America's #1 Adversary: And What We Must Do About It – Now!
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Three distinguished experts and policy practitioners declare: "Despite the wrongs committed against China in the past, the People's Republic of China must not represent the future, for it is corrupt. Harking back to what Ronald Reagan did to spur the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United States must enunciate that its objective is the peaceful end of the Communist Party of China. China existed for four thousand years before the formation of a communist junta within its borders; China can only achieve greatness combined with liberty and wealth if it frees itself from one-party rule and the despotism this type of government always brings."
America is doomed to collapse under a multi-pronged attack led by the PRC and by statists in our midst. We must return in great haste to the Judeo-Christian principles upon which we were founded, which made us the most prosperous, secure, and generous nation in human history.
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America's #1 Adversary - John M. Poindexter
Trump.
PREFACE
by Rchard B. Levine
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has accumulated a record of terror, death, and mendacity unequaled by any of the world’s nations. It does such things for one reason and for only one reason: to preserve the power the Communist Party of China wields over not only the people of China—who number more than 1.4 billion—but over the multitudes residing in other nations China intimidates or coerces. To understand this threat, we must not dwell on surfaces and false reflections. We must be courageous enough to peer into the depths.
Kleptocracy means rule by thieves.
The People’s Republic of China is a kleptocracy. Whether it be the persecution of political prisoners, minorities, its own citizens, or the citizens of Hong Kong; whether it be its monumental theft of intellectual property from every developed nation, most especially, the United States; whether it be its reprehensible indifference to the most basic measures to contain the deadly COVID-19 virus it spawned, the Communist Party of China has shown itself to be a great force for evil. The PRC’s strategy is to thwart the aspirations and the basic human rights of anyone, for anyone who yearns to be free is perceived, by means of its distorted prism, as being the enemy of the powers of a state intent on unbridled power and domination.
What can be done to thwart this malevolent power? Commenting on fellow philosopher Nelson Goodman’s conception of the proper bounds of inductive reasoning, John Rawls proffered the concept of reflective equilibrium—the space in which we restate, reconsider, and adjust our beliefs, such that they may be projected reasonably to describe parts of the future.¹
The constellation of possible outcomes concerning ongoing and future developments and challenges inherent in America’s relationship with China, as well as their economic, military, and societal implications, may be reduced by reflection on America’s history and the principles that have made our country great. Thus, through the application of reflective equilibrium, may we discern what steps the United States and the world must take in confronting an ascendant China.
Such reassessment, and the calculated responses that will follow, are predicated on one thing: the reelection of Donald Trump as the president of the United States. Joseph Biden, has, over his career, and most particularly during the presidency of Barack Obama, proven himself to be the coauthor of America’s submission to China’s patently undemocratic objectives.
China knows that with a sop or bribe of millions, it buys billions or more. The corrupted know the corrupt. Many institutions, governments, and persons have been compromised by China’s schemes. That the praying mantis kills and consumes its mate to derive sustenance seems unbelievable and incorrect, until it is witnessed time after time; it then becomes expected. So it is with China and with unethical and compromised politicians who believe they feed on what actually devours them.
Of all America’s political leaders, what can be stated unequivocally is President Trump has not been compromised by China. For his resolute opposition to the Communist Party of China and for many other things, America’s president is deserving of the nation’s support. America’s ability to contest China is empowered by two great accomplishments of the Trump administration.
The first is the solidification and the enhancement of U.S. military power, for without such power, a national security strategy to overmatch China is destitute. The second is our defeat of ISIS, the radical Islamic terrorist group purported to be a nation. Its defeat by President Trump’s assembly of forces did more than just crush a brutal terrorist group the prior administration first discounted as a terrorist JV team,
only then to consider it a threat whose defeat would take many years.² The defeat of ISIS reestablished America’s deterrent posture against threats both known and unknown, for the life-saving premise of deterrence, intrinsic to any sane national security strategy, was eroded to the point of feebleness by the Obama-Biden administration.
MILITARY POWER
The framework for countervailing actions to oppose the PRC’s aims has already been erected by the Trump administration. America’s military power is the guarantor of any applicable foreign policy and national security strategy. To reach its full potential, America’s military power must be marshalled and channeled, not wasted on unnecessary or diversionary conflicts. This is the essence of the Trump doctrine.
Before Donald Trump’s administration, the Pentagon’s procurement process was replete with the cancellation of new weapons on the cusp of production. This resulted, since the beginning of this century, in dead-weight losses approaching $60 billion, which equates to hundreds of billions of dollars of planned and expected weapons and systems the U.S. military never fielded.
Examples of canceled programs include the XM2001 Crusader howitzer: $2 billion was spent before cancellation in 2002; the Crusader was to be superseded by the proposed XM1203 non-line-of-sight cannon; it, too, was canceled in 2009 by the Obama-Biden administration, after expenditures of at least $18 billion in development and termination costs, including the cancellation of its sister, FCS vehicles. The RAH-66 Comanche, begun in 1982, was terminated in 2004 after no operational helicopters were produced; program costs exceeded $6.9 billion,³ plus a half-billion dollars in termination fees the government was obligated to pay the prime contractors. The Comanche was superseded by the development of the ARH-70 Arapaho, which, too, was not produced, despite the expenditure of millions. In all these new programs, not one operational unit was fielded.
Other important programs such as the stealth, air-dominance F-22 fighter were terminated by the Obama-Biden administration after very small, inefficient buys. In addition, 750 Raptors were originally planned to cost $26.2 billion; the program was canceled after 187 operational aircraft were built at a cost of over $67 billion.
The Zumwalt class of powerful, stealth destroyers was to have been a thirty-two-ship program;⁴ this was reduced to a procurement of three vessels in 2009, thus requiring the development costs of $9.6 billion to be spread over just three ships. Total program costs, for the three ships, stand at $22.5 billion, though per-ship costs were estimated originally to be approximately $2.5 billion, given a full program buy. Joseph Biden was complicit in the evisceration of both these critical programs, which were designed to carry our Air Force and our Navy forward with dominant weapons through the middle of this century. However, our actual programmatic buys, due to the Obama-Biden administration, represent nothing so much as a parody of both prudent defense procurement and the husbanding of national resources and assets.
The C-130 transport, the CH-47 helicopter, the M109 howitzer, the KC-135 tanker, and the Minuteman missile all began their initial development in the 1950s; the designs for the B-52 bomber date to 1948. Each of these systems is expected to be in service for many more years, with some weapons expected to have service lives approaching ninety years or more. Each system thus represents great programmatic success, for the initial designs have been upgraded or rebuilt extensively over the course of many years.
Infinitely less successful are the programs that attempted to create