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Il Principe
Il Principe
Il Principe
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Il Principe

Rating: 3.5 out of 5 stars

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Il Principe, celebre trattato di dottrina politica scritto da Niccolò Machiavelli nel 1513, espone le caratteristiche dei principati e dei metodi per mantenerli e conquistarli. Il trattato ha avuto un successo talmente grande da aver coniato l’aggettivo “machiavellico” ad indicare l’esaltazione dell’astuzia nei rapporti politici e sociali.
Manuale in uso ai sovrani dell’epoca e ai politici di oggi, Il Principe è un libro senza tempo e quantomai attuale nello scacchiere politico contemporaneo.
LanguageItaliano
Release dateJan 6, 2020
ISBN9788833465050
Il Principe
Author

Niccolò Machiavelli

Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) was an Italian diplomat, philosopher and writer during the Renaissance era. Machiavelli led a politically charged life, often depicting his political endorsements in his writing. He led his own militia, and believed that violence made a leader more effective. Though he held surprising endorsements, Machiavelli is considered to be the father of political philosophy and political science, studying governments in an unprecedented manner that has forever shaped the field.

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Rating: 3.720399759012808 out of 5 stars
3.5/5

3,201 ratings78 reviews

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  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    It only gets three stars because it was a school assigned reading, and i've read better books that were school assigned.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    This is a short (37 pages in this edition), practical, and amoral treatise on statecraft."A prince must not have any other object nor any other thought ... but war, its institutions, and its discipline; because that is the only art befitting one who commands."
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Another book which most people have not read but love to talk about. Interesting thoughts. Some of them foreign to me as I do not have a good background in medieval history.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    I remember trying to read this book about 15 years ago when I was still in high school and not being able to get through it. It had a great infamous reputation, but it was just too dense. Having done a lot of studying of history and the history of empires (at the BA and MA level) what this guy says makes a lot more sense. It's a good book to read and think about, in terms of methods of governing and controlling land. It may not have as much applicability today, but in terms of thinking about historical dynasties and empires, it's a useful tool, I think.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    Sometimes Niccolò is very very right ("there is nothing more difficult to take in hand ... than to take the lead in the introduction of a new order of things"), and sometimes he is very very wrong ("as there cannot be good laws where the state is not well armed, it follows that where they are well armed they have good laws" no, dude, not only is your premise wrong but your logic could be dissected by a five-year-old), but he does point out more than once that things that work in other times and places won't necessarily work in renaissance Italy, by which it follows (through real logic this time) that things that may have been good advice in renaissance Italy aren't necessarily appropriate to, say, the 21st century corporate world.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    This is a difficult book to rate as it isn't exactly something that one enjoys reading. It is, however, well research and well written (or translated). "The Prince" reflects the political machinations of the day and is a guide to maintaining power over the people. It has been described as an "evil" book but I don't agree. Any 'evil' related to the book would be the result of how the advice (and which advice) is applied to a certain situation, by certain individuals. It is very matter-of-fact and is based on astute observations of human behaviour. It is mercifully short and makes for an interesting read.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Having watched 'House of Cards' I found Ian Richardson's voice perfect for this reading.

    This book has been on my 'must read' list for a fair while so it's good to get it marked off
  • Rating: 2 out of 5 stars
    2/5
    Historically significant but miserable to read. Doubtless it's incredibly brilliant. Unfortunately just in a way that reminds me of everything I hate about humanity.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    This is the ultimate “how-to” book for anyone who wants to rule a country and stay in power for a long time. He states that good arms and good laws make for success, whether one inherits or conquers an area. His examples are drawn from antiquity as well as the Italy of his day. Niccolò Machiavelli wrote this book to get back into favor with the Medici’s who ruled vast parts of Italy at this time; however the book was not widely read until after his death.My copy includes an excellent introduction by translator Thomas Bergin, along with footnotes and a bibliography. There is also a map, necessary to those of us unfamiliar with the political divisions of the time.I had always assumed that Machiavelli was sneaky, cunning and evil (think the word “machiavellian”) but I don’t think this is really the character of the man. He may have written this to curry favor with the current rulers. That doesn’t make him a bad person.Even though The prince doesn’t have examples of a democratic republic, the book is still pertinent today in that good arms and good laws are necessary for peace. The country who does not heed this advice is in trouble! Perhaps this should be required reading for all lawmakers in the world.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    The classic “how to” book for Princes who want to rule the world
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    While I understand that his take is controversial, I have to tell you, it makes sense. It's not nice, but it is practical.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    This is an interesting book on Political Philosophy, I think it falls under Realism.
    Machiavelli doesn't want to systematize but simply shares from his experience.
    As I kept reading the book, I had to reflect a lot of the ideas and try to draw conclusions from this world. I think, most of what he says stands True.

    I learnt about power distribution in a political system.
    Machiavelli says if it is concentrated with just one person (King), and people under him are servants, then if the King is toppled, it is easier to maintain the Kingdom in the long run. This reminds me of North Korea, I do not see a long future for it anyway.

    Meanwhile, if there are nobles, barons who share some influence then it will be difficult to maintain if toppled. I was thinking of China, which I used to think has a good political system.
    They do not waste time in election et cetera, however, the disadvantage in Chinese political system is that, if a new political party takes over, they will maintain the whole population under control. Meanwhile, it is difficult in America because the power is distributed differently. I can see how the Founders of America were cautious and knew all systems inside out.

    I was surprised to find that Machiavelli supports people who believe in God for defense (Army) are better. He goes on to say that it is easier to train them as they will be Loyal to you.
    The people who depend only on money will desert you. He says ministries who only think of them are fickle minded, this reminds me of political system of Tamil Nadu. I wonder how long the Government can run? Based on Machiavelli's writings, not long.

    He also talks about weakness of mercenaries, which, I think was one of the causes of downfall –– Roman and Ottoman Empire.
    The Ottoman Empire's Janissaries started to decline in power due to lack of training, corruption.

    The Roman empire started to bring mercenaries from Germanic tribes. There's always a tension between common people and nobles. Machiavelli says, common people are more important and the Prince ought to give them first priority.

    "As the observance of religious rites is the foundation of a republic's greatness, so disrespect for them is the source of its ruin."

    "Where a fear of God is lacking, the state must either fail or be sustained by a fear of the ruler which may substitute for the lack of religion."


  • Rating: 2 out of 5 stars
    2/5
    Used for classes and evil essays.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    Thought rereading this might shed some light on the Trump presidency until I realized that there is a crucial difference between realpolitik and realityTVpolitiking.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    A very sharp commentary on the art and business of politics when ruling a nation/people. As it did for previous generations this 16th Century tome has many pertinent pointers for today's would-be establishment elite: however, the pitfalls of power & being consumed by the desire for authority that it also mentions have been neglected by so many ill-equipped & haplessly inadequate Leaders of the 20th/21st centuries it would appear many of them were not concentrating when they read Machiavelli's masterpiece!
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    Although it is a blueprint for how to rule over the common people, it has some really great points that carry over into many of life's situations.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    The Prince. Niccolo Machiavelli. 2008. Our book club chose this classic of how to get and keep political power because it was an election year. What surprised several of us was how mild it seemed. We decided we were no longer idealistic and had lived too long to be shocked at what lengths a man in power will go to maintain that power
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    It's easy to be a cynic about this book, but there is some very good psychological advice here. Such as, after a victory, make friends with your enemies, and you'll be able to trust them more than your allies, who now that you have won, will be looking to take advantage of you or overthrow you. Your enemies, on the other hand, will be grateful for your mercy.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    The introduction to Italy at the beginning of the book is almost worth more than the book itself. However it is a decent read and one that can happily be chalked off the "must read that one day" list without feeling one has completed a chore.The core of the book is somewhat repetitive in that the advice given seems to boil down to a relatively few nuggets, but in some ways that was maybe his point, that no matter the situation the best course of action doesn't vary all that much.The biggest surprise to me was how much Italy was a real concept even when the city states and provinces were the methods of governance, I guess I'd always thought it was only when the state was brought together that it really existed, but it was obviously in people minds and, indeed, Machiavelli's dreams.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    It would be absurd to "review" the most important book on politics ever written. Go read it if you haven't already. It is very funny too.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    The reasons why The Prince endures the ages while the rest of Macchiavelli's philosophy gathers dust in the back of an old library warehouse are chiefly 1) it's a really short treatise, and 2) it angries up the blood. The best way by far to get a best-seller is to write anything that pisses everyone off. The drawback is, it confounds the messages of any works that were only meant to be understood in context.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Am now a Machiavelli groupie. Need to read his alluded to work(s) on Republics STAT. Ah, my first historical crush."Since it is my object to write what shall be useful to whosoever understands it, it seems to me better to follow the real truth of things than an imaginary view of them. For many Republics and Princedoms have been imagined that were never seen or known to exist in reality. And the manner in which we live, and that in which we ought to live, are things so wide asunder, that he who quits the one to betake himself to the other is more likely to destroy than to save himself; since any one who would act up to a perfect standard of goodness in everything, must be ruined among so many who are not good."
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    For Christmas, I ordered an mp3 player (Library of Classics) that was pre-loaded with 100 works of classic literature in an audio format. Each work is in the public domain and is read by amateurs, so the quality of the presentation is hit or miss. The Prince is a very well-known and controversial work of political theory written by 15th century Florentine Niccolo Machiavelli. The work is famous for advocating a very cynical, manipulative and violent form of governance, but I was somewhat surprised after hearing the work in its relative short entirety by its simplicity and reputation.Machiavelli essentially describes the various forms of government in existence at the time and throughout the then history, and comments on the strengths and weaknesses of each. He breaks down these forms by methods of attaining and maintaining power, using many examples at his disposal. He is particularly enamored of the leadership style of Cesare Borgia, the bastard son of Pope Alexander VI.In criticizing Machiavelli’s choice of the ideal Prince, one must consider the time and place of his existence. It would be hard to argue against the Renaissance Italian city and Papal states being among the most politically volatile and complicated landscapes to traverse in recorded history. In addition to the feudal Princes of Milan and Florence (among others), the Venetian Republic and the regions nominally under the control of the Vatican, the Kings of France and Spain also showed up frequently in force. Mercenary forces were rampant and alliances and power blocs shifted constantly. If you were not a cynical, crafty, even duplicitous ruler, you likely didn’t last long.The work is relatively short and largely simple in its classifications and analysis, making arguments and suggestions that at times seem glaringly obvious, but it must be remembered that this was written in the 15th century and as a collection of political thought and history, was unique for its time. Much of what is contained in the book holds true to this day, though current political constructs make much of Machiavelli’s writing appear politically extreme and his name has become synonymous with a repressive, reactionary, heavy handed and duplicitous style of leadership.My version of The Prince also included The Life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca, also penned by Machiavelli, a very short biography of one of the most well-loved and successful princes of the era.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    I should have read this book (free for Kindle) years ago. Machiavelli's works on ancient history came up frequently in a different book I read recently, and he has been cited in several other books on my lists. Alas, I've now read this work. I find some of the oft-cited passages I hear are somewhat taken out of context.

    The version I read had a brief biographical sketch of Machiavelli, which was helpful. Machiavelli is foremost a historian, so he cites examples of rulers and conflicts both from Florentine and Italian history, the current Ottoman state, Greco-Roman history, and the Bible.

    He starts by looking at the failures of statecraft-- how a monarch can lose a state which he has conquered or inherited. Louis XII was one such object of failure in his aims on Italian provinces. He talks of how one holds a free Republic, you either have to destroy it or make it a tributary while encouraging development of an oligarchy there to maintain defacto control. This seems like it's played out accurately in world history.

    Machiavelli's "it's better to be feared than loved" is in the context of a Prince who takes a territory who was originally not his own. There will likely be unrest, so the advice is to do some large act of cruel suppression up front to quell dissent and then do small acts of benevolence over time to keep the populace pacified. If a ruler drags out the cruelty, he will breed hatred which is the ultimate failure of a monarch. The ruler must appear to be capable of both cruelty and mercy, so that he appeals more broadly, and where possible he should have an underling be the "bad cop" enforcer. It'd be best to be both feared and loved, but you will always have to give one of those up and it's best to give up love. The great projects of history, according to Machiavelli, were done by rulers who were remembered to be mean and not kind.

    It's always a bad idea to rely on foreign mercenaries for your army. Machiavelli marks the decline of Rome with the hiring of Goths to do soldiering at the cost of the Roman army. France was making the same mistake in relying on Swiss mercenaries at the time of his writing. Building fortresses are of no defense when the people hate you.

    A ruler has to be "liberal" in his spending. Games and welfare for the people, benefits for the standing army. This is obviously hard to do unless you're conquering and expropriating-- otherwise you bankrupt your treasury. The Prince gains glory and reputation by accomplishing big tasks-- namely conquering territories and enriching the kingdom.

    The Prince should also seem to be a man of integrity. The great rulers abandon virtue when they have to-- sometimes they have to break their word in order to protect their position or the state. This is acceptable so long as not done in such a away that the people despise him. The prince should be virtuous but also know how and when to get his hands dirty.

    A Prince should have a few advisors that he listens to and that he rewards for speaking honestly and openly; he should ignore all other opinion. The Prince should always make sure his advisors and viceroys know that their positions-- their wealth, authority, and very lives-- are at the whim of the Prince so that they don't go seeking their own gain or become corrupt.

    A Prince is someone who believes he has the power to shape world events, that everything isn't left to "fortune" or random chance forces of history. He yields that authority and has other men follow him.

    I enjoyed this book, it's obviously a 5 star classic.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Bombastic at times, though quite entertaining. Still not sure when Tupac is coming back.
  • Rating: 2 out of 5 stars
    2/5
    This was mediocre and boring. I was expecting great insight and all I got was my time wasted.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    The most memorable introduction I had to this book was that it was one of those enduring sets of ideas, from which each enthused reader would take something different. And indeed that it what I found. The result is that the read tells you little about the end of Italy's dark ages and more about your own personal struggle with life. Machiavelli's nobility, mercenaries and people become like the mountains, valleys and the earth of Chinese philosophy, mere figures for the politics of one's own life.

    As someone always on the look out for material, I found this an incredibly rich source. Its strong points are its organised approach and the author's astute understanding of power relations. What is intriguing is that it is hard to tell how much of his knowledge was earned from erudition, how much from conversation and how much from imagination. Some ideas are, as his reputation precedes, controversial, but that does not take away from the overall portrait he paints. Nor does it predict his cloudy ambition or somewhat pure motivations.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Having heard many thing about this book, I was eager to dig in and see what the fuss was about. I have to say, Machiavelli was an INTJ. His prose, his ideas, his assessments - all of them are logical, well-explained, and rational. I understand why people might assume he is conniving and evil. But truthfully, he's just practical and honest about what it takes to rule. If I ever decide to take over the world, Machiavelli will be my guide.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    Ok book - best way I can describe. Simple to read and interesting to parallel to the world we now live in but overall nothing amazing
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Now understand why it's a classic 

Book preview

Il Principe - Niccolò Machiavelli

ventiseiesimo

Dedica

Nicolaus Maclavellus ad magnificum Laurentium Medicem.

[Nicolò Machiavelli al Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici]

Sogliono, el più delle volte, coloro che desiderano acquistare grazia appresso uno Principe, farseli incontro con quelle cose che infra le loro abbino più care, o delle quali vegghino lui più delettarsi; donde si vede molte volte essere loro presentati cavalli, arme, drappi d’oro, prete preziose e simili ornamenti, degni della grandezza di quelli. Desiderando io adunque, offerirmi, alla vostra Magnificenzia con qualche testimone della servitù mia verso di quella, non ho trovato intra la mia suppellettile cosa, quale io abbia più cara o tanto esístimi quanto la cognizione delle azioni delli uomini grandi, imparata con una lunga esperienzia delle cose moderne et una continua lezione delle antique: le quali avendo io con gran diligenzia lungamente escogitate et esaminate, et ora in uno piccolo volume ridotte, mando alla Magnificenzia Vostra. E benché io iudichi questa opera indegna della presenzia di quella, tamen confido assai che per sua umanità li debba essere accetta, considerato come da me non li possa esser fatto maggiore dono, che darle facultà di potere in brevissimo tempo intendere tutto quello che io in tanti anni e con tanti mia disagi e periculi ho conosciuto. La quale opera io non ho ornata né ripiena di clausule ample, o di parole ampullose e magnifiche, o di qualunque altro lenocinio o ornamento estrinseco con li quali molti sogliono le loro cose descrivere et ornare; perché io ho voluto, o che veruna cosa la onori, o che solamente la varietà della materia e la gravità del subietto la facci grata. Né voglio sia reputata presunzione se uno uomo di basso et infimo stato ardisce discorrere e regolare e’ governi de’ principi; perché, cosí come coloro che disegnono e’ paesi si pongano bassi nel piano a considerare la natura de’ monti e de’ luoghi alti, e per considerare quella de’ bassi si pongano alto sopra monti, similmente, a conoscere bene la natura de’ populi, bisogna essere principe, et a conoscere bene quella de’ principi, bisogna essere populare.

Pigli, adunque, Vostra Magnificenzia questo piccolo dono con quello animo che io lo mando; il quale se da quella fia diligentemente considerato e letto, vi conoscerà drento uno estremo mio desiderio, che Lei pervenga a quella grandezza che la fortuna e le altre sue qualità li promettano. E, se Vostra Magnificenzia dallo apice della sua altezza qualche volta volgerà li occhi in questi luoghi bassi, conoscerà quanto io indegnamente sopporti una grande e continua malignità di fortuna.

Capitolo primo

Quot sint genera principatuum et quibus modis acquirantur.

[Di quante ragioni sieno e’ principati, e in che modo si acquistino]

Tutti li stati, tutti e’ dominii che hanno avuto et hanno imperio sopra li uomini, sono stati e sono o repubbliche o principati. E’ principati sono o ereditarii, de’ quali el sangue del loro signore ne sia suto lungo tempo principe, o e’ sono nuovi. E’ nuovi, o sono nuovi tutti, come fu Milano a Francesco Sforza, o sono come membri aggiunti allo stato ereditario del principe che li acquista, come è el regno di Napoli al re di Spagna. Sono questi dominii cosí acquistati, o consueti a vivere sotto uno principe, o usi ad essere liberi; et acquistonsi, o con le armi d’altri o con le proprie, o per fortuna o per virtù.

Capitolo secondo

De principatibus hereditariis.

[De’ principati ereditarii]

Io lascerò indrieto el ragionare delle repubbliche, perché altra volta ne ragionai a lungo. Volterommi solo al principato, et andrò tessendo li orditi soprascritti, e disputerò come questi principati si possino governare e mantenere.

Dico, adunque, che nelli stati ereditarii et assuefatti al sangue del loro principe sono assai minori difficultà a mantenerli che ne’ nuovi; perché basta solo non preterire l’ordine de’ sua antinati, e di poi temporeggiare con li accidenti; in modo che, se tale principe è di ordinaria industria, sempre si manterrà nel suo stato, se non è una estraordinaria et eccessiva forza che ne lo privi, e privato che ne fia, quantunque di sinistro abbi l’occupatore, lo riacquista.

Noi abbiamo in Italia, in exemplis, el duca di Ferrara, il quale non ha retto alli assalti de’ Viniziani nello 84, né a quelli di papa Iulio nel 10, per altre cagioni che per essere antiquato in quello dominio. Perché el principe naturale ha minori cagioni e minore necessità di offendere: donde conviene che sia più amato; e se estraordinarii vizii non lo fanno odiare, è ragionevole che naturalmente sia benevoluto da’ sua. E nella antiquità e continuazione del dominio sono spente le memorie e le cagioni delle innovazioni: perché sempre una mutazione lascia lo addentellato per la edificazione dell’altra.

Capitolo terzo

De principatibus mixtis.

[De’ principati misti]

Ma nel principato nuovo consistono le difficultà. E prima, se non è tutto nuovo, ma come membro, che si può chiamare tutto insieme quasi misto, le variazioni sua nascono in prima da una naturale difficultà, la quale è in tutti e’ principati nuovi: le quali sono che li uomini mutano volentieri signore, credendo migliorare; e questa credenza gli fa pigliare l’arme contro a quello; di che s’ingannono, perché veggono poi per esperienzia avere peggiorato. Il che depende da un’altra necessità naturale et ordinaria, quale fa che sempre bisogni offendere quelli di chi si diventa nuovo principe, e con gente d’arme, e con infinite altre iniurie che si tira dietro el nuovo acquisto; in modo che tu hai inimici tutti quelli che hai offesi in occupare quello principato, e non ti puoi mantenere amici quelli che vi ti hanno messo, per non li potere satisfare in quel modo che si erano presupposto e per non potere tu usare contro di loro medicine forti, sendo loro obligato; perché sempre, ancora che uno sia fortissimo in sulli eserciti, ha bisogno del favore de’ provinciali a intrare in una provincia. Per queste ragioni Luigi XII re di Francia occupò subito Milano, e subito lo perdé; e bastò a torgnene la prima volta le forze proprie di Lodovico; perché quelli populi che li aveano aperte le porte, trovandosi ingannati della opinione loro e di quello futuro bene che si avevano presupposto, non potevono sopportare e’ fastidii del nuovo principe.

È ben vero che, acquistandosi poi la seconda volta e’ paesi rebellati, si perdono con più difficultà; perché el signore, presa occasione dalla rebellione, è meno respettivo ad assicurarsi con punire e’ delinquenti, chiarire e’ sospetti, provvedersi nelle parti più deboli. In modo che, se a fare perdere Milano a Francia bastò, la prima volta, uno duca Lodovico che romoreggiassi in su’ confini, a farlo di poi perdere la seconda li bisognò avere, contro, el mondo tutto, e che li eserciti sua fussino spenti o fugati di Italia: il che nacque dalle cagioni sopradette. Non di manco, e la prima e la seconda volta, li fu tolto. Le cagioni universali della prima si sono discorse: resta ora a dire quelle della seconda, e vedere che remedii lui ci aveva, e quali ci può avere uno che fussi ne’ termini sua, per potersi mantenere meglio nello acquisto che non fece Francia. Dico, per tanto che questi stati, quali acquistandosi si aggiungono a uno stato antiquo di quello che acquista, o sono della medesima provincia e della medesima lingua, o non sono. Quando e’ sieno, è facilità grande a tenerli, massime quando non sieno usi a vivere liberi; et a possederli securamente basta avere spenta la linea del principe che li dominava, perché nelle altre cose, mantenendosi loro le condizioni vecchie e non vi essendo disformità di costumi, li uomini si vivono quietamente; come s’è visto che ha fatto la Borgogna, la Brettagna, la Guascogna e la Normandia, che tanto tempo sono state con Francia; e benché vi sia qualche disformità di lingua, non di manco e’ costumi sono simili, e possonsi fra loro facilmente comportare. E chi le acquista, volendole tenere, debbe avere dua respetti: l’uno, che il sangue del loro principe antiquo si spenga; l’altro, di non alterare né loro legge né loro dazii; talmente che in brevissimo tempo diventa, con loro principato antiquo, tutto uno corpo.

Ma, quando si acquista stati in una provincia disforme di lingua, di costumi e di ordini, qui sono le difficultà; e qui bisogna avere gran fortuna e grande industria a tenerli; et uno de’ maggiori remedii e più vivi sarebbe che la persona di chi acquista vi andassi ad abitare. Questo farebbe più secura e più durabile

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