Historical prospective: Aid causes corruption in Somalia JOE PENNEY July 29 2011 Karnons Blog Food aid diversion

http://www.karnon.org/wordpress/?cat=21///AP

Since the early 1980s, food aid, defined by USAID as edible commodities donated to needy populations, became the most traded commodity in the country as little oversight created favorable conditions for widespread theft of foodstuffs and their sale in the black market. Irrigation and farmtraining projects funded by USAID destroyed the Somali nomadic way of life and their traditional coping strategies for drought, leaving them more vulnerable to famine and, in turn, more dependent on food aid to survive. The indigenous (albeit product of colonialism) agricultural economy was replaced by a food-aid based financial system that produced increasing demand for it. It became a political tool as those in power kept certain groups in refugees camps to control the allocation of food directed at the camps. By 1981, Western media sources put Ogaden war refugee figures at more than one million._ A USAID food aid inspector at the time, Michael Maren writes that guerilla warfare following the official end of the war led journalists and Somali officials to conclude that there were around 1.5 million Ogaden refugees in camps near Hargeisa. But the problem was that the million and a half refugees who were supposedly in Somalia didnt exist. The Somali government liked to say 1.5 million. Journalists liked to say 1.5 millionI saw official reports from UNHCR and USAID that put the number at less than 400,000. The camps were filled mostly with women and children and old men._ A New York Times article from 1980 corroborated this, saying that males older than 15 account for only 9 percent of the population of the refugee camps, which have become havens for the families of guerillas. Most Ogaden males over fifteen were not in refugee camps, but those who were had an important taskto divert food aid and ensure the cooperation of camp residents. Most agree that the National Refugee Commission (NRC) and established clan and rebel networks within the camps stole or redirected more than half the food aid sent at the time (see Maren, NY Times). While much of the food aid fell into the hands of private businessmen who sold it in the market, a good portion of the stolen food profits supported the ongoing guerilla war against Ethiopia by funding arms for the Western Somali Liberation Front. This, in turn, created more refugees, which supported the ever-increasing influx of food aid. As Lewis also noted, the male population of the camps provided a captive reserve source of manpower for illegal recruitment into Somalias armed forces. Some figures put theft of refugee aid funds at 80 percent, of which, most went to the Somali army. Yet the theft of food aid was not limited to Barres political endeavors. Food aid became Somalias most valuable commodity, knocking home-grown sorghum, wheat and rice off the map in favor of American substitutes. Ordinary Somalis began looking to food aid for a way out of poverty, and many succeeded. Maren tells the story of Abdi Ahmed Yusuf, who, as an elder living in the Ogaden refugee camps in Beledweyne in the early 1980s, got rich from food aid: I was buying food from refugees at a good price and selling it in Jalalaqsi town and returning with food, fuel, and watches that I would sell back to refugees. Soon I was bringing food to Mogadishu directly and making a lot of money. Then I married CARE wife. I was happy._ Yusuf was earning enough money from the sale of food aid in neighboring towns that he was able to marry another wife, whom he referred to using the name of the NGO responsible for food rationing in Beledweyne: CARE International. Somalis have not stopped looting food aid since the imports began after the 1975 drought, and yet Western development agencies have not slowed the pace of shipments in more than twenty years. In that time span, countless articles have been written about the theft of food aidmost with the same general storyline:

Somali warlords, armed through various nefarious acts, steal shipments of food aid destined for Somalias most needy, who will starve if they do not get their rations. Humanitarian agencies, who just want to see that the food reaches the hungry, are caught in the crossfire of vicious Somali clan politics that dominate the lawless society. But despite widespread knowledge that less than half of food aid imported to Somalia is delivered to those who need it most, Western relief agencies kept pouring in the food. This common account of how food aid ends up in the market is misleading because it places the blame almost entirely on Somalis, despite the minimal control they have over the operational capacity of major international NGOs.

Fact: USA Aid fails in Somali JOE PENNEY July 29 2011 Karnons Blog USAID failure http://www.karnon.org/wordpress/?cat=21///AP

USAIDs failure to achieve anything more than a more money/more food aid, short term solution, comes to light when we look again at its Refugee self-reliance program final report of 1985: An implicit assumption untested in this design is that the refugees want to farm or engage in business even if it means losing their rations. In none of the sub-projects have the refugees given up any rations due to their involvement in the Project. Therefore, it is, strictly speaking, impossible to say that they would engage in the activities or sub-projects if it meant losing their rations. At the time of implementation it was impractical to reduce the rations or stop them. (Report 2 p 13). Despite the programs stated objective of reducing refugee dependency on aid programs, no effort was made to cut daily food ration consumption. Refugees remained reliant on food aid throughout the course of the fiveyear program, fundamentally undercutting their agency to provide for themselves. Although this report is from 1985, USAIDs strategy in Somalia has hardly changed from the incredibly simplistic analysis that might as well be its ethospeople are starving, so well send them food. Food aid so clearly destroyed the economy that today even al-Shabab, the Islamist rebel group who have been called more vicious and extreme than the Taliban, has recognized its caustic powers. The Islamic Courts Union splinter group wrote in a statement released in November 2009 to the World Food Programme that the bringing of immense quantities of free food rations, and specifically during the harvest season, has been devastating to the agriculture industry in Somalia. It has been decided that the WFP must immediately refrain from bringing food rations from outside of Somalia and rather purchase food from Somali farmers, and then that food will be distributed to the needy in Somalia._ This statement reveals the pragmatism of terrorist group Al-Shabab, who recognizes that the key to building a successful state relies on a strong, self-sufficient agricultural sector. By promoting domestic agricultural production, al-Shabab is pitching its nation-building capacities against the futile Western-backed government to a people desperate for stability. Today, Al-Shabab is mocked and criticized for prohibiting the distribution of Western food aid in areas it controls. But it would appear that all parties, except the USAID and the UN, have recognized that excessive food aid, a gesture that harms more than helps despite its humanitarian faade, is detrimental to Somalias reconstruction. The Wests crocodile tears for Somalia, a country it has helped destroy, should be revealed for what they are. If the West wants to make a long-term positive impact in the region it should abandon the corrupt, failed Transitional

Federal Government (TFG) and work with the government of Somaliland, an autonomous territory that has flourished without the help of Western aid.

Yemen misuses US Aid for its own profit Judicial Watch Blog's blog 01 June 2011 Yemen Rents Out U.S. Military Aid For Profit http://www.judicialwatch.org/blog/2011/jan/yemen-rents-out-u-s-military-aidprofit///AP

While millions in U.S. military aid continue pouring into Yemen, the Middle Eastern haven for Islamic militants profits from Uncle Sams generosity by renting out servicemen and patrol boats to lucrative operations that provide security for commercial ships. As part of a regional counter terrorism effort, the Obama Administration has deluged Yemen with hundreds of millions of dollars in military aid in the last few years. In 2009 the U.S. gave Yemen $67 million and last year the figure more than doubled to $155 million. The money is supposed to help the impoverished countrys army fight Al Qaeda by providing essential equipment like helicopters, ground vehicles, night-vision goggles and transport aircraft. After all, the tribal nation on the edge of Saudi Arabia is a renowned terrorist training camp and home to an Al Qaeda offshoot that claimed responsibility for the attempted bombing of a U.S. airliner last Christmas. Its also the home of a radical Muslim cleric who inspired the Ft. Hood massacre in Texas and the Times Square bombing attempt in New York. It turns out that some of the military equipment furnished by the U.S. to protect Yemens coastline against terrorists is being exploited by the countrys Coast Guard to support a private and quite profitable security business, according to a major newspaper report published this week. The operations, protecting commercial ships from pirates, involve high-ranking officials in Yemens Ministry of Interior as well as its Coast Guard Authority. A U.S. defense official quoted in the story says that agreements to provide the ships to the Yemeni Coast Guard include provisions stipulating that vessels donated by Washington wont be used in private commercial missions. The official specifically said that the U.S.-provided ships arent intended to perform the sort of for-profit escort operations that they are being used in. The U.S. government has given 24 vessels to Yemens coast guard since 2003 and two large coastal protection boats are scheduled for delivery this year, according to the news report. Commercial ship companies pay $55,000 to have the heavily armored patrol vessels escort cargo with a team of up to nine armed guards. No official comment from the Obama Administration which has proposed increasing military aid to Yemen to $250 million in 2011, a move that would require congressional approval.

US delivers disaster not aid Phil Bartle 2011 June 01 {PhD} THE REAL PROBLEM WITH AID HOW DO WE DELIVER AID? http://www.scn.org/cmp/modules/aid-rea.htm///AP
In terms of amount of money, most aid is delivered bilaterally or multilaterally from governments in wealthy countries. A much smaller proportion of aid comes through NGOs, and many of those

contribute to genuine poverty reduction and sustainable development, and this critique would not apply to them. The major methodology is the Charity Model or "Charity Mode." This is an appropriate method for an emergency response to natural and man made disaster: civil war, war, earthquake, tsunami, volcanic eruption, major oil spill. Response should be rapid and aimed at reducing deaths and illness. Where the charity mode is appropriate, this critique would not apply. The problem is that we have been using the charity mode to deliver development aid to end poverty and increase better government, economy and confidence. Doing that, we increase the problems rather than decrease them. Aid agencies, bilateral and multilateral, are obligated to spend money. Host country officials know this and have taken advantage of it for half a century. Aid agencies in each host country compete with one another, and are encouraged to hide misspending and diversion of resources to private pockets. Revealing them reveals their failures.

US is so generous in delivering aid to Ben Ail Pierre Tristam January 14 2011 Tunisia's and Ben Ali's Corruptions: The Wikileaks Revelations http://middleeast.about.com/b/2011/01/14/tunisias-and-ben-aliscorruptions-the-wikileaks-revelations.htm///AP

If, as most of us, you happen not to be in Tunisia, there's always the Wikileaks cable that unraveled it all: the corruption, the arrogance, the yachts, the shamelessness--of Ben Ali himself, and of course of his family, who has been benefiting from all the riches of his repression. That's the cable that's lifted the veil for so many Tunisians who, until then, could at least pretend that maybe, just maybe, things weren't as bad as the rumors. They are. The author of the cable has a wry sense of humor. The cable falls under the name of Robert Godec, Robert F. Godec, currently the Principal Deputy Coordinator for Counterterrorism in the Department of State, and from 2006 to 2009 the U.S. Ambassador to Tunisia. He headlines his paragraphs with such things as "The Sky's the Limit," "All in the Family," "Yacht Wanted," "Show Me Your Money," "Mob Rule?" and so on, which gives you a quick idea of what Tunisia has been like. The cable, incidentally, was marked secret, not to be declassified until 2018. So let's not have illusions about it, either: the United States, which has had uninterrupted relations with Tunisia since 1797 (going back to its settlement with Tunisian pirates over the Barbary Wars) is complicit with Ben Ali, not really critical of him. Tunisia in 2008 was the recipient of $8.3 million in U.S. military aid and a few more millions in economic aid, though Tunisia supported neither the 1991 Gulf War nor the 2003 invasion of Iraq (to Ben Ali's credit, incidentally). Some excerps from the cable: "According to Transparency International's annual survey and Embassy contacts' observations, corruption in Tunisia is getting worse. Whether it's cash, services, land, property, or yes, even your yacht, President Ben Ali's family is rumored to covet it and reportedly gets what it wants."

Aid Corruption at a Glance in Yemen

Jane Novak July 27 2009 Aid Wont Fix the Crisis in Yemen http://janenovak.wordpress.com/2009/07/27/aid-wont-fix-crisis-in-yemen/ ///AP

On July 17, Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh celebrated the 31st anniversary of his ascension to power. The Sanaa regime, perverted by corruption, is largely unable to provide public services, including water, electricity, security, medical care and education. A third of Yemenis7 million peopleare malnourished. Police and military units act as enforcers for corrupt officials. The judiciary dispenses political retribution. Torture in Yemeni jails is systemic and brutal. On his anniversary, Saleh published an essay calling for dialog and tolerance. The same week, 18 protesters were killed by police, a journalist sentenced to jail and an opposition party prevented from holding its conference. A four-year rebellion in the north and a two-year uprising in the south threaten to engulf the nation in violence. Known al Qaeda operatives roam the capital freely, and teenage suicide bombers routinely target elderly tourists. Yemens donors believe stabilizing President Salehs regime will thwart the devolution of Yemen into a failed state and an al Qaeda safe haven. U.S. aid proposed for 2010 is at the highest levels in years. The Department of Defense allocated $66 million in military aid, mostly for patrol boats and armored pick-ups. Congress Foreign Operation Appropriation bill includes an additional $15 million in military aid and $40 million in development and economic aid. Other humanitarian aid is channeled through USAID. However, increased funding to Yemen is a questionable strategy that may escalate instability. Yemen already receives more aid than it can effectively absorb. Donors pledged $4.6 billion in 2006. Yemen declared renewed commitment to urgent reforms. Years later, the state is still drawing up implementation plans for much of the funds. The lack of progress was a significant disappointment, yet predictable in an environment of rampant corruption. Billions in aid, oil revenue and other state funds are embezzled, stolen, diverted or misdirected, without consequence. Absent strict oversight, aid is subject to elite capture and often does not reach intended recipients. U.S. military aid intended for border security may wind up fueling atrocities. The Yemeni military bombed cities and villages heavily in the northern Saada province while countering a rebellion that began in 2004. The Saada War, dubbed Yemens Darfur, forced nearly 200,000 citizens to flee their homes. The government blocked food, aid and medicine to 700,000 Saada residents in an act that appears to constitute an illegal collective punishment, Human Rights Watch found. Officials explained the deliberate starvation was meant to pressure villagers to turn over rebel fighters. The small band of Zaidi rebelstriggered by political exclusiongrew to thousands. They claim they are acting in selfdefense against a Wahabbi-inspired campaign of Shiite eradication. The Yemeni government insists the rebels seek to re-establish a theocratic monarchy.

We Fund Corruption in Yemen Caryle Murphy March 4 2010 http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/saudiarabia/100302/yemen-aid-saudi-money///AP

RIYADH, Saudi Arabia Yemens new profile on the international radar screen as an imperiled state and potential sanctuary for Al Qaeda has recently brought it more money and military support from allies like the United States and Saudi Arabia. These benefits are intended to help President Ali Abdullah Saleh better cope with his many internal problems, which are threatening to turn Yemen into a failed national enterprise. But given Salehs track record, and the complexity of Yemens

problems, it is not certain that Yemens benefactors will get what they are seeking: more rapid, corruption-free economic development, political compromise with Yemeni rebels and a sustained offensive against the local Al Qaeda franchise, which trained the man who attempted to blow up a U.S. airliner on Christmas Day. Washingtons renewed focus on Yemen was underscored two weeks ago when the Pentagon approved $150 million for training and equipping Yemens armed forces this year. This is more than double last years $67 million funding and does not include the increased covert U.S. military and intelligence aid that is helping Yemen disrupt Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), as the network there is known. The United States also attended a conference in Riyadh last weekend that brought together Western and Arab Gulf countries, as well as international financial institutions, to discuss how to speed up billions of dollars in development aid pledged to Yemen three years ago. In November 2006, the international community promised $5.5 billion in aid to Yemen, the Gulf regions poorest state, for the years 2007-2010. Of that amount, $3.7 billion came from wealthy Gulf states. But up to now, only 58 percent of the promised $5.5 billion has been released to Yemeni authorities to use. Even more disturbing to donors: Only 10 to 20 percent of the money has actually been put to use on aid projects by Yemen. These bottlenecks in aid disbursal were discussed at the Riyadh donors conference, which was held under the auspices of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), a grouping of six Gulf nations. The major problem, said Abdel Aziz Abu Hamad Aluwaisheg, the GCCs director general of international economic relations, is that Yemen has very limited technical and management expertise for handling such large amounts of foreign aid. Donors are also concerned about widespread corruption in Salehs government.

US Aid is a step to the war in Arab World Jonathan S. Landay January 14 2010 McClatchy Newspapers Obama aid to Yemen could risk backlash in Arab world http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/01/14/82399/obama-aid-to-yemen-couldrisk.html///AP

WASHINGTON President Barack Obama's decision to boost U.S. aid to Yemen to help the small Arabian Peninsula country fight al Qaida risks tying the U.S. more closely to an autocratic ruler whose repression of economic and political grievances is strengthening the terrorists and pushing his impoverished nation toward breakup. "Any association with the (Yemeni) regime will only confirm al Qaida's narrative, which is that America is only interested in maintaining corrupt and despotic rulers and is not interested in the fate of Arabs and Muslims," warned Bernard Haykel, a Princeton University professor. The State Department's latest international human rights report cited allegations that Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime tortures and assassinates suspected opponents, operates secret prisons and muzzles independent media. Security forces run by Saleh's close relatives and reportedly advised by former officers of Saddam Hussein's Republican Guard are accused of using "excessive force" against a four-year-old Shiite Muslim rebellion in north Yemen, uprooting thousands of civilians. In the once independent south, meanwhile, a crackdown on what had been a peaceful movement against alleged political and economic marginalization has ignited demands for secession and violence. A major risk for Obama, experts said, is that Yemenis, Saudis and others will be drawn in greater numbers to join al Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, the network's Yemen-based franchise, to fight the unpopular Saleh or stage attacks on his U.S. benefactor. Stepping up U.S. security aid to

Saleh "can actually play into the hands of al Qaida," warned Sen. Russ Feingold, D-Wis., a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who's been warning for years about a growing terrorist threat from Yemen. Obama announced his decision to "strengthen our partnership" with Saleh after the failed Christmas Day bombing of a Detroit-bound airliner by a 23-year-old Nigerian man alleged to have been trained and dispatched by al Qaida. U.S. officials said they expect this year's U.S. development and security assistance to Yemen to increase by more than $10 million to $63 million, more than three times greater than in 2008. The sum, however, doesn't include U.S. funds for training and equipping Yemen's counterterrorism and border security forces. In a letter delivered this month to Saleh by Army Gen. David Petraeus, the head of the U.S. Central Command, Obama pledged to double last year's $70 million in such aid.