Transfer Society: Economic Expenditures on Transfer Activity
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How much time, money, and other resources do Americans devote to influencing the distribution of wealth? According to David Laband and George McClintock, a conservative estimate of the total amount Americans spend on arranging or preventing forced transfers is more than $2,000 for every man, woman, and child in America. That's not a statement of the amount forcibly redistributed, but of the amount spent in effecting the forcible transfer of resources. And, as the authors show, this is a very conservative estimate of the dead-weight losses associated with the transfer society.
Through an ambitious cataloguing of different categories of expenditures on forced transfers and research into the amounts expended on each one, Laband and McClintock present a more complete picture of the effects of forced transfers than one would get from merely considering the aggregates of federal and state budgets or estimates of the amounts of wealth that change hands through the various forms of "freelance" redistribution, such as insurance fraud, theft, or extortion. After a careful examination of the measurable forms of dead-weight losses, the authors conclude by noting that the numbers they present understate the magnitude of resource expenditure on transfer activity in the United States. Moreover, the authors discuss the important question of why, relative to the huge amounts of wealth transferred by government at all levels, there is so little observable and measurable expenditure on effecting transfers.
This book both poses problems and offers solutions to important issues in economics and political science.
David N. Laband
David N. Laband is professor of forest economics and policy in the School of Forestry and Wildlife Sciences at Auburn University, where he was formerly Head of the Department of Economics.
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Transfer Society - David N. Laband
1. Introduction
‘‘Principles of economics’’ textbooks are terribly incomplete. Virtually all of the analysis pertaining to microeconomics is confined to the behavior of ‘‘consumers’’ and ‘‘producers.’’ To be sure, an understanding of why consumers make the choices they do is vitally important to an understanding of an economy, any economy. So is knowing how production is organized. Nonetheless, there is more to economic activity than producing and consuming goods and services. Specifically, individuals devote enormous amounts of time, money, and other resources to influence the distribution of income and wealth. This activity occurs in every country in the world, including (perhaps especially) the United States, and takes two forms: attempts to appropriate other persons’ wealth, and attempts to prevent other people from appropriating one’s own wealth. Employment of one’s time and resources in pursuit of either activity may be privately rational yet socially costly, by virtue of the implied forgone opportunity to use the resources to create new products and services that are valued.
We attempt to document the magnitude of the resource expenditures associated with involuntary transfers in the United States. In chapter 2 we provide an overview of our analysis. Of particular importance is our discussion of the reason the expenditure of resources to obtain or prevent forced transfers is socially harmful, even though we acknowledge that such activity is privately rational.
In chapter 3 we present the first of two sets of numbers— estimated expenditures to arrange and prevent direct, or private, forced transfers (i.e., transfers that are not arranged through the state). We follow this up in chapter 4 with a discussion of estimated expenditures to arrange and prevent indirect (i.e., state-ordered and enforced) forced transfers. As there is a time lag associated with release of government statistics, the most recent year for which data were fully available at the time we started this project was 1997. We report that in 1997 a conservatively estimated $424 billion was spent by individuals and the state to effect or prevent involuntary direct transfers of wealth and that an additional minimum of $125 billion was spent on efforts to effect or prevent governmentally arranged (indirect) transfers of wealth. With an approximate population of 265 million in 1997, this amounts to an average expenditure of over $2,000 for every man, woman, and child in America.
These numbers reflect only the expenditures that we are able to measure or estimate reasonably accurately. As we discuss in chapter 5, there is no question but that additional expenditures occur each year; we simply are unable to measure or estimate them with any confidence. However, judging from the size of the transfers themselves (substantially more than $3 trillion in direct and indirect transfers were arranged by the federal and state governments in 1997) it would be astounding if there were not considerably more, albeit implicit, noncash investment in seeking and/or preventing forced transfers from occurring. There is every reason to believe that individuals will invest resources to obtain governmentally provided transfers. Moreover, individuals, firms, and groups that stand to lose from such transfers have clear and powerful incentives to invest resources to prevent governmentally arranged forced transfers from harming them.
In theory, such investment by all parties should take place until the expected marginal benefit, in the form of arranged or blocked transfers, exactly equals the marginal cost. But the numbers just reported do not do justice to economic theory. We have just indicated that $3 trillion worth of direct and indirect transfers were arranged through the public sector in 1997, but only $125 billion in recorded expenditures to obtain those transfers. In chapter 5 we discuss why the observed resource expenditures are so small relative to the size of the known and estimated transfers. However, these resource investments are not obvious, and thus are difficult to trace.
We offer concluding comments in chapter 6.
2. Overview of the Problem
The Importance of Greed and Self-Interest
The 1980s are referred to, pejoratively, as the ‘‘decade of greed.’’ Not that the 1980s were different than any other 10-year period in the history of humankind, with respect to the fundamental observation that individuals act in furtherance of their own self-interest. Historically, greed has been both a powerful and a pervasive motivating force. The desire to have what others have (or more than what others have) provides incentive for individuals to engage in genuinely productive economic behavior by inventing products or processes for doing things that contribute to the well-being of others. Thus do the Andrew Carnegies, Sam Waltons, and Bill Gateses of the world become exceedingly rich, while improving and enriching the lives of literally hundreds of millions of people. We concede that certain individuals suffer from the fact that Bill Gates builds a better mousetrap—namely, those who built the poorer mousetraps that his now has displaced. However, he did not intend deliberately to visit suffering upon those producers. Their hurt is a natural consequence of the fact that many millions of consumers were made better off by Gates’s product(s), as compared with theirs.
The desire to have what others have also provides incentive for individuals to engage in economic behavior that is not only unproductive but unquestionably harmful to society. They devote resources to trying to acquire, directly or indirectly, the wealth of their fellow humans. As might be imagined, individuals can be remarkably creative when it comes to devising ways to appropriate someone else’s wealth. We are referring, in its simplest form, to stealing. Stealing is a forced transfer from the victim to the thief. Sometimes the thief comes when no one is at home. On other occasions, the transfer is negotiated at the end of the barrel of a gun. Of much greater import than robbery and burglary, in aggregate monetary impact, are the forced transfers that are arranged in courtrooms and by local zoning boards, regulatory commissions, and legislative bodies at all levels. In every case, the perpetrators expend economic resources to effect the forced transfers. Society is worse off as a result.
The Social Cost of Forced Transfers
We offer a simple example to illustrate both the incentives and the results. Ms. Smith and Mr. Jones are prospective entrepreneurs. Smith invests $10 million worth of her time, energy, expertise, capital, and so forth to build a factory, purchase materials, hire workers, and so on that enable her to produce shoes for sale to consumers. She has sales of $11 million. The difference between revenues and costs, $1 million, represents profits for Smith.