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rewards. Besides, the pilgrimage provides welcome relief from the routine of the dull everyday life of the people. Furthermore, seen from a broader perspective, the pilgrimage, which cements the solidarity of religious groups' so stimulates trade and commerce, dissemination of ideas, and intercultural exchange. Notwithstanding these "universal features, which are shared by the pilgrimages of various traditions, each one tends to show a unique ethos of its own, which can be understood only within its religious and cultural contexts. Historically in Japan, the development of the pilgrimage was greatly conditioned by the geographical and topographical as much as religious and cultural factors. According to Shinto, the whole world is permeated by the sacred (kami) nature, so that every mountain, river, tree, rock as well as human being is potentially an object of veneration. As far as the practice of pilgrimage is concerned, it had little place in early Shinto, because Shinto was closely related to the life of the clan (nji), which more often than not was settled in a particular geographical locality. To be sure, in many agricultural communities the kami of themountains were believed to come down and become the kami of the rice field during the part of the year and then return to the mountains after the harvest. It is conceivable, therefore, that some people might have climbed the mountains in order to experience the mystique of the abode of the kami. But such practices were spontaneous and were not regularized as pilgrimages by early Shinto. The introduction of Chinese civilization and Buddhism during the sixth century A.D. brought about far-reaching religious and cultural changes in the subsequent periods of Japanese history. Eventually, there developed three major types of pilgrimages out of the fusion of indigenous Shinto and folk religious beliefs and practices with Bud(1) dhist and Chinese - especially Taoist - elements. They are the pilgrimage to the sacred mountain; (2) the pilgrimage to the temples and shrines, based on the faith in the divinities enshrined in those sanctuaries; and (3) the pilgrimage to sacred places based on the faith in certain charismatic holy men who are believed to have hallowed those places by their visits. It is the purpose of this paper to inquire as to how these types of pilgrimages developed in Japan and also to depict the basic similarities and dissimilarities among them.
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nities was at first predominantly male. They considered the stiff mountain climbing, conducted by experienced guides, essential for spiritual and physical disciplines, and thus the pilgrimage was often considered an initiatory ceremony for boys who were entering the age of adult life. Eventually miniature models of sacred mountains were established in some parts of the country for the benefit of those who could not make real pilgrimages, and the mountain cult grew in popularity by attracting older people and women as well. It was estimated that in the latter part of the nineteenth century there were 17,000 "senior guides" to sacred mountains, which meant that a considerably greater number of mountain ascetics must have been functiong in various capacities. The three so-called Sect Shinto denominations of ourtime-(l)Jikkky ("practical conduct'' religion), (2) Fus-ky (religion of Fus, which is the classical name of Mt. Fuji)' and (3) ontake_ky (religion are direct heirs of the traditions of the mountn of Mt. ontake) ascetics, while Fuji-k (devotional coraterty of Mt. Fuji), later re_ named as the Maruyama-ky, became a sub-sect of another Sect Shinto denomination called Shinto Taiky (the great teaching of Shinto).z la addition, there are today many formal and iormal mountain pil_ grimage groups, ranging from those which follow strict disciplines to those whose activities border on the semi-recreational.
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In the religious history of Japan, the popularization of pilgrimage was not confined to sacred mountains. Many pious clergy, laymen and laywomen, stimulated to be sure by the pilgrimage to the mountains, considered it also meritorious to visit less hazardous holy places in the plain, usually Buddhist temples or Shinto shrines where certain divinities known for their potencies are enshrined. Such pilgrimages are motivated not by the desire to undergo ascetic practices but by people's devotion to a certain Buddha, Bodhisattva or kami, to whom the pilgrims pay homage, offer thanksgiving or ask for special favours. Among the Buddhist divinities, the most sought ter were Kannon (Avalokitevara), the Buddhist counterpart of the "goddess of mercy'' ; Amida (Amitbha), who is believed to have vowed to save all creatures; Jiz (Ksitigarbha), the protector of souls in the realm of hell; Yakushi
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each referring to Kannon's mercy and miraculous power manifested at one of the 33 sanctuaries. Incidentally, they beg for food and alms which sustain them throughout the pilgrimage. In the course of time, the pilgrimage to the 33 sanctuaries of Kanleader who ter was calld&l
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In the Shinto tration, which also developed the practice of pilgrimage during the last few centuries, the most prominent is the pilgrimage to the Grand Shrine of Ise, the sanctuary of the Shinto deity par excellence, Amaterasu--mikami, known as the Sun Goddess. It
has been promoted by the Confraternity of Ise (Ise-k), which selects by drawing lots certain members who then represent others in making the pilgrimage to Ise, usually in the spring or autumn. Their departure and return are celebrated by speci ceremonies and feasts attended by all the members. Since their expenses are paid by the confraternity,
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Shinto divinity. Pilgrimage based on faith in charismatic persons Next to pilgrimages to sacred mountains and those to sanctuaries of various divinities, there developed in Japan the pilgrimage based on faith in certain charismatic holy men. It is to be recalled in this connection that even before the introduction of Buddhism the Japanese venerated various types of charismatic persons as emboments of superhuman powers. After the introduction of Buddhism, some of the outstanding Buddhists, such as Prince Regent Shtoku, who in the late sixth and early seventh centuries promoted Buddhism as the de facto state religion, and Gygi, an eighth century popular Buddhist
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in form and sound. In fact, among the "mn buddhas'' (hon-zon\ enshrined in the 88 temples, those of Kannon are most numerous with 29, followed by Yakushi with 23 and Amida with 9. Ironically, Dainichi (Mahvairocana), the supreme Buddha of the Shingon school, which was established by Krikai, has only 6.6 Upon closer examination, however, it becomes evident that the central motif of the "Pilgrimage in Shikoku" is not devotion to the divinities enshrined in the 88 holy sites, which no doubt has become a feature of it, but rather its main emphasis is on the act of "walking with Saint Kkai''. That is to say, the "Pilgrimage in Shikoku'' is based on faith in the memory of the charismatic holy man, Kkai, of whom the walking stick is the living symbol. Thus, even when a single individual undertakes the pilgrimage, it is called the pilgrimage of two (dgyi ni-nin), meaning Saint Krikai and himself'7 According to the established tradition, the pilgrimage to Shikoku begins at Mt. Kya, the seat of the Shingon monastic centre established by Kukai. The pilgrims are expected to pay homage to Ktikai's mausoleum, where he is believed to be sleeping until such time when he returns to this world with the future Buddha, Maitreya. From Mt. Kya, the pil_ grims go to one of the ports and cross the strait to Shikoku by boat. The 88 holy places are scattered unevenly among the four provinces that constitute Shikoku. Historically, the Awa province, which has 23 holy sites, has been called the "exercise arena for the spiritual awakening'' (Hosshin no dij), the Tosa province with 16 holy sites has been called the "exercise arena for ascetic discipline" (Shugyd no dj), the Iyo province with 26 holy sites has been called the "exer_ cise arena for enlightenment'' (Bodai no dijd), anthe Sanuki province with 23 holy sites has been called the "exercise arena for the state of Nirvana'' (Nehan no dji). The holy sites are numbered from No. 1 to No. 88. Of them, Nos. 19, 27,60, and 66 are considered to be "barriers" (seki-sho), and those who have done misdeeds are said to receive at one of these barriers omens, such as the appearance of a certain bird. Such omens indicate that they have spleased Saint
6 other Buddhas represented in the 88 holy places in Shikoku are: Buddha Sk_ yamuni 5, Jizi (Ksitigarbha) 5' Fud (Acala' the immovable) 4' Kokuz (Akas.
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Even such a brief portrayal of the three types of pilgrimages in Japan makes it clear that there are many similarities as well as significant differences among them. The first type, namely, the pilgrimage to the sacred mountains may be characterized by its corporate activities under the supervision ofan expert guide. Its emphasis on ascetic and physical disciplines implies a soteriological path based on self-power Qiriki), even though there is in it an element of faith. And the notion that the sacred mountains are the models of Paradise gives strong impetus to the pilgrims to seek the religious meaning of life within the realm of phenomenal existence. The second type, namely, the pilgrimage based on faith in certain divinities tends to be more individualistic and also lacks rigorous ascetic emphasis because its soteriological path relies on the saving power of the divinities (tariki). Even though the pilgrims seek immeate experience of some degree of salvation here on earth, they accept the existence of the future realm as the only real arena of salvation. Finally, the third type, namely, the pilgrimage based on faith in charismatic boly men has some of the features of the first and the second. But its own unique character is demonstrated in the notion that the saving power has been already actualized in the life of the charismatic holy man, who thus combines the roles of the deity and of the guide. In other words, the pilgrim relies on the other-power (tariki), but the other-power is not far away in a transcendental realm, eitherin space or in time. The saving power, fully actualized in a person, shares every step of the earthly pilgrimage as the real "fellow pilgrim". It goes without saying that the task of the historian of religions involves many difficulties especially when one deals with a complex phenomenon such as the development of religion in Japan which has homologed diverse features of Buddhist, Taoist, Shinto and folk religious beliefs, s;rmbols, cults and practices. In such a situation, one meaningful approach may be to study a significant form of religious cult which has developed out of the fusion of various elements. On this score, it is our hope that this preliminary study of the three types of pilgrimage might throw some light on the characteristic pieties of Japanese religious tradition.
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