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The Cambridge Medieval History - Book V: Justinian and the Imperial Restoration in the West
The Cambridge Medieval History - Book V: Justinian and the Imperial Restoration in the West
The Cambridge Medieval History - Book V: Justinian and the Imperial Restoration in the West
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The Cambridge Medieval History - Book V: Justinian and the Imperial Restoration in the West

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ON 9 July 518 the Emperor Anastasius died, leaving nephews only as his heirs. The succession was therefore quite undecided. An obscure intrigue brought the Commander-in-Chief of the Guard, the comes excubitorum Justin, to the throne. This adventurer had found his way to Constantinople from the mountains of his native Illyricum in search of fortune, and now became, at the age of almost seventy years, the founder of a dynasty.
The position of the new prince did not lack difficulties. Ever since 484, when the schism of Acacius embroiled the Eastern Empire with the Papacy, incessant religious and political agitations had shaken the monarchy. Under pretence of defending the orthodox faith, the ambitious Vitalianus had risen against Anastasius several times, and proved a constant menace to the new sovereign, since he had made himself almost independent in his province of Thrace. The Monophysite party, on the other hand, which had been warmly supported by Anastasius, suspected the intentions of Justin, and upheld the family of its former protector against him. Placed between two difficulties, the Emperor found that he could rely neither on the army, whose allegiance was uncertain, nor on the disturbed capital, torn by the struggles of the Greens and. Blues, nor yet on the discontented provinces, ruined as they were by war, and crushed under the weight of the taxes. He saw that nothing short of a new political direction could keep his government from foundering.
The part played by Justin himself in the new order of things was a subordinate one. He was a brave soldier, but almost completely lacking in comprehension of things beyond the battlefield. Quite uncultured, he could hardly read, still less write. Historians tell us that when he became Emperor, and was obliged to sign official documents, a plaque of wood was made for him, with holes cut in it corresponding to the letters of the imperial title. By means of these cracks the sovereign guided his halting hand. Having little acquaintance with the civil administration, ignorant of the intricacies of politics, diplomacy and theology, he would have been quite overwhelmed by his position, had he not had someone behind him, to help and guide him. This was his sister's son, Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus, known to us as Justinian...
LanguageEnglish
Release dateFeb 24, 2016
ISBN9781531230470
The Cambridge Medieval History - Book V: Justinian and the Imperial Restoration in the West

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    The Cambridge Medieval History - Book V - Charles Diehl

    THE CAMBRIDGE MEDIEVAL HISTORY - BOOK V

    Justinian and the Imperial Restoration in the West

    Charles Diehl and H.J. Roby

    PERENNIAL PRESS

    Thank you for reading. If you enjoy this book, please leave a review.

    All rights reserved. Aside from brief quotations for media coverage and reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced or distributed in any form without the author’s permission. Thank you for supporting authors and a diverse, creative culture by purchasing this book and complying with copyright laws.

    Copyright © 2016 by Charles Diehl and H.J. Roby

    Published by Perennial Press

    Interior design by Pronoun

    Edited by J.B. Bury

    Distribution by Pronoun

    ISBN: 9781531230470

    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    JUSTINIAN. THE IMPERIAL RESTORATION IN THE WEST, by Charles Diehl

    JUSTINIAN’S GOVERNMENT IN THE EAST, by Charles Diehl

    ROMAN LAW, by H.J. Roby

    JUSTINIAN. THE IMPERIAL RESTORATION IN THE WEST, BY CHARLES DIEHL

    ~

    ON 9 JULY 518 THE Emperor Anastasius died, leaving nephews only as his heirs. The succession was therefore quite undecided. An obscure intrigue brought the Commander-in-Chief of the Guard, the comes excubitorum Justin, to the throne. This adventurer had found his way to Constantinople from the mountains of his native Illyricum in search of fortune, and now became, at the age of almost seventy years, the founder of a dynasty.

    The position of the new prince did not lack difficulties. Ever since 484, when the schism of Acacius embroiled the Eastern Empire with the Papacy, incessant religious and political agitations had shaken the monarchy. Under pretence of defending the orthodox faith, the ambitious Vitalianus had risen against Anastasius several times, and proved a constant menace to the new sovereign, since he had made himself almost independent in his province of Thrace. The Monophysite party, on the other hand, which had been warmly supported by Anastasius, suspected the intentions of Justin, and upheld the family of its former protector against him. Placed between two difficulties, the Emperor found that he could rely neither on the army, whose allegiance was uncertain, nor on the disturbed capital, torn by the struggles of the Greens and. Blues, nor yet on the discontented provinces, ruined as they were by war, and crushed under the weight of the taxes. He saw that nothing short of a new political direction could keep his government from foundering.

    The part played by Justin himself in the new order of things was a subordinate one. He was a brave soldier, but almost completely lacking in comprehension of things beyond the battlefield. Quite uncultured, he could hardly read, still less write. Historians tell us that when he became Emperor, and was obliged to sign official documents, a plaque of wood was made for him, with holes cut in it corresponding to the letters of the imperial title. By means of these cracks the sovereign guided his halting hand. Having little acquaintance with the civil administration, ignorant of the intricacies of politics, diplomacy and theology, he would have been quite overwhelmed by his position, had he not had someone behind him, to help and guide him. This was his sister’s son, Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus, known to us as Justinian.

    Justinian, as well as his uncle, was born in Macedonia, in the village of Tauresium, near Skopje. He was a peasant of the Latin race, and by no means a Slav as romantic traditions of a much later date affirm. To these traditions a value has long been assigned which they do not possess. Justinian went early to Constantinople by his uncle’s request, and received a thoroughly Roman and Christian education in the schools of the capital. When, through a piece of good luck, Justin became Emperor, his nephew was about thirty-six years old; he was experienced in politics, his character was formed and his intellect matured. He was quite prepared for the position of coadjutor to the new Caesar, and immediately assumed it. The good will of his uncle brought him step by step nearer to the foot of the throne. He became in turn Count, vir illustris, patrician. He was Consul in 521, Commander-in-Chief of the troops which garrisoned the capital (magister equitum et peditum praesentalis), nobilissimus, and finally, in 527, Justin adopted him and associated him in the Empire itself. Under these various titles it was he who really governed in his uncle’s name, while he waited until he should himself ascend the throne (1 August 527). Thus, during nearly half a century, from 518 to 565 Justinian’s will guided the destinies of the Roman Empire in the East.

    Justinian’s Character. 527- 565

    Of all the prominent men who fill the pages of history, few are more difficult to depict and understand than Justinian. Throughout his reign the testimony of contemporaries is abundant and ranges from the extreme of extravagant adulation to that of senseless invective, thus furnishing the most contradictory portrait that exists of any sovereign. From the unmeasured praise of the Book of Edifices, and the often foolish gossip of the Secret History it is by no means easy to arrive at the truth. Besides, it must not be forgotten that Justinian reigned for thirty-eight years, and died at the age of eighty-three; and that as he drew near the end of his reign, already too long, a growing slackness and lack of grip marked his last years. It is hardly fair to judge him by this period of decrepitude, when he almost seems to have outlived himself. However, this man, who left so deep an impress on the world of the sixth century, cannot lightly be passed by; and, after all, it is possible to estimate his character.

    The official portrait is to be found in the mosaic of San Vitale in Ravenna, which dates from 547, though it obviously represents him as somewhat younger than he was. It gives us a good idea of Justinian’s features. As to his moral attributes, contemporaries praise the simplicity of his manners, the friendliness of his address, the self-control which he exercised, specially over his violent temper, and, above all, the love of work which was one of his most characteristic traits, One of his courtiers nicknamed him The Emperor who never sleeps, and in fact, early to rise, and late to retire, the Emperor claimed to know everything, examine everything and decide everything; and brought to this task a great love of order, a real care for good administration and an attention to minute detail which was unceasing. Above everything else, he strove to fill worthily the position of a king.

    Endowed with an autocratic disposition, Justinian was naturally inclined to give his attention to all subjects, and to keep the direction of all affairs under his own control, whether they related to war or diplomacy, administration or theology. His imperial pride, increased by an almost childish vanity, led him to claim complete knowledge in every department. He was jealous of anyone who appeared to be sufficiently great or independent to question his decisions. Those who served him most faithfully were at all times liable to become the object of their master’s suspicion, or of the libels to which he was always ready and glad to listen. During his whole life Justinian envied and distrusted the fame of Belisarius, and constantly permitted and even encouraged intrigues against that loyal general. Under an unyielding appearance, he hid a weak and vacillating soul. His moods were liable to sudden changes, rash passions and unexpected depression. His will was swayed by the decision and energy of those around him, by that of his wife Theodora, who, in the opinion of contemporaries, governed the Empire equally, or to a greater extent than he did, and by that of his minister John of Cappadocia, who dominated the prince for ten years by means of his bold cleverness. Naturally so weak a man changed with changing, circumstances, and might become untrustworthy through deceit at one time, or cruel through fear at another. It followed that, as he was always in need of money—less for himself than for the needs of the State—he was troubled by no scruple as to the means by which he obtained it. Thus, in spite of his undoubted good qualities, his badly-balanced mind, his nature full of contrasts, his weak will, childish vanity, jealous disposition and fussy activity, make up a character of only mediocre quality. But, if his character was mediocre, Justinian’s soul did not lack greatness. This Macedonian peasant, seated on the throne of the Caesars, was the successor and heir of the Roman Emperors. He was, to the world of the sixth century, the living representative of two great ideas, that of the Empire, and that of Christianity. This, position he was determined to fill; and because he filled ii, he was a great sovereign.

    Justinian’s Aims. 527-565

    Few princes have realized the imperial dignity in a more marked degree than this parvenu, or have done more to maintain the ancient Roman traditions. From the day when he first mounted the throne of Constantine, he claimed in its full extent the ancient Roman Empire. Sovereign of a State in which Latin was still the official tongue, and which was still styled the Roman Empire in official documents, Justinian was less a Byzantine than the last of the Roman Emperors. The most essential part of his imperial duty seemed to him to be the restoration of that Roman Empire whose fragments the barbarians had divided, and the recovery of those unwritten but historic rights over the lost West which his predecessors had so carefully maintained. The thought of the insignia of the Empire, symbols of supreme authority, which, since they had been stolen by Gaiseric in the sack of Rome had been held by the barbarians, inflicted an intolerable wound upon his pride, and he felt himself bound, with the help of God, to reconquer the countries possessed by the ancient Romans, to the limits of the two oceans, to quote his own words.

    Justinian considered himself the obvious overlord of the barbarian kings who had established themselves in Roman territory, and thought he could withdraw, if he wished, the delegated imperial authority which they held. This fact was the keystone of the arch of his foreign policy, while at the same time the imperial idea lent inspiration to his domestic government. The Roman Emperor was practically the law incarnate, the most perfect representative of absolute power that the world has known. This was Justinian’s ideal. He was, according to Agathias the historian, the first of the Byzantine Emperors to show himself, by word and deed, the absolute master of the Romans. The State, the law, the religion; all hung on his sovereign will. In consequence of the necessary infallibility attaching to his imperial function, he desired equally to be lawgiver and conqueror, and to unite, as the Roman Emperors had done, the majesty of law to the luster of arms. Anxious to wield the imperial power for the good of the Empire, he wished to be a reformer; and the mass of Novellae promulgated by him attests the trouble that he took to secure good administration. Desirous, furthermore, of surrounding the imperial position with every luxury, and of adorning it with all magnificence, he determined that the trappings of the monarchy should be dignified and splendid. He felt the need of resounding titles and pompous ceremonial, and counted the cost of nothing that might increase the splendor of his capital. St Sophia was the incomparable monument of this imperial pride.

    But since the time of Constantine, the Roman Emperor could not claim to be heir of the Caesars only: he was also the champion of religion, and the supreme head of the Church. Justinian gladly received this part of his inheritance. Of a disposition naturally devout, and even superstitions, he had a taste for religious controversy, a considerable amount of theological knowledge, and a real talent for oratory. He therefore willingly gave his time to the consideration of matters relating to the Church. His decisions were as unhesitating on matters of dogma as on matters of law and reform, and he brought the same intolerant despotism to bear on church government as on everything else. But above all, as Emperor, he believed himself to be the man whom the Lord had specially chosen and prepared for the direction of human affairs, and over whom the divine protection would ever rest throughout his life. He considered himself to be the most faithful of servants to the God who aided him. If he made war, it was not simply in order to collect the lost provinces into the Roman Empire, but also to protect the Catholics from their enemies the Arian heretics, persecutors of souls and bodies. His military undertakings had therefore something of the enthusiasm of a Crusade. Furthermore, one of the chief aims of his diplomacy was to lead the heathen peoples into the Christian fold. Missions were one of the most characteristic features of the Byzantine policy in the sixth century. By their means Justinian flattered himself, according to a contemporary, that he indefinitely increased the extent of the Christian world. Thus the Emperor allied care for religion with every political action. If this pious ardor which consumed the prince had its dangers, in that it quickly led to intolerance and persecution, yet it was not without grandeur; since the progress of civilization always follows evangelization. As champion of God, as protector of the Church, and as ally and dictator to the Papacy, Justinian was the great representative of what has been called Caesaropapism.

    From the day when, under Justin’s name, he originally undertook the government of the Empire, these ideas inspired Justinian’s conduct. His first wish was to come to some agreement with Rome in order to end the schism. The announcement made to Pope Hormisdas, of the accession of the new sovereign, together with the embassy despatched soon afterwards to Italy to request that peace might be restored, made it clear to the pontifical court that they had but to formulate their requests in order to have them granted. The Roman legates proceeded to Constantinople, where because of Justinian’s friendship they received a splendid welcome, and obtained all that they demanded. The Patriarch John with the greater number of Eastern prelates in his train signed the profession of orthodoxy brought by the papal envoys. The names of Acacius and other heretical patriarchs with those of the Emperors Zeno and Anastasius were effaced from the ecclesiastical diptychs. After this the Pope was able to congratulate Justinian upon his zeal for the peace of the Church, and the energy with which he sought to restore it. In consequence of the prince’s attitude, and at the pressing request of the pontifical legates, who remained in the East for eighteen months, the dissentient Monophysites were vigorously persecuted throughout the Empire. In Syria the Patriarch Severus of Antioch was deposed and anathematized by the Synod of Tyre (518), and more than fifty other bishops were soon afterwards chased from their sees. For three years (518-521) the persecution continued. The chief heretical meetings were scattered, the convents closed, the monks reduced to flight, imprisoned or massacred. However, the orthodox reaction lacked strength to attack Egypt, where the exiles found shelter, while the Monophysite agitation was secretly continuing to spread its propaganda in other parts of the East, and even in the capital itself. None the less, Rome had scored a decisive victory, and the new dynasty could celebrate a success which did much to establish it securely.

    Last Years of Theodoric. 518-526

    But it was not only religious zeal that moved Justinian. From this time he fully realized the political importance of an agreement with the Papacy. Without doubt the new government set itself, at any rate at first, to maintain friendly relations with the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy. On 7 January 519 Theodoric’s son-in-law and heir Eutharic became Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and

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