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The Eight Pointed Rosette: A Possible Important Emblem in Sasanian

Heraldry

Article · January 2007

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 THE EIGHT POINTED ROSETTE :
A POSSIBLE IMPORTANT EMBLEM
IN SASANIAN HERALDRY
Matteo Compareti

T he acceptance of ancient traditions into more recent artistic systems is a fact commonly ob-
served in every culture during every period and it does not represent an exception for Iranian
peoples. The Near Eastern and Hellenistic features among Bactrians and Parthians have received
particular attention by scholars in the past, an interest which was extended to Sogdiana and Sas-
anian Iran as well as a consequence of archaeological progresses. In fact (even if the bulk of ar-
chaeological information is still inferior if compared to the one which concerns Sogdiana), it is
now widely accepted that Sasanian art was very receptive towards external infl uences exactly as
it exerted its own ones onto the neighboring cultures.
Elements borrowed from Mesopotamian tradition were very infl uent too but it would be bet-
ter to speak of a substratum common to all the Iranian-culture peoples, in Western and Cen-
tral Asia, particularly as regarding the religious sphere. The cult devoted to Nana, for example,
is attested as far as 8th century Sogdiana 1 and some relationships between the same Near East-
ern goddess and Ana̵ hita̵ should probably have existed in Persia during the pre-Islamic period. It
is worth remembering that, according to quite enigmatic Classical sources (that is to say, mainly
according to the interpretatio graeca of foreign cultures), the goddess Ana̵ hita̵ was associated to
Aphrodite or Artemis – or, possibly, to Isis in Egypt – while it is quite clear her association with
Ištar into the Semitic sphere. 2 There is then another fact to be considered : during the centuries,
the Iranians of Persia and Central Asia appropriated iconographies proper of other cultures for
their own divinities (interpretatio iranica), not only from Mesopotamia. Such phenomena renders
the question even more complicated although it is among the very few textual references useful
for an approach from the Iranian point of view.
In a recent study, the well-known specialist of pre-Islamic Persian art Prudence Harper insisted
on the continuity of (late) Sasanian artistic expression with Mesopotamian tradition with solid
argumentations. 3 The present paper will consider just one aspect of such a phenomenon, that is
to say, the astronomical-astrological implications of specific symbols in Sasanian art with the sup-
port, whenever possible, of textual evidence.

The Rosette in Ancient Near Eastern Art

Among the more common signs spread in the art of Near East, the rosette certainly occupies
a relevant position. It could be considered a flower at first glance but there are good reasons to
consider it an astronomical-astrological symbol too.
The reference to Nana mentioned above was not too casual since the goddess Inana is clearly
connected in extremely ancient Sumerian sources to the rosette according to its use as an astral

1 D’jakonova, Smirnova 1967 ; Azarpay 1976 ; Tanabe
1995 ; Grenet, Maršak 1998.
2 On this point see Gnoli 1971, 244-248 ; Boyce 1985a
and 1985b ; Chaumont 1985 ; Gnoli 1987 ; Black, Green
1992, 108-109 ; De Jong 1997, 268-284, for the association
with Nana, esp. 273-276 ; Panaino 2000, 36-39. Possibly, also
the iconography of Ištar had some infl uences on the first rep-
resentations of Artemis : Deak-Ebner 1948, 72-76. Also an as-
sociation between Ana̵ hita̵ and Athena has been proposed :
Levit-Tawil 1992, 204-205. Nana, Ištar, Ana̵ hita̵ and Aphro-
dite were identified with the planet Venus already during the
Achaemenid period according to a well-established Mesopo-
tamian model : Panaino 1993. See also Black, Green 1992,
108-109, 170. The common Greek expression for such an iden-
tification was not plavno~ (planet) but ajsthvr (star). In this way,
Venus was called the « star of Aphrodite » exactly like Jupiter
was « the star of Zeus » : Molnar 2000, 29, 39. It is worth re-
membering that, according to the Mazdean conception, the
planets were negative entities : de Menasce 1973, 199, 267.
3 Harper 2006, 1-33.

«parthica» · 9 · 2007
206 Matteo Compareti
symbol. In the art of Uruk the image of the rosette was interchangeable with the symbol of the
goddess Inana and it was expressed through the cuneiform sign DINGIR, the same one used to
represent the star. Furthermore, in Early Dynastic semi-pictographic inscriptions, stars and ro-
settes substituted the sign DINGIR. In this way, the identity between the symbol for star-divin-
ity and flower was commonly used in Mesopotamian art. 4 The relief at Sar-i Pul (third millenni-
um bce) in Iranian Kurdista̵ n constitutes an excellent example of an early representation of Near
Eastern art where it is possible to observe the association of the goddess Inana-Ištar with an eight
pointed star in her proximity (Fig. 1). 5
Representations of astronomical symbols ap-
pear very often together with Inana-Ištar, es-
pecially on cylinder seals of the Neo-Assyrian
period. 6 Moreover, the image of a divine fig-
ure as dressed with a ‘garment of heaven’ can
be found in Babylonian texts specifically refer-
ring to a goddess. 7 Among the terms used in
Neo-Babylonian texts there is also aiaru which
has been associated to the rosette and the star,
possibly in form of golden applications (bracte-
ates) used to embellish divine statues. 8 It is not
possible to be more specific as regarding this
‘garment of heaven’, although in 8th century
bce Babylonian seals it is not difficult to ob-
serve representations of local divinities (mainly
Fig. 1. Lullubi relief at Sar-i Pul, Iran Marduk, that is, however, a male god) dressed
(after Vanden Berghe 1988, fig. 1). with garments embellished with astronomical-
astrological symbols (Fig. 2). 9
The Mitannians (c. 16th-14th centuries bce) were among the first Mesopotamian people with very
strong ‘Indo-Aryan’ affinities to have developed a particular kind of astral symbology where the
solar wheel had a prominent position. The Indo-Aryans, in fact, kept in high esteem everything
connected to the horse and the war-chariot. On a seal belonged to king Sauštattar, dated c. 1420
bce, embellished with very complex symbols, it is possible to observe also a winged pole with an
eight-pointed star into a circular frame on the top (Fig. 3). The elements which constitutes this
device have been associated to the turning pillar of the Vedic chariot race described in that liter-
ature as a winged one, while the solar wheel at its top should call to mind the concept of cakra-
vartin, literally the one « who possesses the turning of the wheel ». 10
Astral symbols were known also outside proper Mesopotamia. In fact, the rosette represented
as a flower has been clearly used as a star or the sun connected to the religious sphere also in
Anatolia since very ancient periods. 11 It was later accepted also in ancient Greece and particularly
among the Hellenistic kingdoms which arose after the fall of Alexander’s Empire. The same Mace-
donian ruling house had a strict connection with the eight pointed star which, since 4th century
bce, has been used as a kind of official emblem. According to Hellenistic culture, the astral sym-
bols (especially the star) had apotropaic properties. For this reason it has been represented specifi-

4 Moortgat-Coorens 1994, 359-363.
5 Hrouda, Edzard, Trümpelmann 1976, 7-11, pls. 5-6.
6 Black, Green 1992, 108.
7 Deak-Ebner 1948, 66 ; Oppenheim 1949, 174-179.
8 Oppenheim 1949, 173-176. It has been argued that the
use of bracteates for divine garments originated probably in
Elam, a kingdom particularly close to the Sumerians, both
geographically as culturally : Oppenheim 1949, 191. Among
the numerous findings of bracteates in Persia none present-
ed a rosette. The only circular bracteate containing a rosette
found in an Iranian cultural context comes from the Kušan
site of Xalcǎ yan (Uzbekistan) and it is dated to 1st century
bce-1st century ce (Pugač e nkova 1966, fig. 30).
9 Oppenheim 1949, figs. 8, 10 ; Collon 1993, figs. 563,
785.
10 Parpola 2002, 74-76, fig. 2 ; Collon 1993, fig. 548.
11 For some specimens of Hittite solar discs in the shape
of a winged circle containing a rosette (sometimes even dou-
bled), dated 13th-14th century bce, see Bittel 1983, figs. 189-
190, 192, 242-246, 249.
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 207
th th
cally on the shields in Greece since 5 -4 centuries bce 12 and also in
the Iliad it is described as the decoration of Achilles armor. 13
In the tombs excavated at Vergina (Greece), such a symbol was
found on many precious objects which constituted the royal outfits. 14
A solemn specimen of the eight pointed star was found at the eastern
borders of Alexander’s domain, on a big mosaic in one hall of a pal-
ace at Ay Khanum (Afghanistan). 15 Alexander himself appears in a 3rd-
2nd century bce terracotta fragmentary vase from Pontus now in the
Musée du Cinquanténaire (Bruxelles) as Helios Kosmokrator, with two
lateral six pointed stars and a central crescent with an eight pointed
star inside above his head (Fig. 4). Most likely, these signs were repro-
duced in order to underline Alexander’s deification and not because of
its apotropaic implications. In particular, although its appearance like
Helios, more than one detail of the head of Alexander in this fragment
refers to the typology of some Dionysus portrait. 16 It is worth insist-
ing not only on the probable place where the piece was found (Amisos,
in the Pontus) but also its Dionysian connections. In fact, Mithridates
VI Eupator (120-63 bce) – such as most of his Hellenized ancestors of
the Pontic dynasty – considered himself intimately linked to this god
whose origins were rooted in the Orient. Possibly, Mithridates VI even
struck coins with his own portrait modeled on the one of Dionysus. 17
Furthermore, some coins present also a winged horse or a deer kneel-
ing in front of a crescent containing a eight pointed rosette (Fig. 5).
Fig. 2. The god Marduk Mithridates VI had in great esteem astronomy-astrology and, in fact,
th
on a 8 century bce the day of his birth was remembered because a comet appeared in the
Babylonian seal. London, sky. 18 It is not improbable that also the eight pointed star had some
British Museum (after connection with Dionysus. Images of the god with the thyrsus can be
Oppenheim 1949, fig. 8). recognized in the centre of a eight pointed star on a couple of 4th-
3rd century bce
drinking cups, now part of the Metropoli-
tan Museum Collection. 19 The rays of the
star appear like a kind of nimbus of the
god according to a scheme well-known
for the iconography of Helios-Sol (Fig. 6).
The same number eight had a great impor-
tance in Orphic mysteries and in the same
sphere was created the proverb ‘all is eight’
(pavnta ojctwv). 20 As it is well known, Diony-
sus played a great role in Orphism such as
Helios and for such a reason the associa-
tion of number eight with those divinities Fig. 3. Seal of the Mitannian king Sauštattar, c. 1420
should have been so spread in that sphere. (after Parpola 2002, fig. 2).

12 Such a habit was borrowed from Near East, possibly
through Caria : Nefedkin 2002.
13 Iliad, xvi. 134 (apud Oppenheim 1949, 191).
14 Catalogue New York 1980, pls. 30, 35, 172 ; Andronicos
1984, figs. 135-136, 14314-4, 155.
15 Bernard 1975, 175-180, figs. 4, 6.
16 Catalogue New York 1980, cat. 42 ; Catalogue Rome
1995, cat. 107. On the association Dionysus-Helios, see also
Lenzen 1960, 4, 14-17, 22-23.
17 Price 1968, 4-5, pl. i.
18 The appearance of the comet was considered in an-
cient times a bad omen but Mithridates VI presented the fact
as an unlucky signal just for the Romans : Barrett 1997.
19 Picón 1994.The interior of a painted Greek cup from
Nola (4th century bce), at present kept in the British Muse-
um, shows Dionysus as a drunk man supported by a woman
who holds in her left hand an object described as a musical
instrument : Boardman 1996, fig. 206. This object is embel-
lished with a central motif which resembles a stylized ro-
sette. 20 De Jong 1997, 310.
208 Matteo Compareti
Also on the coins of Mithridates VI’s grand-
father, Pharnaces I (c. 185-169 bce) and his pred-
ecessor Mithridates III (c. 220-185 bce), appears
the star-and-crescent element 21 and a six point-
ed star embellishes a votive shield, now part of
the J. Paul Getty Museum Collection, inscribed
to the latter sovereign. 22 Although in this case
the reference to Dionysus seems to be inconsist-
ent (in fact, it is possibly linked to a particular
astral aspect of the Anatolian moon god Men,
as suggested by P. Bernard), this does not ex-
clude that it could have been transferred later
to other divinities, among whom Dionysus him-
self. Something similar happened with the astral
simbology on the Roman coins borrowed from
the neighboring Hellenistic kingdoms which
had, in some case, very strong Iranian connota-
tions as well. 23
Let us now concentrate once more on the
area of Mesopotamia, where the rosette contin-
ued to be represented in Near Eastern art in con-
nection with the star or the sun until the Neo-
Assyrian period as it is supported by the literary
sources and art. 24 However, such as regarding
the interval between the fall of the Second Ba-
bylonian Empire (539 bce) and the epoch just
preceding the Arab conquest in 7th, there is a
Fig. 4. Terracotta head of Alexander as Helios Kos-
mokrator. Bruxelles, Musée du Cinquanténaire big gap mainly due to the lack of direct sources.
(after Catalogue New York 1980, cat. 42). This is the period of the Persian predominance
in that area.
In a long article devoted to the study of the
symbolic representation of the sun as a particularly indicated device to embellish shields in the
Iranian milieu both in pre-Islamic and Islamic period, A. S. Melikian-Chirvani reported also tex-
tual evidence in support of the interchangeability of the motif of the flower with the rayed star
identified as the sun. 25 The results of the study are extremely important especially because of the
numerous sources investigated which, although written all after the islamization of the country,
are mostly referred to the Sasanian period. Recognizing the pure Sasanian matters is not always an
easy task and, for this reason, the main arguments for the study of the rosette in pre-Islamic Persia
are still to be largely dependant on history of art.
However, before extending the present investigation to Sasanian art, it would be interesting to
report what is said in the sacred Mazdean texts. In the Zend-Avesta, in a passage of the long Yašt
V dedicated to Ana̵ hita̵ (Aba̵ n Yašt) it is stated that she has a chariot (v, 11), she wears « a man-
tle fully embroidered with gold » (v, 126), and she also wears « a golden crown, with a hundred

21 Davis, Kraay 1980, figs. 198-203 ; Bernard 1993, 15.
22 Melikian-Chirvani 1992, 9-12 ; Bernard 1993 ; Me-
likian-Chirvani 1993.
23 Abramzon 2002 ; Gariboldi 2004, 33-34.
24 A pedestal of the Middle Assyrian period (epoch of
Tukulti-Ninurta I, 13th century bce) found during archaeo-
logical investigations in front of the Ištar temple at Assur
presents a relief clearly belonging to the religious sphere.
It is possible to recognize a central bearded man between
two figures who are holding a pole surmounted by a eight-
pointed star-rosette inside a circle. Other similar devices are
reproduced on the head of the two lateral persons and above
them on the corners of the pedestal. It is worth noting that
the pedestal was arranged with another more ancient statue
into a context dated to the Late Assyrian period (9th century
bce) : Andrae 1977, 75, fig. 53.
25 Melikian-Chirvani 1992.
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 209
stars, with eight rays » « a well-made
crown, in the shape of a [ratha, chari-
ot] » (v, 128). In a following passage of
the Aba̵ n Yašt, the mantle of the god-
dess is said to have been done with the
skin of thirty beavers which was bril-
liant like silver and gold (v, 129). 26 The
same passage on the crown of Ana̵ hita̵
has been translated quite differently
in recent times : « Above (on her head)
Aredwi Sura̵ Ana̵ hita̵ binds a beauti- Fig. 5. Silver coin of Mithridates VI Eupator. London, British
ful, well-made, golden diadem (stud- Museum (after F. A. Arborio Mella, L’impero persiano. Da
ded) with one hundred stars, (holding) Ciro il Grande alla conquista araba, Milano, 1979-1980, fig. 75).
eight buns of hair (?), made like a char-
iot body ». 27 The description fits extremely well with other goddesses worshipped in ancient Near
East to be considered just due to casualty especially as referring to the eight pointed star. As it
will be observed below, also the reference to the chariot has its importance.

The Rosette in Sasanian Art

Some specimens of Achaemenid art
would point out at the great impor-
tance of the rosette in the Persian Em-
pire too although its complete absence
among the early monetary findings
where, as it is well known, the main
subject was the royal figure. 28 The ro-
sette appears among the decorations of
the Achaemenid sovereigns and aristo-
crats both on headgears and garments
exactly as in combination with divinities
in accordance with the past Mesopota-
mian tradition. 29 Ana̵ hita̵ too was rep-
resented in ancient Persian art accord-
ing to different iconographical formu-
lae later to be completely abandoned. Fig. 6. Decoration of a Greek drinking cup. New York,
The image of the goddess with a rayed Metropolitan Museum (after Picón 1994).
nimbus and standing on a lion as it ap-
pears on a seal in the State Ermitage Museum was borrowed by the Achaemenids directly from
Urartian and Assyro-Babylonian art (Fig. 7). 30 Here it is still possible to observe the lion as an el-

26 The Zend-Avesta ii 1884 (repr. 1975), 56, 83. See also
Hauschild 1965. The other Mazdean divinity explicitly iden-
tified with a star (specifically Sirius) is Tištrya. In the Tir Yašt
he is often called « the bright and glorious star » : The Zend-
Avesta ii 1884 (repr. 1975), 92-109.
27 Malandra 1983, 130. See also Panaino 2000, 38.
28 Gariboldi 2004, 34-36. For the most recent introduc-
tion to Achaemenid coinage, see Catalogue London 2005, 200-
209. In some rare 4th century bce Cilician coins struck by
Satraps loyal to the Persian Empire it is possible to observe
also the figure of the multiple of eight pointed rosette and
the crescent : ibidem, cat. 363.
29 Lerner 1971, figs. 11-12 ; Shahbazi 1992, 730, fig. 49 ; Me-
likian-Chirvani 1992, 9. On the crowns see, for example,
the Darius relief at Bisutun : Luschey 1968a, pls. 33, 35-36,
where an astral symbol in the shape of a six pointed star ap-
pears also above the head of the human figure in the winged
disk (Ahura Mazda̵ ?) : ibidem, fig. 4, pls. 26, 34. An identical as-
tral device appears on the crown of several gods standing on
their own symbolic animals in the Assyrian relief at Maltaya
(L’Orange 1953, fig. 28). The rosette on the tomb of Cyrus
at Pasargadae has been identified as a lotus and, so, connect-
ed to the solar god Mithra : Duchesne-Guillemin 1974, 17,
pl. ii, fig. 4 ; von Gall 1979, 273-277, fig. 1 ; Carter 1981. It is
worth noting that a second rosette of this kind embellishes
a c. 2nd century bce Gandha̵ ran stone lid which was found
at Pasargadae : Callieri 2004.
30 Moorey 1979, 223-225, fig. 4 ; Collon 1993, fig. 432. This
210 Matteo Compareti
ement later abandoned by the
Sasanians but kept by the Sog-
dians as an indispensable trait
of Nana’s iconography. The
astral symbology attached to
Ana̵ hita̵ is expressed in the Ach-
aemenid seal by the rayed nim-
bus which renders the rays of
a star in the shape of the petals
of a rosette. Astral symbols ap-
pears also among the reliefs of
the Achaemenid kings at Perse-
polis and Naqš-e Rostam, possi-
bly, referring specifically to the
Fig. 7. Achaemenid seal. St. Petersburg, State Ermitage Museum Zoroastrian texts on the gradu-
(after Moorey 1979, fig. 4). al passage of the soul of the de-
ceased to the sky through the
stars, moon and sun. 31
In Parthian and Sasanian coinage, astronomical-astrological symbols are represented frequent-
ly in connection to the royal por-
traits. 32 In the coinage of Ardašir
I (224-241) the star appears isolated
or united to the crescent with six,
seven or eight rays on the head-
gear (Fig. 8) or, more rarely, on the
chest – or even on the headgear and
chest 33 (Fig. 9) – or on the shoul-
der of the sovereign. 34 Very simi-
lar decorations recur on the head-
gears and on the shoulders of aris-
tocrats or members of the royal Fig. 8. Silver coin of Ardašir I. Paris, Bibliothèque National,
family depicted on early Sasanian Cabinet de Médailles (after Ghirshman 1982, fig. 304).
metalwork 35 and in the graffiti at
Persepolis (Fig. 10) attributed to the
time of Ardašir I (or even earlier). 36
Among the harnesses of the hors-
es in the Persepolitan graffiti reap-
pears also the rosette with various
numbers of petals (or rays) repro-
duced quite crudely. On the contra-
ry, it is depicted very accurately with
sixteen points inside a pearl roundel
on the shoulder of a figure on a 4th
century silver plate in the State Er- Fig. 9. Silver coin of Ardašir I. London, British Museum
mitage Museum whose attribution, (after Nikitin 1996, fig. 84).

seal with the Iranian goddess calls to mind the Assyrian relief
at Maltaya where Ištar is represented standing on a lion with
a star above her crown (L’Orange 1953, fig. 28).
31 West 2002.
32 Peck 1993, 413 ; Gariboldi 2004. Also the kingdoms
subjected to the Parthian adopted such devices (see Tanabe
1988-1989, 77-81, 82-84 ; Gariboldi 2004, 39-41).
33 Nikitin 1996, fig. 84.
34 Alram 1999, figs. 17, 20, 22 ; Alram, Gyselen 2003, pls.
1-6, 8.125 ; Gariboldi 2004, 42-43.
35 Harper, Meyers 1981, pls. 1, 3-4, 6.
36 Herzfeld 1941, 308, figs. 401-402 ; Calmeyer 1976, figs.
3-4 ; Callieri 2006, 137-139, figs. 2-9.
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 211
however, is still debated (Fig.
11). 37 Eight and nine-pointed
stars embellish the shoulder
of two crossed lions on a 6th-
7th century silver ewer kept in
the Cabinet des Médailles (Par-
is). The stars possibly mirrors
the ancient habit of branding
the animals of the royal hunt-
ing enclosure which was well-
known also under the Sasani-
ans (Fig. 12). 38
Astral symbols are quite rare
in the coinage of Ša̵ pur I (241-
272) but it can be stated that
the star and crescent motif al-
ready observed on the head-
gear of the founder of the dy- Fig. 10. Persepolis graffiti (after Callieri 2006, fig. 5).
nasty was undoubtedly used
also in his period of reign since
it is carved on a column at Biša̵ pur above the official inscriptions of this powerful sovereign. The
star presents six rays (Fig. 13) and it does not look yet very elaborated as it would have been in
the future Sasanian coinage, when four
star-and-crescent motifs engraved on
the orthogonal axis of the drachms ac-
companied the mints from the second
part of the reign of Kawa̵ d I (499-531) to
the end of the dynasty and longer, into
the Islamic period. 39
The star represented as a rosette on
the objects just mentioned was clearly
conceived as a divine symbol which sac-
ral value was used in different media to
emphasize the royalty and, most like-
ly, to legitimize the power of the Sasa-
nian sovereigns and their dynasty. The

Beyrouth : Ghirshman 1982, fig. 254. Unless this

Fig. 11. Silver gilt dish. St. Petersburg, Ermitage Museum
(after Catalogue Bruxelles 1993, cat. 58).
37 Harper, Meyers 1981, 74-76 : 24 ; Maršak 1986, fig. 182.
In the most recent catalogue entirely dedicated to Sasanian
art, the silver plate is considered to be Sasanian – precisely
of the time of Ša̵ pur III (383-388) – by B. Maršak in the com-
mentary to the image, and Kušano-Sasanian by P. Harper :
Catalogue Bruxelles 1993, cat. 58 ; Harper 1993, 99. Isolated
rosettes are shown on the shoulders of a king identified with
Ša̵ pur II on a plate part of the Désiré Kettaneh Collection,
metalwork has not been reconsidered after its first
publication by Ghirshman, the unusual position
of the king and other detail of his clothes would
probably point out a provincial Sasanian attribu-
tion. A silver rhyton in the shape of a harnessed
horse head presents also a medallion embellished
with a pinnacle and an eight-pointed rosette fixed
on the forehead as in royal Sasanian horses ob-
served very often in metalwork (Ghirshman 1982,
fig. 263a).
38 Ghirshman 1982, fig. 404 ; Harper 2000, 50, pl. 19. On
the brands on Sasanian objects of art : Fukai 1974.
39 Göbl 1971, tabs. vi, x-xii ; Gariboldi 2004, 44. It will
be worth noting that the same motif had been already used
in a very similar position in Antigonus Gonatas (277-240/239
bce) coins although it is repeated seven times along the rim
of the coin (Davis, Kraay 1980, pl. 122).
212 Matteo Compareti
divine character of the astral symbol-
ogy possibly reflects concepts proper
of Persian culture as regarding the re-
lationship between the super-human
Sasanian sovereigns and the luminar-
ies which have been preserved only
indirectly through external literary
sources 40 and, as already observed, in
the coinage. 41 In the sources just men-
tioned it is quite difficult to reconstruct
exactly the original concepts filtering
those elements which were possibly
added for different reasons or simply
misunderstood by external authors.
However, one point is quite clear in
these sources : the lack of particular
references for the astral symbology to
specific divinities. The objects of Sasa-
nian art investigated above do not re-
fer to Ana̵ hita̵ for the star-rosette rep-
resentations although one could have
expected to find explicit links to her
after considering that passage of the
Aba̵ n Yašt and other elements rooted
in Mesopotamian culture.
The statue bearing a pouring wa-
ter flask held in one hand on the left
side of the central king in the upper
part of the rock relief of the big grot-
to at Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n is commonly iden-
tified with Ana̵ hita̵ . 42 By the analysis
of the garments, crown, and hairstyle,
it is clear that this statue is the por-
trait of a woman. Moreover, she is def-
initely to be identified as a divine being
since her attitude mirrors the position
of the other figure (most likely Ahu-
ra Mazda̵ ) on the right of the scene,
who is represented in the act of giving
a beribboned ring to the central king

40 For the classical sources, see especially :

Fig. 12. Sasanian silver ewer. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles
(after Ghirshman 1982, fig. 404).
Azarpay 1972, 113 ; Panaino 2004. The Chinese
chronicles present sometimes interesting infor-
mation on the Sasanians. Among the religious
habit of Persia there are cults dedicated to the
spirits of sky, earth, sun, moon, water, and fire
(Daffinà 1983, 162-163).
41 Gariboldi 2004, 31-33.
42 Fukai, Horiuchi 1972, pls. xxi-xxiii, xxvii ;
Vanden Berghe 1988, 1531. It will be interesting
to remember as in the Zend-Avesta, in a passage
of the Rašn Yašt (xxii, 29 and xiv, 31), the stars
and water are considered to be connected : The
Zend-Avesta ii 1884 (repr. 1975), 175-176.
The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 213

Fig. 13. Detail of the commemorative column at Biša̵ pur (Photo R. Favaro).
214 Matteo Compareti

Fig. 14. Sculpture of the bigger grotto, Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n (Sketch after M. R. Rya̵ zi, Patterns and Designs on Sa-
sanian Clothes and Textiles, Tehran, 2002, figs. between pp. 195-196, [in Farsi]).

Fig. 15. Capital with possible representation of Ana̵ hita̵ . Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n (Photo M. Compareti).
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 215

Fig. 16. Capital recently found at Kerma̵ nšah and kept at Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n (Sketch after Moradi 2003, fig. 1).

according to a well-known Sasanian artistic formula. 43 Among the decorations which, possibly,
were intended to be characteristic of this figure, there is also an isolated multi-rayed star-rosette on
each shoulder and several geometrical elements scattered on the mantle (Fig. 14) : 44 both could be
associated to the astral symbology of Ana̵ hita̵ found in some sources. A very similar image appear
carved on one side of a capital said to have been transported from Bisutun to Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n (Fig.
15). 45 Reproductions of several star-rosettes inside circles on the mantle of this possible divine fig-
ure call to mind the decoration, the shape, and the same way of wearing the garment of the fem-
inine statue in the big grotto relief. 46 There is then a continuous arcade motif around the upper
rim of the capital possibly to be connected with a certain iconography which has been proposed
in the past (not too convincingly) specifically to be intended for Ana̵ hita̵ and her temple. 47
Unfortunately, several uncommon elements do not allow to consider the Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n com-
plex as a typical example of Sasanian art nor to advance a definitive chronology for it, although
the proposal to date it to Khosrow II (590-628) sounds more convincing. The latter king is prob-
ably represented on another side of the capitals now displayed in the park at Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n to-
gether with the Ana̵ hita̵ one. A newly found capital, in particular, has been preserved extremely
well especially for the reproduction of the crown. 48 This detail leaves no doubts about the pres-
ence of a sixteen pointed star-and-crescent device on its top resembling very much a rosette (Fig.
16), so, perfectly matching, from an iconographic point of view, the idea of Melikian-Chirvani on

43 Vanden Berghe 1988, 1530-1531, fig. 10. 45 Luschey 1968b, Compareti 2006.
44 The study of Sasanian textile decorations has been 46 von Gall 1990, 100.
mostly based on the observation of the Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n reliefs 47 The problem was analyzed cautiously in Trever 1967,
which are very late (almost Islamic) and present many exter- 132 ; Harper 1978, 145, cat. 69.
nal borrowings. For these reasons Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n can not be 48 Moradi 2003, 24-28.
considered ‘pure’ Sasanian (Compareti 2004a, 261).
216 Matteo Compareti
the equation : flower = sun in Persian art. Also
for this specimen of (late) Sasanian art, the hy-
potheses of chronology are quite controversial.
There is then another point not to be neglect-
ed as referring to the sculptures of the bigger
grotto at Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n : the probable statue of
Ahura Mazda̵ on the right of the central king
is wearing a mantle embellished with six-point-
ed stars (Fig. 14). Such an observation further
supports the inconsistency of an association be-
tween Ana̵ hita̵ and the star as an automatic one.
Something more can be added on the iconogra-
phy of this goddess.
Ana̵ hita̵ was identified (in a very hypothet-
ical way) on several piece of Sasanian metal-
work by experts but the only one, said to have
been found in Sludka in the Urals, which pre-
sented interesting decorations on her garments
(possibly rosettes), has been lost and appeared
exclusively in sketchy reproductions (Fig. 17). 49
Two silver plates considered to be Sasanian (but
it would probably better to speak of ‘peripher-
al Sasanian’) with almost identical scenes were
identified as related to this important Iranian
goddess. 50 The plate kept in the Freer Gallery
of Art, Washington (Fig. 18) whose chronology
could be 5th-7th centuries, is richer in details than
the other one kept in the State History Muse-
um, Moscow, to be dated, possibly, to the same
period (Fig. 19).
The scenes appear extremely complex and
rich of details definitely borrowed from the
classical world and, in particular, from the rep-
resentations of the triumph of Dionysus. In the
center of the composition a half-naked figure
bigger than the other characters holds a cup
of fruit with the right hand and a shred of the
garment with the left one, while sitting on a
chariot whose only visible wheel is kept by two
Fig. 17. Lost Sasanian ( ?) silver dish from Sludka kneeling winged amorini. In front of this figure,
(Russia) (after Orbeli 1938, fig. 252). two barefoot walking female attendants wear
a scarf as if blown by the wind according to a
classical scheme. Only their right leg is shown naked, the rest of the bodies being clad in long gar-
ments covering almost everything. Above the two ladies, two naked boys seem to be grasped to
ropes possibly in the act of shaking the vine tree in order to get the grapes to fall, maybe, exactly
on the cup of the central figure. However, the tree which grows in the opposite right bottom cor-
ner does not seem to continue beyond the rim of the plate. Moreover, the bird among the scrolls
does not look as particularly disturbed. One of the boys is suspended in the hair as if climbing

49 Orbeli 1938, 734-735, fig. 252. The rosette was one of 50 Shepherd 1980, fig. 20 ; Maršak 1986, figs. 174-176 ;
the main decorative motifs in Byzantine and Iranian metal- Gunter, Jett 1992, fig. 16.
work up until 10th century (Mango 2000, 273).
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 217
on the rope and the second
one stands on the chariot
grasping the rope only with
his right hand since the left
holds a cup possibly direct-
ed towards the two ladies
below. Another woman sits
on the right corner of the
chariot and, between her
and the trunk of the vine
tree, an approaching Her-
cules-like figure stands na-
ked, wearing only a point-
ed cap, with club and lion
skin in hands. Curiously
enough, he has also a faun
tail. Below the earth-line
under the main scene, two
musicians playing identical
instruments flank a feline
drinking from a jar.
The two scenes were
probably copied from the
same model which most
likely depicted a Dionysian Fig. 18. Silver dish. Washington, Freer Gallery of Art
procession not completely (after Gunter, Jett 1992, pl. 14).
understood or changed on
purpose by the artist. The central figure refers in all probability to Dionysus himself surrounded
by its usual followers : Ariadne sitting with him on the chariot, Hercules, satyrs, musicians, and
other joyful attendants. In the plate of the Freer Gallery of Art, the central bigger figure looks
very much like a woman since the presence of the big breast and the typically Sasanian hairstyle
which is identical to the one of Ariadne. In the Moscow History Museum plate the sex of the cen-
tral character looks more masculine however, once more, the hairstyle is completely identical to
the one of Ariadne. It is possible that the big breast would actually point out at the line of mus-
cles and the hairstyle and jewels could be represented identical because Dionysus, already in clas-
sical art, presented some feminine traits. 51 The playful spirit pointed out by the two naked boys
and by the musicians (not to speak of the cup held by the bigger figure possibly intended to be a
container for wine of Dionysus) is balanced by the attitude of the other women and the only male
figure (a bizarre mixture of Hercules with a satyr), who, however, look very serious. The perspec-
tive, then, is not respected since the boy holding the jar is standing on the upper rim of the chariot
which should have been actually flat in order to allow to Dionysus and the other woman to sit on.
It could be argued that the position of this boy reflects another mistake of the Persian artist who
did not put the wings to him and to the second young figure suspended in the air with a rope. Fur-
thermore, Ariadne holds in her left hand the rim of the chariot as if it was a pole.
The model in question could have been represented by a third early Sasanian plate (possibly
dated to the beginning of the dynasty) 52 kept in the British Museum, where several elements
considered above find quite a good explanation : the two boys are flying since they have wings

51 Gunter, Jett 1992, 124, note 6. The famous mosaic of
Dionysus on a panther in the House of the Masks at Delos
has been considered even a portrait of Ariadne or a maenad
until the half of the ‘50s of the last century because of his
attire and hairstyle (Chammonard 1933, 7-26). Textiles em-
bellished with the image of Dionysus present the same prob-
lem of identification since the feminine attributes of the god
are very strong (Lenzen 1960, 1-4).
52 Gunter, Jett 1992, 122 ; Ward 1993, 44, fig. 29 ; Board-
man 1994, 96-98, fig. 4 : 27.
218 Matteo Compareti
Fig. 19. Silver dish. Moscow, State History Museum
(after Maršak 1986, figs. 174-175).
tainly known in Sasanian Persia since the beginning of the dynasty and, possibly, Iranian artists
had at their disposal even pre-Christian models coming from Rome or Constantinople. 56 How-
and they are probably shak-
ing the tree or capturing a bird
with a kind of net at the end
of the rope ; Hercules is defi-
nitely represented according to
his classical iconography 53 and
so is for the central Dionysus.
Below the chariot, only one
winged amorino is pushing the
wheel which can so move for-
ward without any problem ac-
cording to a model already ob-
served in other objects of art,
like in a Greek cameo in the
Museo Archeologico Naziona-
le, Naples. 54 The shape of the
spokes of the wheel does not
resemble at all a star-rosette
(Fig. 20). It could be said, in
fact, that the only logical detail
of the two later Sasanian plates
is the lack of drawing animals
(usually, one or more panthers
in Dionysian processions) con-
sidering that the two winged
amorini keep the eight spokes
wheel completely stopped. It
should not be forgotten, how-
ever, that, according to really
ancient Greek representations
of Dionysian processions (pos-
sibly adapted from oriental –
and, specifically, Iranian – tra-
dition), the chariot of the god
has proper wings. 55
Representations of the tri-
umph of Dionysus were cer-

53 Themes borrowed from classical mythology were defi-
nitely reproduced by Persian artists. Among the most appre-
ciated subjects are : the Dioscuroi, Dionysus, and Heracles :
Sasanian Silver 1967, figs. 24-25. A silver plate attributable to
peripheral Sasanian Iran embellished with the gilded figure
of Heracles in the act of bringing the boar to Eurystheus
represents another very interesting specimen : Catalogue
Berne 1993, fig. 243.
54 Boardman 1994, 96, fig. 4 : 28.
55 A good image of this chariot can be found among the
incredibly huge amount of iconographical material collected
in L’Orange 1953, 54, fig. 30 : b.
56 It will be enough to refer to the plate in Figure 20, the
mosaics at Biša̵ pur often defined Dionysian in character (see
Balty 1993) and the reliefs Biša̵ pur II and III (see : Hermann
1980 ; Hermann 1983, fig. 2), where winged amorini are rep-
resented in front of Ša̵ pur I in the act of conferring to him a
symbol of royal glory. See also Ettinghausen 1972, 3-10, and
Boardman 1994, 77-99. A 2nd-3rd century gilt silver dish found
in Beitan (Gansu Province, China) and embellished with a
central image of Dionysus on a panther with thyrsus encir-
cled by twelve busts of Olympian gods and interlaced grapes
has been considered the product of the eastern Roman prov-
inces (Baratte 1996, Lerner 2001, Maršak 2004). Inscrip-
tions in Bactrian and Sogdian appear as well on its exter-
nal part. A second silver plate with very similar characteris-
tics was found in Gansu more recently (Huang 2000). For
Dionysian elements in Kuša̵ n art : Carter 1968. Dionysian
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 219
ever, the decoration on the
garments of the central fig-
ure in the Moscow Muse-
um plate which comprises
also a cross into a rope me-
dallion points at a prototype
dated to the Christian peri-
od. Something more could
be added also about the two
winged amorini keeping the
wheel. In fact, it is highly
probable that, in the inten-
tion of the artist, they were
supposed to keep an astral
symbol referred to the god
on the chariot according to
a scheme already known in
Greece, most likely refer-
ring to the Orphic sphere.
The attitude of the amorini
reflects exactly the image of
angels in Christian Roman-
Byzantine art while hold-
ing a cross or a monogram
within a roundel of the kind
of the imago clipeata. 57 A 5th- Fig. 20. Silver dish. London, British Museum (after Ward 1993, fig. 29).
6th century Byzantine silver
bowl in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection with a Dionysian procession, which was considered to
have been a good model for the two Sasanian plates, presents similar rays or petals-like-spoke whose
number, unfortunately, cannot be determined – such as the presence of the amorini – because of the
fragmentary state of the metalwork. 58 Unless its remarkable pagan character, the bowl was pro-

characteristics have been identified also among the decora-
tion of the funerary monuments belonged to rich Sogdians
recently discovered in China (Delacour 2005).
57 Winkens 1969 ; Goldman 1988, 97-98. See, for ex-
ample, the west side of the lost column basement of Ar-
cadius (395-408) survived only in reproductions. Here it is
possible to discern a cross within a roundel held by angels
and winged amorini above some soldiers whose shields are
decorated with Christian monograms or rosettes : Grabar
1983, pl. 37.b. See also the 6th century mosaics on the absidal
arch in San Vitale : Bovini 1961, 132-133. The same amorini
can be observed as far as in Chinese Turkestan, especially
at Kizil, where Classical elements have been recognized in a
pure Buddhist context : Boardman 1994, 150-153, fig. 4 : 100. It
should not be neglected that the image of winged creatures
doubled at the sides of a clypeus have been known also in
Near Eastern art at least since the Neo-Assyrian period. In
fact, rows of winged genii typically Mesopotamian (with a
double pair of wings) were painted in the royal palace at
Khorsabad (Loud, Altman 1938, pl. 89).
58 Ettinghausen 1972, 4, fig. 11 ; Gunter, Jett 1992,
125, note 10. Other specimens of Byzantine sumptuary art
present very similar eight pointed spokes in the shape of a
star or flower. The 10th-11th century Veroli casket presents on
one side also a Dionysian parade. Many details call to mind
the two Sasanian plates described above and especially the
wheels whose shape is actually floral although, in this case,
they are definitely intended to be real wheels (Beckwith
1967, fig. 111). Other chariots in sixth-eighth century Chris-
tian art displaying this specific element comprise the chariot
of Elias or Ezekiel vision although, the spokes-rays are not
always eight (L’Orange 1953, 124-133, figs. 90-92). More often,
in fact, they are six like in the numerous representations of
another clear symbol of the presence of a divine being in the
Christian sphere, being the Bethlehem star : Molnar 2000,
Favaro 2004. It is worth noting the similarity between the de-
scription of the Bethlehem star and the star or the column of
light which is supposed to appear on the cave from which the
Savior should be born according to the Iranian tradition con-
nected to Mithra (Widengren 1965, 63-65). In an interesting
passage of a seventh-eighth century Chinese Christian text,
the Bethlehem star is compared in dimension to the wheel
of a chariot : Nicolini-Zani 2005, 34. The commemorative
stele of Xi’an (781) on the diff usion of Christianity into China
by priests of Persian origin, dedicated a certain space to the
story of the Magi Kings certainly because of their common
motherland : Nicolini-Zani 2001, 25-26, n. 24. Since the first
Christian missions into China referred to Ctesiphon as the
center of their Church, it would be spontaneous to think at
220 Matteo Compareti
duced in a Christian context
according to a well-attest-
ed early Byzantine trend. 59
Just for this reason, the bowl
could have transmitted a Di-
onysian element connected
to Helios-Sol as proposed
above for the two 4th-3rd cen-
tury bce drinking cups in
the Metropolitan Museum
(fig. 6). The solar character
of the Dionysian chariot in
the two late Sasanian plates
(but, most likely, also of the
early Sasanian one) could
have been easily understood
by an Iranian observer too
since in Mazdean literature
– specifically in the hymn
dedicated to Mithra (Mihr
Yašt) – the chariot of the so-
lar god is described with one
wheel only (x, 136). 60 Then,
as observed above, Mithra
Fig. 21. Klimova silver plate. St. Petersburg, Ermitage Museum too had a flower as a prop-
(after Catalogue Bruxelles 1993, cat. 66). er symbol, most likely the
lotus.
So, the spokes of the wheel – especially when in number of eight – could have been consid-
ered in Antiquity good substitutes for the rosette and the eight rayed star. 61 Another silver plate
considered Sasanian for its Mazdean character, but most likely to be dated to the Islamic period,
presents a very interesting decoration connected with astral symbolism. This is the so-called Kli-
mova plate now part of the Ermitage Museum Collection. 62 It is embellished with a representa-
tion of the lunar chariot of the god Ma̵ h, who is sitting inside a big crescent with the points of
a second smaller crescent behind his shoulder, a sword between the legs and the axe (his specific
symbol) next to him. Meanwhile, Mithra holding a bow and an arrow stands under the arch sup-
ported by two columns in the inferior part of this elaborate chariot. Two couples of flying oxen
led by winged amorini drawn the chariot whose wheels, once more, are substituted with eight
pointed rosette or eight rayed stars (Fig. 21). However, in the case of the two Sasanian plates dis-
cussed above, it does not seem that the possible astral symbol in the place of the wheel was re-

a lost Persian (possibly Middle Persian ?) model for the choice
of a wheel as term of comparison with the Bethlehem star.
A possible term of comparison could be found in Chinese
Buddhist literature as well. In « The secret text on Garuḍa and
other celestial beings » (8th century), the sun god « has both a
halo and mandorla and is enclosed within the sun disc. The
sun disc is red with a pattern like a wheel » (Zhu 2006, 690).
59 In fact, especially in Egyptian textiles, the iconography
of the scenes of the life of Dyonisus mirrors the one for the
life of Christ (Del Francia 1986, 274).
60 The Zend-Avesta II 1884 (repr. 1975), 155.
61 Specimens of Gandha̵ ran art make to suppose that the
motif was spread also in the Buddhist world. A fragmen-
tary relief in a Japanese private collection considered to be
strongly infl uenced by Sasanian art shows a chariot with
the only visible central wheel represented in the shape of
a six-petal flower or the sun (Tanabe 1990, fig. 2). As H.
Seyrig had already noted in the beginning of the last cen-
tury, both in the Avesta and in the Ṛgveda the solar chariot
has only one wheel (Seyrig 1937, 51). For other specimens
from Gandha̵ ra, see also Schlingloff 2000a, 41 ; Schling-
loff 2000b, 197.
62 L’Orange 1953, fig. 19 ; Harper, Meyers 1981, 117-119,
pl. 35. A very similar scene appears on a second Silver plate
kept in the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) considered to be,
in the same way, Sasanian but most likely dated to the Islam-
ic period : Frye 1965, fig. 85. Here, the wheel of the chariot re-
sembles the sun in spiral shape as represented in the Islamic
period miniatures (Melikian, Chirvani 1992).
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 221
ferred to Ana̵ hita̵ or another Mazdean divinity 63 but to an Iranian version of Dionysus. In any
case, some links still remain for the association with Mithra and, above all, Ana̵ hita̵ not just for
the supposed feminine characteristics of the divinity on the chariot but especially because in the
Aba̵ n Yašt there are some (vague) hints to the shape of the eight pointed star embellished-crown
of the goddess which possibly resembled a ratha : chariot (v, 128).
It could be even argued that the rosette-wheel-star was intended to be an emblem or a sym-
bol of rank or royalty referred to a noble family or, possibly, to the same Sasanian Dynasty. So,
the winged amorini would have been represented doubled at the side of this particular device in
order to glorify somebody (possibly the same clients of the Sasanian plates) according to a fixed
religious iconography used in Roman-Byzantine art – especially in the funerary sphere – and not
to push or keep illogically stopped the chariot.
A late Sasanian fragmentary woolen and linen textile kept in the Benaki Museum (Athens) rep-
resents a very probable evidence of the use of solar wheel-rosette as heraldic symbols in pre-Islam-
ic Persia (Fig. 22). The narrative nature of this textile fragment allows us to consider it the focal

Fig. 22. Possible Sasanian woolen and linen textile. Athens, Benaki Museum, no. 7001
(Photo courtesy R. Cortopassi).

63 In few words, it does not seem the case of the interpreta-
tion iranica of a foreign divinity although this possibility can
not be completely excluded. Apart from Ana̵ hita̵ (who was
already discussed) and Ahura Mazda̵ (who has a pure human
component in Sasanian art – see Ghirshman 1982, figs. 165,
168, 213, 233, 235 –), the other Mazdean divinity whose astral
connection appears logical is Tištrya, the god of the star Si-
rius. However, as it has already been observed by G. Gnoli
from the point of view of religious literature, Tištrya is con-
nected with the image of an arrow (Gnoli 1963, 238-240).
222 Matteo Compareti
part of a tapestry which should be dated to the late Sasanian period for its clear links with Ta̵ q-e
Bosta̵ n. The main evidence is constituted by the drop-like-jewel on the garments of the central
figure who is, most likely, a king or a relevant person and not a god. 64 He is bigger than the three
bearded attendants around him and is represented sitting, in all probability, on a horse exactly as
in Sasanian rock carvings and metalwork. Unfortunately his head has been lost but he could be
considered to have been crowned since the final parts of the usual ribbons appear superimposed
to the device held behind him by one of the attendants. The device is composed by a thin pedes-
tal, a pair of frontal wings typ-
ically late Sasanian and a pole
whose top ends with a sixteen-
pointed star-rosette. It would
fit incredibly well with the de-
scription of the turning pillar
of the Vedic chariot race in
very ancient Indian literature
in association with the seal of
the Mitannian king Sauštattar
(Fig. 3) observed above, if it
was not for the long period of
time which separates the two
objects in question. In fact,
there is some evidence for the
reemergence of extremely an-
cient Mesopotamian symbols
into Sasanian art too although
the complexity of such a phe-
nomenon which has been only
partially discussed in the past 65
and which we hope to have
contributed to examine here.
References to the narrative na-
ture of the scene in the Benaki
textile are evidenced by the
attendants holding the bow,
which could be considered to
have been destined to the cen-
Fig. 23. Sasanian standards in the rock carvings at Naqš-e Rostam tral king, and by the second fig-
(after Shahbazi 1996, pl. xxvi). ure holding the heraldic sym-
bol. Once more, some details
such as the attendant holding the weapons of the king call to mind the hunting scenes at Ta̵ q-e
Bosta̵ n. 66 Moreover, every petal of the rosette is fixed into a ball rendering a real system invented
in order to keep standing the device during the movements of the horse.
Standards appear sometimes in Sasanian rock carvings as at Naqš-e Rostam always held by an

The finding of a provincial Sasanian paintings from Ghulby-
an (North-Western Afghanistan) confirmed such an hypoth-
esis (Lee, Grenet 1998).
64 Compareti 2005.
65 Grabar 1971, 683-686 ; De Francovich 1984. For
a critic approach to the preceding studies, see Compareti
2004b, 877-882. See also Harper 2006, 1-33.
66 Such as regarding the Mesopotamian elements in Sasa-
nian art, it is worth noting that an Assyrian relief of the ep-
och of Ashurbanipal from Niniveh (about 645 bce), kept in
the British Museum, presents a scene extremely similar to
the one at Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n just described : the king bigger in
size is shooting at animals from a boat (or a big hole in the
ground) while an attendant smaller in size is giving him the
arrows : Reade 1998 (repr. 2006), 78, fig. 92.
 The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 223
attendant behind the king (Fig. 23). 67 Then, in literary works referred to Ardašir I, the position
behind the king on the back of the horse seems to have been destined to symbols of power and
divine glory. In fact, in the Pahlavı̵ romance Ka̵ r na̵ mag ı̵ Ardaxšı̵r ı̵ Pa̵ baga̵ n, the symbol of divine
glory bestowed by Ahura Mazda̵ to Ardašir is reported to be in the shape of a winged ram sit-
ting on the back of his horse. 68 If this position was indicated for the symbol of glory, it could be
argued that it was suitable also for other devices like standards and symbols of ranks actually dis-
played during battles or hunts. In this case the sixteen-pointed rosette (which base remains eight
plus other eight points reproduced to occupy all the space) seems to be connected to the person
riding the horse because it recurs also on pseudo-Sasanian metalwork on the garment of relevant
people and in the same textile it can be observed on the partially preserved saddle of the horse and
on the higher part of the quiver.
Astrological calculations, most like-
ly to be ascribed to the late Sasanian
period, have been reported in Arabic
sources as represented on the derafš
(royal standard) of the Persians. 69 If
displayed during battles, the victori-
ous and apotropaic value of the derafš
appears very clearly although it is not
possible to exclude also its meaning as
a symbol of divine glory or heraldry.
The derafš appear also on the coins of
the Fratarkas as an indispensable he-
raldic symbol whose sacral meaning Fig. 24. Silver coin of the Frataraka Va̵ dfrada̵ d. Wien, Institut
too has been stressed in a recent study für Numismatik (after Sarfaraz, Avarzami 2002,
with valid argumentations. 70 At least fig. 4 at p. 80).
nd
in one case, on a 2 century bce coin
struck by the Frataraka Va̵ dfrada̵ d, it seems that on the derafš, an eight pointed star is repre-
sented (Fig. 24). 71 Unfortunately, the Fratarakas still represent a new field in the sphere of Ira-
nian studies and their relationships with the Achaemenids and the Sasanians have just started
to be considered.
Unless the different size of the central king, in the scene of the Benaki textile the attendant on
the back of the horse seems to be positioned according to an actual habit which was reproduced
quite realistically. In case of an ideal scene, it could have been represented a winged amorino, for
example, or another fantastic creature. According to the first study devoted to this fragmentary
textile, the main central figure represented the god Mithra during a parade in his honor. 72 This
interpretation did not consider the association of the star-rosette with other Mazdean divinities
and the probable association of Mithra with a lotus as observed above. Furthermore, in Sasanian
art, also the king can be represented bigger than his attendants and his derafš sometimes is sup-
ported by servants behind him. However, some observations of the Greek scholar who first in-
vestigated the Benaki textile fragment are very appropriate, especially for the parallels in Sasanian
art and, above all, for the references to ancient Mesopotamian art. 73

67 Ghirshman 1982, fig. 219 ; Shahbazi 1996, pl. xxvi.
68 Pagliaro 1927, 30 ; Grenet 2003, 73. More rarely it is
a great dog to occupy such a position (Omidsalar, Omid-
salar 1996, 463).
69 Christensen 1944 (repr. 1971), 504. On the derafš in pre-
Islamic Persian art, see Shahbazi 1996.
70 De Jong 2003.
71 Wiesehöfer 1994, fig. 6 at p. 111 ; Sarfaraz, Avarzami
2002, fig. 4 at p. 80. 72 Apostoláki 1950-1951.
73 As already observed by A. Apostoláki, the winged pole
surmounted by an eight-pointed rosette can be already ob-
served on a 15th century bce Mitanni impression seal (Fig. 3).
See also Collon 1993, fig. 548. The Hittites and the Mitan-
nians are considered to be the first Mesopotamian peoples
to have introduced the winged disk from Egypt which were
supported by poles and not floating in the air : Parpola 2002,
74-76.
224 Matteo Compareti

Conclusion
In conclusion, it could be stated that the rosette in Sasanian art had tight connections with the
astral simbology according to a very ancient tradition rooted in Mesopotamian culture. The as-
sociation with the chariot wheel seems to be a very ancient one which was rooted into the com-
mon Indo-Iranian substratum. The rosette appeared often in Sasanian art and, in the last period
of reign of the dynasty, according to a shape which owed much to Classical infl uences coming
from Byzantium.
In the Mazdean literature more than one divinity is described as riding a celestial chariot but
it is not possible to assert which one was actually intended to be represented in the two plates
with Dionysian scenes. In fact, probably, the Sasanians themselves appropriated the simbology
of the rosette-star-wheel as an heraldic sign exactly as they did with tamghas from Central Asia. 74
This is possible to deduce by the observation of the crowns in the enigmatic capitals kept in the
park at Ta̵ q-e Bosta̵ n, of some metalwork, and the Benaki textile. It could be cautiously consid-
ered that, in this way, the Sasanians thought to connect themselves explicitly with the luminar-
ies also from an iconographical point of view as it is suggested by their coinage and the indirect
external sources.

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 SOMMARIO

Alberto M. Simonetta, The coinage of the Cappadocian kings : a revision and a catalogue
of the Simonetta Collection 9
Introduction 11
Section 1. General problems 15
Section 2. Problems of attributions to the individual kings 27
Section 3. The main events and the coinage 38
Appendix 1. Chronological arrangement of the regal issues according the classification here assumed 112
Appendix 2. Forgeries : some examples 115
Appendix 3 116
Abbreviations and Bibliography 118
Plates 121
Edvard V. Rtveladze, Alessandro in Battriana e Sogdiana 153
Matteo Compareti, The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 205
Gli autori di questo numero 231
Tavole 233

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