

lif

r ~ ~ i'i1! I

11

~ f
"'

oM f

1[1

YI

Ir

111

tu

ac

III

el

<u per

el

rt-

..

.~ 1* . ._
.'.

~~
.

I.

III

no

It

ufT-

-r.

ci

pc:

pie. !lc:m

p:=
for

III

I rr'!t"~ I"fSJfP -rM"r


hie

r~1

QUi

i.

,,:!

C!

11

'I

"1

11
"E

'.

I
I

or.

'I

1/

"

11
I1

"J

e
I

..

I,

'0

..

IN

..

'

'i

..
..
..e

'I

.
I.

is

'I

JiI

"t

11'

I
, I

.!

.11

15N

"0

11

11

VN

I!

I I

'11

.i

I,'

J/

: I

'I

"/Ill

366

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

Remarks to Thble 2 and 3


1. In the responsories of Mode 8 both the lines and smaller elements are highly standardized. In the responsories of Mode 7 the
shapes of lines are freer but even so they are built of standard formulae, reorganized again and again.
2. Also there is more stability in the place and function of given
lines within the whole of a chant in Mode 8 than in Mode 7.
3. Variation in most cases is purely a consequence of the textual
environment.
4. The 2nd and the last lines are variants of each other; the difference is caused by the ending of the previous lines.
5. Consequently, the basic form of the responsory in both Mode 7
and 8 is: I_U_X_IIvar (where X is the most variable section and can
be expanded according to the overall text structure J.
6. The piece as a whole is more or less freely structured by the
use of the typical elements, but some structures prevail in both
Mode.
7. Responsories which don't follow a strict pattern rcentonate"
items) are constructed of the same elements as the typical structures.
8. Any mixture of -rh and 8th Mode - in spite of some shared elements (see below) - is rare. The two modes are, as it were, two different tracks of singing the sacred text. The modes are thus "melodies" rather than theoretical categories.
9. The typical lines and structures offer an ideal material for
keeping the chants in mind in a purely oral musical culture.

GMODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

367

Table 4. The formulae


IGabriella Gilcinyi}
A. The catalogue of the formulae
Column 1:
Column 2:
Column 3:

An abstract model of the fonnula's musical essence


The most frequent form(sl of the formula
Line(s) where the formula regularly occurs (the signs are
identical with those adapted in Thble 2 and 3; "x" = an individual line; a-b-c: beginning, middle part, close of the line)
Number of occurrences
Proportion of occurrences between Mode 7 and 8
The most usual correspondence of the formula in Greg,o rian
Chant.

Column 4:
Co1wnn 5:
Column 6:

FORMULAE IN A FIX POSITION

Mode7
I

CA

. !' ! t t~

11

.....----.

.0
.0
--

IIrs

-~ ~~.
CZ~~ :

~~

=*J
~I

11#+

IIN

11

..-eq
~

34

Da

35

mll

13

I(
f

le

;
I

me

30

+:',-'8

me

SI

mb

12

m.

15

lip('

I'

I' t M'

-~

,.,.,..
Elf

i I'"f

24

'T' '" r

II~

!~,

...--.

11

~Q

cw:

mb

or.

~G?). t " pp I 1F
:tl

~*'t

.,.
,

'T

368

Laszlo Dobszay and his students

~ ,,8 11~1"N ~ t I
~ 8!.
E,'
-'t ! ,.,. tS 1

I_.1

11

;z

11

11

if .

11

:~ I

Il-

, f:i ,.

~
I

W AND8R1NG

FORMULAE WITHIN THE GIVEN MOOR

IMode 7]
11

ne
me

P'i N"I

2J

(28

!$ ~

(lA

-tr

I~

H'

I c: 20
!Vb 4

Ai'

Oa

If

,.

II

11

?Pet

( 15

:: ~ l)1
IV b

or:

GMODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT


Ib

~:

IM'

4:

1"1"'PI'

I
11

rub

S
6

!Vb

le

12

Db
mb

4
30

IMode

l:-~

..,. rFS

I1

11

"

mb

lib

3~

VI b

6S

Xc

~ Si

,.~

! l'

~~~~

Vb

fI

I 4r* !4N" ~ I

Ic
Vc

47

.'

tS1

ft?

11

"

( 21

46

101

IV. 62

S1

f.". P'

4: '@j*ls

I'rJw

':0

11'l'1 "5Nr I

ft::::

Ipf'f

4!

DJ:

1;4'1

V,

24

( 86

Ib

11
66

VI a

S.
19

( 13

lib

8S

VI b

7.

( 119

ij\+

114

77

(54

CoMMON FORMULAE OP MODES

~CS:

~I

i'i' ,,\ .,.. ~


., If'. .
.

Uf:

~+ ,e ?! '+1'

I1

-111!

8]

--! oN P! I Ail
or.

369

,.

7/11 b

lllVb
IIV b

7IXb
IllVb

7111 b
1I1Yb
1IIIb
IIVIII

., (

63

'1"
7 AND 8

17

1:1

70

1:9

..,

134

4: I

II

7IXe
I/le

S
SS

60

I: 11

7/1e

10

I.!

2:1

"Ie

,..~

,.,

".,.

-P'

,,*

11

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

370

4
~.

~py.

)2

711'1 b

11
11
11

a IU b
I1 VIb

I ~."

11

~~--=::JI'

11

,. ~ l'

&' fi

11 VI b

I1

7111
7/X.
/1.

1I

7/11 c
?/llIt
7IX c

11

8
<111

2:1

4ifW

103

27

("

1:8

4; \

If'

1:1 .5

4,.

42

2:1

?tl

60

1:8

31

1.5 : 1

or:

,.-.-,

~~~ 1 ~rr,,1 1'1' ~ I

---

7~

7 ID c
)
ll1Ve
71 X c
1
IlIe
14

"11
c
., X c
r--o

7 III b

711b
7 III c
! III ,
1I X b.c

\1

12

1/11 e

~;

11111c
11)( c
81 X c

Il

1111 c
71 )( c

l
(

I: (

111Ve

100 (

81"lc

10&6

2S6 I: I.S

Remarks
1. Some formulae have a stable function.
2. The majority of the formulae are, however, "compositorial
tools"; they can be adapted in case of special ornamentation, linking
of elements, etc.
3. Many formulae are clearly ornamental and so structural note(s)
can be felt in the background. The structural notes are in many
cases retained also in Gregorian Chant, even when the tones in the
formula are different.
4. Old Roman and Gregorian formulae cannot be translated to
each other mechanically, since both are utilized in a musical way
according to the given context.

371

GMODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

Table 5. Cadence and subsequent inclpit


IEva Gurmai)
A. Cadence notes in Mode 7 and 8
The values are multiplied in Mode 8 by 1.36 in order to equalize the two
sets.
MODE

CADENCE-NOTE

e'

41

d'

29

C'

73

27

,a
g

53

103
10

MODB8

1
13
1
10
219
295
38
71
49

B. 1)rpicaI cadence formulae


The first number in each case shows occurrences in Mode 7, the second
one in Mode 8; at the end of line stands the sum of occurrences belonging
to the whole variant group.

E"

~1'
6+0

IM

111'

12 .. I
2

0"

N
6+3

e"

1'!
5+0

~
20+ 3

I rs! 11'

I ~rt

t"

1+0

..
IN

3+7

12 +0'

II +0

1+ lM
8+1
2

H'

9+0

II'f
2+2

10+0
,3

I 'IV
54-t1>

@
40+ I

@
32 + 7

@
77 + 1

1-", -IN
2+0

12 +0

i i!'1

12 + 2

@
~+7

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students


2

.5

@D

A'
12 + 41

1 + 49

5+6

30 + I

12 +0

0+4

9 + 49

28 ... 8

71 +89

4+0

2 + 79

60 + 101

G'
1+2

115 ... 227

F
3+3

7 + 20

10+28

0+5

1+)0

0 ... 6

1+36

3 + 34

0+3

3 + 37

D'

C. Connection of lines
THE FIRST NOTE OF THE POLLOWING LINE

CADENCENOTE

e'

c'
b
a
g
f

e
d

f'
0
3
0

e'
13
4

d'
25
5

2
1

8
3

27

0
0
0

81
8
0
0

0
0

0
0
0

1
16

b
0
6
45
6
6
16

5
0
2

0
4
12

f
2
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
128 6
43
109
20 4
2
5
8
21
g

e
0
0
0
0
1

0
0
0

d
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
46
3

c
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
5

GMODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

373

D. The relationship of the cadence-pattern and the subsequent motif


cadence

!f

incipilS

!f

I r-

'Pf

It,.

I4
I.,.

Remarks
1. Since the cadence note of the recurring Line II ,is g or Q in both
modes land other lines also frequently use these notes as goals), it is
not surprising that these cadences make up an overwhelming majority of the total.
2. The g and a cadences are frequently exchanged (except, of
course, in the last line).
3. The tones above this field occur almost exclusively in Mode 7,
and below only in Mode 8.
4. As Table C shows the interval between the cadence note and
the first note of the following line is in most cases always (73%) either the unison or the second. One exception is the relatively frequent leap of fourth (from g up to c' and from d up to g).
5. The transition between the linked lines is smooth, moreover, it
is worked out in small details jas is, for example to the connection
of the differentia for a psalm tone to the incipits of those antiphons
with which it is employed).

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

374

Table 6: Common features and differences


between Modes 7 and 8
(Zsuzsa Rakai)
The problem

The B-rnode system is the product of the Carolingian music theory. It is often declared that the Octoechos is alien from the preCarolingian liturgical music, including Old Roman and Ambrosian
Chant. The modality of the Responsories is defined by the Verse.
Question: Are these modes sharply distinguished also by other features of the musical material or not?
A. The standard melody of verses in Mode 7 and in Mode 8
Mode 7

~ "ft

".". 1__ .. ~ 1 .,. 1" I'"

~ mm' 1",.

I" 1: PI'

'I!

ModeS

~.

I"IS; ______ .I"i

,.. I

B. The ambitus
MODE

MODES

MODE7

MODES

The common set of tones

98

144

60
15

144

(g-c')

EXCEEDED DOWNWARDS:
by a second (f]

by a third le)
by a fourth (d)
by a fifth (c)

EXCEEDED UPWARDS:
by a second (d' J
by a third re' )
by a fourth (f')
by a fifth (g')

by a sixth-seventh

(a'-b)

122

8
1

113

98
97
76
35
21

137
101

13

7
0

THE LOWEST NOTE:


83
c
1
7
30
d
7
9
e
22
45
f
0
38
g
THE HIGHEST NOTE:
7
e'
0
36
1
d'
e'
34
21
7
41
f'
g'
a'
b'

19
11
5

0
0
0

11

375

G-MODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

Remarks
1. The observance of the theoretical limits on range are not consistent as one might expect from the Gregorian music theory. 8th
-mode chants often have excessive ranges (note high proportion of
d' and e' in the table!) and also chants in Mode 7 may sometimes go
down rather low. The cause of this lies, however, not in the instability of modal assignment, but rather in the nature of melodic taste in
Old Roman repertory (ornamental style).
2. There are a few chants in both modes, that share a part of the
other mode's proper ambitus.
3. In spite of these facts, the two modes can be clearly distinguished by the means of the ambitus.

C. The most frequent incipits in the two modes

Mode 8

Mode 7

9:~ 4Si I ~ H
25

1".

.J 41

15

_
Ill

tl

f 1* I
9

I.. ~ f!" I
1

"

..J=_

!'

17

~: ,-;;;:;z '",

18

29

. ' '-.1 f ~t11 _ '<15- 1


5

97

?f'
9

I . f-ta
,8

1-'

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

376

' ~ , ::;-' " ""'


6

Cl
.5

D'~
.;;::-.
7 (

::s:. "' I

A
1

'! ~ "f~.' 'H1" ~ I


2

~' ~ t

E
I

"" f

D
I

C
I

D. For the distinctive formulae of the two modes see Table 4


Remarks
1. Both the incipits and the standard formulae have many common points in the two modes.

2. The number of occurrences are, however, considerably different, even in the case of identical patterns.
3. Moreover, both modes have distinctive incipits and inner formulae; even the same abstract schemes are realized regularly by different exact tones in the two modes.

G-MODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

4. Consequently: The responsories of the two modes can be distinguished not only by the help of verses, but also in details. Melodic turns associated with as few as 2 or 3 syllables are sufficient
to provide clues for defining modality.
5. It can be supposed that the modes existed before Carolingian
theory emerged instinctively or through the aid of tools unknown to
us (e. g. with reference to text incipits).
Table 7. Old Roman, Gregorian, Ambrosian
(Lisz16 Dobszay)
FIRST LEVEL: OLD ROMAN RESPONSORIES

IN GREGORIAN CHANT
A. Equivalent formulae in the two repertories: see Table 4.
R The same text and melody in the both repertories
MODE

7
%

NUMBER

11

10

18,7
5,3

86

57,3

NUMBER

Absent in GR
Present in GR,
Mode undefinable
Present in GR
in the same mode
From mode 7 to 8
and vice versa
GR Mode 1
GR Mode 2
GR Mode 3
GR Mode 4
GR Mode 5
GR Mode 6
Sum total

TOGETHER

MODES

28

NUMBER

15

5,5

39
14

68

61,8

154

59,2

4,6

15

13,7

22

8,5

2,7

1,8

0,0

3,3

1,8

4
7

4-

3,6

10

1
2
150

0,7

1
2
41
0

0,9

2,3
1,5
2,7
3,8
0,8
0,8

1,3

110

260

3,4

Laszl6 Dobszay and hls students

378

Remarks
1. The proportion of Mode 8 is relatively smaller
GR than ex. The cause is the absence of many Old Roman local saints
(on
feast
most the chants in Mode 8 appear).
2. Consequently the proportion
identical chants is a little
in Mode 7.
3. In spite of this the number of shared
is
high (60%
on the average, 85% if the chants for which the mode has changed
are included): the two repertories are in fact practically
same.
11
sense that more OR
4. The GR favoured the 7 mode in
in Mode 8 are transformed to Mode 7 than the other way
around.
The number of other modal changes are low; no conclusions
can be drawn from them. Perhaps the relatively higher proportion
B
of 4th Mode in both groups is worth mentioning (in Mode 7,
has been
as the tonic of Mode 4; in Mode 8, the lines with
low
influenced the final),
rd
6. The 3 mode chants have
created through allowing the
melody of the last line (in 8lh -mode melodies) to descend a third
lower (cf. "parallel tonalities
f

JJ

).

379

G-MODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

C. The

SaDle

melody in the OR, GR, AM traditions

" OR
I

Quil

III qui

~.

ad

ni "i

me

CU

n - re

vul

De -

me

GR(NMuIX)

AM (PalMIlI VI)

11

e - 10 wm.

l -

po -

110-

Ius Ch"

sti

nI - hil

in me

~; ~

plC ~ mi lil

ad

cc

quandi-Iclli - III

metI

le

11 ,..,l' ..- ..

I, ~

"..

1--'

n- u .

bi - la

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

380

D. Modal alteration

Do

An ge - lu,

m.

nt

10 - CU

mu li

IUS

Lucea

cen5 quem

quae - n . IU

an

Je-

;, ....

vC - ni' It

~Il

;~

et

.,. p-

" . de

I. ,.

_~~~~III

dl

- e

le

s~m

QUIC

&I - le . tu

e .1 l'

r:-r

ri

tit

,. I

El~

aJ

ja.

jam

- .,..

. !

lur

f"

le

buJ

11

I5f

ja.

~ 11

GMOOE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

381

SECOND LEVEL: OLD ROMAN RESPONSORIES


IN THE AMBROSIAN TRADITION [THE SAME TEXT)

A. Shared items in the Winter-Spring section of the year (cf.


PalMus VI)
Mode 7:
Adoma thalamum

Amo Christum
Antequam comedam
Aspiciens a longe
Co ngraru la mini ... quia cum
Dixit joseph undecim
Dominus mecum est
Eram quasi agnus
Nuntiaverunt ]acob
Senex puerum
Surge pater
Thnto tempore
1bllite vobiscum

Mode 8:
Deus canticum
Dixit Ruben
In monte Oliveti
Lapidaverunt
Quis es tu Videntes joseph

Remarks
1. The number of shared items is rather low (5% of the Old Roman repertory); most of them are, however, probably not borrowings from one repertory to the other but derive from a common
heritage (see below).
2. The relatively higher number of Tb-mode chants is the consequence of the predominance of this mode in the Old Roman Temporale.
3. The Ambrosian versions are much more less standardized, their
melodic movement is many times, as it were capricious. Is this a
consequence of different melodic taste, priority or, on the contrary
of a process of re comp ositi on ?
.

Laszto Dobszay and his students

382

THIRD LEVEL: THE SAME ITEMS WITH DIFFERENT


LITURGICAL FUNCTIONS
OR

Adorna thalamum
Ecce ego mitto
Exiit sermo
Facrus est repente
Precatus est
Priusquam formaTem
Responsum Qccepit
Sub aUare
Thnto tempore
Venire post me
Video caelos
Viri Galilaei
Vox in Rama

R
R

R,
R,
R,
R
R,

Communio
C<lmmunio
Offertorium
Communio

R,
R,
R,
R,
R,

Communio
Communio
Communio
Introitus
Communio

GR

AM

Ant. Process. R
Post evangelium
Co mmuni 0 Co nfrac to rium
Cornmunio Ingressa
Offertorium Offertorium
Communio
Ingre ssa
Communio lngressa
Communio Ingressa
Co mmuni 0
Ingressa
Introitus
Communio 1ransit0 rium

Remarks
1. Some of correspondences may derive from an adaptation from

one liturgical function to the other. But they may also be remnants
of an earlier period when the liturgical genres were not clearly distinguished (two or three basic melismatic "manners"?I.
2. The variants in these cases depart from each other much further than in the case of R to R correspondences.
3. We may conclude that they are separated by longer period of
mutual independence.
4. Genera] ly speaking: what is the cause of the fact that all the
Office genres are much more standardized than those of the Mass
chants jexcept for the chants between the lessons)?

383

G-MOOE RBPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT


OR; Responsorium

Vi - de .

cae . los

a per

(OS

et

le - sum

Sl3.n lern

Lt.:X - lIiJ

vir

li~

tu

GR: Communlo (palMus XIH)

al

~;

I1lJRS5Il (PalMus VI)


I

,
Do mi ne

Dc

Jc. su

IiC

cl - pc spi ri ,tum

IM -

um

III Ill!

SI;! -

~.
i,

tu 0lS

il - lis

hoc

If~

pe..: .

Cl

tum

'f'r

I~

.~

qui a

ne - 5Ci unt

quill

fa

Cl

un!.

I1

Laszl6 Dobszay and his students

384

FOURTH LEVEL: SIMILAR MELODIC TYPES COMBINED


WITH DIFFERENT TEXTS
(OLD ROMAN - AMBROSIAN)
PalMus VI

Non
OR

'*1

Ho

In

ril

lcr

,.

1" ?!'

di

si - ncs

yiF

# rf er

rIfiI

per

ti

fa

ti

as

IU

~~$t'

eil

cl

ma

sunl

re

Do

nus

ml

(I . clum

dui - cc

$eel

est

ril

in - ler

vir -

Ier

Ii

pru - den

!In

tul

,
&)'
DIOn -.

CfI

~s

III!! - ti . Ii _

o le - W1I

lam pi

I
et

tet

cam - pi

I'

41

ob vi

AlII

di bus

,-.

IeS

. -,
il

Ob yi - 1/1.

lei

qui - a

ho di e

,I

IU

-,

IUf

Spon

tal

,
'i d - ji ci -

di

,cum paI-

10

II\l

yi,

b.1

pt!

fI

n.i - la

hs.

U IUI

ell

I , -.

t}

Jo - hall ne

in

Jor - daJ

1"'"
ni'

11

On -

SIUI

G-MODE RESPONSORIES IN OLD ROMAN CHANT

385

Remarks
1. I terns with the same text mayor may not be borrowings from a
tradition to the other. On the other hand, cases like those above
point to a deeper root of kinship betwe,e n repertories.
2. Melodic types, musical ideas rather than individual pieces
might circulate in the old Italian liturgies which could be adapted to
different texts and according to the different styles of the local rites.
3. And so these basic tunes lead us far back into the period prior
to the written transmission.

Cantus Planus 1998 ,J " Esztergom El Vlsegrad

387

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS:


COMPOSITIONAL STRATEGIES
IN THE OFFERTORIES OF OLD ROMAN CHANT l

joseph Dyer

In his introduction to the second volume of the series Monumenta

Monodica Medii Aevi, Bruno Stablein contrasted the native Italian


chant style with that of Gregorian chant, a repertoire considered by
many scholars to be the result of a process of "editing" the Roman
chant introduced north of the Alps in the late eighth and early
ninth centuries, 2 SHiblein quoted a reference to the singing of "alleluia" from Cassiodorus' commentary on Psalm 104: uThe tongues of
cantors are adorned with [alleluia], and the Lord's basilica joyfully
responds with it. Innovations are always being introduced with

The present paper is a shortened version of an article that appeared in Early


Music History 17 (1998), pp. 1-60.
Z The indispensable source for chant history and repertoire is David Hiley, Western Plainchant: A Handbook IOxford , 1993), not in the least for its extensive bibliography. Very differing views have been expressed about the exact nature and result
of the transmission of Roman chant to Gaul; see He1mut Hucke, "Die Einfiihrung
des Gregorianischen Gesangs im Frankenreich", Romi3che Quartaischrift tar chriatliche Altertumskunde wul Kirchenge.schichte 49 (19541. pp. 172-87, Hucke, uThward& a
New Historical View of Gregorian Chant", Journal of the American Musicological Society 33 (1980), pp. 437-67, Kenneth Levy, Charlemagne's Archetype of Gregorian
Chant, Journal of the American Musicological Society 40 {1987), pp. 1-30, Philippe
Bernard, Sur un aspect controver$~ de la r~forme carolingienne: 'vieux-romain'
et 'gregorien''', Bcclesia Dran& 7 (19901. pp. 163-89, and more recently. Bemard,
"Bilan historiograpbique de la question des rapports entre les chants 'vieux romain'
et 'gregorien', Ecc1esi.a Dram 12 (1995), pp. 323-53. The broader a8pects of the
Carolingian liturgical reforms are surveyed by CyriUe Vogel, "Les Echanges liturgiques entre Rome et les pays francs jusqu/a l'~oque de Charlemagne", in Le chiese nei regni dell'Europa occickntale e Iloro rapporli con Roma finD all'800, Settimane
di studi del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medio Evo 7 (Spoleto, 1960), pp.
I

185-295.

Joseph Dyer

varying tropes" (tropis


variantibus innovatur).3 Cassiodorus'
description of how the alleluia was sung in the middle of the sixth
century cannot, of course, be applied without reservation to
music of the surviving Old Italian chant repertoires Old RomanI
Beneventan, and Ambrosian - whose histories
of preservation vary so widely. His comment about the singing of alleluia {in
an unknown liturgical contextj seems to evoke,
certain
features of
repertoires, particularly their intricate,
often repetitive melodic motion within a narrow pitch range
the literal or slightly modified reiteration of melodic elements
varying lengths.
Old Roman offertories display the apparently
random repetitive motions
convoluted stepwise melodic
gestures of the Italianate style, but they juxtapose and integrate
features with a sense of purposefuJ musical organization.
of the Old Roman offertories is transmitted in
graduals written
used in
city
Rome. 4 The
of these
sources, a handsome manuscript from the scriptorium of S. Cecilia
in 'frastevere (Cologny-Geneve, Bibl. Bodmeriana,
74), is dated
1071. The second, an early twelfth-century manuscript (Vat. lat.
19),
sometimes been linked with
basilicas but no
conclusive evidence confirms its association with that important
church.
third and latest of the group is a thirteenth-century
l

Bruno
Die Gesiinge des altromischen Gradual, Monuments. Monodiea
Medii Aevi 2, ed. Margareta LandwehrMelnicki (Kasset 1970),
: MM).
Cassiodoros, Comment. in
104: "Hoc ecclesils
votivum,
hoc sancHs festivitatibus decenter accomodatum. Hinc ornatur lingua cantorunl,
aula domini laeta respondet et tanqam insatiabile bonum tropis semper VBriantibus innovatur." Expositio psalrnorum,
M. Adriaen, Corpus Chrlstianorum:
98:942. The translation is from P. G. Wa1sh, Cassiodorus: Explanations
of the Psalms,
Writers
-53 (New York, 1991), 3:49. Peter
Wagner applied Cassiodorus' remark to "die langgezogenen Allelujajubilen-; see his
Einfiihrung in die
Melodien: Bin Handbuch der Choralwisse7lschaft,
3 vols. (Leipzig, 1910(In fairness to the
chant
it should
be noted Stable in does not always reflect accurately
context of what he
... abwertende Urteil
Wagners iiber die
Melodik" of
Roman chanL)
4 No
collections of offertories or their verses
the
offertoria or verslculan'a are known to have existed the
Roman tradition.
3

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

389

gradual from St. Peter's basilica (Archivio di S. Pietro, F 22).5


A complete Old Roman offertory, like its Gregorian counterpart,
consists of a refrain and one or two verses (sometimes threel in the
same melodic style. The final portion of the refrain (the repetenda) is
repeated as a choral respond following the soloist's verse. Depending on the tempo chosen, the longest offertories in either the Old
Roman or the Gregorian tradition could last 15 minutes in performance.
Features particularly distinctive of the Old Roman offertory
chants include: 111 the extensive use of two formulae across large
portions of the repertoire, (2) the unification of verses and.occasionally refrain and verses through returns of melodic material, and
(3) the transfer of melodic material - melismas or entire verses from one offertory to another, though this practice is exceptional. 6
I also believe that these aspects of the Old Roman offertories reveal
attributes of the oral tradition that preceded the earliest notated
witnesses. 7 They suggest the presence of improvisatory techniques
that facilitated oral transmission during the approximately four centuries that separated the presumed origins of the offertory chants
from their earliest notation in the late eleventh century.
About two-thirds (59) of the Old Roman offertories make greater
or lesser use of two standard fonnulae, all traces of which have
been eradicated in the "Gregorian" revision of the music. These two
formulae (FormA and FormB) almost always occur in conjunction
5 The Santa Cecilia manuscript has been edited in facsimile by Mu Liitolf, Da.s
Graduale von Santa Cecilia in 1l'astevere, 2 vols. (ColognyGen~ve, 1987) with exten~
sive commentary on the manuscript and valuable indices of the Old Roman Mass
chants in vo!. 1; a transcription of Vat. tat. 5319 has been published in the Monu
menta Monodica series (note 3 abovel.
6 This contrasts markedly with the Gregorian offertories which - apart from contrafacls created for new feasts - do not generally share' material across the reper
toire. Each is, in the words of Hubert Sidler, an "Eigengewichs; see Stume" zu den
aUen O(fertorien mit ihren Versen Veroffentlichungen der Gregorianischen Akademie zu Preiburg (Schweiz) 20 (Freiburg, 1939), 7.
7 Leo 1Teiteler used the apt phrase -transparent window to desctibe this phe
nomenon; see his [untitled] Communication", Journal of the American Musicological
Society 41 (1988). 575.
I

Joseph Dyer

390

with other procedures of melodic organization (repetition and return} or in combination with "free" material.
Thbles 1 and 2 list all the occurrences of FormA and FormB with
an approximate indication of the extent to which each is used in the
refrain and verses of a given offertory. (See p. 406.) Each formula
has a fairly specific modal orientation: FormA is found most frequently with E-mode (and to a lesser extent G-mode) offertories,
while FormB serves principally as a resource for F-mode offertories.
FormA, the shorter of the two formulae, has been noted in several previous studies of Old Roman Chant. s Although it occurs ten
times in offertory refrains, its presence in these contexts is slight once or twice at most. It occurs much more frequently in the
verses, repeated two, three, or four times in succession, as required
by the length of the text. This balance suggests that in the offertories the formula is essentially a soloistic device, one relatively easy
to apply in a context of oral improvisation. 9 Whether the verse texts
in which FormA appears once or twice were ever sung in their entirety to this formula, only to be replaced at a later period with sections of "composed music, can be no more than a matter for speculation.
u

Example 1.
Formula A
FormA was cited by Bruno Stable in in

~Zur

Friihgeschichte des romischen


Chorals~, Atti del congres.so intemazionale di musica sacra (Rome, 1950), p. 272. Rob
ert Snow emphasised its prevalence in the offertories in the chapter, MThe Old
Roman Chant", he contributed to Apel, Gregorian Chant fBloomington, Ind., 1959),
p. 491. Both formulae figure in the pieces discussed by Helmut Hucke, MZur Auf
zeichnung der altromischen Offertorien", Ut mens concorder vaci. Festschrift Eugene
Cardine zum 75. Geburtstag, ed. Johannes Berchmans Goscbl (St Ottilien. 1980), pp.
296-313.
9 Not every graduate of the training program provided by the Roman schola cantorum could fmd a permanent place in the prestigious papal choir. nor should we
assume that they were all extraordinary virtuosi. See my "The Schola Cantorum
and Its Roman Milieu in the Early Middle Ages~ in De Musica et Cantu: Studien zur
ij

Geschichte der Kirchenmusih und der Oper. Helmut Hucke mm 60. Geburtstag, Musik-

wissenschaftliche Publikationen, Hochschule fUr Musik und Darstellende Kunst 2,


ed. Peter
and Ano-Katrin Heimer {Hildesheim, 1993), pp. 19-40.

Cahn

391

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

1,

FormA (Ex.
consists of four elements whose principal tonal focus is b. It is also found, somewhat less frequently, at the lower
fifth.lO Element a does not function solely or even primarily in the
offertories as an intonation, but as a link between repetitions.
I have placed it first because of its function of introducing successive repetitions of the fonnula. Element b, the torculus recitation,
usually occurs first and can be repeated several times, though repetition of the formula itself was clearly preferred to incessant reiteration of the torculus. This recitational element makes no distinction
between accented and unaccented syllables, apart from any distinctions that might have been made in performance (a very likely possibility).
Example 2. Conntebuntur: Verse 21MM 410J
a

quis
ter

2. Quo - nl - am
qua . bi - tur
si-mi-Us
fi. b-

d _

quis

In

nu- bl
d~ml

e rit

d~

bus
no aut

inos

de

i.

Ideus qui gloriRcatur in consilio sanctorum.)

Element c functions as the focal point of melodic and rhythmic


emphasis and frequently attracts the text accent. Example 2, the
second verse of the offertory Confitebuntur, represents a typical
application of FormA. 11 It begins with element band Hlustrates the
function of element a as a link between one statement of the for'~
mula and the next. The formula is sensitive to text accent. If a paroxytone falls on element c (Udeo/l), this element receives the accent.
If the word is a proparoxyto.ne, however, a single punctum is inserted before element c to receive the accent ("'nubibus", "'d6mino").12
Element d occurs least frequently, being reserved for the conclusion of multiple repetitions of the fonnul~. Most often, it falls on a
The prominence given to b in the recitational element of this formula parallels
a similar situation in Aquitanian and some Beneventan sources.
11 All references (MM) are to page numbers of the transcriptions in Monumenta
Monodica Medii Aevi 2.
12 Exceptions are discussed in the fuller version of this study mentioned in nate 1.
10

392

Joseph Dyer

final syllable or on a monosyllable (see "fBios" on line 4 of Ex. 2).


Since it also functions as a transition to portions of the verse not
based on the formula, it undergoes the greatest variation. It cannot
close a verse: either a simple cadence or a longer passage was always supplied at verse endings. The offertories with only one or
two statements of the formula combine it with "free" material.
Despite the fact that FormA appears to manifest certain features
characteristic of psalm tones (intonation, recitation, and cadential
gesture), its treatment of the text differs in very significant ways
from these formulae. 13 It does not for example/ invariably respect
the syntactic coherence of the text. No consistent effort is made/
moreover, to cOwordinate either of the cadential elements, c or d,
with the end of psalm hemistichs, entire verses, or even sense elements within a hernistich.
FormA also plays a prominent role in eight alleluias sung during
the solemn paschal Vespers celebrated at Rome on Easter day and
throughout the ensuing week.!4 The eight aHeluias with FormA follow an identical formal plan, clear from the musical sources and
unmistakably implied in the much earlier rubrics for these Vespers
l

With the exception of Ave Maria and Oratio mea all of the offertory texts that
use FormA are drawn from the psalms.
14. The existence of the solemn Vespers can probably be traced back at least a
half century. A pre- Hadrianic Gregorian palimpsest sacramentary {Monte Cassino
271), datable to the second half of the seventh century. includes the prayers said at
each of the Roman Vesper "stations~ throughout Easter week, indicating that the essential structure of the Vespers must have been worked out by that time, and possibly as early as the first half of the seventh century (see MM 90 -96 *). According to
Amalar of Metz, who witnessed the paschal Vespers at Rome in the early ninth
century, the pope presided at them, at least on Sunday; Liber de ordine an.tiphonarii
52.5, ed. Jean Michel Hanssens, Amalarii episcopi opera liturgica omnia, 3 vols.,
Studi e Te sti , 138-140 (Vatican City. 1948-50), 3:84. The alleluias i.n question are
Deus regnavit [Sunday; MM 19B), Domine refugium and In exitu [Monday, MM 205
and 202), Paratum cor (Thesday; MM 1921, Te decet (Wednesday; MM 204), Letatus
sum and Qui confidunt {Friday; MM 188 and 2001. Cantate domino (Saturday;
MM 194). The formula occurs in none of the Greek-texted alleluias sung at the paschal Vespers; see Christian Thodberg, Der byzantinische Alleluiarionzyklus. Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae Subsidia, 8 {Copenhagen, 1966), pp. 168ft. These Greek
alleluias make extensive use of recitation formulae and literal repetitions characteristic of Old Roman chant; see MM, pp. 128- -9-.
lJ

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTtBUS

393

found in Ordo Romanus 27, a description of their celebration in the


late seventh or early eighth century.lS The overall structure of the
eight alleluias is as follows:
A
B

C
D
B
C
D
A

Alleluia
Alleluia verse 1 (or incipit)
Intonation (primicerius)l&
Verse !schola: FormA + conclusion)
Alleluia verse 2
Intonation (primicerius)
Verse (scho1a: FormA + conclusion)
Alleluia

The alleluia of the Old Roman gradual correspond almost exactly with the description of the alleluias in Ordo Romanus 27: Sequitur post hunc [ps. 1101 primus
scholae cum paraphonistis infantibus AlIeluia. Et respondent paraphoniste. Sequitur
subdiaconus cum infantibus Al1eluia. Dominus regnavit et reliqua. Et semper respondent paraioniste et adnuntiant verba infantibu8. Vlersusl. Parata sedes tua deus.
Iterum vlersus]. Elevaven.mt flumina domine. Post hos versus salutat primus scholae
archidiaconum et ilio annuente incipit AIleluia cum melodiis cum infantibus. Qua
expleta, respondent paraforustae primam. Ordo Romanus 27.10-71, ed. Michel Andrieu, Les Ordines romani du haut moyen-lige, 5 vols., Spicilegium sacrum lovanien:se
11/ 23-24, 28, 29 (Louvain, 1931-61), 3:363. This ordo mentions only the Roman
archdeacon (not the pope) as celebrant, a5 does the derivative description of the
Sunday Vespers in Ordo 30B.71-82 (Andrieu 3:475-477). For a fuller discussion of
the pascbal Vespers see Josepb Smits van Waesberghe, "De glorioso officio ... dignitate apostolica: Zum Aufbau der Gro-AUeluia in den pipstlichen Ostervespem, in
Essays Presented to Bgon We Ilesz , ed. Jack Westrup (Oxford, 1966), pp. 48-73; S. J. P.
van Dijk. "The Medieval Easter Vespers of the Roman Clergy, Sacris Brudiri, 19
{1969-70L pp. 261-363, and Stable in, MM, pp. 84--140. On the intonation and
FormB in the Vespers see Ewald Jammers. Musik in Byzanz, I'm plipsflichtm Rom und
im Frankenreich: Du Choral als Musik der '!extl1U&Bprache (Heidelberg, 1962).
pp. 232-4.
\60 rdo Romanus 27.70 (Andrieu , 3:363) instructs the parophoniste (plural) to cue
the choirboys ('infantibus'). By the time the gradual was copied, the responsibility
of 'announcing' the verse had devolved on the primicerius, whose intonation was
followed by the singing of the verse by the entire schola. Could this later practice
reflect an earlier period when the intonation was a practical necessity for leas experienced boy singers? FormA is discussed in the context of the Vespers by Korbinian
Gindele, Spuren altmonastischen Alleluja-Psahnodie in der altromischen Osterve-sper- Studien und MiNeilungel'l zur Geschichte des BeJ1edikriJler-Ordens und seine
Zweige. 831 1972), pp. 156-61.
15

Joseph Dyer

394

Example 3 is a transcription of alleluia verse 2 rB: "Notum fecit"]


and the (single) intonation verse pair (C + D) of the alleluia Cantate
domino for Vespers of Saturday in Easter week. The alleluia verses
(B) are sung to a recitation formula on c with a torculus reserved for
accented syllables (see line B of Ex. 3). Our concern here, however,
is only with the C + D pairs that use FormA. The (pre)intonation of
the primicerius re: IlAnte conspectu gentium consists of a single
pitch with a descending cadential gesture. Although this intonation
does not foreshadow the music of FormAl it does at least outline the
tonal sphere (G-c) of the formula. The musical sources of the Vespers music prescribe that the entire schola cantorum answers the
primicerius, thus indicating not a solo but a choral performance unlike the genera] preference of the offertories, where FormA appears mainly in the solo verses. The alleluia verses of the paschal
Vespers employ element a of the formula as an intonation stated
once only and not repeated. The torculus figure is repeated as often
as necessary to accommodate the length of the text. Neither of
these procedures occurs in the offertories.
ll

f. . ;.,

B
.

Example 3.
Alleluia. Cantate Domino [MM 194, excerptJ

.,7

2. No . turn le . dt

do

mJ...nus

[Primicalus: l An le con-spe -etu gen . tl

(Schola:1 An

ron - spe - eN

le

;7;
SiI-lu- la

.-sw:-.

re su

..... Zii..
-

11

urn.

urn

gen - ti - urn

re - ve - La - vit tu sti

11- am

...----....
Lt'

SIl

am.

..

f'b

IAllelula)

Does the less flexible treatment of FormA in the Vespers alleluias


indicate an earlier stage of development preserved only at a time of
special liturgical solemnity, or is it merely the final stylization for
choral performance of a traditional Roman formula for solo offer-

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

395

tory verses? Or did FormA originate with these special alleluias,


la ter to be transferred to the offertory repertoire, there to be modj~
fied and integrated with other melodic material? In other terms,
does stylization precede flexibility? Indications are that both the alleluias and the offertories were created in the late seventh century
at dates not too far remote from each other, and thus a decisive answer in this matter may remain elusive.
Though ForotA has attracted previous attention in scholarly discussions of Old Roman chant, there is another formula (FormB) that
pervades considerably more of the offertory repertoire. '!able 2, a
list of the 33 offertories in which this formula is found, reveals that
the number of repetitions in a given offertory ranges widely. (See
p. 408.) The long offertory Domine deus in simpiicitate, for example,
depends entirely on repetitions of the formula, whereas Bonum est
has no more than a single statement. l ? There seems to be a ten~
dency, as was the case with FonnA, to concentrate its presence in
the verses.
Exam.ple 4. Formula B

; . i%; to _'I

kM '-'I!'; -'I t--;;:. -. -i Ih "ll$i'iX> (a~ ~ d?]

FormB consists of seven elements (a-g), which are analyzed in


Ex. 4. 18 These seven elements were conceived as a unit, but the cantor~composers enjoyed generous options to rearrange or omit those
of subsidiary importance. In addition, single notes and two~note
neumes could be inserted between the standard elements, and the
whole could be enriched by combination with other compositional
techniques ("free" material or other kinds of repetition).
The intonational element a of FormB ,(not always present) ascends to an accented torculus (or podatus' on c, a pitch that rep re
sents the tona] focus of the formula. The recitational pitch is further
Only the offertories Expectans erpectavi and Lauda anima appear on both Th.hIes 1 and 2.
la The formula also appears transposed down a fifth with b-flat understood,
though not expressly notated.
\7

Joseph Dyer

396

embellished by the four-note figure (c-b-c-dJ of element b. The following podatus may be repeated to accommodate
syUables
but FormB does not possess the unmistakably "recitational" characof
, possibly due to its
variety
elements,l9 Despite the prominence of the culminating note of element Cl it very
whose distinctive melodic
rarely
accent. Element
outline in a sense "defines" the formula, can never be omitted.
There is a
preference for placing it on the final syllable
a
word or a monosyllable !also the case with elements band gl, but
that principle is twice set aside in verse 2 of Example 5 (lines 2 and
3: e ternum" and "seculorum'l
Elements e and f seem to be alternatives, since they virtually
never occur in direct succession. They serve similar functions in at
tracting the verbal
. In the case of a paroxytone c element e
falls on the accent lEx.
lines 3, 4, 6, 7). In the case of a proparthe acoxytone (Ex.
line 1: "domino!l), a preceding clivis
cented syllable a procedure familiar from
treatment
accent following the torculus recitation (bJ of FormA Isee
2: Nnu_
bibus" and "domini'l The articulative force of element g is generany weak. It usually coincides with a logical division of the text, but
it can also be used to conclude a verse.
FormB served the Old Roman cantor-composer not as a fixed
plate but as a pool of resources whose consistently applied accentual rules favored clarity of text declamation. The presence of the
formula in both refrains and verses also strongly underscores
the essential unity of the musical conceptions that governed choral
and solo components of the offertories. The elements of FormB are
generally employed in accordance with the principles and order
J

lI

exceptions to this general rule see verse 3 of the offertory Factus est dominus (MM 359), and verse 3 of EmiHe spiritum tuum !MM 3851. John of Afflighem
quoted a similar podatus recitation from the tract Qui habifat as a bad example of
excessive 'harping' on a single neume {Brooo Stablein discovered in a gradual from
Pistoia IBibHoteca Capitolare C 119; 12-13 c.1 a setting of the tract (canticum) Vinea
est for Holy Saturday that
use of a repeated formula vaguely reminiscent of
Schri{tbild der einstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern 3/4: Musik
Mittela1ters und der Renaissance (Leipzig, 1975), pp. 138-9.
19

Exam.ple 5.
Laudate dominum: Verses 1, 2, 3 (MM 262-64)

: : #4~:Z;

~f

I.Qui

2.

DD- mi -

..
.

.pr; Cl d

';

.
.. .

no men N '- um

$.4

IQ,..

$.; :;
00-

ea

in

in

'e - ~QI

cu-la

se -

;. C

t.e-n.- die-

has

be.

ni

a-

in

;.;:5;

5;';.~.: ...... ~

lri-Ia do- mU5 de-i

s.
num

C'I3

~.

10- -

::$:.. _

po - pg -ltQIl

~.

rum

~;a ~."..,
511-

urn

..

er~~~~~~~~~~
[CIDILIOWIitur)

.M - . H

atli.. .

!...,;

A.;Je

is

no -

ter- -

~~;~;~;~LK~.~;~.~;Ei'~;~l~:>~~~~~~f~.~;~
~~~~-~;i
~
3. Qui ti- me- tk do- ad- mIIb
benedi - d - te
il' Si

pr

:= .an : ::.=.

le

fnj -

4::>-,

,..~

,W Il

do - mi- nus

rit

IB'-.

er

tu-

tu -Cti - ca et in

ne'

; PI &l
a - -!em

-.:C

in domo

!b. . :, ,AA

E,; IS
etme- mo-n

tU

de -

.:i;I&

do- mi- nus

ex

$.
y-

g
UIIt

a
b
. , .. 4;
;;
0Ii cpU ha- bt - bat

lin ~ )

Joseph Dyer

398

outlined above, but many examples could be cited in which FormB


is employed in a "revolving" fashion that does not respect the syntactical structure of the psalmic text. It thus bears even less similarity to a psalm tone than does FormA.
In addition to the free material inserted before, between, and after statements of FormB, there is a melisma (Ex. 6) associated with
this formula in a number of offertory verses.20 Its presence and location - at the beginning or end of a verse - are indicated by asterisks
in Thble 2.
Example 6.
Formula B melisma. In virtute: Verse 1 (MM 355)
;or;. ji ,
9.
$~:?
.;.
, ;: .;;4
ir::e. _.

Vl-tam pe-

-=..
.......

~'it

J':::;

i
i.
it k
~

+-

ti -

it..

The melisma epitomizes in a splendid way the reiteration of short


melodic figures in stepwise motion that is so distinctive a feature of
the Italianate chant style. The repeated torculus descent in the middle of the melisma is particularly characteristic of peninsular musical language. When FormB occurs at the beginning of a verse the
end of the melisma (identical with element gJ dovetails neatly with
the continuation of the verse. When the melisma (i.e., element gl
closes a verse, it introduces the repetenda.
About half of the offertory repertoire contains significant amounts
of other types of repetitions and returns that unify entire pieces
Beahls es (MM 374; not FormBl, IJesiderium anime {MM 359:= vs. of In virtutej,
Domine convertere (MM 349j, Domine ckus in simplicitate (MM 341), Domine in auxihum (five times; MM 3471, Factus est dominus (MM 357), Gloria et honore (Mm 293),
In conspectu Q~eloru.m {MM 3561, In virtute {MM 3551, Iustitie domini (MM 361), and
Spererll i'l le (MM 345). The melisma is repeated three times in the single verse 'Vitam petiit' of the offertory In virfllte. Vat. lat. 5319 omits the a-c-G-a-G figure
(bracketed in Example 61 at the second appearance of the melisma, but the S. Cecilia gradual (fol. 14v-15) contains the missing passage. Very likely, the 5319 scribe
was working from a written model and jumped from the first F-G-F torculus to the
next. A different melisma occurs in two offertories with FormB: Domine convertere,
and Glana et honore. as well as in the offertories Benedictus es ... in labiis (MM 329)
and Letamini in domino {MM 292] .
20

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTI8US

399

or sections thereof. 21 These are analyzed in Thble 3. (See p. 410.'


To the forty-four offertories in this list must be added the fifteen
pieces listed in Thble 4: Old Roman Offertories with Text Repetition.
(See p. 413.) These have large-scale musical repetitions (A-A) or returns (A-B-A) that correspond to the textual repetition. This tendency to introduce such repetition patterns constitutes a distinctive
and indeed pelVasive stylistic and formal aspect of the Old Roman
offertories. 22
Table 3 divides the various repetitions and returns into three categories: lA) offertories in which part of the music of the refrain recurs in a verse, 'B) offertories in which both verses are based substantially on the same music, and le) other large-scale repetition
and return structures. Though many of the examples come from
verses, there seems to be no distinction made between the choral
refrain and the soloistic verses with respect to these formal procedures.
The verses of Levabo oClllos" the offertory for Monday in' the first
week of Lent (Ex. 7 and Thble 3B-C), provide instructive examples
of Old Roman compositional techniques, particularly the derivation
of subsequent phrases from what has already been sung. (The refrain of this offertory also depends on a threefold progressive variation [a-a' -a"1, but with melodic materials different from those of
the verses. 23 ) The essential structure of the verses is revealed most
Peter Wagner observed the importance of melodic repetitions in the Gregorian
offertories, BinfiJhTung, 3:4Z1-428, as did Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant, pp. 368-75,
who argued that their presence in responsories, offertories and alleluias ga1/e evidence of a relatively lateperiod-. See also Thomas Forre.st Kelly, 'Melodic Elaboration in Responsory Melismas, Jou71ID.l of the American Musicological Society, 27
(1974}, pp. 461-74.
22 Bruno Stlblein characterised the musical setting of an antipbon (Adoma thalomum) with the kmd 0' repetition one encounters i.n the Old Roman offertories as
displaying an -ungregorianische Haltung;- see 'Antiphon', Die Musilt in Geschichte
21

und Gegenwart 1 :42-543.


The melodic materials of the refrain do not recur in the verses, which are
tightly linked by their own system of repeated motives. Compare, however, the
cadences on [iustitiaJ tua {refrain), and viam"j uexquiram", "exercebor, "est"
(verses). Similar examples may be found in the verses of the offertories Confitebor
domino IMM 370), DeU3, dew mew IM 3(6), and Improperium (MM 377).
23

Example 7.
Levabo oculos; Verses 1 and 2 (MM 373-74)
b

1. Lepn

po-

--

- ~mj-d1i do-mi-ne

2
et

vi- -

am.

lu-etl- fi-a.H -

- -

nwn

ex-qui--

- -

ram

3
et in precep -

ti5

tu- -

-is

,.
5

me

W2. Ve -ni...,t 0\1-

eJ(-

II!!"- -

-c-

bor.

b
~

-..:~

mi-ne

00-

ml- 5eNI -ti -

- - - netS

tu-

- - -

6
-rl-

et

vam.

,.

7
qui~

medl-

ta-

-tk)

DIe ...

est.

lex

tu- - -

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

401

clearly in the second verse (Ex. 7, lines 5-8). The first hemistich of
verse 2 (UVeniant" ... Met vivam" [lines 5-6]) states the complete
melodic material. This consists of three units: (a) the opening,
phrase descending from G to C, (hI Ndomine" and its melisma centered entirely around G, and (c) a phrase that shifts to a higher tessitura and closes with part of the udomine melisma converted to a
cadence (line 6: "et vivam Since the second hemistich of verse 2
(lines 7-8: IIquia lex tua meditatio mea est") is shorter than the corresponding part of verse I, phrase c is reduced. The second verse
closes with an adaptation of the ending of the first verse (cf. Jl me exercebor" [line 4] and "meditatio mea est" [line 811).
The first verse follows a similar course, disturbed somewhat by a .
possible confusion as to the division of the psalm verse itself. The
hemistich division of the fIrst verse should occur after "exquiram"
(line 2). The melody seems unsure, however, perhaps because of the
"et" added to the psalter text before Mviam". (It would not be clear
which "et" was intended to introduce the second half of the verse.)
The words Met viam n (line 2) repeat the Hdomine" melisma before go
ing on to phrase c. The musical treatment of the second hemistich
of verse 1 ret in preceptis") corresponds to what has already been
observed in the second verse, There are may other melodic relation
ships that bind the verses together. Note the similarity among the final syllables of -viam", lIexquiram (vs. 1) "tue" (vs. 2), and the
verse endings, which must prepare for the refrain,24] Coincidentally
or not, the culmination point of each half verse (c) emphasizes three
synonyms for the law of the Lord ("iustfficationum", "preceptis
tuisH Jllex tua thus giving heightened expression to the principal
theme of the psalm from which this offertory draws its text. The
second verse places the mercies of the Lord ("miserationes tue") in
relief.
Another ,e xample of the subtle growth of a chant by means of successive repetition and the varied recombination of motives can be
found in the refrain of the offertory Benedictu& qui venit (Thble 4C),
tl

ff

}.

11 ,

lf

),

See the curious m.usical "rhyme fI' between et viam in verse 1 and -et vivam" in
verse 2.
2"

Dyer

Joseph

402

for the Saturday of Easter week and the following Sunday:~5 The
music of the refrain (Ex. 8) will be cited from the S. Cecilia gradual
of 1071 If. 87], since only this manuscript and the St Peter's gradual
(f. 58) contain the complete refrain. It opens with a typical Old Ro
man structural feature: the threefold repetition of a single intona
tional formula centered on c ("Benedictus / qui venit / in nomine"),
followed by a conventionaJ G-mode cadence on "domini". The sec~
ond phrase ("benediximus VOS") elaborates this opening in diverse
ways, amplifying the opening motive and creating a melisma from
"domi[ni)" (line 1). The following passage ("de domo domini~l
echoes "in nomine domini" (line 1), while "deus dominus" [line 4)
adapts the music of "benediximus vos" (line 2). The web of musical
interrelationships created in the refrain of Benedictus qui venit pro
duces a strong sense of unity, contrasted with an independent close
("et illuxit nobis") that functions as the repetenda.

Example 8. Benedictus qui venit (C 74, f. 87):


Refrain (cf. MM 385)

~-.

rH if. -&4";

Ta

Bc - ne-dl-

cl\Js

qui

yt'-

be - nc -dl-

mu'

,<1-

--7;:;:S;:. Pi?;. M .
-

nil

in

J\U~

-ml ~

..

- lie

..::<).

2;.;.
Jr - us do -

mi -

mo

... , ;: -:-. . lA

do-

- ni

rni

....

I_MS' wl :
de do-

do-

".

*:4

M_M

mi-

re

i&

ni

1.--==
nus
let iIIUllit nobis. alleluia illelula.J

Although tripartite a-b-a designs are uncommon, there a few examples in the offertory repertoire.26 A particularly elegant exemplifi
cation of the Italianate style, demonstrating both phrase repetition
This omission seems 1o indicate that the scribe of 5319 had a written exemplar
before him. Since the two phrases begin witb the same succession of neumes, it
would have been comparatively easy for him to jump from one to the other inadvertently. CL lines 2 and 4 of Example B.
u. For example. the beginning of Ave Maria (MM 404}, Iubilate Deo universa ('vobis orones', MM 298). Michi autem ("est principatus eorum, MM 325). Domine vivifiea (vs. 2 "Imandalta tua et voluntaria oris tui ", MM 337) .
25

403

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

and the reiteration of small melodic figures, occurs in the melisma


that terminates both verses of the offertory Exulta satis lEx. 9). Both
the a and b phrases fill in the interval of a fourth jG-cl with a series
of typical melodic gestures not unique to this example. The b phrase
trails off into an embellished approach to the cadential pitch.27
Example 9. Exulta satis: final melisma of verses 1 and 2
(MM 339-400)

la

~;;;:;.;
1. ler 2. pIe -

...;. .

Ila'

Ii.

lIb

i:;r;:;.;~ q
-

Z .; tSp ...... ;;;q6:s"pi\


-

re.

be.

In addition to larger organizational procedures, there is the ubiq-

uitous reiteration of smaller neume groups (see Ex', 9) encountered


throughout the Italianate style of Old Roman chant. These briefer
reiterations, sometimes not judged too kindly vis-a-vis the Gregor-ian melodic style, constitute a powerful unifying force on a smaller
formal leve1. 28 They embody particularly well the compositional
principle of Old Roman chant for which Cassiodorus' words about
"innovations" being constantly introduced seem particularly appro
priate.
Repetition of melodic material as a guide to melodic design in the
Old Roman offertories necessarily entails mention of another phe27 The same melisma concludes all three verses of Custodi me (MM 303) aild
(with a shorter b section cadencing on B) appears at the end of the refrain of
Domine exaudi (MM 335). Another a-a-b melisma occurs at the beginning of the
first verses of the offertori~8 Domine convertere (MM s..9), Glolia et 120no,e (MM
294). and Benedictus es ... in labris (MM 330). For another eDDlple see Inmittet Qngelum (end of verse 3; MM 383) , Apel noted similar phenomena in Gregorian chant
and concluded that "there can be hal'dly any doubt that such formations are the
product of a relatively late period' IGregorian Chant, pp, 369-70, italics mineh and
Robert Snow regarded such repetitions in the offertory verses as indications of later
date and possibly of Gregorian influence ("The Old~Roman Chant-, p. 504t.
28 Dom Hesbert, speaking of this aspect of Beneventan chantstyle, criticised "la
monotonie engendree par la repetition constante des m~mes .f ormules non seule
ment dans une meme piece. mais encore' travers tout le repertoire-, PaUogrophi,
Musicale 14:451, as quoted in Shlblein, MM 33-,

404

Joseph Dyer

nomenon, unique to the


: the repetition of segments of
text with the same or slightly varied music (Thble 4). This excep~
tional procedure has been frequently described without, however,
leading to any universally accepted conclusions about either its ori
gin or
function. 29 The need to extend
chant while offerings
were being made cannot wen explain repetitions
the beginning
of the refrain, and
at a point early in the offering ceremony.
The rank of the feast cannot have had much to do with it either,
since the offertories with text repetition
both the Gregorian
Old Roman traditions were not those assigned to the most important days of the
Thirteen Old Roman offertories have some form
text repeti~
. Since a few offertories have more than one such passage, the
total number of examples amounts to fifteen. In addition to this
number, eight phrases are
two or more times in the re30
markable offertory Vir erat. Thble 5
all Old Roman offertories
with text repetition! divided according to the two formal patterns
that are
(a-a and a-b-a). The title of the offertory is
which is repeated. A
pieces
given first, then (italicized) the
involve melodic variation upon repetition of the text phrase! and
these are marked with an asterisk 1"'1.31 The ternary model (a-b-a) is
found only in the refrains, the repetition of the frrst phrase serving
also as the repetenda after
verses. Whatever the raison d'
Peter Wagner. Einn"i.h rung , 3:428-32; Paolo Ferretti, Esthetique gregorienne, pp.
Dominicus Jahner, Wort und Ton im Choral, pp. 377-81; WilH
Gregorian Chant, pp. 364-7.
30 Not included in this calculation, however, is the fl.rst verse of the offertory
Animo nostra !MM 26J, whose text repetition ("Nisi quod dominus erat nobis;
quia dominus erat in nobis ... ") is part
the
text itself.
cat nunc Israel,
The two phrases are set to different music.
31 Gregorian chant embellishes such repetitions more elaborately.
the offertories lubilate Deo universa, lubilate Deo omnis, Afferentur (maior!. In virtute, and
ultabunt. Even if a repetition is unaltered, M[itl is never
as being literal,
because each new recurrence has a different history from the previous ones; never
theless Ihe experience is one of metamorphosis
see David Burrows,
"Singing
Saying", The Journal
Musicology 7 11989), p.
One could say
same of a Baroque instrumental movement or
that makes use of the ritornello
principle.
29

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTI8US

405

behind this unusual practice, the fact that the text repetitions are
found almost invariably in the same places if both chant traditions
testifies to the unity of the textual basis of Old Roman and Gregorian chant, not to mention the derivation of one from the other.
The limited number of examples from the Old Roman offertories
presented here cannot begin to exhaust the prolific ingenuity of the
Roman cantor-composers, who were masters of the practice which
I have called "tropis semper variantibus". The distinctive techniques
applied to the offertories range from conventional formulae applicable to varying modal situations, through repetitions that encompass
every level from the single neume though the large phrase. I have
deliberately concentrated on large scale procedures - important formulae and patterns of varied repetition - thereby passing over
.smaller types of embellishment, melodic repetition, and variation
that exemplify the Italianate style in general and Old Roman chant
in particular.
It would be premature to declare that all the compositional strategies of Old Roman chant have been laid bare by a study of the offertories. Standard fonnulae and repetition patterns were surely important - they abound in the genre - but there are considerable
stretches of "free" music created according to the conventions of the
Old Roman style. Indeed, the two formulae that play such a significant role in the Old Roman offertory system were cleverly integrated with such passages. Whether the offertories were at one time
even more formulaic and pervaded with patterns of varied repetition during the early part of the period when they were transmitted
orally, only later to become more individualized, is a question that
.cannot be defmitively answered at this moment.
The Old Roman offertories seem to preserve substantial evidence
of techniques aptly suited to the singing and preservation of a large
repertoire of lengthy chants across centuries of oral transmission.
Reliance on the ensemble of procedures examined here today retarded changes that would have substantially altered the profile of
the Old Roman offertory chants. Surface detail surely changed, but
the compositional strategy of "tropis semper variantibus" employed
in so many of these offertories fostered a conserving and conserva-

Joseph Dyer

406

tive tendency that preserved the Old Roman chant repertoire until
its first neumation in the late eleventh century.
TABLES

Table 1. Old Roman Offertories with Formula A


LOCATION

OPFERTORY

LITURGICAL AssiGNMENT

Angelus domini (G)

Vs. 1: 1 time

Fer. ii post Dom. Resurr.

Ave Maria (G)

Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 2 times

Annunciation
Fer. vi post Dom. V Quadr.

Refrain: 2 times
Refrain: 1 time
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 3: 3 times

St. Lawrence

Confitebuntur (G)

Refrain: 2 times
Vs . 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 4 times

Custodi me lE)

Vs. 2 : 3 times
Vs. 3: 3 times

St. George, St. Vitali5,


St5. Philip and James,
$ts. Nereus, Achilles and
Pancratius
Fer. iii post Dom. in
palmis
Sabb. in QT Quadr.

Benedictus es ... ne tra


das (E)

Confessio (E)
Confirma hoc (E)

Domine deus salutis (G) Vss. 1 and 2: 1 time

Pentecost

ea.ch
Domine exaudi lE)

Vs. 1: 4 times

Domine fac mecum (b/EI Vs. 1: 3 times


Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 3: 2 times
Eripe me ... dornine (El Vs. 1: 2 times

Fer. iv post Dom. in


palmis
Fer. iv post Dom III
Quadr.
Fer. ii post Dom. in palmis

Vs. 2: 1 time

Exaltabo te laiD)

Refrain: 1 time

Ash Wednesday

Exaudi deus (Gl

Vs. 1: 2 times

Fer. ii post Dom. In


Quadr.
Fer. iii post Dom. IV
Quadr.

Expectans expectavi (hiE) Vs. 1: 4 times


Vs. 2: 1 time
Vs. 3: 2 times

407

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

OffERTORY

Improperium (G)
Intonuit de celo (G)
Iustus ut palma (E)
Lauda anima lb/EI
Letentur cell (E)

Micro autem (E)


Miserere michi (E)

Oratio mea IG I
Perfice gressus (E)

Repleti sumus (D)

Scapulis 'suis (El


Terra tTemuit IEI

1\J.i sunt cell (Dl

LoCATION

Refrain: 1 time
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 3: 2 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 1 time
Refrain (allusions to
torculus)
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Refrain: 1 time
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 5 times
Refrain, Vs.: -1 time
each
Refrain: 4 times
Vs. 1: 4/5 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
Vs. 3: 2 times
Refrain: 3 times
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 3: 2 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Vs. 2: 1 time
Vs. 3: 1 time
Refrain: 3 times

LITURGICAL ASSIGNMENT

Dom. in rarnis palmarum


Fer. iii post Pascha
St. John the Evangelist
(in die)
Dom. II post Pascha
N at. domini ad pullorum
cantum

Vigil of St8. Peter and Paul


Fer. ill post Dam. III
Quadr.
Vigil of St. Lawrence
Sexagesima

Sts. Philip and James

Dom. I Quadr.
Easter
Nat. domini ad maj.
missam

Joseph Dyer

408

Table 2. Old Roman Offertories with Formula B


OFFERTORY

LoCATION

Benedic anima (D)

Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 5 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
Benedicite gentes (D)
Vs. 3: 6 times
Benedictus qui venit IG) VS. 2: 3 times
Bonum est (01
Vs. 3: 1 time
Vs. 3: 3 times
Constitues eos (F)
Desiderium anime (ciF)
Domine convert ere IF)

Domine de us in si mplicitate (clFI


Domine in auxilium IF)

Emitte spiritum {G)

Erit nobis (G!


Erit vobis (S. Cecilia,
f. 86) (E);
vss. only in S. Cecilia
gradual

Refrain: 3 times
(. mid-refrain)
Refrain: 3 times
Vs. 1 2 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Refrain: 5 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
"Vs. 2: 5 times
Refrain: 5 times
(. mid-rerrain)
Vs.14times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 3: 3 times
Refrain: 4 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 5 times

Expectans expectavi (aiD) Refrain: 3 times


Refrain: 4 times
Factus est IF)
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Vs. 3: 4 times

LITURGICAL AssiGNMENT

Fer. vi post Dom. I Quadr.


Fer. iv post Oom. N Quadr.

Sabb. post Pascha


Sepruagesima
Sts. Peter and Paul
St. Eusebius
Fer. ii post Dom. V Quam.

Dedication of a church

Fer v post Dom. IV Quam.

Vigil of Pentecost

Feria vi post Pascha

Fer. ill post Dom. IV Quadr.


Sabb. post Dom. rv Quam.

Felix namque (F)


Archivio di S. Pietro
F 22. f. 103

Refrain: 4 times

Votive Mass of the BVM


I'Salve sancta parens')

Filie regum (aiD)


Gloris et honore 101

Refrain: 2 times
Vs. 2 : 2 times

St . Prisca
St. John Evang. fmane
prima}

409

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

OFFERTORY

LoCATION

Refrain: 5 times
Vs.: 5 times
VS. 3: 4 times
lromittet IGI
In conspectu angelorum Refrain: 2 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
(FI
Vs. 2: 3 times
In die sollempnitatis lE) Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
In te speravi (D)
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 4 times
Refrain: 2 times
In virtute IFl
Vs.: 1 time
( midverse I
Intende voci IF)
VS. 2 : 3 times
Iubilate deo omnis (Fl
Vs. 2: 6 times

Gloriabuntur (FI

[ustitie domini jF)

Lauda anima (hIE I


Laudate dominum (DJ

Mirabilis deus (G)


Populum humilem JGI
Portas cell jG)

Precatus est jGl


Reges Tharsis (F)

Sperent in te (F)

Refrain: 4 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 4 times"
Vs. 2: 5 times
VS. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Vs. 3: 3 times
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
VS. 1: 3 times
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 1 time
Vs. 3: 5 times
Refrain.: 516 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 4 times

LITURGICAL AssIGNMBNT

St8. John and

Paw

Fer. v post Dam. I Quadr.


Apparition of St. Michael
(Sept. 29)
Fer. v post Pascha
Fer. ill post Dom. I Quadr.
St. Stephen

Fer. vi post Dom. m Quadr.


Dom. II post Epiph.
Fer. ii post Dom.IV Quadr.
Dom. DI Quadr.

Dom. 11 post Qct. Pasch.


Dam. IV Quadr.

Sts. Alexander and TheQdulus


Fer. vi post Dam. IV Quadr.
Fer. iv post Pascha

Fer. v post Dam. II Quadr.


Epiphany

Fer. ill post dom. V Quadr.

The asterisk I) indicates the position of the FormS melisma in refrain or


verses.

Joseph Dyer

410

Table 3. Old Roman Offertories with Repetition and Return


A. Refrain (part) reused in verses
OFFERTORY

Ave Maria
Confortamini
Domine vivifica

DESCRIPTION

R:a-a-b-b-c-c-d-d
Vs. 1: a-b'-a'-b-c-ForrnA+cadence
Vs. 1: middle based on repetition of end
I'retribuet'l of refrain
Vs. 2: elaboration of the repetenda of the offertory
Levabo oculos
Vs. 2: mode led on refrain, leads to varied statement
of the repetenda
Phrase from end of refrain ("in manibus"J repeated
at beginning and end of vs. 1 and end of vs. 2 (vs. 2
based on FormB)
R: a-a'-a"
Vs. 2 (last half): a-a-a
Phrase repeated three times in refrain I"arabum,
adducent, terre"} used in vs. 1 ("regis"1

Gressus meos
In te speravl

Meditabarlbor
Reges Tharsis

B. Melody of verse 1 is model for verse 2


OFFERTORY

DESCRIPTION

Vss. 1 and 2 : similar beginnings


Final phrase of vs. 1 used for all of Ibrief) vs. 2
Vs. 2 derived from repetition and variation of a
portion of the first phrase of vs. 1
Benedictus es ... in labiis Vss. 3-6 (only in C 74, f. 37 -37v): all mode led
on vs. 3
First phrase of vs. 2 mode led on vs. 1 jvs. 2 conBenedictus qui venit
tinues with FormB)
Vss. based on elaborated recitation on F
Bonum est
Vs. 1: a-b-b-a'
Vss. 2-3: based on repetition of phrase a;
the repetition of a phrase from vs. 2 j'domine
peribunt'l provides the music for vs. 3
Angelus domini
Ascendit deus
Benedicam Dominum

Confitebor domino

Vs. 2 derived from vs. 1

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTIBUS

411

DESCRIPTION

OFFERTORY

v ss. 1 and 2 derived from repetitions of the fIrst


phrase of vs. 1 (see alS0 3.C below)
Vss. 1 and 2: last halves correspond
Exulta satis
Improperium expectavit Central phrase of vs. 1 (/inuaverunt aque') repeated three times in vs. 2
Iubilate Deo universa
Vss. 1 and 2, both with textlmusic repetition
la-a-b), share the same music, ending with a
long, complex melisma with internal repetitions
Letamjni in Domino
Same music for both verses: Vs. 1: Inton-a-a'
Vs. 2: Inton-a ~ a-aN-a'
Letentur celi
Music of vs. 1 expanded for vs. 2 'j one phrase
repetition and FormA: 1 time)
Levabo oculos
Same music for both verses: vs. 1: Inton-a-a'
vs. 2: Inton-a J (see also 3.D below)
Mirabilis deus
Same music for fITst halves of vss. 1 and 2: components 'of vs. 1 rearranged for first half of vs. 2
(second halves of vss.: FormB)
Reges Tharsis
R: phrase first heard at larabum l recurs twice in
refrain and once in vs. 1 I'regis'); vss. 2 and 3
based on last phrase of vs. 1 (a free version of
Deus, deus meus

FormB)

Si ambuJavero

Super flumina
Thi sunt cell

Vs. 1: a-a
Vs. 2: a-a-b
First phrase of vs. 1 is recycled, wholly or in
part, for vss. 2, 3, and 4$
Final phrase of vs. i rautem .. .') provides material for two-thirds of vs. 2

Joseph Dyer

412

C. Large-scale repetition and return structures


OFFERTORY

DESCRIPTION

Ave Maria

R:a-a-b-b-c-d-c-e
Vs. 1: a'-an-c-FormA-c+cadence

Benedicarn Dominum

R: Inton-a-a'-b + repetenda

Benedictus es .. . ne tradas R: a-a-b-b'


Benedictus qui venit
Confortamini
Constitues eos
Deus, deus meus

R: begins with short a-a-a


Vs. 2: a-a' -b-c-b' + melisma
Vs. 1: a-b-b'-c
Vs. 1: Inton-a-a'-a
Vs. 2: lnton-a-a
R: repetition of motives from phrase 'qui non
commovebitur'
Vs.2:a-b-a-c-b-b'+rnelisrna
R: a-a-a-a-b-b
N

ft

Deus enim firmavit

Domine exaudi
Domine vivifica
Imittet angelum
In virtute
Levabo oculos

Meditabarlbor
Precatus est
Sanctiiicavit Moyses

Si ambulavero

Th.i sunt ceH

Vs. 2: a-a'-a

R: IntoD-a-a'-a~ (final melisma: a-a)


Vs. 1: b-b
Vs. 1: same melisma at beginning, midpoint and
end
R: a-a/-a
Vs. 1: Inton-b-b'
Vs. 2: Inton-b'
R: a-a'-a
Vs. 2 (last half): a-a-a
R: a-a'-b-b'-c-c-d (a-a' is text repetition);
'AaronJMoyses' Ivss./ set to similar music
Vss. 2-8: two phrases, variously arranged and
repeated, account for all of the music of these
verses
R: a-at (briefl-a" -b-c
Vs. 1: d-d
Vs. 2: d-d-e
Vs. 2: a-b-b'-c
H

413

TROPIS SEMPER VARIANTlBUS

Table 4.
Old Roman Offertories with Text Repetition
Itext in italics is sung twicel

A-A
, Anima nostra: Vs. 1: Nisi quod dominus erat in nobis dieat nunc Israel nisi
quia dominus erat in nobw
Benedictus es .. .in labiis: Benedictus es Domine, doce me iusti{icationes ruas .. .
Vs. 4: Viam iniquitatis domine amove a me.b
Benedictus es ... ne tradas: Benedictus es Domine, doce me iustificationes

tutU ...
Domine exaudi: ... ne avertas faciem tuam a me.
Gleriabuntur: Vs. 2: Quoniam ad te orabo Domine , ., d
'Iubilate Dee universa: Iubilate Deo wtiversa terra.,.
Vs. 1: Reddam. tibi vota mea .. ,
'Vs. 2: Locutuslm est os meum in tri.bulatione mea .. ,
Precatus est: Precatus est Moyses in conspectu Domini Dei sui dixit ,..
'V s. 1: Dixit Moyses et Aaron ...
Super flumina: Vs. 2: .. . si non meminero tui, si tui non meminero ... ~
Vir erat: multiple repetitions
C

et

A-B-A
Bonum est: Bonum est confj.teri Domino ...
Desiderium: Desiderium anime eius tribuisti er ...
Domine convertere: Domine convertere et eripe snirnarn meam ... Domine
convertere et eripe. f
Domine in auxilium: Domine in auxilium meum respice ...
Factus est dominus: Factus est dominus firmamentum meu.m .. .
Offerentur regi: Of(erentuT regi virgines ... offerentur regi virgines'

'-I

An asterisk
indicates that the the repetition is slightly embellished melodically.
a: This almost exact repetition occurs in the biblical text of Psalm 123: 1-2a
b. Vat. lat. 5319 (MM 331) indicates a repetition of the -viam- phrase but
provides no music; the repetition is not present in the verse of this offertory in the S. Cecilia graduale If. 37,),
c. In the St. Peter's graduate If. 49) this offertory ends with the first statement of the phrase.
d. This repetition occurs only in the S. Cecilia manuscript (f. 112v), as also
in the Gregorian tradition. The text in Vat. lat. 5319 forms the last part of a
single verse.
e. Although the text of the second statement differs slightly from the first,
both have a virtually identical melody (MM 2971. Both the length of the refrain and the intended repetenda are not entirely clear; I have followed the

414

Joseph Dyer

verse indications of the S. Cecilia manuscript If. 67v); this is vs. 4 in the
5319 gradual.
f. This return occurs in St. Peter's gradual If. 40 L but not in Vat. lat 5319,
ff. 68 and 140, or Arcbivio di S. Pietro F 11 A, f. 5Sv.
g. This text repetition occurs with a slightly varied melody in Archivio di

S. Pietro, F 22, f. 99v.

Cantus Planus 1998

-J " Esztergom

& Visegrad

415

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDBA:


USING THE EIGHTH-MODE TRACTS
TO DESCRIBE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
OLD ROMAN AND GREGORIAN CHANT

Emma Hornby

There is extensive evidence that Roman chant was adopted in Francia in the late-eighth century as part of the Carolingian reforms. I
However, the"relationship between the eighth-century Roman chant
adopted by the Franks, the Gregorian chant found in notated
Gracluals from the late-ninth century onwards, and the Old Roman
chant found in notated Graduals from the eleventh century onwards remains uncertain, Many theories of the relationship between the Old Roman and Gregorian repertories have been promulgated since the early 1950s, These have been adequately summarised elsewhere, and there is no need to rehearse the arguments
here. 2
See D. Hiley, Western Plainchant (Oxford, 1993). pp. 514-8; K. Levy, "1bledo,
Rome and the legacy of Gaul-, BMH 4 (1984" pp. 49-99, 49-50; S. J. P. Van Dijk,
-Papal Schola 'versus' Charlemagne, in P. Fischer led.l, Organicae voces: Festschrift
J. Smits van Waesberghe (Amsterdam, 19631, pp. 21-30; P. Jeffery, "Rome and Jerusalem: From Oral Tradition to Written Repertory, in G. Boone (ed.', &says on Medieval Music in honor of David G. Hughes: [sham Library Papers 4 1Harvard: Cambridge, Mass., 1995), pp. 207-47, 234-42; S. Rankin. "Carolingian Music, in
R. McKitterick (ed.), Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation (Cambridge,
19941. pp. 274-316, 275-9; S. Rankin. "Ways of Telling Stories, in G. Boone, op.
cit., pp. 371-94, 371-376. See also J. Dyer, "Latin Psalters, Old Roman and Gregoria.n Chants, KmJb 68 (1984), pp. 11-30, and J. McKinnon, "Vaticana Latina 5319:
Witness to the Mid-Eighth-Century Roman Proper of the Mass, in L. Dobszay
(ed." International Mu.sicological Society Studv Group Cantus Planus~ Papers ,Md at
the Seventh Meeting, Sopron, Hungary, 1995 (Budapest. 1998), pp. 403-11.
Z The debate is summarised in many places, including: P. Cutter, "The Question
of the 'Old Roman' Chant: A Reappraisal-, Acta Musicologica 39 119671, pp. 2-20;
B. Stlblein, "Die Gesinge des altromiscben Graduale Vat. Lat. 5319: Einfiihrung" ,
in Monumenta monodica medii aev; 2 (19101. pp. 31 '-83; N. van Deusen, An HisI

416

Emma Hornby

As early as 1967/
pointed out the limitations of the purely
historical approach, remarking
the relationship
the two
would only be
if the evidence
musical
3
was considered. While this was a salutary warning, at
this manner had already
least one musical analysis
taken. In 1
Hucke analysed a
of graduals in the two
that I'die Redaktion der frankischen
ditions and conclu
lieferung der Form
Aufbau der altromischen Vorlagen im
allgemeinen
folgt; dass die
Uberlieferung
fest und unveranderlich ist;
die altromische Uberlieferung
fest
und Variantenbildung und Umsingungserscheinungen urn kleinerem Rahmen
liissf'.4 A parallel analysis of
and Gregorian traditions
the eighth-mode tracts in the Old
establishes a
body of concrete musical evidence with
to assess the way which the two traditions are related.
Tracts came to be
between the
of the Mass in Lent
at other penitential
of year
as
Saturdays,
when it would be inappropriate to sing an
There are
two kinds of tract; those in the
mode and those in
mode.
The tracts within each mode fall into a distinct melodic family. In the Old
Roman and
traditions,
same Feasts are
eighth-mode
with the same texts and
melodies. s
The eighth-mode tracts are soloists
through directly
not by
without a refrain,6
psalm verses are
of solo
singing, but by a
verse structure.
l

torical
Stylistic Comparison of the Graduals of Gregonan Qnd Old Roman Chant
(PhD;
University, 1972), pp.
1; A. Hughes. Medieval
- the Sixth
Liberal Art
] 974). pp. 89-93.
:I P. Cutter,
p. 20.
4 MGregorianischer Gesang in altromischer
Frankischer Uberlieferung" I Archiv fUr Musikwissenschaft 12 11955), pp. 74-87, 84.
were
by
N. van Deusen, An Historica} and Stylistic Comparison of the Gradll.als of Gregonan
and Old Roman Chant WhD,
University, 1972); see
pp. 403-4 .
.5
more recent eighthmode tracts may be found
Graduals from
the
onwards, but
repertory- of eighthmode tracts are those
found in the earliest unnotated manuscripts lin
Hesbert, AntiphonaJe Missarum
Sextuplex
1935lL and in all
Gregorian and Old
manuscripts.

417

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA

Six basic phrase shapes are used to articulate this verse structure;
each is associated with a specific fonnal context. The formal structure is equivalent in the two traditions. Phrase A is used at the beginning of the tract and phrase E is used at the beginning of verses
other than the first. Phrase B is used to end the first half-verse and
phrase C is used to begin the second half-verse. Phrase D is used at
the ends of verses except for the last one where phrase F is used.
Where the verse does not divide into four phrases, one or more of
the phrases is omitted. The basic outline of [ubilate dominoldeo in
each tradition may be used to illustrate the formal structure (see Example 1).7
l

Example 1. Old Roman version of [ubi/ate Deo

.!,

. I .It J.J. , J .
.11 , I - '. V : f v J. ;
I -

-J-i ' ' .


.f

iV.I J. ":",
r

....-,:~--D

- t ~~

~."""'-C

For a detailed appraisal of the' characteristics indicating that the tracts are fun
damentally in diTectum chants, and that they were not adopted at a late date to their
present form, see 0. Cullin, Le trait dans les r~pertojres VieuxRomaill et Gr~gorien:
un thnoin de la psalmodie sans refrain (PhD; University of Paris [SorbonneJ, 1990),
chapter 1: -Les fondaments du style sans .refrain", pp. 15-46.
1 Musical examples are taken from the Saint Cecilia Gradual, Bodmer C 14 (Old
Roman tradition) and from Benevento Archivio Capitolare Vl.34 IGregorian tradi
6

tion).

418

Emma Hornby

Gregorian version of Iubilate Deo

Each of the six basic phrases may be divided into two or more
sub~group8 of phrases: some of these subgroups are closely related,
but others share no more than the cadential figures at the end of
the phrase. The choice of which version of a phrase to use is dictated by a combination of the textual and the formal context, and
the Gregorian and Old Roman traditions generally use the equivalent version of the same phrase within a given context. The melodic
outlines are usually the same in the two traditions, but the Old Roman melodies are generally more decorated. Phrase B, which ends
the first half of most verses, may be used to illustrate how different
versions of a phrase are used in different formal contexts. Bl tends
to get used second in the first verse. 8
Phrase B2 is generally used second in verses other than the first
verse, when the first half-verse divides. (See Example 3.)
The a -p letter notation of DI]1 is adopted in this article for the concise indication of pitches (see Example 2) .
8

419

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF ASINGLE IDEA

Example 2.

Gregorian

Des2

Old Roman Des2

_..A--L - _

_ _ _J . . . . - _

~ but fh C
~ -J ........~

~J

lcadential figure
falling from k.to f

-rr-e-cj-ta-t-io-n-w-j-th-o-ut-h-n...a.,e
ghgfg

oscillations, with g as
lowest note

decorated recitation
on k

fall from repeated k

Example 3.

r.'

Gregorian QuiC8

-J.--..' J ~
!

It

~ '1

Old Roman QU1C8

I rise

tos ciHations and


cadence as RI

to k for recitation'

falling figure, ending


on g
t

figure beginning lower than the recitation, rising to m and falling to h

420

Emma Hornby

Phrase B3 is used when the first half of the verse is not divided
into two phrases Isee Example 4).

Example 4.
.

-:

__

IIr

f,'!'1'"'-"

Old Rom' )
Cos

J7. -~T,.-)1t!0"!

Gregonan ,
CoS

r: n \ ' r--r1

,-------, n

,,-rI"'""1r"'

___

.---

. _ j '__ _

L~~~~~'

~~'T

rise to recitation.

. ... 1, r<'
J

'1~

... -

r--J

. f~, '1

11t1;1
,

... .Jl -;

.J

J.

r< }1. J. -J;"


I

.....

,;

11

1.t

~HdIL_1

I,L
I
frises to kiklh

d }
d

r rise to k1

I '~jllations

rtS

fall to 8

an

cenc< as 8/ and 82
I rise to k

fall

10

high notes and fall to

Phrase B4 is also used when the first half of the verse is not divided into two phrases, and is strongly linked with the beginning of
the final verse. [See Example 5.)

421

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA

Example 5.

Gregorian

( '1

~-~

Adl0

Old Roman
~

AdlO

..;,. NuCetCl e
I

) .).

"

1nl
ddnu.nt
I

~Il L.......r--

'-re-c-ita-l-io-n-o-n-g-,-ri..L.se-t-o'
k

~~r'

~.

----J'

I'

L..I_ _ _ _

roscillations and
cadence as 81,82
aAd BJ

kih osciHations

rfall to f. rise. then fall


to f again

The phrases in group B5 are used when the beginning of the


verse does not cadence properly. An example of this may be found
in lubilate domino/deo, where the Old Roman phrase is built up of
melodic movements associated with phrase E, but it is not a complete phrase, going straight into phrase B5. The Gregorian tradition
has movements modelled on the Old Roman phrase, rather than being built up of Gregorian phrase E movements in the same way.
(See Example 6.)

Emma Hornby

422

Example 6.
I I I nl

r--J I

1'\ f

lu9

1 l"

lr!l~

1-

.N

f,

fl 1. 1.

HI

CVI'

Old Roman
lu9

v-

decorated recitation
on g

Gregorian version

The equivalence of the eighth-mode tracts in the Gregorian and


Old Roman traditions means
their eighth-century Roman ancestors were almost certainly constructed in the same way. The question
of how this eighth-century Roman chant was adopted in Francia remains contentious. While some maintain that there was a neumed
exemplar by about 800,9 others argue that
chant tradition was
carried orally until the late-ninth century. ID Whether or not the
'} K. Levy, "Charlemagne's Archetype of Gregorian Chant", JAMS 40 11987!,
pp. 1-30; "On the Origin of Neumes", EMH 7 (1987), pp. 59-90; "The two Carolingian archetypes of Gregorian chant. in A. Pompilio, D. Restani,
Bianconi,
F. A. GaJli leds.). Atti del XIV congres.so della Soci~ta Irlternazionale
Musicologia:
7rasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale, Bologna, 27 agosto-l se.t1embye 19871Rome, 1990). pp.
"Gregorian
Transmission",
G.
Bcone

),

Essays on Medieval Music in honer of David

Hughe.s: Isham Library Pa-

pers 4 ( Cambridge, Mass., 1995). pp.


for example L.
"The Early History of
Writing in
West",
JAMS
{l982). pp. 237-79; "Reading
Singing: on the Genesis of Occidental
Music-Writing", EMH 4 (Cambridge, 1984). pp. 135-208; "The 'Unwritten' and
'Written transmission' of Medieval Chant and the start-up of Musical Notation", jM
10 P
pp. 131-91. See
D. Hughes, "Evidence for the 'Traditional View of
'Transmission of Gregorian Chant", JAMS 40 11987).
10

423

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA

chant repertory was notated much before the earliest extant notated
Graduals (late-ninth century), memory must have played a vital role
in its transmission, at least until the eleventh century, because adiastematic neumes cannot be read unless the melody is already well
known. The common structure of the eighth-mode tracts in the
Gregorian and Old Roman traditions bears witness to the way in
which various memory prompts will have combined with rote
learning of the chants to keep them stable before the use of pitched
notation. A theory of remembering, in which various cues and con
straints act upon the performer, causing him to sing things that fit
within the genre, has been constructed by the cognitive psychologist David Rubin. I I His work informs the subsequent discussion.
The Gregorian eighthrnode tracts are a musical genre whose
texts would have been very familiar to the performer: not only was
it the Psalter from which children learned to read and write, but
novice monks were expected to know their Psalter by heart and to
be able to supply any verse that was requested. Holding the verses
for a particular eighthmode. tract in the memory and manipulating
the music to fit with the text would have seemed an entirely natural
task to a trained monastic singer. There are spelling variants and occasional substitution of words (for example, magnificentiam" for
umagnitudinern in Attende celurn), but these rarely occur in places
where they would affect the melodic flow.
The structure of the eighth-mode tracts is based around the verse,
which usually coincides with the verse divisions of other sources
containing these psalm texts. Although the numbering of biblical
verses had not developed in this period, and the placing of commata
and colata in biblical manuscripts is somewhat inconsistent, the
verse divisions of the psalms were essential for the correct singing
of the psalms within the monastic office, and were on the whole
well established. Most Graduals agree completely about where new
verses begin in tracts and other chants containing more than one
biblical verse.
In order to decide which phrases to use, the singer would need to
be aware of the text of the whole verse, if not of the whole tract,
ll

\I

Memory in Oral 7l-aditions {Oxford, 19951.

414

Hornby

of how this text should


broken up into phrases.
clauses are almost always
into logical syntactical units
to
phrases. Sometimes
is between subject
and
sometimes relative
or prepositional phrases
are gIven
musical phrases, and
the subject and
the verb are
together and the object is
a separate
phrase. Sometimes a clause or
is joined to a
It seems likely that this
construction was
by
rote
this contention
by the fact that the Old Roman
Gregorian traditions
up the sentences
ways.
in Qui co nfidunt, the relative
"qui habitat in
For
and last in a verse.
C in the
Ierusalem ",
Gregorian tradition,
divided into two phrases,
1n
Old
Roman tradition.
l

"

, - I '*'i

.
J

~\1-

. ,. "

JY I

Cantemus

f -- .

t",~

~.

'" )

. ...

.. J

'" f"

.,

I" f/ic'

De

Jt :',

Cantemus

.i t -

iI. 1

to. .dm.

<t"
(,'

. ,... I'.
~

t'l, " I'Itm

.,

lWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA

425

Once this variation had occurred, the phrases used were firmly
established by textual and associative cues. To have phrase C ending
with the text lIin Ierusalem" (as in the Gregorian tradition) is paralleled by Yin orationem" in De profundis, and by lIet ascensorem" and
"in salutem" in Cantemus domino. The Old Roman tradition gives
separate phrases to the subject + verb and the prepositional phrase
(lIqui habitat / in Ierusalem"), a common way of dividing text in
these chants. It is not possible to identify why this variant occurred,
but it is easy to see why each version was maintained so stably.
In order to perform an eighth-mode tract, the singer would need
first to recall the overall pattern of the piece, that is, the structural
pitches and perhaps also the stereotyped melodic patterns. In the
intonation fonnulae, medieval theorists provide examples of what
were thought to be the essential elements of each mode. l 2. These
formulae tend to be combinations of the modal outline with standard melodic shapes. Performers might have planned the performance before starting by recalling one of the characteristic eighthmode intonation formulae~ or they might have made a more detailed preparation by remembering how the text should be broken
up into verses and phrases, and how text and music should be com~
bined. uOral performance that is, without the aid of written music,
does not imply unprepared public renditions.
The six phrases, each with a fixed cadence shape and final pitch,
are each associated with a particular formal context, and provide a
basic framework around which the eighth~mode tracts are con~
structed. Within each phrase type there are subgroups for more specific formal or verbal contexts within the verse or within the tract,
as was described above. Once one of these phrase shapes is begun,
the rest is almost always inevitable, within local practice. Within
each phrase, certain melodic patterns are specifically associated either with accented or with unaccented syllables. Kainzbauer has
comprehensively demonstrated how the textual context, and in particular the stress patterns, influenced the text-music alignment of
H

l~

See T. Bailey, The Intonation Fomtulas of Western Citant (Toronto, 1974).

426

Emma Hornby

the eighth-mode tracts.l3 The patterns of accented and unaccented


syllables in the texts rarely influence the choice of which phrase to
use, but are fundamental in deciding how the given musical phrase
will be fitted to the text.
The words themselves affect which phrase shapes are used,
sometimes overturning the formal expectations. A single striking example will serve here to illustrate the point. This is one of the few
occasions where the two traditions have different melodic outlines
and, as this example will demonstrate, the reason is that each tradition has followed a different, but equally valid, textual cue.

Example 8.

Gregorian

A2.
)

--

J - HJ..

,l~ -__1.- :<-)\


1

----y- ' ... If'

1]6. ,rf~

. 1

83

NDer 1Tactus Tetrardus - eine centoiogische Untersuchung


gorianik 11 (Regensburg, 1991), pp. 1-132.
13

W
,

Beitrdge rur Gre-

427

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA

Old Roman
,I "

.1. Il,
J

1-

1\ -,..

1 ; ,'"

Vi' . J._ "1. .


. --.J........:J... I-__

,: .~ l '/

11 ,\ j

.r \; j

"

..::u 1u (

"

FT!

r.

"

fj

~'------------J~A~~--~

1I

J J
'_..I...--.J..~ ______._,.----- .. _,.. - . - '
Jl . ~

"

j"1

.J'

.,

.Jt), J. , J. I JI "
I"

r.uL

no

}CD

(W1'nJJwnui.

111..

,...
F- -)I ,,!!

j.:,. V

.C,.
.'

,. ' . !'

f.." ~.' .'" .......


''.11~
~

). '

J~ J
. I

~ n',

iJ. f ,

r~
,,~.

I.

III

J 1ft.'

6t"!

ex

1 --,

JlV.

J. ,

~n..U.JI'"

~ J1

J
i;.

Emma Hornby

of the fourth verse


The
le leuaui has
"Ita
oculi nostrill.
of the verbal
with the
of
the tract HAd
oculos
material is used in both
traditions. In
verse of Sepe expugnauerunt, "Dicat nunc
israhe1 begins with
in both traditions because of the
assonance with the fourth verse of Ad le leuaui l"dicat"J'lita"). In the
tradition, #israhel" uses B3 material.
no cadence
of "dicat nunc", so
versehalf has the shape
B3 is generally associated with
being only one phrase
the
verse-half. In
Gregorian tradition,
phrase after . oculi
nostri" in Ad leuaui, "ad dominum
m", has B3, as in
expugnauerunt, giving
B3 is used
the parallel verse in
outside the usual formal conte.xt here, because of
association
/
with
expugnauerunt.
use B3 on l'israhel
expugnaaffects the identical
at the beginning
Qui regis
uerunt
israhel, whIch has B3 material lalthough it lacks the full
).
Conversely,
the Old Roman tradition,
first phrase of
israhel has Al material throughout, as one would expect
first phrase in a
and "israhel" in
expugnauerunt follows
. textual cue.
then no associative cue to have B3 in the
fourth verse of Ad te leuaui,
Old Roman tradition instead has
B2
/lad dominum deum
following the
scheme.
Sepe expugnauerunt in
The
of the second verse
Old
ian tradition
of C D, the formally expected phrases.
Roman version instead follows another
cue: The second
of the first
and in the Old
of the verse repeats
tradition, A2 is reused for the repetition
text "sepe
me".
effects of textual, formal, and associative prompts may readily be identified in the eighthwmode tracts. Once one combines the
the melody
associated with particular forunderlying
mal contexts, the standard melodic patterns, the way
matching
text with music, the stimuli of rhymes or the same words, the
rhythm of stressed
unstressed syllables,
associative cues, it
begins to be possible
comprehend how a group of chants
were transmitted so widely without pitched notation remained so
J/

TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA

429

well defined. The recall of these chants will not have relied on such
cues alone: it is characteristic of oral genres that verbatim recall or
rote learning is combined with the constraints and cues.
The Old Roman and Gregorian eighth-mode tracts bear the hallmarks of having originated, not only orallYI but also within the
same oral tradition. Differences between the traditions are almost
always consistent within the constraints of the genre, and seem to
have arisen soon after (or perhaps as) the Roman chant was adopted
in Francia. The evidence of the eighth-mode t.racts does not make
it possible to ascertain whether the melodic dialect of the eighthcentury Roman chant adopted in Francia was closer to that preserved in Roman manuscripts, or to the Gregorian versions. However, we can be certain that the eighth-century eighth-mode tracts
were constructed in the same way as their written descendants in
the Old Roman and Gregorian traditions, and the equivalence of the
eighth-mode tracts in the two traditions makes it possible to identify
the memory prompts that made a stable transmission possible.

,1

,
"

';

,
I

"

Cantus Planus 1998 ...J" Esztergom & Visegrad

431

THE MODES OF THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER:


WHAT KIND OF GLUE?

Edward Nowacki

for Leo 1reitler

The frrst two questions raised by my title are, What are modes, and,
Does the Old Roman Mass Proper have any? According to PseudoOdo, /lA tone, or mode, is a rule that distinguishes every chant by its
final", (Thnus vel modus est regula, quae de omni cantu in fine dijudicat.) Citing this definition, skeptics may claim that the medieval
concept of mode is about the fundamentals of composition - the finals and the notes dependent upon them in a distinctive intervallic
environment - rather than the ways in which those notes were employed to make melodies. According to this view, efforts to define
mode in terms of the findings of melodic analysis, while interesting,
are essentially an outsider's activity not commensurate with what
insiders considered to be the legitimate scope of modal investigation,
I disagree, There is plenty of precedent in the medieval theoretical tradition for considering melodic design as an aspect of modal
identity. It begins with a paradox noticed by the same author who
defined mode as a rule for classifying chants by final, for if the note
that terminates the chant is the one from which the rest of the
notes draw their meaning. then the notes of any chant would become intelligible only after the last note had sounded. Yet, as
Pseudo'()do observes, beginnings and endings of internal phrases
are already at work causing us to desire the chant to be in one .
mode or another before the final has sounded. Berno of Reichenau
and John of Afflighem claim that melodic cursus is so important that
it may overrule the given final as the decisive modal attribute, requiring the recomposition of t.he ending in order to bring it into me-

Edward Nowacki

432

with the
of
chant. Even direct definitions
mode in the Musica Enchiriadis and the Musica of Hermannus Con
tractus refer
it as modulatio or species modulationum, that is, /la
kmd of melodic composition",
treatments convince me that
medieval notion of modal investigation included the examina~
tion of melodic design and was not limited
studying
abstract
ies of fina and scales.
answer to my second question is yes! the Old Roman Mass
Proper has the usual eight modes, four basic ones with finals on
P, and G or on their af{ines a, b, and c, and divided in the an
tiphonal chants into plagal-authentic doublets.
basis for identifying chants as plagal or authentic the reciting tone of the psalmody appended to the lntroits and Communions.
the nonantiphonal chants, the Gradual, Alleluia, and Offertory, there is little .............. '"
for
distinction, and many of them span a composite of the pIaand authentic
In this respect they do not differ from
their counterparts in the standard Gregorian repertory.
However, when I investigate the internal cursus of these chants,
I discover properties for which
theoretical tradition provides
lit
descriptive vocabulary. I will therefore have to improvise fo1lowmg the guidance of the tradition, but moving further along a
route that
ieval authors only
to.
In my observation, the most significant units of melodic structure
and intelligibility are the various trichords! spans of three consecu
tive
that fill
whole tonal space from
A to high I inthese trichords, much as the author of the Musica Enchiriadis
did, by inspecting the melodies and observing how they trace lines
by arsis and thesis through certain distinct partial ranges, or
mala, in each of their cola and commata. While all trichords are possible, especially in the melismatic chants certain ones predominate
over all others.
are shown in Example 1! where they
sorted by
The example shows that the trichords have a nonexclusive relationship with the modes in which they occur, exhibiting a high denext. For example, the a-c triof overlap from one mode to
chord figures prominently in
1, 3,
7, and 8. The same
da1

,.Uy, ..Uf:;

433

THE MODES OF THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

trichord, that is, with the intervallic structure re-fa, occurs on low
D in modes 2, 4, and 6. Wherever this trichord occurs, it makes use
of the same figural vocabulary, causing a high degree of figural similarity between modes and weakening their distinctiveness as separate melodic classes. It makes more sense to refer to such passages
as modulatio in re-fa rather than as characteristic phrases of some
particular mode.

Example 1.
The principal trichords sorted by mode
I

.-

I, 1'\
~

\:

J
-}
I

rc~

0
g

al

:z.
g

r~

'"'I

-~

os:

CJ

c::7

4'

If

.2

..r::I

CJ

17

S:

l'~

f
~

Jl

::

/C.~

,~

Figural affmity between modes is even stronger when they share


two trichords. The conjunct trichords spanning F-a and a-c are
prominent in modes 1, 3, and 5; the conjunct trichords spanning
a-C and c-e are prominent in modes 5 and 7 and transposed mode
2; and the conjunct trichords spanning D-F and F-a function as the
main referential trichords both in mode 2 and in mode 6. Chants in
any of these modes often have long segments in their interiors that
are indistinguishable from the chants of the other modes that share
the same trichordal structure..

434

Edward Nowacki

Part Two

Example 2.

tN - CU- NA do - ml -

ne au - rem

.lm .ad

mi -re

r.n

de - u(

um

tlJ -

-re,-

~----------------~~------------------------------

re mi-chi. do - mL - ne qYQ-nL-am ad u da.- ma - vi..

E------------------------------4--------------+------

d i,

PS le - ri - fi -

C4

a - ni - mA

V Quo...,.L - i

tu

[E

e)

Now please consider Example 2. This


an introit of the first
mode, The first phrase, Inclina domine aurem roam ad me, travels in
the a-c trichord, that is, re-fa, with allusions to the G-b, or ut-mi,
trichord in the interior of the phrase. Phrase 21 exaudi me, begins
the fa-la trichord on F, moving eventually to the mi-sol trichord on
I read the pause on F and the whole figure on
last two syllables of exaudi me as a semi cadence in the E
trichord - that is, a
cadence that fails to satisfy the desire of that trichord to end on E,

435

THE MODES Of THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

pausing instead on its middle note, F.l The figure that accompanies
it on -di me is a cliche that is common also in the third and seventh
modes, always with the function of suspending a resolution to E
and leading a transition to a phrase beginning with the cliohe
D-F-a. Phrase 3, salvum (ac servum tuum deus mew, begins with
recitation on a, which I interpret as the upper note of the fa-la trichord on F. If b's had occurred here, they would have to be sung fa,
that is, as b-flat. On the word tuum the phrase makes a move to the
re-fa trichord on a and vacillates between it and the ut...,mi trichord
on G in one of the repertory's most familiar cliches, occurring in
modes I, 3, 5, 7, and 8. In this context the b should always
read
2
as mi. The phrase continues in the G~b and a-c trichords before
settling in the F -a trichord on the last syllable of sperantem . Here
the melody employs an unmistakable cliche descending through the
interval of a fourth from b to F. This figure, which usually occurs
between c and G leaves no doubt that the b should be sung fa, that
is, flat. The phrase pauses With a stereotyped figure on te that I
interpret as a semicadence in the F "",a trichord, requiring b~flat, and

be

The interpretation of this passage as one governed by E an~ G instead of F, the


note on which it ends, depends on general knowledge of the repertory that permits
us to recognize particular examples as instances of paradigms. While some instances may embody their paradigm imperfectly, the structural description of those
passages draws on knowledge of all the examples in the aggregate. (Recall Latin
nouns like pes, custos, and lapis, for which one depends on knowledge of the paradigm to determine the form of the stem: ped-, custod-, and lapid, respectively,. [ am
particularly encouraged in this interpretation by the occurrence of passages like
this one in the deuterus modes, wbere the assignment of the figure to the B-G trichord seems especially apt. In addition, I have adopted as an analytical condition
that analyses assigned convincingly to some instances of a paradigm should apply
to all of them. The occurrences of this passage with identical or very similar melodic figuration regardless of mode imply that Roman singers reprded them as instances of a common structure with a single structural.ana.1ysis.
2The decision to read the notes G-a-b-c as ut-re-mi-fa and to interpret the
note below c as bm.i is based on observations of the same structure in numerous
contexts in several different modes. The structure constitutes.a paradigm (see n. 1)
whose instances in the aggregate overwhelmingly suggest the intervallic structure
ut-re-mi-fa. The persistence of certain stereotyped figures to realize thiB structure
regardless of mode, implies that all such realization.s embody the same underlying
!

structure.

436

Edward Nowacki

pausing on G, a step above the trichord's expected tone of rest.


Phrase 4, miserere michi domine, exhibits the typical interlocking of
F -a and D- F trichords. Phrase 5, quoniam ad te clamavi tota die,
is entirely in the 0- F trichord and employs on the syllables -mavi
one of the most ubiquitous of all cliches for singing in re-fa: fa mi
re, fa mi re. The last two neumes, on die / form a stereotyped figure.
or formula, that marks this chant as an introit of the first mode. The
trichords that function as referential in this chant are re-fa on a,
fa-la on F, and re-fa on 0, exactly the three highest ranking trichords of the first mode.

Example 3.

foE

L~.~~.II[. .
oo""rI

::

J"e.;f'O "-..

rJ
La

J
ut

bi.

pof - rim

am

""@ -

re at - le - I.u. -

Gall..d .bU~ -bi -

~'.r2'. ~".

er!.

~ ,

TUR of me - um ldu-dem tu -

RE - PlE - A -

.@. "'"

me - a

.,

11

a l - le - Lu - l.i.

dum can -

d -

,.~

r-

e - u. - a

tliI -\le-

ro

PS De -uf 0,

re

[.. [. ~ -----+l--"-"'----------~
Please turn now to Example 3. This is an introit of the third
mode. It begins in the ut-mi trichord on G, moving, as such trichords typically do, to the re-fa trichord on a on meum. The a-c tri-

THE MODES OF THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

437

chord on meum is joined conjunctly to the F-a trichord on laudem


tuam, which modulates on tuam to the E-G trichord, making a
semicadence there. While the analysis of the passage as an instance
of E-G may seem subtle, it is confirmed by the cliche of the mi-sol
semicadence, sol fa nU, fa mi fa, followed by the rising figure D-F-a,
already observed in the example of mode 1; it is also confirmed by
the context, which places after this passage a continuation on aIle~
luia that alludes to the earlier figure and completes its tendency to
come to rest on E. Phrase 4, gaudebunt labia mea, begins in the re-fa
trichord on a and ends in the fa-la trichord. Phrase 5, dum cantavero, resumes singing fa-la until the repeated figure on tibi, which is
a clear marker of the a-c and G-b trichords.
The first of the two terminal alleluias appears to trace a conventional fourth from a to E. However, a less strained reading, one that
considers the prominence of F and a on the final alleluia as well as
throughout the chant - in other words, a reading that considers the
empirical evidence without prior theoretical commitments ~ would
have to consider the fourth from a to E on the first of the two allelu
ilLS as passing and incidental. I prefer to read the whole passage as
predominantly in the F -a trichord, with a nested motion to E-G on
the first luia, a return to F -a on the second allelu- / and a definitive
motion into the E-G trichord only on the last syllable. The means of
asserting the E mode in this chant, long phrases in the a-c and F-a
trichords, the latter with bflat, concluding almost incidentaUy in
mi-sol, is absolutely normal and typical. This is what singing in the
E mode means for singers in this tradition. For that reason, I assign
to the mi-sol trichord an intermediate rank; it is important only by
position, not by frequency of occurrence. The trichords that func~
tion as referential in this chant a re re-fa on a and fa-la on F, exactly
the two highest ranking trichords of the third mode. We may argue
about the status of the opening ut=rru trichord on G. I read it a's
pointing toward a-c. In other chants of the third mode its subordination to a-c is unmistakable.
Now consider Example 4. This is an introit of the fifth mode.
Phrase 1, Verba mea auribus percipe domine, is sung almost entirely
in the a-c trichord, concluding on the last two syllables 'Of domine

438

Edward Nowacki

with a cliche familiar especially in the protus, deuterus, and tetrardus modes that alternates between the re-fa trichord on a and the
ut-mi trichord on G. Phrase 2, intellege clamorem meum, is entirely
in re-fa on a, employing several cliches of this trichordal mode, especiall y the one at the pause, fa mi re, fa mi re. We have already
encountered this figure in re-fa on D in the example from the first
mode. The third phrase is persistently in re-fa, again employing

Example 4.
fut. 5~ v

F .au.th.
Vf R - BA

Mf - A

fi't

J ,,-:','-

a.:n.1I

~n~ (~lJ,

.:'l.


ne
tn
-

~ .~.~

U1 -

~rt

Ps

tEl-

0....

Ide

vo

au - n - bus

,-.
~

Le - ge
.:1
~

CJ.

~
0

~ me u( et cJ{

v Gm

~~
:1'-

-. "e

A.

cla mo - rem
.J\.

- ra - ti -

u - pe

.....

...- -n--.

J.

hlr

do,e_
urn

.... me~
.~

e]

several cliches of that trichordal mode, until the last three syllables,
-nis mee, where a descent into the fa-la trichord compels b-flat. The
chant ends on the fa-la trichord's tone of completion, F. This chant
exhibits two of the fifth mode's referential trichords, F-a and a-c.
The third referential trichord, c-e, while incidental in Verba mea, is
a typical feature of most fifth -mode chants and a ubiquitous one in
the verses of gradua}s of this mode, as seen in Example 5.

Rxample 5.
Verse of a fifth-mode gradual with c-e trichords

. -,.'-.' .- ... '.--. .-.

'l

rI

[I?,?: Disc-e rne

. . -.

.'\

If

I
l

"-

,.- -

'"J

causam]
~ Xi.

,~ r-

et

lIftIri 'tfltem lu-~


I

7
7- 1"\

'"(

rL

..


I~e.m
~","-He..
........, 1
,

. .-

in HI ""Iem

,.

.-

SIZ"aNWI

--

,
ill

.",-

-.

...Y,.

--....

.. " ...
"

-ps

fltt-1Vn

-,. ,.-.- -... - ,. --.


.JI"

-.

-_

11 _ ,
-, -._
.-

tit( '"-

.--

M""

lilt . -

-.'- ...." _.--

........

-. - -... "'_-.
....

"

-._ J
'

Edward Nowacki

440

Example 6.

ffl;.~~

11 [ .

~.~

Mf' ~ AS

rl

AlE

.,., .

..

p~

e - ti. - fCl - bet LL - )Cor

t
um

ti -

dV ..~,..
E,"
ml-

ee

VD -

...... "

no

fpi.- ri-

U1

.rbl'lc P5

et"

- ca - ti. -

, @

tu. -

a.

~"

e-

(an-c.to

trU

triA-

..

;~
(


anf

Dn"


u..

n,t mol- p f

nr

re-

p~-

~ ~.
fu. -

wr

[!"

-=

e-

r10 - tnUl

~r\

w(

na - U. - vt. - la- te

er

ti. - bi. fi-

.,

et

... .

,..

pa.- ri - et

ca. - bi. - nu

u.- te- ro

3'

'"

tu -

~.

1-.,

JG

F-1"

~/ti

.d - hUG

ti.

J~

,..~

ne{

Cif~ ;
G

,.""

eft de -

ex-au-di.-td

2'11 - ('ha - 7'i _

1.00-

:.,

c.o - r6m ciD-

:fI'-'- )~
bi.- CV:'
,I."
1 =!
/!j

et: mul-

I\A.~

;.~

galL -

VQif1

cU-


t.-

U -

'tI~-

THE MODES OF THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

441

Now please tum to Example 6. This is an introit of the seventh


mode. The fust phrase, Ne timeas Zachari- is sung in ut-mi on G,
but moves on the last syllable of Zacharia to re-fa on a. 3 The second
phrase, exaudita est deprecatio tua, begins in re-fa on a, descends
to fa-la on F, and ends with a sernicadence that I have earlier described as belonging to the E-G trichord. It is followed, as such
moves usually are regardless of mode, by the cliche D-F~a, and the
singing of elisabeth uxor tua in fa-la, with b-flats as necessary, until
the end of the phrase, on tuQ, where the melodic lin.e moves to the
a-c and G-b trichords, singing them re-fa and ut-mi with a nowfamiliar cliche. Phrase 4, Panet tibi (ilium, resumes singing in fa-la
on F, pausing again with the by-now familiar semicadence on F in
the E-G trichord. Phrases 5 and 6, apart from incidental elaborations, are centered in the re-fa trichord on a with recitation on its
upper note, c. Phrases 7 and 8 continue this mode of singing, but
make semi cadences with a figure poised between the trichord'S on
high c and d, using a melodic cliche that has been observed also a fifth
lower on F and G. The occurrence of this figure in the high transposition on c and d corroborates the reading of it on F and G as requiring h-flat. The ninth phrase is once again centered in a-c, alludes to the high c-e trichord, and then returns to a-c before an
almost incidental drop to G, the final of the mode. This intreit
projects the F-a, and a-c trichords, and somewhat unusually, the
high re-fa trichord on d. Ordinarily the referential trichord in
the high range of the seventh ttlode is c-e, the $ame high trichord
used in modes 2 and 5.
The whole phrase is read here as it is notated in Bodmer C 74. In 5319 it is notated a step lower. This illustrates an intermittent but persistent phenomenon in
the Old Roman manuscripts in which ut-re-mi-fa is sometimes projected. probably by accident, on F-G-a-b. Scribes sometimes Ibut not here) corrected the apparent error by adding the sign of the round b4 warning singers to sing the b as if
it were cfa for the duration of the phra.se. Many, perhaps most, of the infrequent
occwrences of the sign of the round b in the Old Roman manuscripts are intended
for that limited technical purpose. Correct performances of passages so notated,
and of other suspected. ones, must transpose the phrases in question up .. step, singing ut-re-mi-fa on G-a-b-c. That is the reading that I and the scribe of Bodmer
C 74 have adopted here.
3

Edward Nowacki

442

Example 7 .

da.-

Qui (

e(u-

r'
tLt

..

Le-

Ee

ta-

e - x lLL - tA-

u.

b': -

tur

fa

on

J.J~.

cap - ti-

'e. 'e.

)Cl -

~}2
e

fu. -

If - ra - hel

I
mt.- nuf

e -

bi.t

re

ta-

e .A
{;.

..h., ..

rdo-

,..

foL.55"v

fit

u-

lilt

rIi
[r.a] -

La -

cob

et

A.~. eA. ~
hel

. ..-

FJ
e

Now please turn to Example 7. This is a communion of the second


mode. The phrases of this chant are sung mainly in the a-c and c-e
trichords, corresponding to the D-F and F-a trichords in the un~
transposed versions of this mode. The last three neumes on plebis
sue exhibit the typical vacillation between a-c and G-b that occurs
about as often in chants whose final is on G as in those whose final is on a. This same vacillation continues in the last two phrases.
The chant could end on a or G with equal plausibility, since it employs trichordal modes of singing that are equally apt for each.
While it ends on a, making it nominally a chant of the transposed
second mode, the scribe has given it the psalm tone of mode 7/ suggesting that he was less attentive to its final on a than to its internal

443

THE MODES OF TliE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

cursus, spanning the typical seventh-mode trichords a-c and c-e. In


Bodmer C 74 the psalm-tone provided is the correct one of the second mode.

Example 8.

fOl.119
(j

re. tact-

,. -

.
CL -

vo-

bif

di-

(------~~~------~~~----------~~----

Now consider Example 8, a communion of the eighth mode. The


first phrase, after alluding to the E-G trlchord on the first syllable
of quente, has its cursus in the low D-F trichord with the familiar
cliche fa mi re, fa mi re. On the words regnum dei et omnia adicientuT vobis, the melody has its course mainly in the a ~ c trichord, with
frequent allusions to the overlapping G-b trichord. The conclusion
of the chant, dicit dominus, returns. to the lower range with interlocking E-G and D-F trichords, before returning to the pattern of
interlocking a-c and G-b trichords and ending on G. This example
illustrates one of the most remarkable features of the tetrardus modes
in the Old Roman Mass Proper, the prominence of the a-c trichord
even when cadences on G are imminent. In the seventh mode, the
stop on G may at times seem almost incidental; in the eighth mode,
it usually seems more motivated, because of a more frequent iteration of the ut-mi trichord on G.

Edward Nowacki

I conclude these readings with three examples without


score. The mode 4 Introit Miserere michi domine
the
degree to which chants of
can
dominated by
phrase ranges considered typical of
The entire chant sung
in the D-F and
trichords
former, and employs their
typical melodic
mi-sol trichord on E is sounded
only on
last
words. Another Introit of the fourth mode,
Omnis
illustrates this mode's affinity with
In
of this type the F -a trichord is more pf()mlnt:~nt
than in chants of the Miserere michi
This one
phrases in fa-la on F twice preceded by a
up
low
The mode 6 fntroit
necessitatibus
a rich mlxnue
of trichordal modes.
main one
on
The need to sing such
phrases as fa-la with an upper b~flat when necessary is proven by
mode that project the same melodic
ua,uVI-JVO,'~J.""".1 on c. The melody also moves in
and high a -c trichords. That the latter must be sung
b-mi, is shown by its figural affinity with .,;)u" .......u
sa~~es in other modes. lWo internal cadences on E
evoke the
mi-sol trichord typical of
deuterus
trichordal
variety, this chant could be malQe
convincingly on F El or D
by simply varying the mC:=l04:11C contour of its final three or four syllables.
f

Part Three
interpreting the modes of the Old Roman Mass Prcmer. one
wtlettler to read
problem that presents itself with "'IJ'-"" .....
the b's as flat or natural. One ............. ,,., ..
because
melodic intelligibility depends upon it. Without a clear sense of
how to read the
from phr'ase pnra~ie and even neume to neume,
alienated from the structhe melodies bec:orr.ae Unlrltej111~,lblel
ture to which they must be referred for principles of coherence,
dition,
an
vexing problem for the musicologist,
of the round b is seldom used in the Old Roman maml1lSClrtp'ts
problem can be
of all in typical chants. In my opinion

THE MODES OF THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

445

solved in most instances in a principled way. First, the F -a trichord


must be sung as fa-la with an upper subsidiary b-fa when necessary.
Failure to do so, of course, would engender the tritone between F-fa
and b-mi, but worse, in my opinion, it would force a moduJation
to the ut-mi trichord on G, a trichord usually not supported by the
melodic design except in the eighth mode. Confirmation of this
reading is provided by the numerous figures in the fa-la trichord
with an upper subsidiary b-fa that occur with seeming indifference
both on F and in high transposition on c, where the note in question can only be sung as f-fa.
In the very melodies that make frequent use of the F-a trichord
with b-flat, the adjoining a-c trichord also occurs with great frequency. On the basis of figural affinity, there is no question that this
upper trichord must be read as re-fa, that is, with an internal b-mi.
The frequent alternation of these two trichords in modes 1, 3, 4, 5 r
6, and 8, according to my theory, compels singers to sing first h-fla't,
then b-natural, as they move from phrase to phrase and even
neume to neume. Are such readings plausible? On this question we
have the good fortune that Hucbald in the late ninth century expressed himself on this very point. In the discussion of the synemmenon tetrachord in the De Institutione Musica he analyzes the Introit Statuit ei dominus, shown in Exam~Je 9. Whenever the melody
Example 9.
Hucbald's analysis of the Introit Statuit si dominus
JitJ.f.


pa. -cis et ",.i".tl,_ --"LI

-!;.'

,!.~ 253 ;; 11

446

Edward Nowacki

approaches b from a, he has it sung in the synemmenon tetrachord,


yet when the melody rises to c on the first syllable of dominus, he
describes it as rising to the diezeugmenon, even though the note c is
available in the synemmenon and does not require a tetrachordal
modulation . I suggest that the note c was so strongly identified as a
super-semitonal degree, sung as fa in other words, that it compelled
a return to the diezeugmenon tetrachord even when doing so
caused frequent alternation between the two forms of the b. And of
course we have Hucbald's further testimony that chants in all the
modes, especially the tritus, must be sung with a mixture of the synemmenon and diezeugmenon tetrachords. (Cuius tetrachordi exempIa cum per omnes modos vel tonos se (requentius of(erant, tamen praecipue in autento triti vel plagis eius ita ubique perspici possunt, ut vix
aliquod melum in eis absque horum pennixfione fetrachordorum, sy~
nemmonon scilicet [et] diezeugmenon reperiatur.)
Having stressed the ubiquity of b-flat, I wish to affirm that the
ut-mi trichord on G with b-natural should be sung when it is melodically appropriate, mainly in the eighth mode. Here the proximity of F is not decisive. Passages such as the ones in Example 10 retain b-natural even in the near presence of F, with which it forms a

Example 10.
Eighth mode with F -fa and b-mi

THE MODES OF THE OLD ROMAN MASS PROPER

447

tritone. Failure to insist on b as the upper note of the ut-mi trichord


on G would cause that trichord to be misread as re-fa, and create
the very confusion of modal identity mentioned by Guido in chapter 8 of the Micro logus , in which he warns that b-flat causes G to
sound protus. [In eodem ",ero cantu maxime . b. moW utimur, in quo
.F.f amplius continuatur gravis vel acuta, ubi et quandam confusionem

et transformationem videtur facere, ut .G. sonet protum, .a. deuterum,


cum ipsa .b. sonet tritum. ) Guido's use of the term confusionem reinforces my assertion that b-flat is not merely a melodic nuance, but a
note presenting a basic problem of melodic intelligibility.

Conclusion
I wish to return now to a question that I posed at the beghming

of my paper. Do the concepts that I have derived by melodic analysis have anything to do with modes? The system of trichords that
I have elucidated, after all, has no explicit precedent mthe theoretical tradition. But it does not follow from my failure to state my
analysis in traditional terms that I am indulging a purely modem interest in style and design. Rather, my analysis is an attempt to apply
the benefits of modem perspective to a question that concerned me
dieval theorists, the description of the matrix of basic materials that
constrains modal composition in a fundamental way. The difference
is that those materials, in my analysis, are proper to the whole genus before it is differentiated by final into modal species. The trichords are premodal - more general, more persistent in tradition,
and less susceptible to change by deliberation.'

4 It remains a matter of speculation whether this 'p remodal nature CaD be understood in chronological terms. Roman chant on the eve of the FTankish reception
must have possessed, fortuitously, a basic compatibility with .Byzantine modal principles in order to have assimilated them so thoroughly, at least in Frankish transmission. Were these principles like .a v'eneer, ~mposing themselves on traditional
trichordal organization? Or did trichordal organization infiltrate the tradition after
it bad been organized along purely modal lines, crowding out modal! distinctions
or reducing them to secondary status? Whether persistent or invasive, trichordal
organization was robust , and that suggests that it was native and traditional.

448

Edward Nowacki

Viewed in this light, the modes of the Old Roman Mass Proper modes, that is, in the familiar sense of eight ecclesiastical modes
- are not a characterization of the deepest layer of the tradition, of
the musical system or grammar in a manner of speaking, but a shallow overlay imposing on that system a modest degree of variety and
differentiation. As such they are not like Aurelian's glue, the basic
principle causing notes to cohere in a single mass, but something
more akin to genre, an easily manipulable principle of variety. If there
is a kind of glue, it is in the system of singing in trichords that imparts to every phrase of this repertory its unmistakable stylistic
uniformity.

Cantus Planus 1998

..J", Esztergom

& Visegrad

449

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY AKOLOUTHIAH

Simon Hams

If you take the view that the quality of a book or article can be assessed from the extent of its influence - by the amount that it is
read, the extent to which it is quoted or its ideas repeated by others,
or by the length of time during which it is referred to in footnotes then without doubt the best article that Oliver Strunk wrote on Byzantine music is the one he called "The Antiphons of the Oktoechos", published nearly forty years ago in 1960.' There is no doubt
that, even by Strunk/s standards it is ingenious, to the extent that
even its title needs a little explanation. It is on the subject of the
Gradual Psalms and their associated hymns, sung in the Byzantine
Rite at the main morning service on Sundays, and Strunk himself
says that the word "antiphon", whilst in Latin referring to the associated hymn or refrain, referred in the Greek Rite to the psalm itself - or more accurately to the selection from the Psalter that
might consist of several psalms, one psalm, or even of individual
psalm-verses that did not need to be consecutive. 2 And the word
"oktoechos" means an eight-mode cycle, here a major division of the
Sticherarion. s This situation is rather characteristically summarised
with a photograph showing two pages of Lavra r. 67, a manuscript
using the Chartres notation and dating from shortly before 1000
Qliver Strunk, -The Antiphons of the Oktoechos, Joumal of the America" Musi
cological Society Vot. 13 (1960), pp. 50-67 (henceforward AOI); reprinted in Bssays
on Music in the Byzantine World (New York, 1977), pp. 165-90 (henceforward AOII).
The title of his article seems to have been taken from Tillyard's transcriptions (see
n.6).
2 AOl p. 50; AOII p. 166.
3 For example Vienna theol. gr. 181, Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae IMMB),
Principal Series Vol. I (Copenhagen, 1935) has 325 folios; of which ff. 1-279 give
the stichera for the Year, and ff. 279-311 give an oktoechos of Sunday chants, the
remaining folios (311-25) having Lenten pro80moia and two additions to the fIXed
feasts.
I

450

Simon Harris

A.D., in
each psalm fonus a single antiphon
three
associated hymns preceding pairs of
the
being
the last pair:~ One also gathers
were
antiphons (or
psalms) to
mode, that
ran through
same
series of twelve psalms as
modes but that the fourth
plagal mode
a fourth
Ilfor the commemoration of
hymns
to the Gradual Psalms - the ttv().~o:i1J.1oi can
transcribed from many Sticheraria, but the psalms rm:=m
to the extent that they appear at all in them, are
and never provided with musical notation.
of Strunk's article
supplement
of the hymns, which
had already been
by
6 with musical infonnation
about the psalms, drawn
fourteenthcentury manuscripts of the
Akolou
too, quite convincinglYI that that hymns
textually, but also musically connected;
so
main point of
article is unaffected by his aS1,es,srrlertt:
Akolouthiae. Nevertheless, there is no doubt
himself alone knew, what he wrote about
was,
and still is, controversial, to
that it
become ir
reconcilable with future
this reason, I feel it is
time to reassess what
light of what the manuscripts
contain.
I think
little wrong
his dating of them, though his
1495 has been questioned. This manuscript
a
similarities with fifteenth-century
... .,..n""' ... apart from those of the fourteenth century.
it
not unlike them, and a date for it in the
century, such as its
acclamations would give, is far
Moreover doubting
the date yielded by its
Acdamations for Vatopedi 1495
means doubting
as a whole; and one gathers from historians like
that efforts were made to get the Imperial
AOr
AOII p. 181.
AOI p. 51; AOn pp. 166-7.
5 H. J. W. Tillyard. The Hymns of the Octoechus Part I, MMB Transcripta III (Co
jJC;UIHCI)I;o;;;.u, 1940}, pp. 145-83. See also AOI pp.
or AOn
175.
4

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURV AKOLOUTHIAE

451

clamations right.7 For this reason, I think that if Strunk is to be criti,


cised, it is for not pursuing his method with enough rigour. For ex~
ample, the date of Anne of Savoy/ s death is, to my knowledge, still
unknown precisely, but Strunk could have seen from his manuscripts that it may have been in the late 1370s; so most of his dating
can be changed slightly, and in one case - Athens 2622 - fairly considerably. Tab1e 1 gives these changes; it does not show two of his
manuscripts - Athos, Lavra 1. 178 and I. 185 of which I have been
unable to get photographs - but adds five more: the two heinno1ogia, Sinai 1256 and 1257, both dated, Vienna theol. gr_ 185 from
shortly after Andronicus IV's death, and the Constantinopolitan
Athens 2061 and 2062, both with Imperial Acclamations. 8
The Vienna manuscript probably comes from Thess8Jonika, but
all of those with Imperial Acclamations must come from within the
tiny and dwindling Paleologan empire, which by 1400 was probably
confined to the city of Constantinople_ 9 This would account for the
possibility that at least one Asmatikon (with a textually almost identical repertoire to that of the AkolouthiaeJ, - Ath08 Lavra r. 3 - may
date from the fourteenth century and come from west of the bound~
ary of the empire. And it would also explain the widespread occurence of undatable fifteenth-century Akolouthiae, as copies of
them came to be written outside the empire. lO
Their overall arrangement may be more significant than Strunk
suggests, as musical manuscripts, before the Akolouthiae were not
organised liturgically. Chants were usually arranged in species in
earlier manuscripts, either in the order of feasts in the liturgical
7 George o strogor sky, History of the Byzantine State (Revised ed. New Brunswick,
1969, trans. by Joan HusseyJ, p. 530.
8 Andronicus was designated the Emperor Andronicus IV in 1369 by his father
~Donald M_ Nicol. The Last Centuries of Byzantium 1261-1453, 2nd ed. Cambrid8e~ .
1993, p. 270), but there seems to be no record that be was appointed coBmperor,
or formally acknowledged as his father'S heir - significantly, perhaps, in view of
later events.
9 Ostrogorsky, History .. _, p. 549.
10 According to the largest list I have seen, there are 53 Akolouthiae mu. survi,ying from before 1500, most of them undated and probably from the fifteenth century. Thble 3 therefore shows only the earliest of these mu.

452

Simon Harris

year, or
their use was not specific) in an eight-mode cycle. Oct
or
cycles tended to
large, as they
con~
rained more than one kind of chant and sometimes embraced
no festal equivalents. lI
chants like the o:vafla"'~o{ that
most noticeable
in the Akolouthiae of subjecting both
is that
festal
octoechic chants to an overall liturgical
eight-mode cycles are now small, sometimes not even covering a
page. 12
order follows the conventions of liturgical books, placVespers before Orthros and putting
forms of
Mass
Mass, the old arrangement
end.
between Orthros
of chant-cycles kept least
the fourteenth century - chants
here,
the Polyeleos
the Amomos, forming cycles that
outside their liturgical position.l 3
Like most musical manuscripts,
Akolouthiae
contents of
very uncertain
but, unlike them, their contents form fairly
well-defined layers. Of the fourteenth century itself are
kalophonic chants and those, like most of
psalm-verses, that are ascribed to composers (for the most part choirmasters) still alive or recently dead.
the century progresses/
compositions
may
ally replace
rnelodies, of which a considerable
Again Vienna theol.
181 (MMB Principal Series I) provides an ...v"' ..........
32 folios
the Octoechus, 11 are taken up with the ava.~a91l0l and the t6J91Vci
- chants
to Sundays.
12 A very
a-mode cycle is that of the "AyLO<; KUPlO<; 6 9oC; TtJ!(;)v {'Thble 3},
which
earlier psaltika (e.g. Vatican 1606, Messina
120 and 129, and Grottaferrata r.y.V) had
into a single
cycle with the
Ku pto<; ,
the 1tiple AHeluia and introductions to
first three kathismata. Perhaps more
commonly, amode cycles in the Akolouthiae - e.g. that for the
psalms at Vespers,
KUPlf: h(iKPa.~a. - cover several folios.
!3
li.e.
Vespers) was, and still
the
service
the day,
sumably reflecting the time when
day changed not at midnight,
at sunset.
The Polyeleos jPss. 134-6) and the Amomos (Ps. 118) form independent large, trio
partite psalter'sections, the former sung on the mornings of Sundays
important
after the Icathismata prescribed for the day, the latter sung as Kathisma
XVII on Saturday mornings (from which it presumably derives
funerary associa
hons), and also on Sunday mornings
the winter as the third stichology. Some
later Akolouthiae mss. {e.g. Athens 2456), as far as
transfer both to their
correct liturgical positions.
II

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY AKOLOUTHIAE

453

have disappeared for example from a well-organised, late fourteenth-century, up-to-date source like Vatopedi 1495. 14
But it cannot be assumed from the fact that the Akolouthiae contain ancient traditional elements that they represent a musical tradition as old as that of the Psaltikon and Asmatikon. My feeling is
that they are manuscripts of the Paleologan restoration, and that
most of their roots lie in the thirteenth century. IS They are often
said to represent a monastic tradition, as opposed to a cathedral tradition for the Psaltikon and Asmatikon, but there is very little evidence for this. No doubt the rite of Hagia Sophia at Constantinople,
which is often assumed to represent a cathedral tradition, was more
influential upon earlier manuscripts because it still existed; whereas
by the time of the Akolouthiae it had to be revived. But" the Akolouthiae still have bits of it; and when it comes to details like the
construction of psalter-sections, there is no difference between the
Akolouthiae and the Psaltikon.
14 The morning prokeimena in this manuscript (ff. 66r-1Ov) are a good example
of this, being numerous but all apparently kalophonic.
1S Several 8-mode cycles in the Akolouthiae reproduce things that are found
in the composite Octoechus at the end of the 13th -<:ent. Grottaferrata r.y.VII (ft.
154r-63v). The KUPl i1Cil(pa.~a also appears in an Octoechus in the Sticherarion
Paris gr. 261 (ff. 240-4). dated by Strunk 1289' (AOI p. 56, AOn pp. 173-4). 1Wo of
the Akolouthiae manuscripts, Athens 2622 and Vienna theol. gr. 185. contain Blemmydes' selection of psalms for a funeral service. According to H. G. Beck, Kirche
und theologjsche Literatur im byzantinischen Retch (Munich, 1959), p. 67 1, Nicephorus
Blemmydes lived from 1191 to 1272 and taught 'T heodore n Ducas Lascaris- of Nicaea (1254-58). But perhaps the most persuasive evidence that the Akolou.thiae
mss. have their roots in the 13th century and no earlier, lies in their provisions at
Vespers of verses, to be sung presumably by the domestikos, for Pss. 1-3 - the fust
antiphon of the farst kathisma of the distributed p$8.lter. Later psalms in the same
kathisma , and later kathismata were presumably all recited or read . This agrees
with a provision in the typikon of S. Maria di Mm in Sicily of 1293 (Vatican
gr. 1817, printed in A. A. Dm itriev sky, Opi3anie liturgichesltikh rultopi8ei I, Kiev, 1895,
reprinted Hildesheim 1965. pp. 836~ 921 for, e.g., September 8th and 14th (Dmitrievsky,
Opisanie ... , pp. 837, 839) and repeated in the 2O'h century for September 8th ,e.g.
Menae011 for September, Athens 1970, pp. 98, 101,; but it does not agree with thirteenth<entury psaltika, some of which provide for the singing of the first nine antiphons of the distributed psalter (e.g. Vatican gr. 1606, fL 152v- 3rl , and whose provisions must , r think, have an earlier origin.

454

5imon Harris

Thble 2, in which the two Constantinopolitan manuscripts have


been replaced by two manuscripts without acclamations, Jerusalem
Thphou 425 and Athens 2444,16 shows that many eighth-mode cy
des in the Akolouthiae preface chants of which only an incipit is
cent of these incipits cannot be
in the
. Less than 10
modern rite, but a closer look the Table shows that several chants
have been pushed into inconspicuous positions, Look for example at
v6Jlou~ Acd}oucra, the seventh text in the third section (towards the foot of p. 1); in the fourteenth
was probably an
important Sunday chant, but now it
only on one weekday a
year between Easter and Pentecost.
Another indication that things now are not quite as they were
then is given by the Triadic Hymns appended to the 'Ihple A11eluias
21 - themselves Lenten substitutes for the geoe; K{noe; (section I}. Today there are three of them to every mode, sung before,
during and after the Gloria Patri. But in
fourteenth century it
looks as though there was only one, the three in the JV1b Plagal
Mode in the Thble arising from manuscriptdisagreementsY
16 Jerusalem Thphou 425. probably written somewhere in the
, forms one
a trio of manuscripts Ithe others being Athens 2458 and Koutloumousi 457) that,
similarity of
14th -century sources for
Akalouthiae, can be
the
identified, sometimes only by the order of its items. And within this trio it is usually
between the
two ross.
Athens 2444 is an agglomeration of fragments in three hand writings, that must
have been put together sometime after c. 1450. The Hrst section of the ms. - the
only one used
- can be confidently
to
material (probably copied, from the early fourteenth century.
If the 2M
sets of verses for the Amomo5 !ps. 118) are examined IThble 3).
it will be seen that Jerusalem Thphou 425, along with Athens 2458 and Koulou457, only has the
. Athens 2444 only has the 2nd; all other msa. have
both.
17 Compare Table 2, Section 2 with a modern copy of the Horologion (e.g. 2nd
Vatican ed" Rome, 1937, pp. 79-85). lWo
Athens 2622 and Vatopedi
1495, give the complete texts, so that it can be known from the fact that 14lb-cen tury Triadic Hymns only had the Theotokion
that they must have been
after the Glona Fatn (t.bough they may also have been sung before it}. That the two
of ending to
sung witb the Gloria Paui 1Jiadikon and Theoto
kion - already existed
these mss., can be seen from the Glona Patri to Ps. 50 in
them.

THE FOURTEENTHCENTURY AKOLOUTHIAE

455

The Gloria Patri in fact was often split into two verses, each introducing a distinct hymn. This can be seen most clearly in section
3 of the Thble - the Glona Patri to the Distributed Psalter - where
four manuscripts agree on the pairs of hymns required only in the
Barys or Third Plagal Mode. Elsewhere. three, four, or five hymns
result from their disagreement. ls
Whilst the hymns called Pentecostaria are prefaced by the fITst
verse of the previous psalm (section 4), the AivO'UJ-lEV, i>A.oyoi)~v
(section 5) follows the Glona Patri and introduces the 1C(l'to.~(lCJi(l
(the repetition of the Heinnos) of Ode 8 of the Kanon. 19
The most intricate situation occurs in the Atvot (PS&. 148-1501
when Ps. 9 v. 1 is added to the first part of the Gloria PafYi. In the
modem Horologion it is the second of two verses sung on Sundays
before the Glona, but in the fourteenth century it stood alone and
was only sung in Lent, either as a substitute for the GloTia Patri or
as a preface to it.2O All but one of the hymns that follow it now appear as appendages to the other verse of the modem Horologion on
Sundays of the 1riodion (section 7). The first part of the Glona Patri
itself, then as now, fanned. a preface to the 'Ero~LV6v (section 61, the
second invariable part introducing an unvarying 88O't01clOV.
Thrning now to Thble 3 we can see that, of the six examples
of psalm-tones given by Strunk, four have a]ready appeared as
psalmodic introductions to hymns in Thble 2 (sections 4, 5, 6, and

The situation is further complicated by the fact that one manuscript - Kout
loumousi 457 - only has a single hymn to be sung after the complete Gloria Patri,
which does not necessarily agree with either of the hymns indicated in the three
others.
19 I am indebted to Alexander Lingas for outlining to me the modern practice
where these two sections are concerned. Apart from the disappearance of four Pentecostaria, little seems to have changed since the 14th century; the occurrence of
proper hymns in Section 4 can be explained by their use as Pentecostaria; but their
appearance in Section 5 where they replace perfectly satisfactory Sunday equivalents seems to indicate an exemplary function for these incipits, such 8S is also met
in Section 6, where there should be 11 Heothina, not 8.
20 Rubrics disagree, but they may all be partly right if practice in different
modes differed. This cannot be ruled out as manuscripts are entirely conaistent in
allowing for incipits in three modes only in Section 7.
18

Simon Harris

456
7).21 And

remains to be asked whether the


two
2,
2
and 4}
or could be,
same.
can
little doubt that one
probably is, even though it is also the beginning of the Canticle of
Exodus;22 and there is no reason
suppose that the other
might not also be the introduction to a quasi psalrnodic recitation of
the Beatitudes. 23 Much the same goes
Pss. 148-150, also menby Strunk
for
second haH of the Vesper psalms
quoted from Sinai 1255 by Strunk
a later article. 24 Th be sure,
these introductions are important enough to supply musical
all look like psalm-tones, having intorial for the av(x~o:"J..I.oi;
nations preceding medial cadences and
tones preceding
final cadences; and they are all essentially the same. But this does
not mean
they indicate how psalms were sung, or that the
Akolouthiae Iltreat the Byzantine psalm-tones in a comprehensive
deal of psalmody is in
passed
and systematic watl.2S A
over by
Akolouthiae in complete silence, so that they appear not
l

21

4 instances that

gives of psalrn-tones, which have already appeared as psalmodic introductions in Table 2. are: 11
Ex. 1
although it is
from
I. I
I equate with Section 6 - introductions to
Heothina, formed from settings of the first part of the Gloria Patri; 2J his Ex. 2 No. I,
which [ equate
Thble 2, Section 7; 3/ his Ex. 2 No. 3, which I equate with Table 2, Section 5; 41 his
of
Pentecostarion in AOI, which
wrongly
takes to mean
50 and which I equate with
2,
4.
~2 Strunk's
. 2. No. 2 - the introduction to the first
ing of an introductory formula {omitted by Strunk, but always present
sources) with
verse of
the entire text appears
the
Horologion !e.g.
Vatican ed., Rome, 1937,
91). Today the Biblical Canticle itself is only sung on the Mondays of the Triodion.
elsewhere replaced by the
poetic Kanon.
of the
23 The full text of the Beatitudes is
in the modern Horologion as
office of the 'JYpical
le.g.
Vatican
Rome, 1937, pp.
which it can
seen that although Strunk's quotation is
from
of the Beatitudes as
appear
St Matthew's Gospel !V, 3-12),
the Horologlon it is
second verse, the Ht'st being a non-scriptural introduction. In the 14th
-century Akolouthiae both verses are given, minus
second
of the fust
verse, which is consistently omitted from all modes by
ross.
24
p. 55; AOn p. 172.
introduction to the second half of the Vesper
psalms is mentioned in
"The Chants of
Byzantine-Greek Liturgy-, Essays on Music in the Byzantine World. pp. 297-330. on 307.
Z5 AOI p.
. AOIl p.

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY AKOlOUTHIAE

457

to be didactic illustrations of psalmody, but could be manuscripts


for a choirmaster who had to introduce things sung by others, besides sometimes intervening himself with a 8010. 26
There is, moreover, a simple test provided by one of the Akolouthiae - Vatopedi 1495 - which on f. 172r has relatively simple settings of the Gradual Psalms themselves, not for Sunday mornings
but for the ordination of priests, to be sung by the So~a'tuc~ (Table 3, p. 41. It might perhaps have provided a companion to
Strunk's Plate I, as it gives a reverse image to Lavra r. 67, with the
hymns abbreviated and unnotated, and the psalms fully written out
with musical signs. The question is: Does it apply Strunk's psalmtones? And the answer is, without a shadow of doubt: No.

The psalmody that is pa.s.sed over in silence by the Akolouthiae mss. includes
the six introductory psalms for Orthros (the Hexapsalmosl. the versets attached to
the eE~ Kup~ and the Triple Alleluia, Pss. 4-8 in the first kathisma, all subsequent kathismata. Ps. 50, practically all the Antiphons for the Mass, and so on. In
my experience, the didactic qualities of the Akoloutbiae mss. are confmed to instruction in musical notation. Here it could be that Joannes Koukouzeles, to whom
the earliest Akolouthiae assign a large number of melodies, may also have been active; but the manuscripts do not suggest that they are the product of musical or liturgical plans lAid by him or anyone else, or indeed that be was anything more
than a highly accomplished practitioner of existing skills. I have come across nothing to suggest that either they or their contents were in any sense bis.
Z6

Simon Harris

458

Table 1.
Dating the Fourteenth-Century Akolouthiae MSS.

Ms.

TYPE

FF.

RELEVANT

DATE.

On ff . to (in the following order)

FF .

Sinai
1256
Sinai
1257
Athens
2458

Milan
(Amb.)
gr. 476
(L 36
sup .J
Athens
2622

Milan

222

184-222

175

l04v-175 "1332"

232

11-177

u1336"

278

9-276

between 236r
1341 and
1347

423

1-379

292

433

(Amb.\

gr. 665
IQ 11
sup.)
KoutloumOUSl

(Athos)
457

IMPERIAL ACCLAMATIONS

" 1309"

144r

Andronicus (Ill) Paleologus


Anne (of Savoy, his
wife I
John (later VJ Paleologus
Anne lof Savoy)
John IV) Paleologus

between 329r-v Anne (of SavoyJ


1369 and
John (V I Paleologus
Helena (his wife)
1379 probably
Andronicus IIVI Pale1376
ologus
Maria [his wife I
1-279
between 231 r-v Andronicus (lVl Pa
leologus
1376 and
Maria (his wife)
1379 John (V) Paleologus
probably
Makarios, Patriarch
1379
John (V) Paleologus
1-233
between 193v
Helena (his wife)
(1-263
1369 and
Andronicus [IV) Paleincluding 1385 Ps. 118) probably
ologus
Maria (his wife)
c. 1380
An unnamed archpriest

THE FOURTEENTHCENTURY AKOLOUTHIAf

Ms.

TYPE

Fp.

RELEVANT

DATE

392

Vatopedi A
(Athos)
1495

391

9-221

A
Vienna
theo!. gr.
185

342

3-286

Athens
2061

124

between 55v-56r John (V) Paleologus


Helena (his wife)
1369 and
Andronicus (IV) Pa~
1385 leologus
probably
Maria (his wife)
c. 1380

2062

IMPBRIAL ACCLAMATIONS

On ff. to (in the following order)

PP.

Athens

459

between 181r-v John IV] Paleologus


Helena (his wife)
1369 and
Andronicus {IV) Pa.1385 leologus
probably
Maria Ibis wife I
after
John
(later VII?) Pa1382
leologus
John (V or VIII Paleo~
between 236v
logus
1385 and
Dositheos, Patri1391 arch (?}
probably
Isidore (Glabas),
before
Archbishop of Thes~
1387
salonika
Manuel (Ill Paleoloc. 1400 73v

gus
Helena (his Wife I

Manuscript 'tYPes:
A - Akolouthiae
H - Heirmologion
K - Constantinopolitan Antiphonanon

Simon Harris

460

Table 2.
Incipits (occasionally complete texts) in Fourteenth-Century
Akolouthiae MSS.
MODE

FOLLlERJ

Now

DAY AND OCCASION

Now
1. Following
I

Tou li'6ou

rv,

8&0<; K6plO<;
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion

0' G'pa:y t<Ji) vCO~

'Ev 'IopoavTJ ~a1tu~oIlevou


"01:E Ka,'t~A.ee<;
'AnOc.noAE XPtO'1:Q)
EiHppalVem'}oo 1:0.
oupavu:x.
MiY(lv EupatO
,
avaTo <pCXLOPOV

1,444

II
II
HI

Ill, 184
[, 163

III

n.390

IV

IV,301

6th, Vespers

Apolytikion

I, 561

Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion


Sept. 26 th , May 8 th Apolytikion
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion

Apolytikion
Oct. 26 th ,
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion

O'1:a.O'EOO~

T QV O'1)vavapxov
AiYyov
'AYYBl..lIcai O'UVclJ.lEU;
KO:1:EAucrac; i:Ql
O''tuuP4>
'E~ -o\llo'\)<; Ka'tiil"E~
n:poo'LCtx"ev
fl U(TtlKOOC;

To

IlOpq>WO'EO'\
"A1C'tH1'tt qnJO'U;
TpuI<; OJ.l.OOU01.E
'0<;
ta~E~ vuv
'YtlvwoiW; 6 !((J.1PO<;
'Acrwa1:o~ O'tOIlClO1.V

rv, 235 Saturday, Vespers Apoiytikion

n PI.
Barys

L 14
11, 275

Apolytikion
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion

rv

If 494

IV PI.

IV,

Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion


Apolytikion
. in Lent,

Saturday, Vespers

Vespers

z.
EWflCt'tlKai~

I PI.

Following the Triple AlleluJa


I

HI, 608

Lent

1l:iadic Hymn

L 77

Lent

HI

IV, 3
V, 149
IV,398

Lent

Triadic
1ii.adic
Triadic
Triadic
Triadic

IV
I PL
II PI.

L 196

Lent
Lent

Hymn
Hymn
Hymn
Hymn
Hymn

461

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY AKOLOUTHIAE

MODE

FOLLIERI

DAY AND OCCASION

TYPE Now

Now
'EAi(llo0V 1U..l~

I, 416,7 ? Monday,
Orthros

Barys

III/243

Lent

'Itiadic Hymn

IV PI.

1, 379

Lent

'lliadic Hymn

IV PI.

[I1, 147

Lent

Triadic Hymn

IV PI.

Ill, 185 Maundy Thurs.,


Good Friday

Kupu;]
[-~]

'0 u'Jli01:ql

ot)va.-

2Dd Kathlsma

II PI.

~t

EU; crupavov t~
KapM~

'Opav

08 f.1~

tol~,u-;)v'ta

.. OtE 01. V~o\


)la~'tcxi

3. FoUowing the Glorla Patrl to the Distributed

Tov taqK)v

GO\)

l:wtTtP
01 tilv <ri\v 7tPoa't(l,

cnav

.. Ax.pavn: 8otOlCE

:E'UA.A.a~i>0'a.
CtcpAi" t (t) t;

'0 EUOXtll1(a)V 'IUlO1\q

II

'froparion

P8a1t~r

Sunday, 1at mom.


kathisma
III, 65 Wed, pI mom,
kathisma
1. 214 ?. M on., 1'1 mom.
kathisma
Ill, 565 Thurs., 1st mom.
kathisma

1" hymn

Sunday, 1" mom.

1st hymn

IV,237

Ill, 31

grd

hymn

3rd hymn
3,d hymn

kathlsma

Eu<J1t1ayxvia~

1, 558

Monday, 1at mom. 3 rd hymn

\>1taplooO'a
TaUC; VO)lO\)C;
Wo

11

kathisma
1V/286 Thes. of 3rd week
after Easter, lit
mom. kathisma

Tilv wpauYtTl ta

III

IV, 106

"oo(J(x

Sunday, tin mom.

3 rd hymn

3 rd hymn

kathisma
Xptat~

h: VBKptilv

III

V, 104

Sunday/ 1at mom.

1st hymn

kathisma
"ElCaa'tO<; &tot)

III

1/386

O'ci>~Etal

3rd hymn

kathisma

'Ava.pA\4Iaaal'taU
'ta(pOl)

'EKOtlal.q.

Thurs., 3 rd mom.

ClO'\)

~A.~

IV

r,93

Sunday, 1si. mom.

151 hymn

kathis.IDa
IV

1,396

Sunday, 1st mom.

kathisma

2 nd hymn

Simon HarMs

462
MODE

FOLLIERJ

TYFENow

DAY AND OCCASION

Now
KatE1tAaYTl 'Iwm1<p

IV

II, 275

Taxi> npoKcna.AClf3e

IV

IV, 37

Tov AOyOV tOD


7tatpo<;
Tcv crtaupov 'tou
Kupiou
KUpt VElCPO<; npomryope u~ll~
Xo:ipe ayLOv po<;

IV

IV, 217

Tov cruvavapxov
AOYOV
Tou 1:o.<I>0u ixveWt-

Sunday, 1SI mom, 3 rd hymn


kathisma
Wed., 2 nd morning 1st hymn
kathisma
TIles., 151 mam.

3rd hymn

kathisma
I PI.

IV, 234

I PI.

Il, 306

I PI.

V, 49

Sunday, 1at room . 15\ hymn


kathisma
Sunday, 1at room. 2 nd hymn
kathisma
Sunday, 1st room. 3rt! hymn

kathisma
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion

I PI.

IV, 235

II PI.

IV, 297 Sunday, 1III mom.

~evou

1S\

hymn

kathisma

KUPlE 1tapia'ta'to 'tql

11, 308

I1 PI.

IV, 119 Thurs.,

tacp~

TiW. euO'1tMl"tXVla<;
t~V 1tUATlV
'H ~w~ ev t4> taq><jl

Sunday, 1SI room.


kathisma

II PI.

Barys

II,20

lit mom.

kathisma
Sunday, 151 mom,

2nd hymn
3 rd hymn
1st hymn

kathisma
Barys
IV PI.

I, 114

XapICf'tTJPLOV atvov

IV PI.

V, 87

'A va~a.c; ~ 't& U~Tl

IV PI.

I, 93

Eupuxwpov XWPlOV
'AvecJ"''tll<; E:K VElCpWV

- ?

~ ~w~

- ?

Sunday, 1 mom, 1st hymn


kathisma
Thesday, 3rt! mom. 3 rd bymn
kathisma
- ?
- ?
st

4. The Pentecostarion, following Ps. 50, v. 1


N'lO''teta tOY Mwaia
Ao~a f.V ti'Vicrto~
gecil. T<!l EK 7tapl'}ivou
Tov ipov ~ tepa

- ?

IV, 213

- ?

- ?

- ?

- ?

February 2Dd t Ves- Sticheron


pers

463

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY AKOLOUTHIAE

MODE

FOLLlERI

DAY AND OCCASION

TYPBNow

Now

Kavova. 1tiateOl~

II

l:it~pov

In

tllC't1

ae-o'tE iina.V'ta 'ta


1ttpa'ta
rMi>oaav TtV aUK
"
eyvoo
AUl tOU Zo.Xapiou

III

Ba1t'tt~ti.c;
.~

6 'rl10oix;

otK'tiPIlOlV Kupte

IV
IV

IV
I Pl.

.Avao"ta.c; 6 'ITJoooC;

Il PI.

TeX 1tA."'".." 'toov


1t1tpay~ vwv
Xplmov ~C; pp<pQ<;

II Pl.

Many fixed feasts,


Vespers
Ill, 495 December 25 th ,
Vespers
l, 284 August 15th , Vespers
1,258 March 25 th , Vespers
11, 351 June 24th, Vespers
1,219
-?
V, 190 Various processiona! services
IEuchologionl
I, 104 Normal everyday
use
IV,21 Lent
I1, 263

[[ PL

V, 103

napa1CA.TJ'tov SXOVttA;

Barys

Ill, 278

Till; J..lE'tavoiac;
iiVOl~6v Ilot

IV PI.

- ?

Apolytikion
Sticheron
Sticheron
Sticheron
Sticheron
- ?

Triadikon

Pentecostarion
Pentecostarion
- ?

O'1lIlPOV

Thurs. after Pen- Sticheron


tecost
IV, 123 Following Ps. 50 Triadikon
in Sundays of the
1nodion

5. Following the

A')'tTJ ~ KA11't~ Kat

ayta.
9auJ,1<lm:oc;

AiYoi)p~t EUA.OYOijp~

1,205

Easter Day

Il, 104

December 25 th

11

Il,452

January 6th

II

IV, 325

III

If 193

'lUes. of Holy
Week (Diodion)
Sundays

[-Om: p~uoi)<;]
Muon1pwv
1tClp6.00~ov

T ~ 8OyJ.1(l'tl 1:Ql
'tU pa VVUCCfl

,AO'tf,1Ct4)1tupi
Evu>t}iv'ttl;

Heirmos,
Ode 8
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Heinnos,
Ode 8
Heinnos,
Ode 8

Simon Harris

464
MODE

FOLLlERI

DAY AND OCCASION

TVPENow

Now
AKOUB KOPTJ,
no:p~VL O:YVll,
naloCl<; uaY8lt;

To\! E1\ Jtatpoc; npo

IV

IV

I PI.

CllWV(t)V

Loi 10 1WV1C'l\)PY4l

I PI.

L,[~A:T}v

II PI.

KClKla<;

Cx.vn~iou

"A<pAEK'tOt; 7t\)pi EV

Barys

~lVq.

EUA.oYf:l't nai8ec;

IV PI.

March 25 th ,
Nov. 20 th , 21 r1

Heinnos,
Ode 8
th
III, 257 August 15
Heirmos,
Ode 8
IV, 198 Sundays, Fridays Heirmos,
Ode 8
Ill, 508 Sundays
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Ill. 546 Good Friday rllio- Heirmos,
Ode 8
dion)
1,210
Heirmos,
Sundays
Ode 8
Sept. 14th
1,551
Heirmos,
Ode B
1,73

6. The Heothina, following the first part of the Gloria Patrl


to Pss. 148-150
Ei~

to opo<; 10l<;

1,383

Sundays

Heothinon

II

11,406

Sundays

Heothinon

III

IV. 122

Sundays

Heothinon

IV

Ill. 153
V, 238
JI, 53
H, 176
V, 4

Sundays
Sundays
Sundays
Sundays
Sunda