HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF JOHN CHRYSOSTOM Introduction A person and his/her thoughts or an institution is not an isolated entity.

They are formed and developed in particular contexts. An adequate understanding of their background is essential for an objective and substantial evaluation with clarity. It helps the researcher to see the reason and relevance of the particular response generated by the personality or the institution under study. Hence, it is desirable to look into the historical setting of the fourth century that moulded St. John Chrysostom and perpetuated the institution of coenobetic monasticism. John Chrysostom Even though the exact date of birth is not determined, scholars agree that he was born between 344 and 347. He was born in a noble family of Antioch in Syria-Coele. His father Secundus was a high official in the military service (magister militum) in the imperial army of Syria. He died during the early age of John without professing Christianity. His mother Anthusa was a devoted Christian and became a widow in her twenties. She gave John admirable education. He studied rhetoric and philosophy. He carried out his literary training under Libanius and prepared himself in practising law. But he started reflecting on the restlessness and various dubious ways employed by those who devoted their lives to the practice of forensic courts. He became convinced of the unjust practices and hence he resolved to adopt a more tranquil mode of life. He entered into the class of catechumens. After three years of instruction and probation, he was baptised by Bishop Meletius at the age of twenty-three. He studied theology under Diodore of Tarsus, the leader of the Antiochene School. During this time he intended to adopt monastic life. But his mother insisted on him to stay with her in their house till her death. Unable to negate her plea, he remained with he till she lived. After her death, he left his home and took up rigorous ascetic life. Basil was instrumental in calling him to join ascetic life.1 Maximius and Theodore of Mopseustia2 joined him in ascetic life. Ascetic life made Chrysostom very weak in his body. After six years of rigorous ascetic life he returned to Antioch. To him monasticism was a profitable school of spiritual exercise and self-government. He provides us with the bright side of the monastic life. He was an admirer of active and useful monasticism and warned against dangers of idle contemplation. In 373 Arian Emperor Valens though a decree compelled

He himself attests in his treatise on Priesthood. They were his fellow students under Libanius. But Theodore fell in love with a young lady Hermoine and decided to marry her. This gave rise to Johns earliest treatise an exhortation to Theodore in two letters. They combine in them his oratorical art of sad sympathy, tender entreaty, bitter reproach, terrible warning etc. The intention was to persuade his friend from deserting ascetic life. He says to sin is human, but to persist in sin is devilish. Theodore resumed monastic life.
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the monks to discharge their duties to the state through serving in military or civil service. On that Chrysostom wrote three books against the Opponents of Monasticism. He regarded emperors act as a sacrilege and worst kind of persecution. Meletius foresaw in him future greatness. He ordained John as a deacon in 3 381. Not much later Flavian ordained him as a presbyter. He appointed him to devote special attention to preaching ministry. In this he was excellent.4 Because of his eloquence he attained fame throughout the Greek speaking Church. His sermons provide us character of the people and the conditions of the Church and society. He identifies the chief vices prevailing during that time as avarice, longing for luxury, desire for accumulation, sensuality and excessive love of circus and theatre, injustice, exploitation of the poor by rich and powerful etc. In 397, the bishopric of Constantinople became vacant.5 Because of his fame of eloquence and his reputation as a simple person, John was spotted and the emperor ordered that John be taken to the royal city and be consecrated. He was forcibly taken and was consecrated bishop in 398. Once he assumed the office, he started taking it very seriously. In the midst of luxury and comforts, he started reformation. He commenced the cleansing process right from the top. He made enemies through his denunciations of vices and follies among clergy and aristocracy. He introduced strict ascetic habits and reduced luxurious households of his predecessors to strict simplicity. He devoted large portion of income to benevolence, refused invitations to banquets, and gave no dinners. He disciplined vicious clergy and opposed perilous and immoral habit of unmarried priests living under the same roof with spiritual sisters. The combination of honesty, ascetic ideals and tactlessness was evident in his actions and attitudes. He was a strong critic of the systems of inequality and oppression found in the society and their intrusion into the Church. He was a spokesperson of the poor, criticised the affluent of their attitude towards the poor, and rebuked the rich for oppressing the downtrodden in order to accumulate wealth. He was not afraid of the repercussions in exposing his convictions. He vehemently condemned the injustices of empress Eudoxia and even addressed her as Jezebel. For that he had to pay a very heavy price. Jointly with Theophilus, the Patriarch of Alexandria, she drove him to exile. But people besieged the palace and demanded the restoration of their bishop and he was subsequently recalled. He was received with rejoicing. For some time everything seemed to go well. However, following the erection of a silver statue of Eudoxia for public adoration in September 403 before the Church of St. Sophia, John vehemently criticised empress on this. This outraged her, but he was not willing to compromise. Instead, he added fuel to her indignation through his famous discourse on the commemoration day of the martyrdom of John the Baptist, starting, Herodia is again enraged; again she dances; again she

He served under Bishop Flavian of Antioch. Between 386 and 398 he gave a series of Homilies on St. Matthew, John, Romans, Galatians, Ephesians, Timothy and Titus. These established him as the greatest expositor of that time. 5 Following the death of Bishop Nectarius the successor of Gregory of Nazianzen.
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demands the head of john in a basin.6 This accusation was far personal and was reported to Eudoxia. She persuaded Arcadius to remove Chrysostom. The imperial force forcibly removed him from the baptismal ceremony of the catechumens and he was thrown into the prison. Finally on June 5, 404 Arcadius signed the edict of banishment and he was sent on exile to Armenia. He received the banishment calmly and after final prayer in cathedral with some of his faithful bishops left the city. On 14 September 407, he died on a journey to a remote frontier form Armenia on foot. Though the powerful and the elites of his society and the dissidents of the Church persecuted him, the common folks and the future generations all around the world held him in honour. Attributing him with the most appropriate surname Chrysostom applauds this fact. Political Situation Fourth century was a very significant period in the history of Christian Church. It was the transition period in the history of both the Byzantine Empire as well as the Christian Church. In the third century foreign enemies, plagues, economic exhaustion exacerbated by constant changes of regimes as successful generals overthrew their predecessors, the Roman Empire was afflicted with various difficulties7. But the rise of Diocletian and his decentralised and balanced Tetrarchy power stabilised the political power. Tetrarchy included Constantius and Maximian as in the West and Diocletian as and Galerius as in the East. In 305 this set up changed.8 Constantine who spent his younger days in the court of Diocletian as a favourite of the emperor joined Constantius. Following the death of Constantius, Constantine was made emperor9 by the troops.10 He became the ruler of Britain, Gaul and Spain. Maxentius captured Italy and Africa with the support of his father. Following the victory of Constantine over Maxentius in 312 the whole western region came into the hands of Constantine. Constantine entered into an alliance with Licinius, the tetrarch who held power in the Balkan region. He entered into a marital relationship with Licinius by giving his sister Constantia.11 Further in 313 Sozomen, The Ecclesiastical History Comprising a History of the Church for A. D. 324 440 (London: Henry G. Bohn. 1855), 391 7 Stuart G. Hall, Doctrine and Practice in the Early Church. London: SPCK. 1991, p. 112 (Hereafter will be referred DPEC only) 8 Diocletian and Maximian retired, under pressure from Galerius. A new Tetrarchy was formed, with Constantius and Galerius promoted to Augustus, and two new Caesars, Severus and Maximin (surnamed Daza), both Galerius cronies; the sons of Maximian and Coanstantius, that is Maxentius and Constantine were passed over(DPEC, p. 115) 9 Socrates in his Ecclesiastical History Book 1, chapter 2 says about this incident and dates it to 25 July of the two hundred and seventy first Olympiad which corresponds to 305 or 306 A. D. The Ecclesiastical History, A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church Vol. 2. Second Series. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Eds.). Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eedermans. 1957 p. 1 (Here after will only be referred Socrates, EH) 10 In terms of the setting of Tetrarchy this was an act of rebellion. This resulted in the conflict between the other tetrarchs. 11 Socrates. EH, p. 2
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Constantine and Licinius agreed upon providing religious liberty to Christians at Milan. 12 Constantine and Licinius ruled side by side for ten years.13 Then they became opposed to one another. With their enmity Licinius turned against Christians suspecting them of supporting Constantine. In the battle of Chrysopolis Constantine totally defeated Licinius. Constantine thus became possessed of the sole dominion and was accordingly proclaimed sovereign Autocrat 14 With that the Byzantine Empire began to take shape. He once again created a single and centralised Empire in which all territories were subjected to one peaceable sceptre. He consolidated his political power and ruled for thirty-one years before he died at the age of sixty-five in the year 337 A. D.15 Following the death of Constantine the monarchy came to a temporary halt. The empire was divided among his three sons. Constantine II occupied the West, Constans at the centre and Constantius at the East. The accession was more in the pattern of Turkish despotism. It trod upon the corpses of the numerous kindred of their father, excepting two nephews, Gallus and Julian.16 Around 340 contest between the brothers for sole supremacy started. Constantine II attacked his brother Constans and was slain by Constans army17 and the western division of the empire was solely under Constans.18 Magnentius, a field officer, killed Constans in 350. But after the defeat and suicide of Magnentius, Constantius became the sole emperor. Constntius appointed Julian19 as the governor of Gaul. He was an able general and successfully suppressed the troublesome German tribes. This raised his popularity among the army. Constantius with a view to detach Julian from his army, summoned Julian's legions to join his campaign against Persia. Realising the plot, they refused and proclaimed Julian as Augustus. Constantius set out to meet the situation but before the armies met he succumbed to death. Thus Julian became the sole ruler of the Empire. Julians reign was for a short period only. Jovian succeeded him. After a brief reign of eight months he died at the age of thirty-three. Valentinian I succeeded him. He occupied the throne till 375. In the latter half of the century, Theodosius I became the emperor20. John Chrysostom was contemporary to him. After the death of Theodosius I, the empire again fell into two parts. His sons Acadius in the east and Honarius in the west occupied the thrones. After much political intrigue, Acadius married Eudoxia, a pretty Frankish girl, in 395. She imparted considerable impact on the life of John Chrysostom. It was the conflict between Chrysostom and the queen, led to his exile. This is known as the famous Edict of Milan. J. W. C. Wand, A History of the Early Church to A. D. 500. Strand: Methuen & Co. 1953, p. 129 (Hereafter will be referred AHEC only) 14 Socrates. EH, p. 6 15 Socrates. EH, p. 35 16 Philip Schaff. History of the Christian Church Vol. 3. Grand Rapids, Michigan. Wm. B. Eedermans. 1953, p. 38 (Hereafter will only be referred Schaff. HCC 3) 17 Socrates. EH, p. 37 18 Socrates. EH, p. 42 19 Julian was the son of Dalmatius, the half brother of Constantine the Great. 20 He reigned from 379-395
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Religious Policies The first three centuries show continued dislike for Christianity. Two main chronological divisions of persecution could be identified. Initial one lasted for the first two and a half centuries. But the second one commenced roughly around the middle of the third century and ended with the triumph of Constantine. The former one was largely sporadic and local, while the latter one was more vigorous, organised, and patronised by the state. The last of the persecutions of this stormy epoch was by Licinius, who on the division of the Empire between himself and Constantine ruled the East from 313 to his defeat by the latter in 323.21 This could probably be based on suspicion on Christians on complicity with Constantine. This long experience of violent persecution and quite large number of martyrs left a permanent mark on the life of the Church. It led to the exaltation of the passive martyrdom and of the martyrs. Martyrdom got recognised as unparalleled sign of Christian commitment. Decisive turning point of relationship between Church and the empire was the reign of Constantine. With him the situation was greatly changed. Except for a brief period under Julian, Christianity got the support of the government. It became a state religion and eventually the only official cult of the Roman Empire.22 The motive behind Constantines favour for the Church is a matter of debate. Political considerations might have been the uppermost factor. Constantine maintained freedom of conscience. Yet in many areas he emphatically favoured Christianity. But Constantines sons abandoned this relative toleration.23 By the fourth century the idea of neutrality to the Church became totally foreign to the autocracy. Emperors took lively interest in the contemporary problems of the Church. They provided various benefits to Christianity. Properties of those Christians who had been slain or confiscated were transferred to the next of kin and in the case of default of heirs were awarded to the church belonging to that locality. 24 The state also repaired those churches of sufficient magnitude, brilliantly restored some with additional length and breadth. New churches were built in places where there existed no churches. In general, the prosperity of religion kept pace with the increased prosperity of the empire.25 More over, various other privileges were provided for the clergy also.
21 Kenneth, Scott Latuorette. A History of the Expansion of Christianity Vol. 1: The First Five Centuries. Grand Rapids, Michigan. Zondervan. 1970, p. 157. (Hereafter will only be referred AEC only) Eusebius in his book Life of Constantine Book I, Chapters 49-56 gives an account of this. Refer A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of Christian Church Vol. 1. (Second Series) Philip Schaff & Henry Wace (Eds.) Grand Rapids, Michigan. Wm. B. Eedermans. 1961, pp. 496-498 22 AEC, p. 172 23 Constantines sons abandoned this relative toleration, when at the end of 341, after a temporary mildness, sharpened the pressure on the pagans by two laws of 356, which ordered the closing of the temples, forbade all sacrifices, and aimed to punish violations with the death penalty and confiscation of property. (Karl, Baus. et. al. The Imperial Church from Constantine to the Early Middle Ages. Anslem Biggs Trans. London. Burns and Oates. 1980, p. 217) 24 Sozomen. EH, p. 244 and also Eusebius. Life of Constantine, pp. 508-510 25 Sozomen. EH, p. 245

They were exempted from public duty26 and from taxation.27 The emperor raised the Christian episcopate to the status of judge in cases involving private law. 28 Yet the emperors held the key. They enjoyed the right to call synods29 and were unquestioned on that. Fundamentally they were placed over the bishops. Constantine in his address in the Council of Nicaea claims this position as a God given one.30 Various schisms and conflicts in the Church gave the emperors a free hand to exert their power. Emperors not only banished the bishops but also exerted their say in the election to episcopacy.31 Ultimately, the emperors became the stalwarts who decided the management of the church and even the faith of the church. Arian controversy was the major one that rocked the church and the empire of the fourth century. In the context of the controversy, Constantine convened a synod at Nicea. It decreed the faith in homoousion and deposed Arius. Post Nicene developments moved in to the direction of deporting Athanasius, the bishop of Alexandria and the famous proponent of catholic faith. In 356 while he had to flee from the Church of Theonas he took refuge among the monks of Egypt. His biography on Anthony the monk gave much influence for increased concern for monasticism among the people. Orthodoxy spread with the help of monasteries and vigilant propagation by the monks. This is evident when the Arians persecuted the monks. Socrates documents the incident in vivid words.32 Yet fortunes shifted their allegiance with Arian party or the orthodox according to the personal liking of the emperors. A brief period during the reign of Julian saw a reversal of religious policy. He supported paganism.33 During his time many had taken wives from the cluster of the holy virgins, either by force or through guile.34 Jovians accession following the death of Julian shows the reversal of the policies once again. When the troops proposed him to become the emperor, he declined to take up the post saying that he is a Christian. To

Eusebius. HE, pp. 432-433 Coleman, P. R. & Norton. Eds. Roman State & Christian Church Vol. 1. London. SPCK. 1966, pp. 79-81 (Hereafter will only be referred Coleman. RSCC 1) 28 Coleman. RSCC 1, p. 74 29 Socrates. EH, p. 118 30 in addition to all his other benefits, he has granted me a blessing higher than all the rest, in permitting me to see you not only all assembled together, but all united in a common harmony of sentiment. (Eusebius. Life of Constantine the Great. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church Vol. 1. (Second Series) Philip Schaff & Henry Wace (Eds.) Grand Rapids, Michigan. Wm. B. Eedermans. 1961, p. 523. Hereafter will only be referred Eusebius. Life of Constantine) 31 Coleman. RSCC 1, pp. 164-167 (Constantines letters that object the promotion designated for Eusebius from bishop of Caesarea to that of Antioch) 32 The emperor Valens having issued an edict commanding that the orthodox should be persecuted both in Alexandria and in the rest of Egypt Lucian the Arian, attended by the commander-in-chief of the army with a considerable body of troops, immediately proceeded to the monasteries of Egypt, where the general person assailed the assemblage of holy men with greater fury even than the ruthless soldiery. (Socrates. EH, p. 109) 33 Probable reason behind this apostate could be the memories of the killing of his father and others during the accession of the three sons of Constantine. 34 Sozomen. EH, p. 348
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satisfy him the whole troops embraced Christianity.35 Reign of Theodosius I became a supportive one for the Orthodox Party. He enacted that the title Catholic Church should only be applicable to those who confess the Trinitarian faith and all others should be treated as heretics and delivered over to punishment.36 He also ordered that entrances to all temples should be closed. This action forced the pagans to frequent to the Church fearing the penalty of death and confiscation of property.37 Socio-Historical Situation Constantinian period marked tremendous nation building. Consolidation of political dominance and establishment of comparative peace provided general prosperity. Emperor was diligent in rebuilding cities and converting many villages into cities. 38 He erected beautiful and splendid Churches in every place, particularly in metropolises like Nicomedia, Antioch and Byzantium.39 He renamed many to 40 commemorate the names of his dear ones. Previous Tetrarchy had capitals at cities of moderate types41. Constantine determined to have a capital worthy of a great monarchy. He would not go back to Rome; that was too far from the frontiers and the real centre of interest.42 So he gave Byzantium his own name43 and made it the seat of his throne. As a result, Constantinople became the centre of socio-political, cultural and economic activities of the Byzantine Empire. General public life was rooted in chase of pleasure and luxury. This resulted in abounding loose morals. When Chrysostom complains that people immediately after attending the service go after to listen harlots saying shameful things and acting more shameful ones, he resounds this nature of the society.44 1. Constantinople It was a new comer among the great cities of the Christian world. On account of its eminence as the seat of the throne, it soon became great, rich Socrates. EH, p. 91 Sozomen. EH, p. 378 37 Sozomen. EH, p. 391 38 Socrates. EH, p. 22 39 Sozomen. The Ecclesiastical History: Comprising a History of the Church from AD 323 to AD 425, A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church Vol. II. Second Series. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Eds.). Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eedermans. 1957 (Hereafter will only be referred Sozomen. EH) 40 He renamed the city in Palestine as Constantia, his sisters name and Drepanum with his mothers name as Helanopolis. 41 Cities like Nicomedia, Milan, Sirmium, Treves etc. 42 AHEC, p. 130 43 Socrates. EH, p. 76 44 John Chrysostom. Homily 1 on St. John. Fathers of the Church Vol. 33. New York. Fathers of the Church. 1957, pp. 10-11
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and splendid adorned with notable buildings. 45 Trade and commerce swept into the city from all around the world. Its sudden exaltation in status attracted a strong influx of nobles and other pleasure loving people into the newly built capital city. Socio-political, economic and cultural importance coined with the migration of dignitaries made Constantinople the centre of extravagant comforts and elaborate luxury. It became the seat of great palaces, luxurious mansions, elaborate churches and such other constructions. Historian Socrates endorsed this fact. 46 Sozomen also portrays vividly the development of the city. 47 Along with that the council of Constantinople decreed that the cit y should rank next in point of precedence to the bishop of Rome, as occupying the see of New Rome. 48 The city was already enjoying many privileges like, having a senate of its own, its own magistrate, law and immunities in equal degree to that of Rome and division of its citizens into ranks etc. 49 This pomp and luxury in the city came under the sharp criticism of John Chrysostom in his discussions on the epistle to Philippians. 50 From the commencement onwards, Constantinople became splendidly rich because of trade. Commerce flourished there from all parts of the world. In common with all the societies with established structures of that time, wealth and power got accumulated in the hands of a chosen few. Emperors lavishly distributed wealth in money and gold to their favourites. As Sozomen in the passage cited above pointed out, the common people were exploited and even looted to satisfy this end. Such exploitation came under sharp criticism from John Chrysostom. The conflict between Chrysostom and Empress Eudoxia is a classic example for that. The climax came when Chrysostom openly called Eudoxia a Jezebel who had robbed poor people of their lands as Ahab had robbed Naboth. Stephen Neill. Chrysostom and his message. London. Lutterworth. 1962, p. 9 [A]fter the public celebration of his Vicenalia (i.e. the completion of the twentieth year of his reign), he immediately devoted himself to the reparation of the churches. This carried into effect in other cities as well as in the city named after him, which being previously called Byzantium, he enlarged, surrounded with massive walls and adorned with various edifies; and having rendered it equal to imperial Rome, he named it Constantinople, establishing by law it should be designated New Rome. (Socrates, Ecclesiastical History: A Survey of the Church in Seven Books. London. Samuel Bagster & Sons. 1844, p. 62) 47 [E]rected magnificent dwelling houses southward through the regions. Since he was aware that the former population insufficient for so great a city, he peopled it with men of rank and their households, whom he summoned hither from the elder Rome and from other countries. He imposed taxes to cover the expenses of building and adorning the city, and of supplying its inhabitants with food, and providing the city with all the other requisites. He adorned it sumptuously with a hippodrome, fountains, porticoes, and other structures. (Sozomen. EH, p. 260) 48 Sozomen. EH, p. 381 49 Sozomen. EH, p. 381 50 Again, how is it when we erect splendid and spacious mansions, decorated with columns, marbles, porticoes, arcades and in every possible way, setting images and statues every where? Many indeed even call demons out of these, but let us omit the examination of those points. What too is the meaning of the gilded ceiling? Does it not supply the same need as to him, whose is on a moderate scale. (John Chrysostom. Homily 10 on Philippians, A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church. Translated by Members of the English Church. Oxford. John Henry Parker. 1843, p. 123)
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Chrysostom raised this accusation after Eudoxia unjustly deprived a poor widow of a piece of land. This incident in general portrays the condition of the city. The richness and splendour also took various other forms of expression. Erecting of statues formed one among them. It became a very common phenomenon. Historian Sozomen presents an ideal example of the implanting of a statue. 51 In the midst of splendid luxury Constantinople also represented abject poverty. People infected with hunger and wrapped in rags moved around the city looking for shelter under the huge columns and porticoes of great baths and other public places. Slaves, labourers and other workers brought to build the city were left neglected. The powerful and the wealthy further exploited the destitute masses. The gulf between the rich and the poor became obvious all around. In this city of appalling poverty on the one hand and grandiose luxury on the other, quite naturally, moral degradation, in all its starkness, stared at ones face.52 2. Antioch The general conditions of Antioch53, the second city of the Empire made no difference. Antioch had all ideal conditions for the flourishing of art and culture. It was the second residential city of the Roman Empire for a long time. As a result, building activities and commerce flourished in and around Antioch. Elaborate and highly beautified palaces adorned the city. Splendid mansions, great bathes, spectacular theatres and other places of amusement mushroomed all around the city. Thus Antioch sparkled with royal splendour and brilliance. Free trade flourished in the city. Hence it developed a very strong economic network. But as we have discussed in the case of Constantinople, all these factors contributed to making the city a centre of luxury. Large influx of money coined with the abundant centres of pleasure escalated crime. At the same time it had a negative impact on morality. Chrysostom was exposed to this pageant of wealth and power coupled with crime and loose morality that paraded itself before his eyes.54 It forced him to evaluate and react to that situation from an ethical perspective. Similar to that of Constantinople, Antioch also reflected the wide gap between the rich and the poor. While one section of the populace was enjoying the resources and were lavishly immersed in exuberant luxury, the other section was literally starving and fighting for survival. Antioch had a number of wealthy families including many Christian ones. They possessed posh houses with guild roof and owned large number of servants [T]he silver statue of the empress, which is still to be seen to the south of the church opposite the grand council-chamber, was placed upon a column of porphyry on a high platform, and the event was celebrated there with applause and popular spectacles of dances and mimes, as was then customary on the erection of the statues of the emperors. (Sozomen. EH, p. 412) 52 Sunni E. Mathew, Christian Response to Wealth in the Teachings of John Chrysostom and its Contemporary Relevance Thesis Unpublished. Bangalore. The United Theological College. 1991, p. 12 53 John Chrysostom was born and brought up here. 54 Chrysostomis Baur. John Chrysostom and His Time Vol. 1. London. Sands & Co. 1959, p. 36
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and slaves. Many of them had vast estates and huge palaces. Their houses were beautified with various decorative works. They used expensive materials quite luxuriously for furnishing. Thus they utilised ivory, gold, silver etc to make beds and chairs. Their spouses used expensive silk costumes, high fragrant perfumes and ornaments made from pearls, jewels and gold. Men also made themselves up with jewels and gold ornaments. Quite often these families hosted exclusive banquets. At the same time the city exhibited poor people lying in the open ground on rough surfaces without any materials to protect them from scorching sun or from severe cold. Since they did not have a place of their own, they tried to shelter themselves under the columnades of the public bathes or temples. There they stiffed with cold and were tortured by hunger. This sharp contrast between the haves and the havenots naturally ignited anger in Chrysostom.55 In general these metropolises reflected luxury and amusement side by side with utter poverty. All most all other cities of the empire also exhibited identical situations, though they did not correspond to the same level as that of these primary metropolises. Chrysostom in his discourses continually reprehended the existing social disparity common in the empire. This is well evident in his homily 11on 1 Corinthians.56 One could easily observe the same resentment and anger echoing in discussions on various other occasions also. This context of extreme disparity between the wealthy and the totally dispossessed exerted tremendous influence on the development of the character of Chrysostom and made him a vigorous critique of the social system.

Donald Attwatter identifies the influence exerted by this miserable situation on Chrysostom as, [I]n the wealthy city of Antioch there were many who were destitute, needy, poverty-stricken, or with no security of a bare sufficiency of food, clothes and shelter. Wealthy city that was what excited Chrysostoms indignation: this unholy poverty was not due to circumstances uncontrollable by men but to human selfishness and sin, primarily to the rapacity of many of the rich, who had it in their power to remedy the distress. Chrysostom was as much an attacker of the rich as defender of the poor not as a doctrinaire demagogue but as a Christian teacher outraged at so much injustice and uncharity.Donald Attwater. St. John Chrysostom: Pastor and Preacher. London. Harvill Press. 1959, p.63 56 For how is he to sleep after all, with pangs of the belly, restless famine besetting him, and that often while it is freezing, and the rain coming down on him? And while thou, having washed, returnest home from the bath, in a glow with soft raiment, merry of heart and rejoicing, and hastening unto a banquet prepared and costly: he, driven every whe re about the market place by cold and hunger, takes his round, stooping low and stretching out his hands; nor hath he even spirit without trembling to make his suit for his necessary food, to one so full fed, and so bent on taking his ease; nay, often he has to retire with insult. When therefore thou hast returned home, when thou liest down on thy couch, when the lights round thine house shine bright, when the table is prepared and plentiful, at that time call to remembrance that poor miserable man wandering about, like the dogs in the alleys, in darkness and in mire; except indeed when, as is often the case, he has to depart thence, not unto house, nor wife, nor bed, but unto a pallet of straw; even as we see the dogs baying all through the night. (John Chrysostom, Homily 11 on 1 Corinthians, A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church. Translated by Members of the English Church. Oxford. John Henry Parker. 1842, pp. 144 -145)
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State of Christianity Fourth century also presents a radical change in the outlook of the Church and its position in the society. Till the Constantine period Christianity was considered as religia illicita. Following the edict of Milan Church got transformed from the state of an illegal and oppressed mass-movement to a legally patronised imperial religion. Church not only got the usual rights of a legal corporation but also certain peculiar privileges. She acquired these rights and privileges through special laws or tacit concessions of the emperors.57 Historical developments elevated the status of Christianity. It became very honoured in the society. Most often the reason behind such actions were not religious conviction but political or social compulsion. Sozomens account of the accession of Jovian to the throne is a pointer to this aspect.58 Socrates also provides the example of Ecebolis, a sophist for the sake of acquiring benefits for his self by pleasing the emperors changed his religion according to that of the emperors convictions. 59 In general as Christianity acquired social acceptance and imperial favour, it became fashionable to choose Christianity and much less a matter of conviction. Ecclesiastical Context In the early period of persecution Church triumphed. As Philip Schaff says, victory won by the Church was ethical rather than intellectual.60 But the favoured condition and the influx of pleasure loving and opportunists into the Church resulted in the lowering of ethical quality of the Church. It came to be placed on a par with the society and its values. Chrysostom voices his concern over this inculturation as we read in Homily 64 on St. John.61 By the closing decades of the fourth century the Church came under the total Schaff. HCC 3, p. 95 When the army was about to proclaim him emperor, he announced himself to be a Christian and refused the sovereignty, nor would he receive the symbols of empire; but when the soldiers discovered the cause of his refusal, they loudly proclaimed that they were themselves Christians. (Sozomen. EH, p. 347) 59 Socrates. EH, p. 85 60 Philip Schaff. Introduction. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Vol. 10. New York. The Christian Literature Company. 1888, p. xviii 61 As I have said, envy is a terrible thing and reeks with pretense. It has filled the world with innumerable evils. Because of this disease the law courts are thronged with cases. From it comes vainglory and avarice. From it comes ambition and pride. Because of it, the roads are beset by brutal robbers, and the sea is infested with pirates. Inspired by it, murders are committed throughout the world. By its influence our race is torn apart. Whatever you see that is evil you will find comes from this. It has penetrated even the Church. From the start it has brought about terrible results without number. It has been a mother to avarice, a plague which has turned things upside down and has corrupted justice. Avarice makes us slaves instead of free men; we talk about it every day, yet accomplish no good. We become worse than wild beasts; we rob orphans; we fleece widows; we are unjust to the poor; we pile up woe upon woe. (John Chrysostom. Commentary on Saint John the Apostle and Evangelist, Homilies 48-88. Translated by Sister Thomas Aquinas Goggin. Fathers of the Church Vol. 41. New York. Fathers of the Church. 1960, pp. 203-204)
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patronage of the imperial throne. Rulers themselves erected massive church buildings in a very posh manner.62 They honoured the bishops and super added donations of monies.63 In fact church glorified itself in worldly splendour accepting from aristocracy as well as rich and powerful gold and silver cups and other articles of luxury. Chrysostom constantly and vehemently attacked this practice. He called forth the church to flee from that gulf offering for the Table a gold and jewelled cup after stripping widows and orphans.64 He further complains that in spite of the repeated exhortations and request, they still continue to exist and get worst. It is indicative of the degree to which opulence had permeated the life of the Church. Even though the underlying intention behind the attitude of Constantine towards the Church is a matter of dispute, the subsequent development suggests that the Church came under the directorship of the imperial power.65 Schisms and other theological controversies that rocked the Church gave ample room for the emperors to exert their authority.66 As in the case of any institutionalised religion, the Church also incorporated into itself the systems and patterns of the fourth century society. Reactions in and through monasticism as well as thoughts and activities of John Chrysostom have to be understood against this context of profligacy and wealth of the Church. Office of the Priest Monetary benefits67 along with immunity to taxation and participation in public duties provided for clergy tempted many wealthy and pleasure-loving people to opt clerical office. Enacting of laws prohibiting rich plebeians and bankers into clericate68 suggests gravity of their intrusion into the Church. The favourable conditions bestowed upon the Church and its clergy in a way were instrumental of the moral and spiritual degeneration of the office of the priesthood. Many abused their position as clergy and bishop for the sake of pleasure and wealth.69 Many of them misused churchs money in Socrates. EH, p. 21 Eusebius. EH, p. 405 64 John Chrysostom. Homily 50 on St. Matthew. A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church. Translated by Members of the Holy Catholic Church. Oxford. John Henry Parker. 1843, p. 684 65 Socrates observes the following, We have continually included the emperors in these historical details; because from the time they began to profess the Christian religion, the affairs of the Church have depended on them, so that even the greatest Synods have been, and still are convened by their appointment. (Socrates. EH, p. 118) 66 Socrates. EH, Book 1, chapters 23-35, (pp. 26-36) provides enough evidences for the emperors exerting weight in matters pertaining to the Church that even leads to the convening of synods, expulsion of bishops etc. 67 A sufficient portion of the taxes raised upon every city was utilised for the support of the clergy everywhere. Sozomen. EH, p. 329 68 Valentinian I and Valens instituted these edicts. Coleman. RCC 1, pp. 304 & 306 69 Sozomen writes about this situation in the Church when John assumed bishopric of Constantinople. John having been informed that the churches in Asia and the neighbourhood were governed by unworthy persons, and that they bartered the priesthood for incomes and gifts received, or bestowed that dignity as a matter of private favor, repaired to Ephesus and
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order to meet their personal benefits and merriment. Allegations were even raised of utilising their spiritual sisters for their bodily pleasure. This in other words points to the declination of the office of priesthood as well as the order of holy virgins. Love of praise, desire for honour and the thirst for money was prevalent among the clergy. As a result they resorted to preaching only that pleases the audience and employed greater degree of flattery. They ignored the plight of the poor and closed their eyes to the injustices committed by the rich. Chrysostom very rightly observes these in his writing on Priesthood.70 These condemnations do not apply indiscriminately and universally. Exceptions abound. But a very large section compromised with worldly standards in order to enjoy luxurious life. Able preachers used to visit various congregations and entertain them with their eloquence. They were paid rich tributes. This resulted in some wanting to visit only those particular congregations that paid them the most. In this process they even neglected canonical injunctions and violated another bishops jurisdiction. Since their intentions were to amass money and other valuable objects they preached those sermons that pleased the rich.71 In general the clerical office saw a leniency towards luxury and wealth. This resulted in compromising with the rich at the expense of neglecting the poor. Chrysostom vehemently attacked this seeking of pleasure at the cost of spiritual cause.72 In a way he was pointing out that the clergy lost their ethical fervour. They were far removed from the ideal. In fact the distinction between the society and the Church as well as the demarcation between the clergy and the pagan became less noticeable. deposed thirteen bishops of Lycia, Phrygia and others in Asia itself, and appointed others in their stead. (Sozomen. EH, p. 403) 70 Anger, despondency, envy, contention, calumnies, accusations, lies, hypocrisy, intrigue, despising those who have in no way injured us, taking pleasure in the faults of our companions in the ministry, sorrow at their good fortune, love of praise, desire of honour (which more than anything else derives the human soul to destruction), preaching only what men wish to hear, servile adulation, ignoble flattery, contempt of the poor, favours not without danger either to those who give or to those who receive them, servile fear befitting only the meanest slaves, the cessation of being able to speak ones mind, the appearance of great humility without reality, suppression of the ability to reprove and admonish, or more accurately, untempered severity toward the poor while not daring to open ones mouth against the rich. (John Chrysostom. The Priesthood. Translated by W.A.Jurgens. New York. Macmillan. 1955, pp. 37-38) 71 Sozomen makes a record of this: It appears that Antiochus was the first to visit Constantinople; he gained great applause by his discourses, amassed some property, and then returned to his own city. Severian followed his example, and went to Constantinople. He was in honour, and became well-known to many of those in power, and to the emperor and empress. Severian, however, thought only of gratifying his auditors, and of pleasing the people by his discourses. (Sozomen. EH, p. 405) The same idea is highlighted in Socrates. EH, p. 146 72 He voiced: Does he proudly clear his way through the forum with a troop of followers? Is he borne along on horseback? Does he build houses, having where to dwell? If he acts so, I too accuse him, and spare him not, but declare that he is unworthy of the priesthood. For how can he exhort others not to spend all their time on these superfluities, who cannot advise himself? (John Chrysostom. Homily 9 on Philippians, A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church. Translated by Members of the English Church. Oxford. John Henry Parker. 1843, p. 110) 13

Monasticism The latter half of the third century saw the emergence of Christian monasticism. It exerted tremendous influence on the Church of the time and later period also. It developed as a reaction against the vast scale of luxurious and corrupt style of living, which became the normal life pattern of the Church. By the middle of the fourth century monastic movement in the form of community (coenobetic) became highly influential. Gonzalez observes: How was one to be a true Christian in such circumstances? When the church joins the powers of the world, when luxury and ostentation take hold of Christian altars, when the whole society is intent on turning the narrow path into a wide avenue, how is one to resist the enormous temptations of the times? How is one to witness to the Crucified Lord, to the One who had nowhere to lay his head, at a time when many leaders of the church live in costly homes, and when the ultimate witness of martyrdom is no longer possible? Many found answer in the monastic life73 They chose a very simple way of life rooted in voluntary poverty and egalitarian way of distribution. For these monasteries negating worldly way of life did not represent abandoning responsibilities for the world. It was not total self-exclusion. Instead there were conscious efforts on their part to engage themselves constructively in the society. Chrysostom presents evidence for this creative involvement. 74 Monasticism created considerable on the society and the Church. It is in the context of affluence, luxury and loose morals and the emergence and development of the counter-culture in and through monasticism John Chrysostom and his emphasis on voluntary poverty as well as his attack on the wealthy have to be understood. Summary Fourth century was the transition period in the life of Christian Church. Political conflict for supremacy within Roman Tetrarchy was instrumental in the transformation of Christianity from religia illicita to a patronised religion. Constantine acknowledged Christianity more from political compulsion rather than religious convictions, for Christians had become a strong section in the society. In order to consolidate his stand
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Justo L. Gonzalez. The Story of Christianity Vol.1. San Francisco. Harper and Row. 1984, pp. 136-

Our city was in danger of being entirely swept away; and no man among the rich, or eminent, or illustrious, dared to appear in public, but all fled, and got out of the way. But they who feared God, the men who passed their time in monasteries, hastened down with much boldness, and set all free from this terror; and the terrible events that had taken place, and the threats which had been expected to be put into execution, were so far from causing them to fear, or from throwing them into anxiety, that when they were place far off from the calamity, and had no share in it, they cast themselves willingly into the midst of the fire, and rescued all (John Chrysostom. Homily 18 on Statues. A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church. Translated by Members of the English Church. Oxford. John Henry Parker. 1842, p. 304) 14

Constantine bestowed upon the Church various liberties and honours. This became a turning point in the relation between Church and empire. Emperors took active interest in the life of the Church. They awarded many benefits to the Church and confiscated properties were restored. Churches of sufficient magnitudes and brilliance were built. Clergy were awarded various rights and were exempted from public duties and taxation. Emperor also raised episcopate to the status of judge. In spite of all the privileges provided, emperors were place fundamentally over the bishops and they exerted tremendous pressure in the running of the Church. Allegiance of the emperor became the norm of the religion of the populace. As a result, life of the Church got degraded. The value system of the society and the general practices of the Church came in par with each other. Principal cities marked tremendous building activities and affluence. Life rooted in pleasure and luxury abounded on one side while abject poverty and misery created havoc on the other. The favoured conditions of the Church resulted in the influx of the pleasure loving and opportunist lot into the Church. Even the office of the clergy became infected with such people. Many opted to become priests in order to guard their wealth from taxation. In general fourth century situation reflected both in the society and in the Church the dichotomy of accumulated wealth and its associated extravagance on one side and poverty and its miseries on the other side. But it also saw the emergence of reactions countering this unethical situation of disparity. Monastic movement and vehement criticism on accumulation and genuine call for sharing by Fathers of the Church are the best examples of the emerging counter-culture.

Rev. Sunni E. Mathew Mar Thoma Syrian Theological Seminary Kottayam

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