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Culture and History of the Ancient Near East

Series Editors

Eckart Frahm (Yale University) W. Randall Garr (University of California, Santa Barbara) B. Halpern (Pennsylvania State University) Theo P.J. van den Hout (Oriental Institute) Thomas Schneider (University of British Columbia) Irene J. Winter (Harvard University)


Jack A. Josephson and a Middle Kingdom Noblemanthe Josephson Head

Offerings to the Discerning Eye

An Egyptological Medley in Honor of Jack A. Josephson

Edited by

Sue H. DAuria


This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Offerings to the discerning eye : an Egyptological medley in honor of Jack A. Josephson / edited by Sue H. DAuria. p. cm. (Culture and history of the ancient Near East, ISSN 1566-2055 ; v. 38) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17874-8 (hard cover : alk. paper) 1. EgyptAntiquities. 2. Historic sitesEgypt. 3. Excavations (ArchaeologyEgypt. 4. Egyptology. 5. EgyptCivilization To 332 B.C. 6. Josephson, Jack A. I. DAuria, Sue. II. Title. III. Series. DT60.O58 2009 932dc22 2009022055

ISSN: 1566-2055 ISBN: 978 90 04 17874 8 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands



Magda Saleh Magda Saleh Diane Bergman List of Abbreviations List of Illustrations

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jack A. Josephson: A Biographical Narrative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography of Jack A. Josephson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii ix xv

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii ........................................................ xxi

Matthew Douglas Adams

and David OConnor Dieter Arnold Dorothea Arnold Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich Edward Bleiberg Andrey Bolshakov Bob Brier Betsy M. Bryan Gnter Dreyer Mamdouh Eldamaty Richard Fazzini Erica Feucht Rita E. Freed G.A. Gaballa Ogden Goelet, Jr. Tom Hardwick W. Benson Harer, Jr. Melinda Hartwig Zahi Hawass Salima Ikram Sameh Iskander T.G.H. James

The Shunet el-Zebib at Abydos: Architectural Conservation at One of Egypts Oldest Preserved Royal Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . Earthquakes in Egypt in the Pharaonic Period: The Evidence at Dahshur in the Late Middle Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foreign and Female . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recent Excavations at the Ancient Harbor of Saww (Mersa/Wadi Gawasis) on the Red Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reused or Restored? The Wooden Shabti of Amenemhat in the Brooklyn Museum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Persians and Egyptians: Cooperation in Vandalism? . . . . . . . . . . . The Great Pyramid: The Internal Ramp Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amenhotep IIIs Legacy in the Temple of Mut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eine Statue des Knigs Dewen aus Abydos? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Die leeren Kartuschen von Akhenaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aspects of the Mut Temples Contra-Temple at South Karnak, Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 9 17 33 39 45 55 63 73 79 83

A Gods Head in Heidelberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Reconstructing a Statue from a Head . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 The Stela of Djehutynefer, Called Seshu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Observations on Copying and the Hieroglyphic Tradition in the Production of the Book of the Dead . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 A Group of Art Works in the Amarna Style. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Sexually Transmitted Diseases in Ancient Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 The Tomb of a HAty-a, Theban Tomb 116 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 A Head of Rameses II from Tell Basta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 A Pashas Pleasures: R.G. Gayer-Anderson and his Pharaonic Collection in Cairo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Merenptahs Confrontations in the Western Desert and the Delta 187 A Contemplation of the Late Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

vi Peter Jnosi Nozomu Kawai Peter Lacovara Sarwat Okasha Paul F. ORourke W illiam H. Peck Elena Pischikova Donald B. Redford Gerry D. Scott, III Hourig Sourouzian Rainer Stadelmann Paul Edmund Stanwick Emily Teeter Nancy Thomas Jacobus van Dijk Kent R. Weeks Christiane Ziegler Alain Zivie Index Dynasties Theban Tombs

contents He is the son of a woman of Ta-Sety . . .The Offering Table of the Kings Mother Nefret (MMA 22.1.21) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Theban Tomb 46 and Its Owner, Ramose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 A Unique Sphinx of Amenhotep II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Rameses Recrowned: The International Campaign to Preserve the Monuments of Nubia, 1959-68 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Some Thoughts on of Thales and of Anaximander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 Mapping the Temple of the Goddess Mut, Karnak: A Basis for Further Exploration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 The Dog of Karakhamun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 The Second Pylon of the Temple of Ba-neb-djed at Mendes . . . . 271 Four Late Period Sculptures in the San Antonio Museum of Art 277

News from Kom el-Hettan in the Season of Spring 2007 . . . . . . . 285 The Prince Kawab, Oldest Son of Khufu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 New Perspectives on the Brooklyn Black Head . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 A Realistic Head in the Oriental Institute Museum (OIM 13952). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 Transformation of a Royal Head: Notes on a Portrait of Nectanebo I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 A Cat, a Nurse, and a Standard-Bearer: Notes on Three Late Eighteenth Dynasty Statues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 The Theban Mapping Projects Online Image Database of the Valley of the Kings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 The Tomb of Iahmes, Son of Psamtikseneb, at Saqqara . . . . . . . . . 339 The Saga of Aper-Els Funerary Treasure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362

Egyptian Words and Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362




With sincere pleasure, this volume is dedicated to Jack A. Josephson by his friends and colleagues in token of their esteem and affection, on the occasion of his approaching 80th birthday on January 31, 2010. May he, as the ancient Egyptians wished, live 110 years in robust health, joyfully pursuing his passion for Egypt and its great civilization as energetically and purposefully as he does today. Jack is a singular scholar in a rarified field. A latecomer to Egyptology, he has molded himself into a writer and researcher in the tradition of the gentleman scholar. In the process, he has attained specialized expertise in three-dimensional sculpture and achieved broad recognition as an authority in Egyptian art history. Museums and collectors seek his advice on matters of authenticity and identification, and young scholars look to him for guidance. Over the years, Jacks lucid investigative analyses have probed and redefined the limits of inquiry, expanded research parameters, and broadened perspectives. His scholarship helps validate the discipline, emphasizing its undeniable contributions in an intra-disciplinary framework and highlighting its promise of further potential. In clear, concise language and a crisp, unadorned style, his output displays the rigorous application of conventional methodological tools and techniques, informed by an increasingly original, innovative approach, instilling new vitality into a field too often dismissed or ignored. At their most complex, his writings and lectures weave cultural and political history into fascinating vignettes and narratives reflected in the formulaic art of the Egyptian civilization. Arthistorical interpretation thus applied can reveal tantalizing insightsclues offering a figurative reading between the lineswhich might elude the philologist solely focused on often propagandizing, and often misleading, hieroglyphic texts. To cite one example, Jacks comparative study of two contrasting statues of the 26th Dynasty vizier Mentuemhat posits an elaborate power struggle pitting

the ambitious Theban against the wily Psamtik Ia protracted long-distance intrigue culminating in a stalemate, but foiling the southerners apparent aspirations to royal status. Innumerable extant sculpturesdeprived of archaeological context, intact but shorn of inscription, archaizing, usurped, re-carved, or broken and battered fragments, the detritus of timecan, under the practiced scrutiny of the art historian, still have a name to regain, a period, a reign, a workshop, or even a master sculptor to be assigned to, and still provide answers to queries and elucidate historical conundrums. Yet others, embellished in modern times, or altogether fake, can be exposed under the stylistic assessment of a keen and knowledgeable eye. In one such instance, a collaborative research effort by Jack and Rita Freed concluded that the stunning Middle Kingdom sphinx head of a queen, a masterpiece of the Brooklyn Museum collection, while indeed ancient, had undergone substantial repair and re-working in eighteenthcentury Italy. The inquiry setting the investigation in motion was an initial observation, made during an earlier joint endeavor on the identification of another MK sphinx queens head now at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (the Centennial Queen).The Brooklyn Queen, viewed in the context of the known corpus of MK female sphinx heads, appeared anomalous. With the two scholars pursuing all leads, from scouring every available source reference to seeking out comparable sculptures in Roman museums, the resulting article is a classic example of art-historical analysis in application at its best. Intensely examining an enigmatic image may give Jack the eerie sensation of communing with the artifact, of seeking to inhabit the world of its maker. In reality, he is mustering an array of the invaluable personal resources of connoisseurship a discerning eye; an innate aesthetic sensibility; insight and intuition; strong visual recall and mental acuity bolstered by avid reading; constant interaction with fellow scholars; and the continu-


preface touched by their gracious response. I am truly grateful to my two fellow coordinators of this project, our peerless editor Sue DAuria, who has undertaken this lengthy, arduous taska labor of lovewith infinite patience, unfailing good humor, and a scrupulous efficiency; and Rita Freed, Jacks good friend and frequent collaborator, who found time despite her weighty duties as John F. Cogan, Jr. and Mary L. Cornille Chair, Art of the Ancient World at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, to function as logistics manager, wise advisor, and ever-optimistic encouragerand to contribute an article! The team at our publisher Brill, including Publishing Manager Michiel Klein Swormink, Production Editor Michael Mozina, and Acquisitions Editor Jennifer Pavelko, whose dedicated professionalism has made all our dealings a pleasure, has produced a quality publication of which we are all justly proud. My friends Mary McKercher and Malcolm McCormick have provided heartily appreciated assistance and support. Mikhail Ghali kindly supplied e-mail linkage services from Cairo. Amal Safwat el Alfy, Director of the Supreme Council of Antiquities Press, and Janice Kamrin, Director of the Egyptian Museum Database and Registrar Training Projects at the American Research Center in Egypt obligingly forwarded urgently needed archival photographs. Ben Harer proposed an inspired amendment to the working title, and Ogden Goelet contributed the perfectly apt cover illustration. In the interests of discretion, local e-maildrop was orchestrated by Helen Atlas and Michaela Gold. Without all these, and many other aiders, abettors, and wellwishers, this volume would not have seen the light of day. Thank you, one and all. Shukran! To JJ, with love and admiration, Magda Saleh

ous scrutiny of countless images. The course of art-historical analysis is painstakingly methodical and protracted. Sometimes, in an exciting procedural reversal, the trigger is an exhilarating Eureka! In one startling occurrence, the mass of information stored in a supple mind fused in instant revelation. Examining a photograph of the Cairo Museum statue of King Snefru set bells ringing and led to the identification of a rare surviving head of a statue of the first ruler of the Fourth Dynasty, once namelessly assigned to the Fifth. Intuitive recognition, honed by eye and memory, had still to be substantiated by strict sciencebut it was a moment to be savored. As a critical area of study, Egyptian art history is currently imperiled, to the serious detriment of the field of Egyptology. To Jacks dismay, the subject has all but disappeared from the curricula of the few institutions both in the United States and Europe offering graduate degrees in the field. Deploring this untoward attrition, Jack is a determined proponent of its reinstatement as an essential component in the formation of new cadres. He voices unbounded reverence for the giants of Egyptian art history, among them his mentor Bernard V. Bothmer (a.k.a. BVB), and his personal ideal, William Stevenson Smith, for their inestimable contributions to the discipline. Profound thanks are due to many participants who have in various ways made this Festschrift possible. Foremost among these are Jacks friends and colleagues, the authors who have, despite the heavy demands of their notoriously overburdened schedules, so generously joined together to offer Jack an exceptional gift. I note with satisfaction that the articles included here reflect a diversity of topics and themes of particular interest and importance to the writers, and I am infinitely

jack a. josephson: a biographical narrative



Jack A. Josephson, many would concur, has led a charmed triple life, but its inauspicious beginnings hardly heralded the compelling saga to come. A child of the Great Depression, Jack was born on January 31, 1930, in Atlantic City, New Jersey, the second son of immigrant parents. His mother, Eva Rounick, hailed from a village on the border region between Poland and Belarus, emigrating to the United States at age fifteen. His father, Joseph Josephson, was born in Constantinople under Ottoman rule. His family later moved to the town of Iasi in present-day Romania as frontier settlers sent to consolidate the threatened borders of a crumbling empire. Soon orphaned, Joseph was dispatched unaccompanied to New York, making his solitary journey to these shores across a continent and an ocean. He was all of ten years of age, and furnished, like a self-delivering parcel, with an address inked out on a cardboard square hanging from his neck. In those pre-Ellis Island times, young Joseph walked off the boat and into the maze of Lower Manhattan. Accosting, as advised, men in blue with brass buttons, helpful policemen who pointed out the direction to the address on his makeshift label, he duly arrived at destination, the home of family friends who would take him in. Following two years of schooling, he was put to work to earn his keep. Joseph Josephson later became a renowned horse-racing handicapper who for years coauthored a weekly column, Long-shot Joe, for the Morning Telegraph and Sun. A mathematical savant, despite his lack of formal education, he devised a method for weighting horsesstill in useenabling tracks to start a race from a single line of gates. This considerable improvement replaced the unwieldy system of staggered starting positions. For this achievement, the name of Joseph Josephson was secured for posterity in the Racing Hall of Fame in Saratoga, New York. After his marriage in 1919, he quit horse racing and opened a retail business in Atlantic City with his wife. There, the couple raised two sons.

The 1929 Wall Street financial crash struck, ushering in the grim decade of the Great Depression. Life became a grinding struggle for the Josephsons, and growing up was a challenging affair, but nothing if not character-forming for brothers Marvin and Jack, each of whom went on to highly successful careers, individual embodiments of the American Dream. Jack remembers the long years of exhausting daily hours his parents spent at their small clothing store, which often ran on barter in a cashstarved economy. Yet he still recalls with emotion the charity of his father in those times of utter destitution for so many. On a frigid winter night, Joseph, alone in the store, and braving his overworked wifes understandable ire, gave away a warm woolen coat to a customer, a young black woman, shivering in a thin shawl, who desperately offered a dollar down payment on a purchase she could not afford. To the child, this was an act of selflessness that he never forgot. To the father, his family had barely enough, but others had even less. Then came World War II. America joined the Allies after Pearl Harbor. German U-boats prowled the eastern shores of the United States with impunity, scuttling tankers loaded with precious Venezuelan oil. They brazenly surfaced so close that, from the shore, the helpless onlookers, among whom Marvin and Jack, could clearly see, and all but hear, the U-boat captains using megaphones to order crews off the doomed vessels. Atlantic Citys beaches were covered in tar. Jack fervently prayed for the war to last till he was of an age to enlist. Near the end of the war, Marvin joined the Navy, but Jack was disappointed. With hostilities at an end, the would-be warrior enrolled in the University of Michigans College of Engineering, after obtaining one of the two offcampus Annapolis grants offered in New Jersey by the United States Navy through the Holloway Plan. This distinction was not matched by his academic performance, far from A-average. By his own unabashed admission, he preferred

jack a. josephson: a biographical narrative ports as they pushed through the menacing crowd surrounding the building. They sought sanctuary at the United States Embassy in Garden City, already besieged by refugees. There they spent a cold, wet night, safe but miserably shivering on the lawn. Next day, discovering that their fabled hotel was burned to the ground with heartbreaking loss of life among both staff and guests, the pair made straight to the airport and escaped to Morocco. It was a harrowing experience. Jack would only return in 1978, but Egypt, and especially the remains of her ancient civilization pyramids, temples, tombs, sphinxes, the art and artifacts stored in museums, with their aura of mysteryhad left an indelible imprint upon his untutored sensibilities. The grandeur of the splendid monuments awed and fascinated the youthful engineer, while the enchanting beauty of the luminous art enthralled him and stirred a latent aesthetic flair, presaging the mature connoisseurship yet far in the future. After a year in Morocco, a severe attack of amoebic dysentery incapacitated Jack and, sadly, felled Dick. Jack returned home, and agonizing years of recovery ensued, even while necessity dictated that he work despite debilitating pain. He was hired as an engineer on heavy construction jobs in New York City on and off for four yearsgrueling labor that entailed gaining acceptance in the notoriously rough, tough, close-knit community of hardened iron workers, members of a predominantly Irish union. He was unmercifully, even dangerously, testedonce having a red-hot rivet dropped close to him as he walked a steel beam forty floors above ground! He eventually succeeded in earning respect within the gritty fraternity, and was subsequently promoted to foreman. In this capacity, Jack supervised construction on several Manhattan buildings, prominent among which are 99 Park Avenue and the Marion Davies building at 57th and Park, whose distinctive prefabricated faade was applied in 24 hours as a well-advertised publicity stunt! In 1953 Jack married his sweetheart Elizabeth Asher, and by 1955 the young couple was expecting the first of three childrenMark, Paul, and Eve. Irregular employment in construction would not provide the dependable income required for a growing family. Looking to secure the future, Jack made his first, most risky career switch. Preferring to be his own boss, he morphed into an entrepreneur, founding J. Josephson Incorporated

the lucrative activity of pool playing, at which he was exceptionally adept, and sweating it out on the university wrestling team, to hunkering down to his books. Despite this blithe insouciance, he graduated, receiving a BSE CE in 1951. His most treasured possession from that period, a superbly crafted drafting set, was a gift from the uncle of a roommate, C.V. Raman, the renowned Indian Nobel Laureate in physics. His alma mater had no reservations in later years about claiming him for its own, proudly citing him among the top 150 graduates of its College of Engineering on its 150th anniversarybased on his post-graduation lifetime performance. In 1992, at the instigation of College Dean Peter Banks, a member of the Jason Group, a Department of Defensefunded problem-solving think tank composed of leading U.S. scientists, Jack was invited to La Jolla to pose a challenging problem for them to resolve. Entering the workforce, the newly minted civil engineer found employment in Morocco with a construction company contracted to build overseas tactical bases for the United States Air Force. Aside from his engineering duties at his isolated base of operations in the deep desert south of the country, Jacks most unusual task consisted of compiling weather data for statistical use by the Air Force. He documented the highest temperature officially recorded to date on the face of the globe, a sizzling 141.2F, a measurement duly noted in annals of the International Bureau of Standards in Svres, France. By shipping out to French Morocco, Jack had unknowingly taken his first step toward his lifedefining, deep and abiding love affair with Egypt. To alleviate numbing boredom in the bleak, inhospitable surroundings, he would occasionally take weekend R&R jaunts to swinging Cairo, flying to adventure across North Africa with a buddy, Richard (Dick) Skelley, a former major in the Marine Corps piloting the companys two-engine plane (they paid for the gas). On his fateful last visit at this time, there was, alas, more excitement than either fun seeker had bargained for. Those were grim, restive times in Egypt, nominally a kingdom since 1922 but still a British-dominated colony, and seething popular rage finally exploded on January 26, 1952, in a devastating orgy of looting, burning and killing. Cairo was afire. Abandoning breakfast and luggage, Jack and Dick escaped the Shepheards Hotel, waving their American pass-

jack a. josephson: a biographical narrative with $5000 in savings and a Volkswagen Beetle as the sole movable asset, to produce wall covering. He developed an innovative formula for combining polyvinyl chloride sheeting with an adherent substrate, an inexpensive, durable, and attractive product, thus solving a major problem plaguing construction of high-rise buildingsthe interior finish. This product attracted a broad spectrum of customers both domestically and abroad, including hotel chains. J. Josephson Incorporated soared, and the restof this part of Jacks taleis history. He became recognized as a pioneer in the business, once referred to in a trade publication as the legendary Jack Josephson. Jack first sold his company in 1970 to the Coronet Carpet Co., which soon became a subsidiary of the RCA Corporation. As part of the deal, he signed a five-year contract with the corporation, winding up with quite a bit of RCA stock. At the expiration of this agreement, Jack declined a renewal. The enterprise eventually foundered, and RCA offered to sell him back the company in a deal too good to refuse. Four years later, a Canadian business made a cash offer for the revived company. Not yet done, Jack, together with a partner, designer George Sellers, started a new, rapidly profitable rival company, Sellers and Josephson, which he then also proceeded to sell. Today, J. Josephson Inc. and Sellers and Josephson are linked to their founder solely by name. These years of intensive labor did not prevent Jack from initiating another transformation. Now with the means to satisfy his innate but still unformed taste for art, he began acquiring rare artifacts bequeathed by the vanished civilizations of bygone ages. His first indulgence was the purchase of a Greek skyphos, which caught his eye. He later became strongly attracted to the graceful flourishes and elegant geometry of Islamic art, and adorned his home with a select and wellrounded collection of bronzes, ceramics, brassware, Persian miniatures, and calligraphy. Here fate intervened, rekindling faded memories of his early experience: an Egyptian statue fragment offered for sale triggered a spontaneous aesthetic epiphany. This, Jack recognized, was a profoundly human, expressive form of art that evoked in him an emotional response at a deeply instinctive level of his being. The walls, shelves, and all available surfaces at home were gradually occupied by an expanding collection of ancient Egyptian statuary and reliefs, refined as objects came and went, replaced by ever superior choices as his under-


standing, discernment, and appreciation developed. The vast majority of his Islamic collection was acquired by Sheikh Nasser Al-Sabbah and is now displayed in the National Museum of Kuwait whence part of it was looted, transferred to Baghdad during the 1990 Iraqi invasion, fortunately to be repatriated in the aftermath of the Gulf War. Jacks eventual transition to the study of Egyptology and an exclusive dedication to scholarship were initially prompted by an eminently logical and pragmatic consideration. The antiquities market generally follows one rule: caveat emptor. Buyer, beware! Jack soon realized that, in purchasing a coveted object, specialized knowledge alone would provide the confidence necessary to a personal, informed decision in making the investment. This consideration was serious enough to cause him, now in his early forties, to make what was to be another life-changing move: he went back to school to educate himself and acquire the requisite qualified connoisseurship. It is impossible to overestimate the importance of his discriminating talent in collecting, and his genuine passion for his artworks, in leading him to discover his true vocation as a scholar and researcher, and thus undertake, in a dramatic redirection, the shift to his third, and supremely fulfilling, career. Auditing classes in Egyptology conducted by the eminent scholar Bernard V. Bothmer (BVB) at New York Universitys Institute of Fine Arts (IFA), Jack immersed himself in ancient Egypt under his mentors inspiring tutelage, though his sincere pleasure in his cherished objects eventually ebbed as vocal and contentious controversy over collecting rattled museums and collectors. Jack finally disposed of his collection, once his pride and joy, but at last found his real direction: his true legacy would be his acknowledged scholarship and other worthy contributions to the discipline. BVB, perceiving in his unlikely pupil a distinct aptitude for art history and art-historical analysis, encouraged Jack to attempt serious scholarly research and writing. Modest success with a first published article was followed by an increasingly well-received output over the years appearing in established academic journals and other publications (see Bibliography, p. xv). An initial focus on three-dimensional sculpture of the Late Periodstimulated by BVBs own interest in that timeestablished Jacks rising reputation in Egyptological circles as a sound art


jack a. josephson: a biographical narrative sity of Michigans College of Engineering and the Army Corps of Engineers in the assessment of structural damage to Cairos Islamic monuments and other buildings following the severe 1992 earthquake. The resulting evaluation also helped to allay fears of another imminent quake. During a visit to Syria, a bold statement about his host countrys poor human rights record, aired live during a TV interview, resulted in an unscheduled invitation to meet President Hafez al-Assad at his residence. A police detail, tracking him down in Aleppo, escorted an apprehensive Jack to Damascus. The feared tyrant of Syria proved surprisingly conciliatory, and the meeting, attended by U.S. Ambassador Christopher Ross, was even pleasant. Mr. Assad, noting their striking facial resemblance, mildly observed to Jack that we could be brothers. He promised his bemused guests a surprise. Several weeks later, Syria lifted travel restrictions on the countrys Jewish citizenry, long hostage to the regions bitter Arab-Israeli conflict. Jack does not claim credit for a policy change evidently already in process, but his outspoken remarks did earn him an unforgettable encounterand a commendation from U.S. Secretary of State William Baker. On a handsome cut glass obelisk occupying pride of place in his living room an inscription reads In Appreciation For Extraordinary Contributions To The American Research Center In Egypt New York April 29 2006. Jack served as a governor on ARCEs board and sat on its financial committee for many years. He also long served as a trustee of the Brooklyn Museum, and there headed the Circle of Friends of the Egyptian Department, a position he also held over time at the Institute of Fine Arts. Supporting IFAs fund-raising efforts, he helped obtain the financing for the Lila Acheson Wallace Chair in Egyptian Art History, established in 1982 and first held by BVB. He is currently chairman of the International Foundation for Art Research, a service organization dedicated to art authentication, the compilation of international art law and catalogues raisonns databases, and the publication of a major journal. Being named a Corresponding Member of the German Archaeological Institute in 2005 was another highlight in a career of many milestones. In a further fund-raising endeavor, Jack founded the fledgling American Friends of the German Archaeological Institute in 2006. Jack happily shared his treasured objects through loans to museums, and frequently

historian and an authority and specialist in the once-neglected art of that era. Over the years, his relentless curiosity and questing mind have led him to expand and embrace inquiry spanning the full spectrum of Egyptian history, from the earliest evidence of the civilization to the Ptolemies and beyond. His scholarly outputa select and growing body of writing, including collaborations with Mamdouh Eldamaty, Richard Fazzini, Rita Freed, Paul ORourke, Peter De Smet, and Gnter Dreyer (forthcoming)constitutes a significant addition to the literature. These include exercises in conventional art history, exemplars of innovative, inclusive thinking and approach, and several distinctly seminal works. The invitation by the former director of the Cairo Museum, Dr. Mohammed Saleh, to compile a Catalogue General of Egyptian Antiquities Nrs 48601-48649, Statues of the XXVth and XXVIth Dynasties with Eldamatycompleted in less than three years Jack considers a major accolade. Surveying at Mendes in the Delta in 1978 under the direction of the IFAs BVB and Donald Hansen gave Jack his first taste of dirt archaeology, and the first of many opportunities to offer support for the pursuits of his colleagues, in excavation, conservation, and restoration, and for fieldwork and other publications. While nominally a research associate at IFA, Jack is more truly an independent scholar. As such, he participates in academic seminars and symposia and enjoys delivering the odd lecture at prestigious venues, including the American University in Cairo in 2007 as W.K. Simpson Distinguished Visiting Professor. He also dedicates generous time to young aspiring scholars seeking his advice and guidance. Many distinctions have been awarded Jack in recognition of his achievements and service. In July 1990, Jack was designated Chairman of the Cultural Property Advisory Committee at the United States Information Agency (USIA) by President George H.W. Bush. He was reappointed to this post toward the end of the Bush presidency, serving President Bill Clinton until 1995. He traveled to Cambodia, Egypt, Turkey, Greece, and Syria as a forceful advocate for United States policy in the governments efforts to promote the protection of cultural heritage worldwide, and to implement the 1970 UNESCO convention on the unauthorized movement of cultural property across international boundaries. As Advisory Committee Chairman, together with Dean Banks, he orchestrated the participation of the Univer-

jack a. josephson: a biographical narrative received visitors and groups from various institutions at home to view his collection. He has endowed museums (the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, the Brooklyn Museum) with gifts and partial gifts of both Islamic and Egyptian art, most notable among which the Middle Kingdom masterpiece, Head of a Nobleman (the Josephson Head), now housed at the MFA. Many are the friends and colleagues who, whether visiting or enjoying the home hospitality of this convivial oenophile, can look forward to a protracted happy hour stretching well into the night, engaging in lively discussion and a profitable exchange of ideasor a bit of jovial Egyptological gossipwith liberal libations of Jacks choice wine or cognac whetting the discourse! An ongoing bimonthly game of poker, reaching back forty years with cast changes over timehis boys night outstill satisfies Jacks competitive streak and hones the keen edge of an active intellect, as does a habit of avid reading and crossword puzzle solving. As Jacks mentor in nuanced appreciation of classical music and its interpreters, his friend and poker pal, the late renowned music critic Harold Schonberg, nurtured an informed taste and profound and enduring enjoyment of classical music and opera. Listening to music is a soothing constant in Jacks busy daily schedule. Closely contested games of chess, mainly played with Harold, once served as an introduction to celebrated pianist Vladimir Horowitz. By checkmating him at a round of chess, Jack earned the privilege of a private recital, unfortunately curtailed by Wanda, the maestros protective wife! A lifelong dedication to health and physical fitness still dictates regular workouts at the gym and strenuous tennis singles in season at his Shelter Island retreat.


In private life, tragedy struck in 1987, with the loss of Betsy (Elizabeth), his wife of 34 years. A widower for 6 years, in 1993 Jack married Magda Saleh, an Egyptian pursuing a career in dance remarkable for a Middle Eastern woman (Prima Ballerina of Egypt, Dean of the Higher Institute of Ballet and Professor at the Academy of Arts, and Founding Director of the New Cairo Opera House). He thereby acquired an Egyptian family, a second home in Cairo, and a host of new friends who fondly address him as Abu Khalil. Among the many special, close relationships Jack has formed in Egypt over ensuing years, perhaps the most meaningful has been the unexpectedly empathetic bond that developed between him and Egypts former Deputy Prime Minister and legendary Minister of Culture, Dr. Sarwat Okasha, to whom he was introduced by Magda. On his yearly trips to his adoptive country, he relishes the pervasive, infectious spirit of warm welcome and camaraderie that unfailingly greets him as he visits homes, offices, dig houses, and excavation sitesand there is always the exciting promise of witnessing another discovery, as Egypt yields evermore tantalizing secrets to the devotees of her ancient past. With the publication of this Festschrift in his honor, all Jacks friends, colleagues, and family will celebrate the inestimable gift bestowed by his peers. As he approaches the ninth decade of his long and richly productive life, his energy continues unflagging, his drive unabated, his appetite for learning unquenched. Jack pursues with delight and diligence his many absorbing interests, and he demonstrates an admirable urge to forge full speed ahead, hoping and expecting to continue his studies, his research and writing, his tennis and travelall the activities he loves, for many years to come, inshAllah. The rest of us can only wish to keep up with him on his future journey.


jack a. josephson: a biographical narrative



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JACK A. JOSEPHSON Diane Bergman Sackler Library, University of Oxford

An Altered Royal Head of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74 (1988), pp. 232-235. A Masterwork of Middle Kingdom Sculpture (Brussels, MRAH E. 6748). Bulletin des Muses royaux dart et dhistoire 62 (1991), pp. 5-14, with P. De Smet. Royal Sculpture of the Later XXVIth Dynasty. Mitteilungen des Deutschen archologischen Instituts Kairo 48 (1992), pp. 93-97. A Variant Type of the Uraeus in the Late Period. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 29 (1992), pp. 123-130. Bernard V. Bothmer, 1912-1993. American Journal of Archaeology 98 (1994), pp. 345-346. A Fragmentary Egyptian Head from Heliopolis. Metropolitan Museum Journal 30 (1995), pp. 5-15. A Portrait Head of Psamtik I? Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson. Boston: Department of Ancient Egyptian, Nubian, and Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, 1996, pp. 429-438. Egyptian royal sculpture of the Late Period 400-246 B.C. (Sonderschrift [Deutsches Archologisches Institut. Abteilung Kairo] 30). Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1997. Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period Revisited. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 34 (1997), pp. 1-20. Statues of the XXVth and XXVIth dynasties (Catalogue gnral des antiquits gyptiennes du Muse du Caire; no. 48601-48649). Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities Press, 1999, with Mamdouh Mohamed Eldamaty. Amasis, Archaism, Imhotep, and Nectanebo. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 66-67, 109-113, 151-152, and 517-518. An Enigmatic Egyptian Portrait in the British Museum (EA 37883). Gttinger Miszellen 184 (2001), pp. 15-25. Sacred and profane: the two faces of Mentuemhat. Egyptian Museum Collections Around the

World. Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2002, pp. 619-627. La priode de transition Thbes, 663-648 avant J.-C. Egypte Afrique et Orient 28 (2003), pp. 39-46. The Doha Head: A Late Period Egyptian Portrait. Mitteilungen des Deutschen archologischen Instituts Kairo 61 (2005), pp. 219-242, with Paul ORourke and Richard Fazzini. An Early Royal Portrait. Studies in Honor of Mohamed Saleh, Bulletin of the Egyptian Museum 2 (2005), pp. 89-96. The Use of Sand-Box Foundations in Ancient Egypt. Structure and Significance: Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture (Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des sterreichischen Archologischen Institutes 25) (sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 33). Wien: Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2005, pp. 401-406. The Brooklyn Sphinx Head (56.85). Zeichen aus dem Sand, Streiflichter aus gyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Gnter Dreyer. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2008, pp. 295-306, with Rita E. Freed. The Portrait of a 12th Dynasty Nobleman. Servant of Mut: Studies in Honor of Richard A. Fazzini (Probleme der gyptologie 28). Leiden: Brill, 2008, pp. 141148, with Rita E. Freed. The Status of the Queen in Dynasty XII. Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar of New York 17 (2008) = Studies in Memory of James F. Romano, pp. 135-143, with Rita E. Freed. A Middle Kingdom Masterwork, Boston 2002. 609. Archaism and Innovation: The Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt. New Haven and Philadelphia: Yale University and University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2009, pp. 1-15, with Rita E. Freed. The Scepter of Egypt: a Background for the Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Part III: The Late Period, with Paul Stanwick [unpublished manuscript]


bibliography of jack a. josephson



AASOR A AT AcOr AEB gLev AH AJA AOAT PN ASAE UAT AV BBA BACE BdE BICS BIFAO BiGen BiAe BiOr BMFA BSAE BSFE Bull. Seism. Soc. Am. CAJ CASAE CdE CGC CNWS DE DFIFAO EA EgUit ERA GM GOF HB JARCE JBerlMus J Hist Collections JdI JEA JEOL Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research (Ann Arbor) gyptologische Abhandlungen (Wiesbaden) gypten und Altes Testament (Wiesbaden) Acta Orientalia (Lund, Copenhagen) Annual Egyptological Bibliography (Leiden) gypten und Levante (Vienna) Aegyptiaca Helvetica (Basel/Genf) American Journal of Archaeology (Boston) Alter Orient und Altes Testament (Mnster) Hermann Ranke, Die gyptische Personennamen, 3 vols. (Glckstadt, 1935-77) Annales du Service des Antiquits de lgypte (Cairo) Agypten und Altes Testaments: Studien zur Geschichte, Kultur und Religion gyptens und des Alten Testaments (Wiesbaden) Archologische Verffentlichungen, Deutsches Archologisches Institut, Abteilung Kairo (Berlin) Beitrage zur gyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde (Cairo) Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology (North Ryde) Bibliothque dtude (IFAO, Cairo) Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies (London) Bulletin de lInstitut franais darchologie orientale (Cairo) Bibliothque gnrale (IFAO, Cairo) Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca (Brussels) Bibliotheca Orientalis (Leiden) Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) British School of Archaeology in Egypt (London) Bulletin de la Socit franaise dgyptologie, Paris Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America (Stanford) Cambridge Archaeological Journal (Cambridge) Cahiers, Annales du Service des antiquits de lgypte (Cairo) Chronique dgypt (Brussels) Catalogue gnral du muse du Caire (Cairo) Centre of Non-Western Studies (Leiden) Discussions in Egyptology (Oxford) Documents de fouille, lInstitut franais darchologie orientale (Cairo) Egyptian Archaeology (London) Egyptologische Uitgaven (Leiden) Egyptian Research Account (London) Gttinger Miszellen (Gttingen) Gttinger Orientforschungen (Hildesheim) Hildesheimer gyptologische Beitrage (Hildesheim) Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt (Boston/New York) Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen (Berlin) Journal of the History of Collections (Oxford) Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts (Berlin) Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London) Jaarbericht van het Voorasiatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap (Ex Oriente Lux (Leiden)


list of abbreviations Journal of the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) Lexikon der gyptologie, ed. Wolfgang Helck, Eberhard Otto, Wolfhart Westendorf, 7 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1972-1992) Denkmler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, ed. Karl Richard Lepsius, 12 vols. (Berlin, 1849-1859) Mnchner gyptologische Studien (Munich/Berlin) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo (Berlin/Wiesbaden/Mainz) Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund (London) Monographs of the Institute of Egyptian Art and Archaeology (Memphis) Mmoires publis par les membres de lInstitut franais darchologie orientale du Caire (Cairo) Mnchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst (Munich) Mmoires publis par les membres de la Mission archologique franaise du Caire (Cairo) Metropolitan Museum Journal (New York) Monumenta Aegyptiaca (Brussels) Monographies Reine lisabeth (Brussels) Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt (Cairo) Nachrichten von der Kniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gttingen (Gttingen) Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis (Freiburg and Gttingen) Oriental Institute Publications (Chicago) Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta (Leuven) Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica (Leuven) Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden (Leiden) Orientalia: commentarii trimestres a Facultate Studiorum Orientis Antiqui Pontificii Instituti Biblici in lucem editi. (Rome) Orientalia Monspeliensia (Montpellier) Probleme der gyptologie (Leiden) Publications Interuniversitaires de Recherches gyptologiques Informatises (CCER, Utrecht) Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, ed. Bertha Porter, Rosalind L.B. Moss, and Jaromr Mlek, 8 vols. (Oxford, 1960-2007) Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition (New York) Hermann Ranke, Die gyptischen Personennamen, 3 vols. (Glckstadt, 1935-77) Revue dassyriologie et darchologie orientale (Paris) Recherches darchologie, de philologie et dhistoire (Cairo) Revue dgyptologie (Paris) Recueil de travaux relatifs la philologie et larchologie gyptiennes et assyriennes (Paris) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts, Rmische Abteilung (Rome) Studien zur Archologie und Geschichte Altgyptens (Heidelberg) Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur (Hamburg) Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization (Chicago) Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities (Toronto) Stdel-Jahrbuch (Frankfurt-am-Main)


list of abbreviations TCAM Urk. VA Wb. ZS ZDMG ZDPLV


Travaux du centre darchologie mditerranenne de lAcadmie polonaise des sciences (Varsovie) Urkunden des gyptischen Altertums, ed. Kurte Sethe et al., 8 vols. (Leipzig/ Berlin, 1903-57) Varia Aegyptiaca (San Antonio) Wrterbuch der gyptischen Sprache, ed. Adolf Erman and Hermann Grapow, 7 vols. (Lepizig/Berlin, 1926-1931) Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde (Berlin/Lepizig) Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft (Wiesbaden) Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palstina-Vereins (Lepizig/Wiesbaden)


list of illustrations

list of illustrations


Frontispiece Jack A. Josephson and a Middle Kingdom Noblemanthe Josephson Head. Photograph by Chris Churchill. Matthew Douglas Adams and David OConnor Fig. 1. The Shunet el-Zebib at Abydos. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2007. Fig. 2. Plan of the known royal cultic enclosures of Dynasties 1 and 2 and associated features at Abydos. Fig. 3. Shunet el-Zebib main inner enclosure wall, and lower outer perimeter wall. Photo by Robert Fletcher for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2004. Fig. 4. Two large voids in the southwest wall of the main enclosure. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2004. Fig. 5. The section of the southwest wall of the main enclosure shown in fig. 4. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2007. Fig. 6. The area of the collapsed gateway in southwest wall of the main enclosure. Photo by Robert Fletcher for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2001. Fig. 7. The partially reconstructed gateway in the southwest wall of the main enclosure. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2008. Dieter Arnold Fig. 1. The temple ruin of Behbet el-Hagar (Iseum). Fig. 2. Earthquake damage at the tombs of el-Bersheh. Fig. 3. Fallen brick enclosure wall of the pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur. Fig. 4. Fallen casing blocks of the mastaba of Nebit at Dahshur. Fig. 5. Remains of damaged coffin of Sitwerut, in original position. Fig. 6. Damaged rear and right side wall of the burial chamber of Amenemhat I at. Lisht.

Dorothea Arnold Figs. 1-2. Female foreigner with baby, painted wood, National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh, A. 1911.260 (photographs courtesy Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland). Fig. 3. Female foreigner with baby, National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh, top of head (photograph courtesy Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland). Figs. 4 6. Female foreigner with baby, ivory, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 54.994 (photographs courtesy Museum of Fine Arts). Fig. 7. Female foreigner with baby, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, top of head (photograph courtesy Museum of Fine Arts). Fig. 8. Details from the north (A, B, C, E) and east (D) walls in the tomb of Ukhhotep III at Meir after A.M. Blackman, The Rock Tombs of Meir VI (London, 1953), pls. 10, 18. Fig. 9. Ornamental combs. A: Detail from the north wall of Ukhhotep IIIs tomb chamber (archival photograph, The Metropolitan Museum of Art). B: Suggested attachment on the head of the statuette figs. 1-3 (drawing by Scott Murphy). Fig. 10. Third millennium Mesopotamian headdresses after A. Spycket, La coiffure fminine en msopotamie des origines la Ier dynastie de Babylone, Revue dAssyriologie et dArchologie Orientale 48 (1954), p. 123, fig. 26, Mari (A); p. 126, fig. 45, Kish (B); p. 170, fig. 60, cylinder seal, Chicago (C); p. 174, fig. 76, plaque, Berlin (D).


list of illustrations

Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich Fig. 1. Steering oar/rudder blade 2, excavated at the entrance to Cave 2, at Mersa/Wadi Gawawis. Studied by C. Zazzaro in 2005-08. Fig. 2. Coiled ropes used as ship rigging, lying on the floor of Cave 5. Fig. 3. Stela 5 inscribed with a text about expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt during the reign of Amenemhat III. Fig. 4. Inscription on cargo box 2, with the cartouche of Amenemhat IV, describing the boxs contents: the wonders of Punt. Edward Bleiberg Fig. 1. Shabti of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, limestone, painted, 9 5/8 x 3 1/4 in. (24.5 x 8.2 cm), 50.128, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Fig. 2. Shabti of the Scribe Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 8 7/16 x 2 1/2 in. (21.5 x 6.3 cm). 50.129, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Fig. 3. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, front, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Fig. 4. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, back, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Fig. 5. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, proper-right side, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Fig. 6. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, proper-left side, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund. Andrey Bolshakov Fig. 1. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, right side. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 2. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, left side. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 3. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, foot side. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 4. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col.12. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 5. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col. 34. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 6. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, foot side, right half. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 7. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, foot side, left half. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 8. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, lid, col. 1. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 9. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, lid, col. 1213. Hermitage Museum. Fig. 10. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col. 2 (detail). Hermitage Museum. Fig. 11. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, left side (detail). Hermitage Museum. Fig. 12. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, right side (detail). Hermitage Museum. Bob Brier Fig. 1. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. Fig. 4. Fig. 5. Fig. 6.

The single ramp theory. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes. The corkscrew ramp theory. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes. The internal ramp. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes. Notches at the corners were left open to help turn the blocks with simple cranes. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes. Possible remains of a notch visible today. Photograph by Pat Remler. The French teams microgravemetric image of what appears to be an internal ramp. Photograph courtesy of Fondation EDF.

list of illustrations


Betsy M. Bryan Fig. 1. Second Court of the Mut Temple with statues of Sekhmet and the king on the west and east sides. Fig. 2. Frontal view of the granodiorite royal statue in the Second Court of the Mut Temple. Fig. 3. Proper-left side of royal statue showing ancient repair to arm. Fig. 4. Proper-left side of throne showing erasure of color bars and internal decoration. Fig. 5. Rear of statue showing erasure of inscription. Fig. 6. Neck and shoulder of royal figure showing erased cartouches and necklace area. Fig. 7. Lower half of statue showing carved rectangle beneath kilt. Fig. 8. British Museum EA4 of Amenhotep III showing carved rectangle beneath kilt. Fig. 9. Face of royal figure, Mut Temple Second Court. Fig. 10. Cleveland Museum of Art CMA 52.513 showing convex lid and eyeball carved to create downward stare. Fig. 11. Profile of face of Mut Temple royal statue showing recut eye lid and socket. Fig. 12. Detail of belt area, Mut Temple royal statue. Gnter Dreyer Abb. 1a-b. Holzmaske, Boston 60.1181. Face from a composite statue, Egyptian, Early Dynastic Period, Dynasty 1, 29602770 B.C. Findspot: Egypt, Probably Abydos. Wood, height x width (max): 16.3 x 9.7 cm (6 7/16 x 3 13/16 in.). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of J. J. Klejman, 60.1181. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Abb. 2. Holzmaske, Boston 60.1181, Profil (Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston). Abb. 3. Holzmaske, Boston 60.1181, Unterseite (Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston). Abb. 4. Jahrestfelchen Abydos K 2554 (Photo F. Barthel). Abb. 5a-b. Holzfragmente, Ashmolean E 1129 + Abydos K 5193 (Photos G. Dreyer). Abb. 6. Wrfelstab des Qaa, Kairo JE 34386 (Photo P. Windszus). Abb. 7. Grab des Dewen, Knigskammer und Annex mit Statuenbasis (Photo D. Johannes) . Abb. 8. Rekonstruktion der Statuenkammer (Zeichnung N. Hampikian). Mamdouh Eldamaty Abb. 1. Stele aus Amarna, Berlin Museum MP 17813, Photo Eva-Maria Borgwaldt (Genemigung des Berliner Museums). Abb. 2. Stele aus Amarna, Berlin Museum MP 25574, Photo unbekannt (Genemigung des Berliner Museums). Abb. 3. Echnatonkopf, Kairo Museum JE 98894. Richard Fazzini All photos by M. McKercher for the Brooklyn Museum Mut Expedition. Fig. 1a. Plan of the Mut Temples Contra-Temple, including the stonework (pier) to its west. Fig. 1b. General view north to the Contra-Temple. Figs. 2a-b. Faade of the Contra-Temple: (a) west and (b) east wings. The re-used block showing statues of female offering bearers is visible at the lower right side of the east wing. Fig. 3a. Reveal of the east wing of the Contra-Temples entrance, with the partial cartouche of Nectanebo II at the top of the right-hand column. Fig. 3b. Reveal of the west wing of the Contra-Temples entrance. Figs. 4a-b. Room X, south wall (rear of the faade): (a) east and (b) west sides. Fig. 4c. Fragment of a cornice with the remains of a double crown and the title nbt-pt (1MWB.191) that may belong to the inner lintel of this doorway. Fig. 5. Room X, west wall. Fig. 6. Room X, east wall. Fig. 7a. Room X, north wall: west side of the doorway to Room Y. Fig. 7b. Detail of Ptolemy VIII cartouche on the wall of Fig. 7a .

xxiv Fig. 7c. Figs. 8a-b. Figs. 8c-d. Fig. 9. Fig. 10. Fig. 11.

list of illustrations Room X, north wall: east side of the doorway to Room Y. Room Y, south wall: (a) east and (b) west sides of the doorway to Room X. Room Y, north wall: (c) west and (d) east sides of the doorway to Room Z. Room Y, west wall. Room Y, east wall. Graffiti, numbered from top left. Graffito of Ammonios (a) is on the east wall of Room X. The rest are on the west wall as follows: (b) head; (c) striding man with feathers(?); (d) gazelle with hieroglyphs in front of it; (e) curly-haired, bearded man with staff; (f) graffito of sandals. (Photographs are not to scale.) Re-used block in the topmost preserved course of the south end of the east wall. Two fragments of Hathor frieze (6MWB.96a-b) found in Room Y. Heidelberg Inv. no. 300, frontal view. Heidelberg Inv. no. 300, side view. Heidelberg Inv. no. 300, top view from behind. Munich Inv. no. 500: Amenhotep II. Courtesy Staatliche Sammlung gyptische Kunst, Mnchen. Cairo JE 43611 Thutmose IV, frontal view. Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Cairo JE 43611 Thutmose IV, side view. Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Sety I in Abydos, Chapel of Osiris. Copenhagen IN 1483. Dyad of Ramses II and Atum. Basel, private collector. Dyad.

Fig. 12. Figs. 13a-b. Erica Feucht Fig. 1. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. Fig. 4. Fig. 5. Fig. 6. Fig. 7. Fig. 8. Fig. 9.

Rita E. Freed Fig. 1. Head of a man, frontal view. Egyptian, New Kingdom, Dynasty 19, 1295-1186 BC, Granodiorite, Height: 16 cm (5 5/16 in.) Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Museum Special Purchase Fund, Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29. Fig. 2. Head of a man, three-quarters view. Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29. Fig. 3. Head of a man, proper-right view. Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29. Fig. 4. Head of man, back view. Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29. Fig. 5. Rameses II from Bubastis, Boston, MFA 89.558. Granite, H. 137 cm, w. 72.5 cm (H. 53 15/16 in., w. 28 9/16 in.). Gift of the Egypt Exploration Fund. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Fig. 6. Block statue of Sedjememwaw from Terenuthis, Avignon, Muse Calvet A 35. G.A. Gaballa Fig.1. Stela of Djehutynefer, called Seshu. Museo delle Antichit Egizie di Torino, Inv. Cat. No. 1639. Tom Hardwick Figs. 1-4. Bolton Museum 2004.7, the Amarna Princess: frontal, profile, and rear views. Images courtesy Bolton Council. Fig. 5. Bolton Museum 2004.7, the Amarna Princess: detail showing carving of streamer (highlighted) on the negative space of the statue. Authors photograph; drawing by Pablo Perez dOrs. Figs. 6-8. Figure of a second Amarna princess: front, right profile, and rear views. Authors photographs. Figs. 9-10. Head of a third Amarna princess: front and right profile views. Authors photographs. Figs. 11-12. Torso of a third Amarna princess: front and right profile views. Authors photographs. Fig. 13. Detail of a sketch of the head of an Amarna princess, with added sidelocks. Image courtesy the Metropolitan Police.

list of illustrations Fig. 14. Figs. 15-16. Fig. 17. Fig. 18.


Detail of a pencil technical sketch of an Amarna royal female torso. Authors photograph. Bust of Akhenaten. Authors photographs. Photographs of a stone slab carved with a relief of Akhenaten as a sphinx. Image courtesy the Metropolitan Police. Relief of Sety I. Photograph courtesy Bolton Council.

W. Benson Harer, Jr. Fig. 1. Histology of the papilloma that Dr. A.T. Sandison found on a mummy. Courtesy of Cambridge University Press. Fig. 2. Portrait of a youth with a surgical cut in one eye, AD 190-210, Roman Period, encaustic paint on limewood, H. 13 x 6 in. (35 x 17.2 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1909 (09.181.4). Image The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Melinda Hartwig Fig. 1. Tomb Plan TT 116, Friederike Kampp, Die thebanische Nekropole. Zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie, 2 vols. Theben XIII (Mainz, 1996). Courtesy of Friederike Kampp-Seyfried. Fig. 2. Daughter offering a chalice to tomb owner and wife, near-left wall of the transverse hall, far left, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (1). Fig. 3. Female banqueters behind daughter, near-left wall of the transverse hall, far left, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (1). Fig. 4. Offering bearers in the register below the tomb owner and wife, near-left wall of the transverse hall, far left, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (1). Fig. 5. King seated in a kiosk, fanned by the tomb owner with wife offering a bouquet, Far-right wall of the transverse hall, far right, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (2). Fig. 6. Line drawing, Far-right wall of the transverse hall, far right, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (2). Zahi Hawass Fig. 1. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. Fig. 4. Fig. 5. Fig. 6. Fig. 7. Fig. 8. Fig. 9. Fig. 10. Fig. 11. Fig. 12. Overview of the site of Tell Basta. The salvage site under cultivation. Graeco-Roman settlement remains on the site. Graeco-Roman lamp. Long-necked glass bottle. Roman coin. View of the head in situ. Close view of the head in situ. Close-up of the wig, diadem, and uraeus. Three-quarter view of the head. Frontal view of the head. View of the face.

Salima Ikram Fig. 1. A painting of Gayer-Anderson by his twin brother, showing him at work with his collection (photograph Francis Dzikowski). Fig. 2. A photograph of the Beit al-Kretliya during Gayer-Andersons tenure (photograph Francis Dzikowski). Fig. 3. One of the painted relief fragments before it was released from the wall and put into a new vitrine (photograph Francis Dzikowski). Fig. 4. A limestone fragment from a Memphite tomb that has been embedded into the wall (photograph Francis Dzikowski). Fig. 5. A terracotta figurine of Bes, one of many Bes images that Gayer-Anderson collected and kept (photograph Timothy Loveless). Fig. 6. A terracotta statue of a woman or goddess (photograph Timothy Loveless). Fig. 7. Images of terracotta Harpocrates figurines (photograph Timothy Loveless).

xxvi Fig. 8. Fig. 9. Fig. 10.

list of illustrations A painted cartonnage coffin from Thebes that is coated with black resinous oils (photograph Francis Dzikowski). Gilded protective images of goddesses and amulets from a coffin of the Graeco-Roman Period (photograph Francis Dzikowski). Gayer-Anderson in the guise of the enigmatic Great Sphinx of Giza (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

Peter Jnosi Fig. 1. The offering table of the kings mother Nefret (MMA 22.1.21)(Photo: Bill Garret). Fig. 2. The offering table of the kings mother Nefret (MMA 22.1.21) (Drawing: Liza Majerus). Fig. 3. Detail of the offering table (MMA 22.1.21) showing the interior design of the bread loaf (Photo: Bill Garret). Figs. 4a-b. Details of the inscription on the offering table (MMA 22.1.21) (Photo: Bill Garret). Nozomu Kawai Fig. 1. TT 46 and its vicinity (After F. Kampp, Die Thebanische Nekropole, Plan III: Sh. Abd elQurna, Teil II [Upper enclosure]). Fig. 2. The plan of TT46 (Slightly modified from F. Kampp, Die Thebanische Nekropole, Teil I, Fig. 143). Fig. 3. Ramose presenting offerings to Osiris on the right rear wall of the chapel. Photo by Nozomu Kawai. Fig. 4. Relief decoration of Ramose and his inscriptions on the north wall of the western part of the transverse hall. Photo by Nozomu Kawai. Fig. 5. Painting on the north side of the easternmost pillar of the transverse hall. Photo by Nozomu Kawai. Peter Lacovara Fig. 1. The inscribed fragment of a sphinx, 16-3-314, from Barkal Temples, fig. 18. Figs. 2a-b. Leg and paw fragment of sphinx, Egyptian, reign of Amenhotep II, 1427-1400 BC, Findspot: Nubia (Sudan), Gebel Barkal, Debris between 600-1000, Granodiorite, 24.5 x 11.8 x 14.5 cm (9 5/8 x 4 5/8 x 5 11/16 in.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard UniversityMFA Expedition, 16-3-314. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Figs. 3a-b. Sculpture fragment, Egyptian, reign of Amenhotep II, 1427-1400 BC, Findspot: Nubia (Sudan), Gebel Barkal, between D500 and curtain wall 1000, Black granodiorite with sparkly inclusions, 13.8 x 17.8 x 9 cm (5 7/16 x 7 x 3 9/16 in.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard University-MFA Expedition, 16-4-275b. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Figs. 4a-b. Head fragment of sphinx, Egyptian, reign of Amenhotep II, 1427-1400 BC, Findspot: Nubia (Sudan), Gebel Barkal, D-500 2 and circular wall B1000, Granodiorite, 23.5 x 25 x 16.5 cm (9 x 9 13/16 x 6 in.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard UniversityMFA Expedition, 16-4-275a. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Fig. 5. Reconstructed side view of sphinx and Nubian prisoners (drawing by Nina West). Sarwat Okasha Fig. 1. Transferring the head of Rameses II during the synthesis of the main temple at Abu Simbel. Fig. 2. Dr. Okasha (at left) with Mrs. Kennedy during the opening of the exhibition in Washington in 1961. Fig. 3. Dr. Okasha, President Nasser, and UNESCO head Vittorino Veronese. Fig. 4. Synthesis of the main temple of Abu Simbel in the new site. Fig. 5. The temple of Nefertari at Abu Simbel: salvage of the temple, re-erection of the faade on the new site, Oct. 1966. SCA Archives. Fig. 6. Dr. Okasha with President De Gaulle in Paris, 1967.

list of illustrations Fig. 7. Fig. 8.


Dr. Okasha congratulating Mr. Ren Maheu upon the inauguration of the new temple site on September 22, 1968. General view of the temples of Philae with the machinery used to construct the cofferdam, Dec. 1972. SCA Archives.

William H. Peck Fig. 1. Plan of the Temple of the Goddess Mut by the Brooklyn Museum Expedition Fig. 2. Mut Precinct as recorded by the eighteenth century French expedition. From Description de lgypte, vol. III, pl. 16. Fig. 3. Lepsiuss plan of the Temple Complex. From LD, Abth. I, Bl. 74. Fig. 4. Plan of the Temple Complex by Auguste Mariette. From Karnak, as reprinted in M. Benson, J. Gourlay, and P. Newberry, Temple of Mut in Asher (London, 1899). Fig. 5. The Mut Temple Complex as recorded by E.F. Benson. From The Temple of Mut in Asher, opposite p. 36. Fig. 6. The Entrance Colonnade. Brooklyn Museum Expedition. Fig. 7. The First Pylon and First Court. Brooklyn Museum Expedition. Fig. 8. The South Wall of the First Court. Brooklyn Museum Expedition. Fig. 9. The Second Court. Brooklyn Museum Expedition. Fig. 10. The Body of the Temple. Brooklyn Museum Expedition. Fig. 11. The Contra-Temple. Brooklyn Museum Expedition. Elena Pischikova Fig. 1. First Pillared Hall in the process of excavation in 2007. Fig. 2. North Section of East Wall. Figs. 3-4. Dogs under the chair of Karakhamun. First Pillared Hall, East Wall. North and South sections. Donald B. Redford Fig. 1. Plan of the temple of Ba-neb-djed, oriented (local) north. Fig. 2. Section through the western massif of the Second Pylon. The prominent sand stratum marks the bottom of the foundation trench. The scattered bricks (58) represent the demolition of a structure (MK?), while the surface below loci 63, 64, 84, 85 and 88 is the bottom of the Thutmoside pit. The limestone blocks at the bottom of the control trench belong to the partly preserved burial installation immediately east of the sloping corridor of Pepyyema. Fig. 3. Thutmose III bricks spanning the bottom of the foundation trench of the Second Pylon (facing south). Fig. 4. The westernmost line of bricks, showing the pattern of stacking. Fig. 5. Brick stamped with the cartouche of Thutmose III.

Gerry D. Scott, III Fig. 1. Relief depiction of Mentuemhat, San Antonio 91.129.1. Courtesy of the San Antonio Museum of Art. Fig. 2. Relief depicting an attendant, San Antonio 2005.1.35. Courtesy of the San Antonio Museum of Art. Figs. 3-6. Sculpture fragment depicting an official under the protection of a bovine deity, San Antonio 91.80.122. Courtesy of the San Antonio Museum of Art. Figs. 7-9. Sculpture fragment depicting General Ahmose, 91.129.2. Courtesy of the San Antonio Museum of Art.


list of illustrations

Hourig Sourouzian Fig. 1. Preliminary reconstruction of the temple precinct by Nairy Hampikian. Fig. 2. View of conservation works in the Peristyle Court. Courtesy of Memnon/Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 3. Jack Josephson and Magda Saleh visiting the work. Courtesy of Memnon/Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 4. Heaving a royal torso to be joined to the legs. Courtesy of Memnon/Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 5. The royal torso in quartzite placed in the West Portico. Courtesy of Memnon/Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 6. The quartzite colossus of Amenhotep III raised in spring 2008, with the replica of the head EA6 from the British Museum. Courtesy of Memnon/Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 7. A red granite royal torso in reassembly. Courtesy of Memnon/Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 8. Three statues of the mighty goddess Sekhmet, before conservation. Courtesy of Memnon/ Amenhotep III Project. Fig. 9. Three statues of the mighty goddess Sekhmet during conservation. Courtesy of Memnon/ Amenhotep III Project. Rainer Stadelmann Fig. 1. Giza East Cemetery, G 7000. Photo: M. Haase. Fig. 2. Giza East Cemetery. Queens Pyramids and Mastabas. Fig. 3. Giza East Cemetery. First row. Mastabas of Kawab and Khaefkhufu. From W. K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khaefkhufu I and II, fig. 3. Fig. 4. Giza East Cemetery. The Mastaba of Kawab. Isometric drawing by T. Kendall. From W. K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khaefkhufu I and II, fig. 4. Paul Edmund Stanwick Figs. 1-2. The Brooklyn Black Head. Brooklyn Museum 58.30, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund (photos: Brooklyn Museum). Figs. 3-4. Marble head attributed to a late Ptolemy. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 24660 (photos: Deutsches Archologisches Institut, Cairo). Fig. 5. Back pillar of the Brooklyn Black Head. Brooklyn Museum 58.30, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund (photo: Brooklyn Museum). Fig. 6. Male head. Brooklyn Museum 55.120, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund (photo: Brooklyn Museum). Figs. 7-8. Male head. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek IN 944 (photos: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek). Emily Teeter Fig. 1. OIM 13952, front view. Fig. 2. OIM 13952, right side. Fig. 3. OIM 13952, left side. Nancy Thomas Figs. 1-4. View of royal head, possibly King Nectanebo I (LACMA 49.23.7), prior to rerestoration, photographed about 1965. Photograph 2007 Museum Associates/LACMA. Fig. 5. LACMA Conservation Center photograph 87.546 of 49.23.7, showing disfiguring cavity cut for eighteenth- or nineteenth-century restoration. Photographed on 17 July 1987. Photograph 2007 Museum Associates/LACMA. Fig. 6. LACMA Conservation Center photograph 81.398s, following completion of rerestoration, photographed March 1988. Photograph 2007 Museum Associates/LACMA.

list of illustrations


Jacobus van Dijk Fig. 1a. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct, Karnak. Photograph: Mary McKercher. Fig. 1b. Inscription on top of base. Photograph: author. Fig. 2a. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct, front. 2b. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct, left side. Photographs: Mary McKercher. Fig. 3a. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct, back. 3b. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct, right side. Photographs: Mary McKercher. Fig. 4a. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct, Karnak. Diagram showing position of texts. 4b. Inscription on top of base. Fig. 5. Cat statue from the Mut Precinct. Inscriptions around base. Fig. 6. Cat statue in Luxor Temple blockyard. Photographs: author. Fig. 7. Nurse statue Cairo JE 91301. From E.A. Hastings, The Sculpture from the Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saqqra 196476 (London, 1997), Pls. X (detail) and XI (left). Fig. 8a. Nurse statue Cairo JE 91301. Diagram showing position of texts. 8b. Hand copies of inscriptions on base. Fig. 9. Standard-bearing statue Cairo CG 42194. From Le rgne du Soleil: Akhnaton et Nefertiti (Brussels, 1975), 140141. Kent R. Weeks Fig. 1. The Book of the Earth, part A, scene 6, on the right wall, upper level, burial chamber J in the tomb of Rameses V/VI in the Valley of the Kings; photographed by Francis Dzikowski in 1999 for the Theban Mapping Project. 1999 TMP. Fig. 2. The same scene, a painting by Henri-Joseph Redout for the Description de lEgypte (1812), 2: 86.6. Christiane Ziegler Fig. 1. Saqqara, Tomb of Iahmes. Plan of tomb. Fig. 2. Lekythos. Fig. 3. Amulets. Fig. 4. Openwork wedjat eye. Fig. 5. General view of the chamber. Fig. 6. Coffin of Iahmes. Fig. 7. Statuette of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris belonging to Iahmes. Fig. 8. Chest of Iahmes. Alain Zivie Fig. 1. Plan of the tomb (Bubasteion I.1) of Aper-El, by Marie-Genevive Froidevaux (CNRS, MAFB). Hypoges. Fig. 2. Perspective showing the four levels of the tomb (Bubasteion I.1) of Aper-El. Axonometric drawing by Marie-Genevive Froidevaux (CNRS, MAFB). Hypoges. Fig. 3. General view of the case devoted to Aper-Els treasure in the Imhotep Museum, Saqqara. Picture A. Zivie Hypoges.



the shunet el-zebib at abydos


This contribution is dedicated to Jack Josephson, long-time friend of the Institute of Fine Arts, with fond memories of his visit to our work at the Shunet el-Zebib in 2007. The monument at Abydos known today as the Shunet el-Zebib (or the Shuneh, for short) was built as the funerary cult enclosure of King Khasekhemwy at the end of the 2nd Dynasty (ca. 2700 BC). It represents both the fullest expression and the only still-standing representative of Egypts earliest tradition of royal monumental

funerary building.1 Since its construction, it has dominated the landscape of north Abydos and has shaped the patterns of activity that define the long history of the site, down to the present day (fig. 1). The enclosure is the focus of a large-scale program, directed by the authors and sponsored by the Institute of Fine Arts,2 of architectural conservation and archaeological investigation, aimed at preserving this uniquely significant ancient royal monument, and at defining fully both its original function and changing use over time.

Fig. 1. The Shunet el-Zebib at Abydos, built to serve as the monumental funerary cult enclosure of king Khasekhemwy of Dynasty 2. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2007.
1 A smaller structure built by Khasekhemwy at Hierakonpolis, while cultic in function, is not associated with a royal tomb and does not appear to be part of a broader tradition of royal construction at that site. 2 As part of the University of Pennsylvania MuseumYale University-Institute of Fine Arts, New York University

Expedition to Abydos, William Kelly Simpson and David OConnor, Co-directors. The work at the Shuneh to date has been carried out with the generous support of the Egyptian Antiquities Project of the American Research Center in Egypt, with funds provided by the United States Agency for International Development.

matthew douglas adams and david oconnor


Djet ?



Peribsen "Western Mastaba"

Boat Graves

local N

Khasekhemwy "Shunet el-Zebib"

0 25 50m

Fig. 2. Plan of the known royal cultic enclosures of Dynasties 1 and 2 and associated features at Abydos.

Khasekhemwys enclosure was the largest, the most elaborate, and the last example of a long tradition of similar royal constructions in north Abydos (fig. 2), a tradition integrally related to the royal cemetery of the 1st and 2nd Dynasties some 1.5 km to the south, at a part of Abydos known today as Umm el-Qaab. All the rulers of the 1st Dynasty and the last two of the 2nd were buried there in underground tombs. The tombs themselves consisted primarily of mud-brick substructures. In most cases, the evidence for any above-ground components of the tombs is

equivocal, although it is likely that they were marked by some kind of visible tumulus, as has been suggested by Gnter Dreyer for the tomb of Khasekhemwy.3 For each of these tombs, there appears to have been an associated monumental brick enclosure built much closer to the alluvial plain, on the low-desert terrace in north Abydos overlooking the site of the ancient town. Given the remoteness of the royal tombs and the likely modest character of any surface features associated with them, the enclosure built in north Abydos appears to have served as the primary

G. Dreyer et al., Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frhzeitlichen Knigsfriedhof 16./17./18. Vorbericht, MDAIK 62 (2006), 67-129.

the shunet el-zebib at abydos

Fig. 3. Khasekhemwys monument consisted of a main inner enclosure wall, which still stands in most places to near its original height, and a lower outer perimeter wall, now much more denuded, visible at lower left. The original niched and plastered exterior faade is preserved along the lower part of the main enclosure wall, visible in the excavated corridor between the two walls. Photo by Robert Fletcher for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2004.

monumental statement of royal presence and power for each king at the site. Although none of the earlier royal enclosures is still standing, excavation of their denuded remains has revealed that each followed a similar template. A large rectangular interior space was defined by a single massive mud-brick enclosure wall. Longer in the north-south axis than on the east-west, each enclosure was built such that the long axis was oriented to local, or river, north. The exterior of each enclosure possessed a repeated series of alternating niches and pilasters, a pattern frequently characterized as a niched or palace faade. Special attention was focused on the northeast, or local east, wall, where simple niches alternated with deeper and wider complex ones. The interior of each enclosure consisted largely of open space with the exception of a small mud-brick chapel, which was usually constructed in the southeastern part. Access to the interior was through gateways at the north and east corners. Although in many respects Khasekhemwys monument conformed to the general pattern seen in the preceding enclosures, in significant ways it was unique. Unlike any of the earlier examples,

that of Khasekhemwy actually consists of two concentric rectangular mud-brick enclosures: a massive inner, or main, wall, and a now much more denuded outer, or perimeter, wall (fig. 3). The walls of the main enclosure are 5 meters thick and still stand to near their original height of 11-12 meters. They were substantially thicker and presumably taller than those of the earlier enclosures. The perimeter wall was around 3.5 meters thick and probably 7-8 meters high. With overall dimensions of 137 x 77 meters, the entire complex covers an area of more than 10,500 square meters and was the largest in extent of the Early Dynastic royal monuments at Abydos. The interior space defined by the main enclosure is more than 6250 square meters in area. Like its predecessors, the exterior of the Shunehs main enclosure wall was characterized by the niched, or palace, faade, with alternating simple and more elaborate niches on the northeast side. The faade of the lower perimeter wall was plain and would have rendered only the upper third of the more elaborate faade of the main enclosure visible from a distance. The Shuneh, like the earlier enclosures, had elaborate gateways at the north and east cor-

matthew douglas adams and david oconnor Conor Power. These experts undertook an architectural and condition survey of the standing walls, identifying the methods of original construction, important details of the original design of the complex, areas of both large- and smallerscale structural instability and other problematic conditions, and defining the processes that had resulted in the precarious state of the monument. Before any conservation work was done, the existing condition of the walls was fully documented by a systematic photogrammetric survey, led by preservation architect Robert Letellier. The architectural survey and condition assessment determined that most of the condition problems affecting the monument were structural in nature: large sections of the walls were in danger of catastrophic collapse, and many smaller areas were subject to smaller-scale, more localized processes of collapse that, over time, would gradually worsen until they affected major parts of the walls. In most instances, structural instability was primarily the result of missing masonry. The factors identified as contributing to the decay and damage were numerous and were both intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic factors related to the original design and method of construction. One involved the four original gateways. The openings of the gateways were almost certainly spanned with wooden beams or poles; such poles were represented in stone in the entryway to the Step Pyramid complex of Djoser. At the Shuneh, once the wood decayed, was weakened by insects, or was robbed out, the brickwork above would have begun to collapse. After a localized collapse started, a second intrinsic factor would have contributed to further losses. This was due to the basic method of the construction of the walls. Although the original faces of the walls were constructed of alternating well-bonded brickwork courses of headers and stretchers, this facing in reality formed only a thin veneer over wall cores that were constructed in stacked header courses. Masonry constructed in this way is not internally well bonded, although the massive wall cores of the Shuneh were relatively stable, unless affected by other factors. Extrinsic factors affecting the condition of the walls of the Shuneh include human, animal, and insect activity, as well as environmental forces. Human agency is seen primarily in two types of damage. One relates to the occupation of the monument in late antiquity, when the enclosure was occupied by an early Christian monastic com-

ners, but it also had additional simpler entrances in the southwest and southeast walls. Like its antecedents, the Shuneh also had an interior chapel, although this is larger and more elaborate than any of the known earlier examples. Architecturally, the enclosure of Khasekhemwy also relates closely to later royal monuments, particularly those of the 3rd Dynasty, and thus is part of the development of the royal pyramid complex. Khasekhemwys successor, Netjerikhet Djoser, built his own funerary complex at Saqqara, near the ancient capital of Memphis. This kings tomb, covered by Egypts first pyramid, was situated within a huge rectangular enclosure; although built in stone on a much larger scale and incorporating many important innovations, this enclosure clearly draws inspiration from the Shuneh and the other Abydos enclosures for many of its basic design elements, including its overall proportions, niched or palace faade, the location and design of its entrance, and the location of some of its interior cultic features. After standing nearly 5,000 years exposed to the elements and suffering extensive damage from human, animal, and insect activity, by the end of the last century Khasekhemwys great Abydos enclosure could be seen to be in a precarious state. Large sections of the main enclosure wall had collapsed, and deep structural cracks had developed in many areas, threatening further losses. Parts of the walls were heavily undermined by animal burrows, large voids existed in the masonry in many areas, and losses to the lower parts of walls had resulted in dangerous and unstable overhangs. Representing both the fullest achievement and only surviving example of Egypts earliest tradition of royal monumental funerary building, and standing as it does at the transition to the succeeding development of the royal pyramid complex, the Abydos enclosure of Khasekhemwy holds a unique position in Egypts architectural and archaeological heritage. Consequently, beginning in 1999 a major initiative was undertaken to document systematically the standing architecture of the monument, to analyze its condition, and to develop and implement conservation solutions to the many problems that were already obvious, and others that might be identified. Essential to the project has been a team of architectural conservation consultants, initially assembled by preservation architect William Remsen, and including mud-brick conservation specialist Anthony Crosby and structural engineer

the shunet el-zebib at abydos munity. At that time, large cavities were excavated into the cores of the walls to create living spaces. The original wall fabric above and adjacent to these rooms (or cells) has in most instances long since collapsed, resulting in very large areas of missing masonry, causing major areas of structural weakness. Losses of original masonry around the original gateways were greatly exacerbated by the creation, and subsequent collapse, of cells excavated into the immediately adjacent parts of the walls. Human agency is also represented in damage caused by large-scale and largely undocumented excavations in the mid-nineteenth century conducted by Auguste Mariette. His failed search for some underground component at the monument left much of the base of the interior side of the northeast wall of the main enclosure extensively undermined and structurally weakened. The undermined area invited the attention of burrowing animals, presumably the jackals and foxes still sometimes seen in the area today. Their extensive tunneling further weakened the wall, threatening much of it with catastrophic collapse. A process that has resulted in some of the most extensive damage to the monument is nest building by the Oriental hornet (Vespa orientalis). These hornets excavate large and distinctive disk-shaped holes in the mud-brick masonry in which they build substantial, sometimes multilevel, paper nests. In some cases, these nest holes are as much as 1.5 meters deep. Virtually all of the hundreds of medium-sized and small holes in the walls were initially created by these insects. Once such holes exist in the walls, they serve as localized points of structural weakness and localized collapse, which gradually enlarge over time. Wind and water erosion have also taken their toll, particularly on delicate original plaster finishes, and frequently accelerate decay in areas of the walls compromised by other factors. Photographs from Egypt Exploration Fund excavations early in the twentieth century show extensive areas of well-preserved plaster finish on the exterior faade of the northeast wall of the main enclosure. In the century since, virtually all of the plaster left exposed has been lost. Additionally, cavities in the walls resulting from monastic cells, animal burrows, or hornets create wind eddies, which serve to expand existing voids and further weaken adjacent masonry. Once any part of a wall core was compromised, for example through the loss of the wooden lintels

over the gateways, the excavation of a monastic cell cavity or hornet nest hole, or undermining by animal tunnels or old excavations, the result would inevitably be a cascading and ever-expanding series of localized or large-scale collapses. In areas where large losses have occurred in the past, the lack of strong internal bonding in the wall core has resulted in the development of deep structural cracks, which create further structural weaknesses and threaten adjacent sections of masonry with collapse. Given that most of the condition problems affecting the Shuneh are structural in nature, the fundamental solution is to re-establish structural stability where it is currently lacking. The question then becomes what is the most appropriate means of achieving this goal, and considerable attention has been given to defining the conservation philosophy that guides the work at the Shuneh. Essentially, the intent of the conservation program is to repair the condition problems while maintaining the present character of the monument, the result of its nearly 5,000 years of existence. The conservation work does not aim to recreate the original appearance of the monument, even where evidence regarding that appearance is preserved in the standing remains or has been revealed by excavation. The primary method adopted for the conservation of the Shuneh is to use new mud bricks of the same size and general character as the originals to replace missing sections of masonry, and thereby to re-establish structural stability in unstable areas. The new masonry provides structural support to the preserved original fabric of the walls and impedes further collapse and deterioration, but it is textured so as to reflect the existing eroded character of the original walls. This basic approach is illustrated by the solution used in dealing with one of the most serious types of condition problems, that presented by large voids in the walls left by the creation and subsequent collapse of the late antique monastic cells (fig. 4). Each cell is completely excavated and documented in detail prior to conservation. All preserved original surfaces and other significant features of each cell are protected by a separation layer of fine, sieved, compacted sand. New masonry is then used to fill the void. This new work maintains and is keyed into the coursing of the surrounding original wall fabric. The visible outer face of the new masonry is textured so as to reflect the eroded surfaces of the original wall,

matthew douglas adams and david oconnor

Fig. 4. These two large voids in the southwest wall of the main enclosure were the result of the excavation and subsequent collapse of living spaces in the wall in late antiquity. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2004.

and the in-fill is slightly concave and is set back slightly from the existing wall face. The purpose of the set back and concavity is both to allow the new masonry to be distinguished from the old, and to provide a visual marker for the presence of the cell, since the cells represent an important phase in the history of the monument (fig. 5). To date, six cell voids in the exterior side of the southwest wall of the main enclosure have been stabilized, as well as one in the interior side of its northeast wall. Undermined wall bases, gaps in the standing walls, and the many hundreds of hornet-nest holes have been similarly repaired, with the difference that the new masonry in-fills are not concave, as they do not represent significant cultural features. A somewhat different approach has been taken in the stabilization of the walls around the collapsed original gateway in the southwest wall of the main enclosure (fig. 6). Here unstable columns of masonry on both sides of the gateway,
4 Slightly more than one meter, as in this period one cubit equals 52.5 cm.

separated from the main wall mass by deep structural cracks, threatened to collapse and required structural support. This could only be achieved by spanning the gateway opening, such that the supporting new masonry could reach high enough to support fully the unstable vertical wall ends. The need to span the gateway opening presented a significant philosophical challenge, namely how to achieve this without obscuring the presence of a defining feature of the original design of the monument (the gateway), while remaining in keeping with the overall conservation approach of addressing condition problems in a way that is sensitive to the existing state of the monument. The solution adopted was a partial reconstruction of the gateway (fig. 7). Drawing on both architectural parallels and the iconography of the Early Dynastic Period, the proportions of the original gateway opening were estimated at 1:3, i.e., two Egyptian cubits4 wide (the width attested archaeologically) to six cubits high. Although the gateway was almost certainly roofed with wooden

the shunet el-zebib at abydos

Fig. 5. The section of the southwest wall of the main enclosure shown in fig. 4, after stabilization. A number of smaller holes have also been stabilized. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2007.

Fig. 6. The area of the collapsed gateway in southwest wall of the main enclosure. The vertical wall ends adjacent to the gateway were highly unstable and were separated from the main wall mass by deep vertical cracks. Photo by Robert Fletcher for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2001.

matthew douglas adams and david oconnor

Fig. 7. The partially reconstructed gateway in the southwest wall of the main enclosure. As shown here, the stabilization of the gateway area is incomplete; additional masonry will be added to the upper part of the wall that will fully stabilize the adjacent wall ends. Photo by Matthew Adams for the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2008.

elements originally, wood was not used in the reconstruction. Because wood is prone to insect attack or vandalism, reinforced concrete lintels were employed. The concrete was tinted to blend visually with the surrounding brickwork, and the lintels were shaped to evoke the original wooden elements. The architectural features that defined the gateway opening itself were reconstructed; with distance from the gateway, however, the degree of reconstruction decreases and the remainder of the new masonry is textured to reflect and blend smoothly into the surrounding eroded wall surfaces. Work at the gateway is presently only partly completed, and additional masonry will be added to the upper part of the wall, such that the distinct

notch seen in fig. 7 will not be present. Because similar problematic conditions exist around the other gateways, a similar approach will also be followed in those areas. At this writing, approximately half the conservation work needed at the Shunet el-Zebib has been completed. Nearly 250,000 new bricks have been manufactured and used in the stabilization of the walls, and overall the condition of the monument is significantly improved. Nevertheless, much remains to be done and is planned for the near future, such that Khasekhemwys great monument can remain a sentinel in the landscape of the site, a reminder of Abydoss singular significance to Egypts early kings.

earthquakes in egypt in the pharaonic period


Mediterranean archaeology is increasingly concerned with the impact of earthquakes on ancient monuments and cultures, as demonstrated, for example, by a conference on Archaeoseismology in 1995 in Athens.2 The fact that ancient Egypt was not represented indicates that Egyptologists have rarely observed or studied seismic events in ancient times. Egypt, however, located at the boundary of the African and the Arabian plates, is an earthquake-prone land. An earthquake of 1992, during which about 500 people died, is still vividly remembered.3 Though ancient Egyptians mentioned earthquakes (nwr-tA), it is not as historic and real events but in a general, symbolic way. Several sites and monuments attest that disastrous seismic events occurred in pharaonic times,4 though, without careful archaeological observations, it is often difficult to distinguish between earthquake damage and wreckage induced by other causes, such as sagging of buildings or human quarrying activities. It is even more problematic to determine the date of a seismic incident. Numerous severe earthquakes in Egypt are recorded from the Roman Period through the Middle Ages and in modern times.5 For example, a strong earthquake in the year 27 BC caused heavy damage in the Theban area, destroying, among other monuments, the upper part of the northern

Memnon statue.6 Around that time the same or another earthquake destroyed the Iseum (Behbet el-Hagar). The damage was recorded later by the European traveler Paul Lucas (1664-1737).7 The huge pile of fallen blocks does not show heaps of debris or other traces of quarrying activity, but the temple seems to have collapsed on itself, a typical earthquake scenario (fig. 1). The same event might also have brought down the huge Delta temple of Bubastis (Tell Basta).8 In a very few cases, an approximate date for an earthquake in pharaonic times can be established. For example, the huge funerary temple of Amenhotep III on the Theban west bank was apparently toppled by a powerful earthquake in the early part of the reign of Merenptah (1213-1203 BC), most likely around 1210 BC.9 One suspects that the nearby Ramesseum was also heavily damaged by the same seismic event, because this building was soon afterward used as a quarry to supply stones for the mortuary temples of succeeding kings.10 The same earthquake perhaps also triggered a rock fall that damaged the temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahri (and thereby instigating the repair work of Siptah).11 This temple and the nearby temple of Thutmose III were apparently finally destroyed by another rock fall in later Ramesside times.12 Was this also the earthquake of 1210 BC that brought down the upper half of one of the

1 This article is dedicated to Jack A. Josephson, a friend of long standing, whose broad interest in ancient Egypt also includes the archaeology of the Dahshur monuments. 2 S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds., Archaeoseismology, British School at Athens, Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 7 (Athens, 1996). 3 For recent damage at Saqqara, see E.D. Johnson, The Need of Seismic Analysis and Planning as Part of Ongoing Archaeological Site Management and Conservation: A Case Study of the Necropolis of Saqqara, JARCE 36 (1999), 135147. 4 R. M. Kebeasy, Seismicity, in The Geology of Egypt, ed. R. Said (Rotterdam, 1990), 51-52, C. Traunecker, Les restaurations et les reprises antiques, in Les Dossiers dArchologie 265 (2001), 70-71. 5 J.P. Poirier and M.A. Taher, Historical Seismicity in the Near and Middle East, North Africa and Spain from

Arabic Documents (7th-8th centuries) Bull. Seism. Soc. Am. 70, 218-220. 6 A. Bataille, Thbes grco-romaine, CdE 26 (1951), 348. 7 C. Favard-Meeks, Le temple de Behbeit el-Hagar (Hamburg, 1991), 311. 8 I thank Daniela Rosenow for this communication. 9 G. Haeny, Untersuchungen im Totentempel Amenophis III., BBA 11 (Wiesbaden, 1981), 17-18. 10 Since several older temples of the 11th, 18th, and early 19th Dynasties served as quarries for buildings of Rameses III and IV, one wonders whether these monuments had all been ruined by the earthquake of 1210 BC. 11 D. Arnold, Der Tempel des Knigs Mentuhotep von Deir el-Bahari (Mainz, 1974), 69. 12 J. Lipinska, Sanctuaries Built by Tuthmosis III, JEA 53 (1967), 29.


dieter arnold

Fig. 1. The temple ruin of Behbet el-Hagar (Iseum).

seated colossi of Rameses II from the faade of his rock temple at Abu Simbel?13 An earlier earthquake during the 11th Dynasty seems to have destroyed the pre-11th Dynasty temple on the Thoth Hill of western Thebes, bringing about a reconstruction under Mentuhotep Seankhkare.14 One might assume that this earthquake occurred in the early years of that king (about 1995 BC). Other seismic events cannot yet be accurately dated. For example, severe earthquake damage was observed at the early 4th Dynasty mastaba of Nefermaat at Meidum.15 The collapse of the pyramid temple of Sahure at Abusir was probably also a result of such an event: the monolithic granite columns and architraves were not smashed by stone robbers but fell in one piece, tumbling over each other,16 suggesting that they
13 L.-A. Christophe, Abou Simbel et lepope de sa dcouverte (Brussels, 1965), 206-207; K. A. Kitchen, The Life and Times of Ramesses II (Warminster, 1982), 135-136. O. Goelet, The Blessing of Ptah, in Fragments of a Shattered Visage, ed. E. Bleiberg and R. Freed, MIEAA I (Memphis, 1991), 70-71. 14 G. Vrs and R. Pudleiner, Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Thoth Hill, Thebes, MDAIK 54 (1998), 338. 15 Y. Harpur, The Tombs of Nefermaat and Rahotep at Maidum (Oxford 2001), 42, 240, 283 n. 28, 309, figs. 17677, 179. 16 L. Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Knigs Sahu-Re,

were knocked down by a heavy earthquake. Borchardt observed that Greek visitors inscriptions had been scratched onto the monument while it was still standing, which would date the collapse to an unknown later period. In Middle Egypt, the 12th Dynasty rock tombs of el-Bersheh17 were crushed most probably in pharaonic times by a powerful earthquake that buried the tombs under enormous masses of collapsed rock (fig. 2). The Fraser tombs at Tehneh, not far away, northeast of Miniya, were so heavily shaken that whole walls were displaced, perhaps by the same seismic event.18 Collapsed ceilings of rock tombs can further be observed in many places in Egypt, such as in the Faiyum19 and at Lisht-South, although not all tombs were necessarily ruined by earthquakes, but by ancient quarrying activity.
vol. 1, Der Bau (Leipzig, 1910), 105-106, figs. 42-43. Borchardts assumption that the fall was caused by stone robbers who started pulling out columns from the east portico is not convincing, because such a procedure would not have affected the other columns. 17 P. Newberry, El Bersheh (London, 1892, 1894), e.g., vol. 1, pp. 2, 9-10; vol. 2, pp. 17, 30, 60-62. 18 M. G. Fraser, The Early Tombs at Tehneh, ASAE 3 (1902), 74. 19 D. Arnold, Bericht ber Fahrten in das El-GharaqBecken (Faijum), MDAIK 21 (1966), pl. 29a-b.

earthquakes in egypt in the pharaonic period


Fig. 2. Earthquake damage at the tombs of el-Bersheh.

The expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, at Dahshur now has evidence of a strong earthquake that shook the Dahshur area in the later 12th Dynasty.20 We found earthquake damage at the following monuments: (1) In 1992 we excavated parts of the southern outer brick enclosure wall of the Senwosret III complex at Dahshur. The excavation showed that the brick wall had sheared off about 1.70 m above court level and fallen inward to the north. Approximately 30 brick courses were still stacked on top of each other, like the tiles of a roof, allowing us to estimate a wall height of about 5 m. The pattern of the staggered bricks cannot be explained as a natural event because brick walls normally melt down, leaving a pile of brick debris above the center of the wall. In this case a whole wall section fell in one piece, obviously caused by an earthquake wave striking the wall from the north and toppling the wall backward in that direction (fig. 3). The earthquake must have occurred when the wall was still standing upright and covered with white wall plaster. This collapse did not take
20 Visiting geologists confirmed the presence of a geological fold under the Dahshur area.

place immediately after the construction of the wall, because the wall section fell on a 1.7 m high mound of wind-blown sand. The amount of time required for the north wind to pile up this mound can be roughly estimated. From our observation at the site one would estimate a minimum of five years. (2) The mastaba of Nebit (NM18/19) in the cemetery north of the pyramid of Senwosret III consisted of a brick core cased with three courses of heavy limestone blocks. The two lowermost courses consisted of 40 cm thick slabs ca. 1.80 m high and one to two meters wide. These courses were topped by 1.70 m long blocks that were only 52.5 cm high. Ancient stone robbersprobably in the Late New Kingdomquarried this material away down to the foundation trenches, leaving only a few broken pieces and limestone chip. They reasonably worked along the foot of the mastaba and did not search for material further away. They therefore missed a group of blocks that was lying in the northern court about two to five meters distant from the foot of the mastaba. The blocks


dieter arnold

Fig. 3. Fallen brick enclosure wall of the pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur.

were still lying face down in the same sequence as they had fallen from the mastaba north side (fig. 4). They obviously had not fallen vertically to the mastabas foot but were hurled with an enormous force away from the building. This force cannot have been accomplished by human means, but rather suggests a strong seismic shock. The inscribed blocks do not show signs of long exposure or weathering but are covered by a solid yellow/brown patina that is also typical for the surface of pyramid casing blocks. How much time is necessary to produce this phenomenon is unknown. The slabs were lying on the clean court surface, some of them in a gap in the flattened northern enclosure wall of the tomb complex. This location shows that at the moment of the fall, the center part of the north wall had already been completely removed.21 3) We made a corresponding observation during the excavation of the mastaba of Khnumhotep, also north of the pyramid of Senwosret III. Again, the brick core of the mastaba had been cased with limestone blocks, most of which were removed by ancient stone robbers. They overlooked, however, the blocks of the northwest and northeast
It could be argued that this would signal that the earthquake happened much later, after brick robbers had removed the entire wall. Only this section of the wall had been taken

corners. We found those of the northwest corner lying as they had fallen, arranged like roof tiles three to five meters northwest of the corner, suggesting that the corner blocks fell as a unit. De Morgan excavated in 1894 nearly all the blocks of the corresponding northeast corner of the mastaba but did not describe the circumstances of the discovery. Since most of the blocks of other parts of the building were removed by stone robbers, the fact that nine blocks of the northeast corner were preserved suggests again that they had fallen together and were thrown so far from the foot of the mastaba that stone robbers overlooked them. One may therefore conclude that both northern corners of the building were blasted off by the same earthquake. 4) Certainly the same earthquake ruined the burial of Sitwerut, wife of Horkherty, who attached his tomb complex to the northern enclosure wall of Nebit. We found the wood coffin untouched by human activity close to the south end of the sarcophagus, but unmistakable brown traces on the floor of the stone sarcophagus showed the original position of the coffin 30 cm further to the north (fig. 5). It can only have been an earthquake that
down, however, for some unknown purpose, while the rest of the wall is still standing today several courses high.

earthquakes in egypt in the pharaonic period


Fig. 4. Fallen casing blocks of the mastaba of Nebit at Dahshur.

smashed the coffin against the foot of the stone sarcophagus, causing the heavy cedar box to fall apart.22 A study of structural damage to the monuments of Dahshur automatically brings to mind the Dahshur pyramid of Amenemhat III. Exploration of the underground apartments of that pyramid has clearly shown that a catastrophic event brought construction work to an end23 shortly before the completion of the interior rooms, at a moment when the above-ground buildings had already been built, even after the pyramid temple was decorated (about 1848 BC). At the moment of impact, the stone ceiling of the underground chambers was cracked so vigorously that the chambers and corridors were expected to collapse.24 The workers undertook some emergency measures to shore up the endangered parts but were soon ordered to abandon the site and build another pyramid far away in the Faiyum. Until recently I had assumed that the reason for that accident was the soft clay underground

that sagged under the steadily increasing weight of the pyramid. The accident occurred, however, not during the construction of the pyramid but after its completion, when no more weight was added. It is more likely, therefore, that the damage was inflicted by an earthquake, apparently the same event described above. One could dismiss the association of the damage to the Amenemhat III pyramid with a seismic event as too hypothetical, but a date of 1848 BC would fit amazingly well with the condition of the Dahshur monuments described above, and within the chronological framework of the period. (1) The brick enclosure wall of Senwosret III would have been standing 15-17 years. (2) The casing of the Nebit mastaba would have been exposed to weathering for over 20 years, and (3) the coffin of Sitwerut would have been buried for five years. Since a strong earthquake at Dahshur would also have affected neighboring areas, one might also turn attention to el-Lisht. There the crypt of the so-called French tomb at Lisht, also dating

22 Damage by rotting can be excluded, because the ground-water level in the Middle Kingdom was so much lower that humidity could not yet have reached the tombs. 23 Around year 31 of Senwosret III and year 12 of

Amenemhat III (assuming a reign of Amenemhat III from 1859 to 1813 BC). 24 D. Arnold, Der Pyramidenbezirk des Knigs Amenemhet III. in Dahschur (Mainz, 1987), 83-84.


dieter arnold

Fig. 5 Remains of damaged coffin of Sitwerut, in original position.

from the later part of the reign of Senwosret III,25 displays a surprising amount of small-scale patchup work with patch stones and plaster,26 similar to the repair work in the underground apartments of the pyramid of Senwosret III and the crypt of Queen Weret II at Dahshur. The repairs in these three tombs conceal damage that must have occurred when the crypts were not yet sealed, but still accessible to restorers, confirming a date in the later years of the coregency between Senwosret III and Amenemhat III. The damage to the casing of the pyramid of Senwosret I at Lisht has been explained until now entirely as structural failure.27 I would now differentiate between broken edges that were repaired during the construction period and the projecting casing blocks that could have been displaced by the earthquake of the year 31 of Senwosret III. Huge cracks also split the granite blocks of the crypt of Amenemhat I at Lisht. The south wall of

25 D. Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, PMMAE 28 (New York, 2007), 32. 26 D. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur (New York, 2000), 79. 27 D. Arnold, The Pyramid of Senwosret I (New York, 1988), pls. 40-41.

Fig. 6. Damaged rear and right-side walls of the burial chamber of Amenemhat I at Lisht.

earthquakes in egypt in the pharaonic period the well chamber did indeed sag, but there is no reason why the downward movement of the blockwhich did not carry any loadwould have caused such damage (fig. 6). If the theory of an extraordinary seismic event during the reign of Amenemhat III (or around 1848 BC) is accepted, one would also have to


consider the probability that the nearby settlements and even the royal residence itself were harmed, with serious consequences for the whole country. More details of the strength and date of such an event may be provided in the future from evidence of archaeologists currently working in the Memphite area.

Chronological list of events

1887 -1878 1885 SENWOSRET II Illahun-Pyramid Construction

1880 1878 -1840 1875 Sobekemhat mastaba Construction

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 SENWOSRET III Dahshur-Pyramid Construction


Nebit mastaba Construction Fallen casing South temple

1865 Horkherty mastaba Construction Shifted coffin Fallen wall 1860


Senwosretankh mastaba Construction Fallen casing?

1850 1848

Treasure of Lahun I damaged Earthquake? Abydos tomb Construction


Treasure of Lahun II


SIII dies 1840

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Khnumhotep mastaba Construction Fallen casing

1859 -1813

AMENEMHAT III Dahshur-Pyramid Construction

Interior damage Hawara-Pyramid Construction

AIII dies 1813

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20


dieter arnold

foreign and female


FOREIGN AND FEMALE* Dorothea Arnold The Metropolitan Museum of Art

The statuette in the National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh1 here illustrated as figs. 1-3 has intrigued admirers of Egyptian art ever since Cyril Aldred included it in his 1956 Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom2 and Janine Bourriau exhibited it in her memorable show Pharaohs and Mortals at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, in 1988.3 Carved from (most probably sycamore) wood, the figure was originally covered with a thin layer of gesso and painted. When excavated in shaft tomb 181 at Beni Hasan by John Garstang,4 the surface, especially of the face, was somewhat blistered, and that damage was reportedly aggravated during World War II storage. Before Aldreds publication the figure was, therefore, cleaned and the features repainted; in addition, the right hand and the tip of the left foot were restored.5 A somewhat stocky, light-skinned6 woman sets her left foot forward. She wears yellow boots and a light reddish brown, lower-than-calf-length garment of heavy material under which she carries a baby on her back. In order to envelope and support the infant, the garment (or an added shawl) is tightly drawn over the womans shoulders and arms. Only the right hand remains free, while part of the womans shoulders and neck emerges from a V-shaped neckline. Of the infant, only a little bald, yellow-painted head is exposed. Below the
* I want to thank Irit Ziffer, Kim Benzell, and Jean Evans for their very helpful and enlightening contributions to this article. I am also grateful to my colleague Joan Aruz, who asked me to give a talk about the matter discussed in this article to her Scholars Workshop on February 4, 2009, at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. This made it possible for me to discuss some of my ideas with the Ancient Near East scholars and Egyptologists present at the occasion. All mistakes in this article are, of course, my own. The exhibition Beyond Babylon, Art, Trade and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium B.C. that made the workshop possible was an overall inspiration for matters of interconnections. 1 Inventory number 1911.260. Height 6 inches (15.3 cm); width 1 inch (4.4 cm). 2 C. Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art in Ancient Egypt, 23001590 B.C. (London, 1956), 42, no. 30 with ill. 3 J. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals: Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom (Cambridge, 1988), 108-109, no. 97 with ill. 4 J. Garstang, Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt (London,

cover of the shawl or garment, the womans left hand and arm are turned backward to further support the babys body.7 The most striking part of the figure is its large head. With a slightly uplifted face, the head is supported on a long, curved neck marked by an incipient Adams apple in front and a thick roll of flesh below the hairline in the back. All the hair is drawn upwards and off the face and neck, and a band or shawl is wrapped around it. Under this barrette-shaped hairdo, the face, although marked by pouches below the eyes and deep lines on the cheeks, does not strike the viewer as that of an old woman. On the contrary, this remarkable woman is either still young or certainly not more than middle aged, and there is a decidedly attractive, if unusual, charm about her. Below her thick black brows, the narrowly spaced eyes are wide open, and the aquiline nose has broad nostrils. The mouth is slightly pursed, and the lips are full and sensuous. The overlarge, somewhat faun-like ears would not have marred the womans appeal in the eyes of ancient Egyptians, because they might well have associated them with the cow ears of Hathor, goddess of beauty and all things exotic. The unusual character of the figure is further emphasized by her clothing, on which the excavator John Garstang still observed remains of
1907), 139-141, fig. 138, and 218 for the content of the tomb. 5 See Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art. 6 Due to the report about repainting, it is not possible to determine for sure whether the woman had a light reddish, pink, or yellow skin. Remains that look original around the ears suggest the former. 7 I prefer Aldreds (Middle Kingdom Art) interpretation of the left arm against Bourriaus (Pharaohs and Mortals) suggestion of a harness. The difference between the manner in which the arms are depicted below the garment is otherwise not explainable: compare fig. 2 in this article with fig. 138 in Garstang, Burial Customs. Compare also the statuette in the Metropolitan Museum of Art Purchase, Edward S. Harkness Gift, 1926 26.7.1407 (W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, Part 2: The Hyksos Period and New Kingdom [New York, 1959], 34, fig. 16) and G. Brunton, Two Faience Statuettes, ASAE 39 (1939), 102, fig. 2.


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Figs. 12. Female foreigner with baby, painted wood, National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh, A. 1911.260 (photographs courtesy Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).

Fig. 3. Female foreigner with baby, National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh, top of head (photograph courtesy Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland).

foreign and female patterning.8 Indeed, in the profile view (fig. 2), some zigzag lines might be still discernable. Also unusual and foreign looking are the use of a heavy (woolen?) fabric, the shape of the garment that almost totally conceals the womans body, the boots, and the womans strange hairdo. No question: this statuette represents a foreigner. Bourriau called her a Bedouin, Garstang suggested Libyan connections, and Aldred described her as a foreign woman. All three scholars reminded their readers of the group of Asiatic Aamu in the large rock tomb of the nomarch Khnumhotep, just above the cemetery of shaft tombs in one of which the figure was found,9 not without pointing out the differences between the statuette and the people of the wall decoration. Khnumhoteps tomb is dated to the reign of Senwosret II, but it is certainly one of the latest among the rock tombs at the site. Best evidence for a date for the remarkable Edinburgh figure should be supplied by the context of the particular shaft tomb (no. 181) in which it was found. Unfortunately, this context is not all that easy to reconstruct. Garstang evidently found remains of two coffinsa mans and a womansin tomb 181, but he does not specify which objects in his list of finds belonged to which of the two burials.10 Neither does the pottery listed help much to date either of the burials, because the types were found so frequently throughout the cemetery that Stephan Seidlmayer in his study of First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom pottery calls them indifferent for dating purposes. He assigns shaft tomb 181 on the evidence of its location inside the cemetery to his Stufe II, during whichhe suggestsan essential extension of the cemetery took place that included above all the lower ranges of the slope,11 placing the Stufe II tombs with all due caution into the reigns of Amenemhat I and Senwosret I.12 This coincides
Burial Customs, 140. No. 3: P. Newberry, Beni Hasan, Part 1 (London, 1893), 69, pls. 28, 30, 31. For recent interpretations of the scene see J. Kamrin, The Cosmos of Khnumhotep II at Beni Hasan, (London and New York, 1999), 93-96. 10 Garstang, Burial Customs, 218, no. 181, lists the (most probably male) name Wes[e]ri and the (certainly female because lady of the house) Arjthetep. His list of finds on p. 218 does not, however, differentiate between two burial groups. 11 S. Seidlmayer, Grberfelder aus dem bergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich (Heidelberg, 1990), 231, fig. 95, for the characterization of jar types 23 and 25 of Garstang. Tomb 181 in Stufe II: ibid., 229. For the position of tomb 181, see Garstang, Burial Customs, pl. 4, in middle to lower range below rock tomb XVIII. 12 Seidlmayer, Grberfelder, 233.
9 8


with Bourriaus early 12th Dynasty date for the womans figure.13 Archaeological context aside, general art-historical considerations suggest that the figure of a foreign woman from Beni Hasan might fit well into a trend in early- to mid-12th Dynasty art toward subtle characterizations of human beings outside the general Egyptian type. This trend was already well under way during the later years of Senwosret I, when some remarkably shallow reliefs were added to the kings funerary monument at LishtSouth.14 There is no comparable female image on the preserved fragments. But in the sparing use of markers and the proudly asserted identity, the reliefs resemble the female statuette here under consideration. Further along in the development of the same trend is the Metropolitan Museums small pygmy figure from the burial of Hepy at Lisht-South.15 The archaeological context of this ivory statuetteone of four found in front of the wall that closed the burial of a woman called Hepydates into the late reign of Senwosret I and the reign of his successor Amenemhat II.16 Although the ivory figure is undoubtedly more sophisticated than the Edinburgh statuette in material and artistic quality, the two statuettes are very close in the daring with which the artists brought forward unusual human physiognomies. One is actually very much tempted to call the Edinburgh figure a provincial version of the trends expressed in the pygmy representation. What would eventually be achieved in royal portraits of Senwosret III and Amenemhat III is here somehow foreshadowed. Dating the Beni Hasan statuette in the same time frame that was suggested for the pygmy seems, after all, a reasonable suggestion. Bourriau rightly noticed that an ivory statuette in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (figs. 4-7)17 is a close parallel to the Beni Hasan statuette. This
Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 108. One fragment published: M. Hill, Relief of a Foreigner Throwing a Spear, in The American Discovery of Ancient Egypt, ed. N. Thomas (Los Angeles 1995), 153, no. 59. 15 Rogers Fund, 1934 34.1.130. Excavated in the mastaba tomb west of the tomb of Senwosretankh, in front of the brick wall blocking the burial of a woman called Hepy. W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, Part 1: From the Earliest Times to the End of the Old Kingdom (New York, 1990), 223, fig. 139. 16 D. Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, PMMA 28 (New York, 2008), 24 and (in more detail) Do. Arnold, Art and Archaeology at Lisht South (forthcoming). 17 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 54.994. Height 3 in. (9cm). D. Wildung, LAge dOr de lgypte: Le Moyen Empire (Fribourg, 1984), 182, fig. 159, wrongly stated to be from Kerma; the piece has no provenance.
14 13


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Figs. 46. Female foreigner with baby, ivory, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 54.994 (photographs courtesy Museum of Fine Arts).

female also wears an off-the-body garment (or cloak) whose veritable bell shape is even further removed from typical Egyptian sheath dresses than the heavy woolen dress of the Beni Hasan statuette. A slight bulge in the womans silhouette at the height of her elbow is all that reminds the viewer of the body beneath the garment. A fair degree of abstraction is also discernible in the way the woman carries the infant on her back. Again, only the babys head is visible, but here its body is not even indicated below the cloth, and the whole narrative is condensed into an eloquent

curve described by the upper end of the womans garment at the back. Fringed, or more probably reinforced by cross-stitching, this upper seam is held fast in front by the womansnow mostly missinghands and stretches tightly over the shoulders, from which it passes into the loop at the back. The Boston figures garment is unmistakably marked as foreign by the presence of a fringe along the bottom and the vertical seam in front. In addition, a checkerboard pattern has been boldly incised into the surface of the cloak. The womans

foreign and female


Fig. 6.

Fig. 7. Female foreigner with baby, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, top of head (photograph courtesy Museum of Fine Arts).

hands were carved separately and then inserted into drilled holes; only the left wrist, from which the hand was broken off, remains. The separately made left leg was inserted into the underside of the figure with the help of a peg whose original drill hole is still partly preserved in the remains of the leg. The right leg was probably carved as one piece together with the rest of the figures body. More of the legs must have been visible below the garment than in the Beni Hasan statuette, to ensure the right proportions for the figure. Or are we perhaps seeing a female dwarf? Female dwarfs with children were often represented in small figurines during the Middle Kingdom, and these figurines invariably wear cloak-like garments
18 V. Dasen, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece (Oxford, 1993), 140-141, and D. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret I, PMMA 25 (New York, 1992), 78-79, pls. 85-86, nos.

similar in nature to the ones worn by the two statuettes here under consideration.18 The carver did not attempt to indicate anything unusual in the womans somewhat masculine facial features beyond a friendly smile. Her hairdo, however, closely resembles the one of the Edinburgh figure. It leaves the face and neck entirely uncovered and is wrapped by bands or a shawl to look like a kind of cap. No provenance is known for the piece, and it is difficult to ascribe more than a general Middle Kingdom date to the figure. A late Middle Kingdom date might be suggested by the advanced stylization of the piece. The top of each womans head shows a flattened area of roughly circular shape. Inside these

235-237. None of these figures show, however, the unusual hairdo of the Beni Hasan and Boston statuettes.


dorothea arnold One of the most extraordinary monuments of the 12th Dynasty is the painted rock tomb of Ukhhotep III, son of another Ukhhotep and his wife Henyherib (C 1) at Meir in Middle Egypt.20 Like his ancestors, Ukhhotep III was a member of the countrys highest elite, a royal sealer and nomarch, with his main position of power that of an overseer of priests of the local deity, Hathor of Qusiya (Cusae).21 His rock-cut tomb in the cliffs to the west of the capital was of simple shape, following in ground plan a tradition that went at least as far back as the early 12th Dynasty,22 but presenting in the details of its wall decoration a unique example of the versatility, inventiveness, and sheer beauty of Middle Kingdom tomb design. Unfortunately, the drawingspainstakingly executed by Blackmans draftsmen23do not convey the rich palette of colors used in the paintings. To mention just one example: the tomb owners large figure at the west end of the north wall stands out against a yellow-orange background, while his cloak is decorated with broad stripes of saturated green.24 After having traversed a now almost totally destroyed forecourt, the visitor to Ukhhotep IIIs tomb enters the main chamber, whose focus is a niche directly opposite the entrance. Here doubtlessly a statue of the tomb owner was placed amid decorated walls that characterize the niche as an offering chapel.25 North and south of this niche on the tomb chambers west wall, over-life-size figures of the tomb owner occupy the whole height of the wall above a dado with a niche motif.26 On the north sideand to the right of the statue chapelUkhhotep, accompanied by various women of his family, is depicted hunting birds in the papyrus thicket with his boomerang. On the opposite, south sideleft of the statue nichehe is represented spearing fish in a thicket of lilies,27
22 See A.M. Blackman, The Rock Tombs of Meir II (London, 1915), pl. 1, of the early 12th Dynasty. 23 The main artist was Ismail Sadeq; S.R. Shepherd did the inking: see Blackman, Meir VI, Preface. The accuracy of the drawings to the minute detail can be checked by comparison with black and white photographs in the archives of the Department of Egyptian Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, see here fig. 9A. Some color photographs were taken in the 1960s by Dieter Arnold. The tomb urgently needs to be re-documented with present-day technological methods. 24 It is the figure in Blackman, Meir VI, pl. 18. 25 Ibid., 32-37, pls. 15-1. 7 26 Ibid., 25-29, pl. 13. 27 This unusual way of bringing the antithesis of Upper versus Lower Egypt into the fishing and fowling activities is one of the ways in which this tomb owner aspires to the role of the pharaoh. See below for that ambitious undertaking.

areasand off center in the case of the Beni Hasan figureholes have been drilled into the heads (figs. 3,7). These holes have formerly been explained as providing the opportunity to fasten baskets to the womens heads, and this led to the universal understanding that the women were offering bearers. Closer inspection of the figures heads, however, throws serious doubts on this reconstruction. The flattened area surrounding the drill hole on the head of the Beni Hasan figure (figs. 2-3) is slanting considerably toward the back. This would have caused a basket to rest dangerously askew on the womans head. On the top of the Boston figures head, moreover, a ridge can be seen that runs from at least one side of the area around the hole toward the back of the head (fig. 7). Tool marks at the sides of the ridge show that the area in question is part of the ancient, carved surface, not caused by material having been broken off later. Again, a basket would have sat very insecurely on top of this head. It should, moreover, be noted that the hole on the Beni Hasan figures head is not centered on the flattened area around it. This suggests the addition by pegging of an irregularly shaped additional piece. On further consideration, it must also be mentioned that, although many women to this day carry loads on their heads and babies on their backs at the same time, ancient Egyptian offering bearers are always represented steadying the baskets on their heads with one hand.19 The question of what the two women who are represented in the Edinburgh and Boston statuettes carried on their heads must, therefore, be reconsidered. A solution might be provided by some striking parallels for the womens barrette-shaped hairdos in the paintings of a Middle Kingdom tomb.
19 A good example showing the upraised arm together with a fully horizontal flattened attachment area for the basket on top of the head is the female offering bearer, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 05.231: Do. Arnold, Amenemhat I and the Early Twelfth Dynasty at Thebes, MMJ 26 (1991), 34, fig. 50. Most offering bearers, however, do not have flattened areas on their heads: the basket sits either on the peak of the curved top of the head, or its own bottom is cut out to make room for inserting the top of the head: see Hayes, Scepter of Egypt 1, 267, fig. 174 for the cutout basket bottom, and R.E. Freed, L.M. Berman, and D.M. Doxey, Arts of Ancient Egypt, MFA Highlights (Boston, 2003), 125, ill. 20 A.M. Blackman, The Rock Tombs of Meir VI (London, 1953), 8-37, pls. 10-31, 32, figs. 1-2; D. Kessler, Meir, L 4, 14-19, especially 17. For the date of this tomb around the middle of the 12th Dynasty, see also Blackman, The Rock Tombs of Meir I (London, 1914), 12-13. 21 D. Kessler, Qusae, L 5, 73-74.

foreign and female flanked by wedjat eyes and again accompanied by female members of his family. The east wall of the chamber to both sides of the entry is badly damaged.28 But what remains appears to indicate that the themes in the upper parts of both sides of the wall to the right and left of the entrance corresponded to some extent to their opposites in the west, while the rows of women in the bottom registers are best understood as prolonging the main theme of the north and south walls: the Hathor festival. Leaving these bottom registers aside for the time being, the subject north of the entrance was hunting in the desert. Of the upper part of the east wall, south and left of the entrance, not a trace is preserved. One might conjecture that here the life of the herds was depicted, because this crucial theme does not appear otherwise in the chamber. A fight of bulls was, moreover, evidently an important part of the Hathor festivals at Qusiya.29 But since the adjacent south wall deals with the catching of birds and fish, one might also suggest further representations of an aquatic nature. On both the north and south walls of the chamber, the decoration is divided between an upper and a lower half. Activities on the lower halves of both walls are directed toward the west, where an imposing standing figure of the tomb owner appears to emerge from the realm of the dead in the west to receive and supervise the offering bearers and other people confronting him.30 In the upper scenes on both walls, the focus figure at the west end is a less-dominating image of the seated Ukhhotep accompanied by female members of his family.31 The main theme on these upper parts of the north and south walls represents what can be called the central topic of the tomb: the worship of the goddess Hathor.32 And this goes far in explaining the less-conspicuous status of the tomb owner on these upper sections of the walls. Ukhhotep is here, after all, less the recipient of honors himself than a participant in the various ritual performances in honor of the goddess, even if it is true that the ultimate effect of the depiction of these performances in the tomb was believed to be in favor of Ukhhotep, high priest of Hathor:
Blackman, Meir VI, 15-17, pls. 9-10. S. Allam, Beitrge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches) (Berlin, 1963), 31-32 on Blackman, Meir II, pl. 15. 30 Blackman, Meir VI, 18-21, pls. 18, 30 (north wall), 23-24, pls. 11, 23 fig. 2 (south wall). 31 Ibid., 21-22, pls. 19, 32 fig. 1 (north wall), 24-25, pls. 12, 32 fig. 2 (south wall). 32 Blackman, Meir I, 2-4, and Allam, Hathorkult, 23-41
29 28


For your kas, says one of the officiating women, the menit of your mother Hathor, may she let you live as long as you wish.33 In the lower half of the north wall34opposite intriguing scenes of fishing and bird catching on the south wallthree magnificent registers depict offering bearers bringing desert animals and enormously fattened oxen, as well as all manner of fruit and vegetables, toward Ukhhotep, who is standing under a canopy, enveloped in his striped cloak and accompanied by a small figure of a female member of his family. In front of the canopy roof that shelters the tomb owner is written: Words spoken by (the god) Kahetep(y?). Whether this deity was actually depicted where a niche for a later stela has destroyed the wall cannot be determined with certainty. Most probably his words were enough to evoke the presence of this lessfamiliar form of the god Osiris.35 But even so, a deity preceding a cortege of offering bearers even if only present by speechis a very unusual feature for a monument dedicated to a non-royal person. At the least, the divine speech makes it clear that the goods brought are without doubt provisions for Ukhhoteps sustenance in eternity. And the inscriptions specify these provisions as coming from the Delta.36 Several of the women who carry these goods from the Delta are depicted with hairdos that are strikingly similar to the hairstyle of the two statuettes in Edinburgh and Boston (figs. 8A-C, E). More examples of the same type of coiffures appear among the women in the bottom register on the east wall, north of the entrance (fig. 8D).37 Its counterpart on the south side of the east wall is too destroyed to determine the womens headgear. The Ukhhotep womens hair is swept up from the neck, and in several cases it is made clear that the hair is kept in shape by bands or fillets (fig. 8A). The result is a cap-like coiffure with a thick bun-like part protruding at the back and a bulge above the forehead, much as it is seen in the two statuettes. The Ukhhotep women provide, however, additional information on this type of
(with other early references) have not yet been superseded in describing and interpreting in depth these rites according to the representations in the Meir tombs. 33 Blackman, Meir I, pl. 2. 34 Blackman, Meir VI, pl. 18. 35 For Kahetep see: C. Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen 7 (Leuven, 2002), 239. 36 Blackman, Meir VI, pl. 18. 37 Ibid., pl. 10.


dorothea arnold naked area above the infants head (fig. 4). Single braids at the back of servant womens heads are often depicted in Middle Kingdom and early New Kingdom art, and some of the women with braids are actually identified as Asiatics.39 The identification of the Ukhhotep tomb women with the cap-like hairdo as foreigners is made absolutely clear by objects that are depicted in association with them. Behind the third woman from the right in the uppermost register of the north wall of Ukhhoteps tomb (fig. 8A) is a table on which three vessels stand, covered by a kind of canopy decorated with grapes or the leaves of a plant. Two of the vessels have handles, as do two others, one held in the left hand of the last figure in the row and another on the table that she carries on her shoulder (fig. 8A). Handles of this type, though known in the Canaanite Early Bronze Age IV to Middle Bronze Age I ceramic repertoire as well asoccasionallyin Syrian and Mesopotamian pottery of the later Early to Middle Bronze Age, are practically unknown in Egypt during the Middle Kingdom.40 This endows the group a priori with a foreign character, an impression that is only increased after a closer look at the shapes of the vessels. With their globular bodies, sharply emphasizedin some cases undulatingrims, and thin hoop handles, the vessels in the Meir painting resemble, most of all, metal containers. In fact, the silver cups with hoop and loop handles from the famous Td Treasure temple deposit come vividly to mind. These silver vessels, although discussions about the exact place of their origin are still ongoing (the Aegean and Anatolia are most frequently mentioned), were certainly foreign imports to Egypt.41 And the representation of such items in close proximity with the women with cap-like hairdos in the Meir paintings is enough to also mark these women as foreigners. The presence in Middle Kingdom Egypt of great numbers of eastern foreigners, many of them females, has recently again been widely

headgear. In some instances (fig. 8B, D, E), the cap-like turban is topped by an angular slightly wedge-shaped protrusion that appears in one case (figs. 8B, 9A) alone, in one case (fig. 8C) in combination with a ponytail, in a third case (fig. 8D) in combination with a braid, and in yet another case with a counterpart, also of wedge shape, protruding downward from the bun in the back (fig. 8E). These protrusions can be reasonably only identified as ornamental combs of the Spanish comb type. It is more than tempting to associate the ornamental combs of the Meir women with the drill holes in the heads of the two statuettes and suggest that such combs were also added to the heads of the cap-like coiffure of the two statuettes. The combs would not have been inserted directly into the preserved drill holes but were carved in one piece with the uppermost part of the womens coiffures, which explains the flattened areas around the holes on the heads. One might, for instance, reconstruct the Beni Hasan figure (figs. 1-3) according to the Meir woman in figs. 8B and 9A. A disk-shaped piece of wood with a slightly concave top and a wedge-shaped protrusion representing the comb would have been attached by inserting the peg on its underside into the drilled hole in the top of the head (fig. 9B). A parallel for this method of attaching parts of hair to the head of a statuette can be seen on a wooden figure in the Dumbarton Oaks collection.38 There, braids of hair have been fixed onto a girls shaven head by pegging not only the braids, but with them also parts of the head itself, onto flattened areas at the sides and back of the head. The Boston figure (figs. 4-6) could be reconstructed in a similar way, but here one might in addition suggest a somewhat more elaborate attachment in order to explain the concave area beside the drill hole (fig. 7) and the broken-off section at the back of that statuettes turban (fig. 5). The attachment would include a single braid at the back coveringat some distancethe strangely

38 J.H. Breasted, Egyptian Servant Statues (Washington, 1948), 95. pl. 89b, c. 39 H.G. Fischer, A Shrine and Statue of the Thirteenth Dynasty, Varia Nova, Egyptian Studies 3 (New York, 1996), 123-125 with fig. 1. 40 For double-handled Canaanite pots: R. Amiran, Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land (Jerusalem, 1969), 78-89, especially 83 photo 90, pl. 22, 12, pl. 23, 11, pl. 24, 10, 19: all Early Bronze IV to Middle Bronze I; during Middle Bronze IIA double handles seem to be fairly rare (except, of course for the Canaanite jars), see, however, ibid., pl. 29, nos. 2, 3.

For Syria/Mesopotamia: M. al-Maqdissi, V. Matoian, and C. Nicolle, eds., Cramique de lge du bronze en Syrie (Beirut, 2007). 41 F. Bisson de la Roque, Trsor de Td, Catalogue gnral des antiquits gyptiennes du Muse du Caire, Nos. 7050170754 (Cairo, 1950), 17-20, pls. 12-14, nos. 70580, 70583, 70590, 70591. G. Pierrat-Bonnefois, The Td Treasure and Bowls, Cups, and Chest, in Beyond Babylon: Art, Trade, and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium B.C., ed. J. Aruz (New York, 2008), 65-67.

foreign and female


Fig. 8. Details from the north (A, B, C, E) and east (D) walls in the tomb of Ukhhotep III at Meir after A.M. Blackman, The Rock Tombs of Meir VI (London, 1953), pls. 10, 18.


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B Fig. 9. Ornamental combs. A: Detail from the north wall of Ukhhotep IIIs tomb chamber (archival photograph The Metropolitan Museum of Art). B: Suggested attachment on the head of the statuette figs. 1-3 (drawing by Scott Murphy).

foreign and female


Fig. 10. Third millennium Mesopotamian headdresses after A. Spycket, La coiffure fminine en Msopotamie des origines la Ier dynastie de Babylone, Revue dAssyriologie et dArchologie Orientale 48 (1954), p. 123, fig. 26, Mari (A); p. 126, fig. 45, Kish (B); p. 170, fig. 60, cylinder seal, Chicago (C); p. 174, fig. 76, plaque, Berlin (D).


dorothea arnold the Meir women are, however, found in images from third millennium Mesopotamia, with a few less-close examples from the same area dating to the early second millennium. The drawings in fig. 10 are taken from the more-than-half-a-century-old, but admirably extensive, study by Agns Spycket.45 Fig. 10A, for instance, represents a shell inlay from Mari showing the head of a woman in an elaborate turban that bulges in front and back, very much like the caps of the Meir women, as well as the statuettes in Edinburgh and Boston. The excavator Andr Parrot called this the typical pre-Sargonite (Early Dynastic) head gear,46 and Agns Spycket observed that such turbans were evidently used rather inventively, that is with many variations, by the ancient Mesopotamians.47 Even closer to the Meir womens hairstyle is that of fig. 10B. It shows a piece of inlay from ancient Kish, where the hair is looped up at the back and bound by a fillet that has been fixed by a pin or comb with a rectangular end.48 A magnificent golden pin, decorated with flowers, was also fastened in the same way into the back of the elaborate headdress of Puabi at Ur. The back view of the reconstructed arrangement of this piece reveals that below all the petals and other ornament, this headdress, too, consisted of bands wound around the ladys head.49 Somewhat closer in date to the Meir paintings is a seal showing attendants of a deity in fringed
E. Mackay, A Sumerian Palace and the A Cemetery at Kish, Mesopotamia (Chicago, 1929), part 2, 122, pl. 35, 1. The intricacies of this hairdo are best understood from another inlay, ibid., pl. 26, 4, and P. Collins, Inlay of a female musician, in Art of the First Cities, 91, no. 50. I do not agree with the last author that these fillets are knotted at the back. No proper knot is visible, and the surface of the rectangular upright protrusion at the back is clearly differentiated from the one of the fillet. A person who has ever tried to keep looped-up long hair in place with just a band knows that the band has to be fastened with something like a pin, or here most probably a comb. Otherwise the band slips off very easily. 49 R.L. Zettler and L. Horne, eds., Treasures from the Royal Tombs of Ur (Philadelphia, 1998), 89-92. H. Pittman, Puabis headdress, in Art of the First Cities, 110-111, ills. Irit Ziffer refers me also to: A.R. Gansell, Identity and Adornment in the Third Millennium Mesopotamian Royal Cemetery at Ur, CAJ 17 (2007), 29-46, for more information on the Spanish combs used by most of the attendants in the royal tombs at Ur. Also pointed out to me by Irit Ziffer are the third millennium combs(?) excavated at Umm el-Marra in Syria: G.M. Schwartz et al., A Third Millennium B.C. Elite Mortuary Complex at Umm el-Marra, Syria: 2002 and 2004 Excavations, AJA 110 (2006), 616, fig. 14 with ibid. 614 and 615, fig. 13 for the find context close to skulls. The shape of these possible hair ornaments with two points on each side is strikingly paralleled by the depiction of two comb ends in the Meir woman, fig. 8E.

commented on,42 and it has been shown that the females especially appear in two capacities: as servants in elite Egyptian households, and as musicians and attendants in Egyptian temples.43 In the Ukhhotep tomb, both functions might be alluded to. The women with the striking coiffure could be household servants who have joined the offering bearers in Ukhhoteps tomb, and they could be members of the temple personnel of Hathor of Cusae who functioned under the overseer of priests in life as well as death. In both capacities, the foreign women added an exoticism to the proceedings that was doubtlessly thought to be pleasing to the goddess, and thus beneficial for the tomb owner. The next question would be whether one can narrow down the evidence from the Meir tombs to suggest where in particular the foreign women in the employ of Ukhhotep IIIs household and/ or the temple of Hathor at Cusae came from, and where we might, therefore, also place the ethnic origin of the women represented in the two statuettes that wear the same hairdo. A final answer to this question must ultimately come from Ancient Near Eastern scholars, but a few tentative remarks may perhaps be allowed here. A survey of hairstyles depicted on monuments from the Levant has only negative results: no hairstyle of this shape is known from representations on objects excavated in this area.44 Hairdos very similar to the ones of
T. Schneider, Auslnder in gypten whrend des Mittleren Reiches und der Hyksoszeit, Part 2: Die auslndische Bevlkerung (Wiesbaden, 2003), with further references. 43 Temple: ibid., 26-27 (Papyrus Berlin 10002), 57 (Papyrus University College XLI, 1); 264-78; servants, only to mention a few examples: ibid., 52 (stela in Liverpool E. 30), 58-59 (Meir, Tomb B2), 61-62 (stela MMA 63.154) and passim. 44 The closest parallels are the caps of Shasu Bedouins: M.G. Hasel, Domination and Resistance: Egyptian Military Activity in the Southern Levant, ca. 1300-1185 B.C. (Boston, 1998), 217-235. However, more than 500 years lie between these people and the women from Meir, andnot to forget the caps are worn by Shasu men, not women. 45 La coiffure fminine en Msopotamie des origines la Ier dynastie de Babylone, RAAO 48 (1954), 113-129, 169-177; and 49 (1955), 113-128. More recent are the PhD dissertation by A. Baadsgaard, Trends, Traditions, and Transformations: Fashions in Dress in Early Dynastic Mesopotamia (University of Pennsylvania, 2008), and the PhD thesis in the making by Kim Benzell, Sites of Enchantment: the Technology of Ur in Mesopotamia. 46 A. Parrot, Les Fouilles de Mari, septime campagne (hiver 1951-1952), Syria 29 (1952), 194-195, pl. 20, 1. See also P. Collins, Inlay of a woman wearing a cylinder seal. Also similar is the Inlay of a womans head, P. Collins in Art of the First Cities: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean to the Indus, ed. J. Aruz (New York, 2003), 161-162, nos. 104a, b. 47 RAAO 48, 122.

foreign and female garments (fig. 10C).50 Their hair lacks the turbanlike overall shape, but similar pins or combs seem to be stuck into the backs of their fillets. Although also possible, it is less likely that knot ends are depicted, because a knot actually has two ends, not just one. Dominique Collon has placed this and other related seals into the very end of the third millennium.51 Another image of a date truly contemporaneous with the 12th Dynasty (fig. 10D) shows a sombrero type of female hairstyle whose cone-shaped top might either be a kind of bun, or again ain this case more carelessly depictedcomb of the style worn by the Meir women and the statuettes.52 The image in question depicts a nude female musician standing on a small base and playing a lyre while a male dancer performs in front of her, tapping his small drum at the same time. Of about the same date, finally, are two nude female dancers or worshipers on a terracotta mold in Baghdad, whose surrounding figures (monkeys and dwarfs) must raise the interest of any Egyptologist, because of their similarity with Egyptian monkeys depicted in connection with the goddess Hathor in general, and a group of very similar dancing pygmies found at Middle Kingdom Lisht in particular.53 However, these late third millennium and early second millennium representations are significantly less close to the Meir womens hairdo, and it seems indeedat least after this admittedly cursory surveythat the closest parallels to these hairdos are found in a phase of Mesopotamian art contemporary with Egypts Old Kingdom. The third millennium date for the prototypes of hairstyles depicted in the Meir paintings and their parallels, the statuettes at Edinburgh and Boston,
50 Drawing from Spycket, RAAO 48, 170, fig. 60, after an Akkadian seal in Chicago: H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals; A Documentary Essay on the Art and Religion of the Ancient Near East (London, 1939), pl. 24f. 51 See also D. Collon, First Impressions: Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East (London, 2005), 36-37, fig. 113, 148149, fig. 642. 52 E. Klengel-Brandt in Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Das Vorderasiatische Museum (Mainz, 1992), 103, no. 47, provenance unknown. 53 F. Basmachi, The Treasures of the Iraq Museum (Baghdad, 1976-77), 401, fig. 108. For the pygmy figures from Lisht, see Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture, pl. 31a. 54 D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton, 1992), 17-24, reflects well the problems concerning the mechanics of Egypt-Mesopotamia relations even in the later fourth millennium, when such contacts are well evidenced in objects and iconographical details. For the Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom, evidence for contacts beyond Palestine/Syria is scarce to nonexistent: ibid., 33-48, 51-55, and the same remains true for the Middle


must throw serious doubts on any historical conclusions that might at first glance be drawn from them about the presence of foreign women from Mesopotamia in 12th Dynasty Middle Egypt. One has to ask, indeed, how a third millennium Mesopotamian female hairstyle could have become known to Middle Kingdom Egyptians, when there were no known direct contacts between Egypt and the Near East further inland than the Levant before the early 18th Dynasty?54 The fact that a number of our comparative images were inlays (figs. 10A, B) might provide a possible explanation. The inlays from Mari, Kish and other sites in Mesopotamia and inland Syria appear mostly to have been set into stone slabs and friezes, and thus would have served as wall decorations in palaces and temples.55 But one should not forget, however, that boxes, pieces of furniture, and musical instruments were also embellished with inlays of shell or ivory.56 Such precious items from Mesopotamia could well have reached Egypt by trade (via Byblos, for instance) to be kept in the temple treasures of Hathor of Cusae, as well as the likewise-important sanctuary of Hathor of Nefrusi, located north of Cusae and governed by the nomarchs entombed at Beni Hasan.57 The lapis lazuli objects in the Td Treasure show clearly that exotic imports could live for long spans of time in temple treasures.58 The makers of the statuettes, and the painters at Meir, could thus have copied impressive foreign hairstyles from third millennium heirlooms in the temple treasures. If such an explanation of the depiction of third millennium hairstyles on foreign women in 12th Dynasty art were accepted, no direct Middle Kingdom relations between Mesopotamia and Egypt
Kingdom: ibid., esp. 87-93 for the areas covered by the execration texts. See also the recent summing up by Joan Aruz, Art of the First Cities: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean to the Indus, in Art of the First Cities, 7; J. P. Allen, Egypt and the Near East in the Third Millennium B.C., in Art of the First Cities, 251, 253, and P. Collins, Standing nude female figure with folded arms, in Art of the First Cities, 252. 55 P. Collins, Palace, in Art of the First Cities, 89-92, 156-162. Somewhat astonishing for the non-Near Eastern scholar, however, are the small sizes of the various inlays and inlaid stones. Do we rather see decorations of thrones, throne platforms and other installations? 56 For inlays in transportable objects such as the standard and lyres from Ur, see D.P. Hansen, Standard of Ur, Great Lyre with bulls head and inlaid front panel, and Inlaid panel from front of a lyre, in Art of the First Cities, 97-100, 105-107. 57 See D. Kessler, Neferusi, L 4, 383-385. 58 M. Casanova, Lapis Lazuli in the Td Treasure, in Aruz, ed., Beyond Babylon, 69.


dorothea arnold pharaohs presence.64 Further indications that Ukhhotep indeed arrogated to himself the attributes of royalty, as Blackman phrases it,65 are furnished by the row of fecundity figures bringing goods that are depicted in the lowest register, inside the offering and statue niche: another representation from the royal repertoire. All these images around the outside of the niche were eventually willfully destroyed and covered with red paint, leading Blackman to conclude: The inclusion of such scenes in the decoration of the tombchapel of a subject would surely be considered a sufficient reason for their mutilation or destruction.66 Add to this the Upper and Lower Egypt symbolism that has been introduced into the fishing and fowling scenes and the large ankh amulets (usually reserved for deities and dead kings) carried by the tomb owner on various occasions, and one might not be too far off an explanation why Ukhhotep III was the last known provincial ruler of the nome of Cusae.67 Ukhhotep and his designing artists had, however, made at least an attempt to soften the blow by transposing all the activities depicted in the tomb chamber into the fairyland of the goddess Hathor. Indeed, except for the traditional scenes of the offering ritual inside the statue niche,68 all the actors in the proceedings are women. Women bring and carry the offerings, unload the fish, and catch the birds by drawing the clap-net shut as they, of course, perform the music and dance and attend the performances as spectators.69 Henry Fischer has rightly pointed out the intriguing parallel to this assumption of male roles by women in the likewise Middle Egyptian tale of Sneferu and his female rowers from the Papyrus Westcar.70 But there are also parallels in the 11th Dynasty tomb of Queen Neferu, where women were depicted
tomb of Senet, wife of Antefiker, see: N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Antefoker, Vizier of Sesostris I, and of his Wife, Senet (London, 1920), pl. 16. 64 Note that there is a definite separation between the seated Ukhhotep and the emblems of Hathor on the north wall: Blackman, Meir VI, pl. 19. So, a connection of the goddess with a seated human is avoided. 65 Blackman, Meir VI, 30. 66 Ibid., 31. 67 Ibid., pls. 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18. 68 Ibid., pls. 15-17. 69 Ibid., pls. 11-13, 18-19. 70 H.G. Fischer, Some Iconographic and Literary Comparisons, in Fragen an die altgyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto, ed. J. Assmann, E. Feucht, and R. Grieshammer (Wiesbaden, 1977), 161-162. For the text, see R. Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe and other Ancient Egyptian Poems, 1940-1640 B.C. (Oxford, 1997), 109-112.

need to be reconstructed, even if one might be tempted to bring into the discussion the recently identified Middle Kingdom harbor at the Red Sea coast.59 What we are witnessing in the statuettes and Meir paintings is most probably not a historical situation, but rather a wishful kind of costume display where womenforeign or notare fitted out according to depictions on very old temple objects.60 The matter becomes reminiscent of that Chinese Mandarin in full regalia who partook, to the wonder of the audience, in the ceremony of opening the Great Exhibition of 1851 by Queen Victoria: the man turned out to be the dressedup captain of a Chinese junk anchored in the London docks for people to visit with paid admission. Nobody, including the Queen, doubted that China might have sent an envoy to the great event who would kow-tow to the queen.61 The tomb of Ukhhotep, son of Senbi, is an extraordinary monument to an Egyptian dignitarys ambitions and his attempt to soften the impact of a daring visual expression of these ambitions. Around the entry to Ukhhoteps statue niche, a number of images were placed that must have looked to any ancient Egyptian visitor to the tomb as a virtual coup dtat, an attempt by the nomarch to assume the role of the pharaoh. In the center just above the niche was placed a large-size emblem of the unity of the two lands, flanked by two deities doubtlessly representing Upper and Lower Egypt.62 This is not a loyalist introduction of the pharaohs image into a non-royal tomb, according to a custom known at Thebes, where several tombs from the later 11th and early 12th Dynasties onward included an image of the ruling kings person.63 Ukhhotep is not shown in a deferential attitude in front of the king but is seated at left and right: you did not sit down in the
59 For general information see gypte Afrique & Orient 41 (April 2006), passim. 60 Blackman, Meir VI, 19, 21 observed that one can see below the hairdos the womens natural hair painted red at the nape of the neck. This can be verified by the photograph fig. 9A. Was this an indication by the painter that the women in the paintings were dressed up? Nothing comparable can be seen in the statuettes. 61 One can follow this story (with pictures) on the Internet under BBC News Magazine, The Great Exhibition and Londons Chinese Junk, and other websites on the Great Exhibition of 1851 as, for instance, on the large painting by H.C. Selous. 62 Blackman, Meir VI, pl. 13. 63 For the tomb of Mentuhotep IIs treasurer Khety, see: Hayes, Scepter 1, 11-12, erroneously called stelae. Face of king illustrated in D. Wildung, ed., gypten 2000 v. Chr.: Die Geburt des Individuums (Munich, 2000), 54, no. 4. For the

foreign and female carrying large storage jars, an action also usually performed by men.71 Queen Neferu was a priestess of Hathor, and there can be no doubt that the female takeover of the world in her tomb and at Meir has to be understood in association with the cult of that goddess who was, after all, called in a Meir tomb mistress of all.72 In the framework of the depiction of a Hathoric world, the emphasis on a foreign character of some of the Ukhhotep women takes on an added meaning. Hathor was not least the goddess of foreign lands, a deity whom, in fact, Egyptians believed to have withdrawn at some occasionor occasions into a faraway country from which she had to be cozened to come back to Egypt.73 Consciously or unconsciously, the ancient Egyptians appear to have experienced femininity as a somewhat foreign, at times even threatening, force,74 while they were also deeply aware of its intricate connection withindeed its crucial role in guaranteeing the origins of life. This kind of thinking goes far in explaining the myriads of female figurines75


emphasizing sexual parts and very often represented with children on their backs or in their arms.76 Egyptians deposited such figurines at sites in faraway desert places, sites that also were, in many cases, sources of precious materials.77 Productivity and life giving were clearly understood as emanating from a common divine source of mysterious character beyond the grasp of ordinary human beings. It is only natural that such forces were also drawn upon by people furnishing graves. Thus the foreign/female powers incorporated in statuettes like the ones in Edinburgh and Boston could be believed to create new life from death. Let us give these two pieces the benefit of the doubt and assume that they were deposited not as phony costume items, but in good faith, into the tomb. The appearance of the foreign ladies in the tomb of Ukhhotep, on the other hand, although certainly also based on genuine beliefs, exemplifies how such beliefs could be usedthen as nowfor political purposes.

71 W.K. Simpson, The Middle Kingdom in Egypt: Some recent Acquisitions, BMFA 72 (1974), 106-107, figs. 7-8a, b. 72 Allam, Hathorkult, 41. 73 D. Inconnu-Bocquillon, Le mythe de la desse lointaine Philae, BdE 132 (Cairo, 2001), with earlier literature. 74 So impressively in the Hirtengeschichte: Parkinson, Sinuhe, 287-288. 75 G. Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor (Oxford, 1993). 76 In certain faience figures, another version of foreignness is expressed by the figures character as dwarfs: Dasen, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, 140-141 and passim. Dieter Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret I, PMMA 25 (New York, 1992), 78-79, pls. 85-86, nos. 235-237. The latter figures garments are strikingly reminiscent of the Edinburgh and Boston statuettes.

77 Geraldine Pinch, Votive Offerings, most importantly: 199-203, types 2 and 3. I am grateful to Marsha Hill for pointing out to me an interesting special type discovered among the female figurines from the Red Sea galena mine sites; see: G. Castel, J.-F. Gout, and G. Soukassian, Fouilles de Gebel Zeit (Mer Rouge), Premire et deuxime campagnes (198283), ASAE 70, 1984-85, 104, pl. 4, no. 9, and N. Cherpion, ed., 25 ans de dcouvertes archologiques sur les chantiers de lIFAO 1981-2006: exposition au Muse gyptien, Le Caire (Cairo, 2007), 52, ill. 54, no. JE 98130. In this example, the usual hairstyle of long tresses is topped by a hat-like structure that just might be a reminiscence of the Mesopotamian hairstyle here under consideration.


dorothea arnold

recent excavations at the ancient harbor of saww (mersa/wadi gawasis)


RECENT EXCAVATIONS AT THE ANCIENT HARBOR OF SAWW MERSA/WADI GAWASIS ON THE RED SEA Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich Boston University and University of Naples lOrientale

In the 1970s, Abdel Monem Sayed (University of Alexandria) identified the remains of a Middle Kingdom harbor, known anciently as Saww, at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea, about 22 km south of the modern port of Safaga. Sayed found 12 th Dynasty inscriptions there from a shrine of an official of Senwosret I named Ankhu, and an inscribed stela of the kings vizier Intef-iker (Antefoker).1 The latter text describes ships that were built in Coptos for an expedition to BiaPunt with over 3,700 men. Based on these and other finds of Sayeds, re-investigation of the site by the University of Naples lOrientale (UNO) and Boston University (BU) began in 2001 under the direction of Kathryn Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich. The harbor of Saww was located near the shortest overland route from the Nile Valley in Upper Egypt to the Red Sea, from Qift through Wadi Qena and then Wadi Gasus. Saww was the staging point and harbor for pharaonic seafaring expeditions to regions in the southern Red Sea (Punt and Bia-Punt) to obtain exotic raw materials. The sea route to Punt was an alternative to the river/land routes, and was much less frequently undertaken because of the complexity of the logistics required for such expeditions, and the risky nature of longdistance voyages to and from the southern Red Sea. The rise of the kingdom of Kerma in the late third millennium BC (and its eventual control of the Upper Nile) was probably the major impetus for the organization of seafaring expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom, the period to which most of the excavated material at Mersa/ Wadi Gawasis dates. There may also have been threats on overland routes across the Eastern Desert/Mountains from desert peoples that were belligerent or simply capable of robbing Egyptian expeditions.

Unlike the 17 large mud-brick forts that were built in Nubia during the 12th Dynasty, there is no evidence of large permanent architecture at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, and use of the site was temporaryfor seafaring expeditions. The main problem for permanent habitation at Saww was a lack of fresh water, which must have been obtained by excavating wells/holes in the wadi. Although the sea could have provided edible protein, and some hunting of (scarce?) desert mammals was possible, emmer wheat and barley for bread and beer, the staples of ancient Egyptian life, could not be grown in the desert environment and had to be brought from the Nile Valley to supply all expeditions. Thus, the difficult environmental conditions, lack of resources, and logistical complexities all mitigated against permanent occupation at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis. Mersa Gawasis is located at the northern end of Wadi Gawasis. Surface remains are found in an area of ca. 14 ha. Archaeological evidence includes temporary shelters on top of a fossil coral terrace (tent circles and light structures with post holes), ceremonial structures along the sea shore, and rock-cut storerooms/man-made caves in the coral terrace. At the foot of the terrace, about 700 m from the shore line, is a large industrial area. After the last seafaring expedition from Saww for which there is evidence, in the early New Kingdom, the western terrace slope became covered with meters of windblown sand, as the site was abandoned and forgotten. Environmental conditions at the site, especially in the caves, have helped preserve unique organic evidence of ship timbers and equipment, and the many supplies needed for these expeditions, and texts from the site provide more specific information about the expeditions. Thus, at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis there is unique and well-preserved archaeological and

1 A.M. Sayed, Discovery of the Site of the 12th Dynasty Port at Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea Shore, RdE 29 (1977), 150-173.


kathryn a. bard and rodolfo fattovich Cave 1 (with ceramic evidence from the late Old Kingdom) was reused and large man-made caves (Caves 2-7) were cut in the terrace wall at the top of the western slope, with more intense activity there in the later Middle Kingdom. Production areas were located at the base and along the western slope of the terrace, as well as at the base of the southern slope. Caves 2-7, which were probably carved from a natural rock shelter, provide evidence from the end of several 12th Dynasty seafaring expeditions. Although the ships returning to Mersa/ Wadi Gawasis must have been disassembled in another part of the site (the harbor area?), some large ship timbers were abandoned outside the caves, after they had been pried apart. Other ship timbers were used to construct a ramp to facilitate moving materials into (and out of?) Cave 2, while other timbers were placed in the caves for storage. Possibly some ship timbers were carried back to the Nile Valley. Some timbers were also salvaged by carpenters to remove areas damaged by shipworms, as the large amounts of gribble at the entrances of Caves 2 and 3 demonstrate.7 The two steering oar/rudder blades (fig. 1) that were found at the entrance to Cave 2, lying on top of a deep deposit of windblown sand, which represents a long period of abandonment, were associated with later evidence of early New Kingdom pottery8and were possibly from the famous seafaring expedition of Queen Hatshepsuts, described in her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri. Wood species of the ship timbers have been identified by Rainer Gerisch as cedar, with some of Nile acacia.9 Excavated tongue tenons and dovetail tenons used to join these timbers were also of Nile acacia.10 Sometime during the 12th Dynasty, a huge amount of rope used for rigging was removed from ships after a voyage, carefully coiled, and left in piles on the floor of Cave 5 (fig. 2). Officers of the expedition must have decided to leave it in this cave, planning to use it on a future expedi5 A. Manzo, Exotic ceramics, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 126-130. 6 Ibid.,131-132. 7 C. Ward, Preliminary analysis of ship timbers, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 145. 8 C. Zazzaro, Ship blades, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 150-153. 9 R. Gerisch, Ship timber and parts, cargo boxes, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 185-188; Fattovich and Bard, Mersa/Wadi Gawasis 2006-2007. 10 Gerisch, Ship timber and parts, cargo boxes, 186-187.

textual evidence for major seafaring expeditions to the southern Red Sea region. The pottery typology and stratigraphic sequence at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis point to three different periods of site use: 1) late Old Kingdom (6th Dynasty, ca. 23452181 BC); 2) Middle Kingdom (later 11th, 12th, and 13th Dynasties, ca. 20551650 BC); and 3) early New Kingdom (18th Dynasty, ca. 15501295 BC).2 Inscribed stelae and ostraca from Mersa/Wadi Gawasis record concentrated use of the site throughout most of the 12th Dynasty, during the reigns of Senwosret I (ca. 19561911 BC), Senwosret II (ca. 18771870 BC), Senwosret III (ca. 18701831 BC), Amenemhat III (ca. 18311786 BC), and Amenemhat IV (ca. 17861777 BC).3 An inscription from Wadi Gasus, ca. 1 km to the north of Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, recording a seafaring expedition during the reign of Amenemhat II (ca. 19111877 BC), suggests use of the site during the reign of this king as well.4 The occurrence of Middle Nubian pottery at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, in assemblages dating to the early- to mid-second millennium BC, suggests that the harbor was also frequented by peoples of Nubian cultures (perhaps local Eastern Desert peoples), when the Egyptians were there and/or in their absence.5 Egyptian bowls with decorations imitating Nubian motifs also suggest the presence of Medjaw soldiers.6

Archaeological Evidence of Seafaring Expeditions In the Middle Kingdom, the entire site, from the eastern terrace to the western slope and base, was occupied and used. Small ceremonial structures were built along the eastern and southern edges of the terrace, from the sea shore to inland above Wadi Gawasis. Shelters were erected on the top of the terrace in the western sector of the site.
2 C. Perlingieri, Egyptian ceramics, in K.A. Bard and R. Fattovich, eds., Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt (Napoli, 2007), 110-125. Dates used here are based on the chronology in The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, ed. I. Shaw (Oxford, 2000), 480-481. 3 R. Pirelli, Stela 1, Stela 2, Stela 5; E. Mahfouz, Stelae 6, 7, 8, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 217-225; Fattovich and Bard, eds., Mersa/Wadi Gawasis 2006-2007, (, 2007); A.M. Sayed, Wadi Gasus, in Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, ed. K.A. Bard (London, 1999), 867-868. 4 Sayed, Wadi Gasus, 866-867.

recent excavations at the ancient harbor of saww (mersa/wadi gawasis)


Fig. 1. Steering oar/rudder blade 2, excavated at the entrance to Cave 2, at Mersa/Wadi Gawawis. Studied by C. Zazzaro in 2005-08.

Fig. 2. Coiled ropes used as ship rigging, lying on the floor of Cave 5.


kathryn a. bard and rodolfo fattovich occurs on both sides of the southern Red Sea, in Eritrea (mainly near Adulis on the Gulf of Zula) and Yemen.18 Ebony, a tree that grows in what is today eastern Sudan and Eritrea, was identified in the charcoal from the production area. Additionally, a few potsherds excavated at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis are of wares identified as originating in regions of the southern Red Sea, in what are today western and southern Yemen. These exotic sherds may have been brought there by men from these regions who accompanied the Egyptian expeditions. Exotic ceramics associated with Middle Kingdom assemblages at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis are of a ware of the Malayba culture in the region of Aden, which possibly suggests that the Egyptians entered the Gulf of Aden in the early second millennium BC.19 Exotic ceramics associated with New Kingdom ceramics at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis are similar to those from Sabir (Aden region) and Wadi Urq (Hodeidah region).20

tion, but the ropes were never reused and remain in Cave 5 today. The large production area (WG 19/25/26/27/44) is located at the base of the western slope, where at least five different types of fire pits and hearths, and many ceramic scrapers, were recorded. The earliest evidence of use of this area dates to the first half of the Middle Kingdom, but most of the area was used in the mid to late Middle Kingdom.11 Also associated with this production area is a lithics workshop, where most of the tools are opportunistically made flake-scrapers.12 An earlier production area was also excavated at the base of the southern slope (WG 10).13 Probably the main activity in WG 19/25/26/27/44 was the production of local ceramics: long cylindrical bread molds that are typical of the Middle Kingdom and large chaff-tempered ceramic platters of uncertain use (possibly for baking flat bread).14 Huge deposits of ash and charcoal are the remains of many fires from multiple use of the area. Charcoal samples examined from this area by Rainer Gerisch are of wood from many different regions: southwest Asia (cedar, pine, and two species of oak), the Nile Valley, and the southern Red Sea region (ebony),15 demonstrating that valuable imported woods were even used in these fires, probably when they were in such small pieces that they could not be used for anything else. Emmer wheat and barley seeds were also identified in the production area.16 These cereals could not be grown at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis and had to have been brought by expeditions from the Nile Valley. Although no large ceramic vats for beer production have been found in the production area, it is likely that bread making at Saww was associated with beer making, as certainly occurred at pharaonic settlements in the Nile Valley. Materials found at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis also provide evidence of what was imported from Punt, including surface finds of obsidian,17 which

Textual Evidence To the south of the entrance to Cave 2 are carved niches for small limestone stelae, only a few of which were still found in situ. Some of these stelae may have had inscriptions that were painted on the plastered surface and are now gone. The best preserved of these stelae (Stela 5, fig. 3) was found face down in a deposit of sand beneath its niche. The inscriptions and scene on this stela are complete, with the cartouche of Amenemhat III at the top above an offering scene to Min of Coptos. The main text of this stela is about two expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt, led by two officials, Nebsu and Amenhotep.21 The inscription provides important historical information, confirming that Saww was the harbor for seafaring expeditions to Punt. That an expedition to Bia-Punt is mentioned on the Mersa/Wadi Gawasis text in association with one to Punt possibly implies that Saww was the starting point for expeditions to both of these

11 C. Perlingieri, Chronological sequence of the excavation units, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 120-121. 12 G. Lucarini, Lithics and grinding stones, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 211. 13 Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 50-51. 14 C. Perlingieri, Evidence of pottery production, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 107-110. 15 R. Gerisch, Identification of charcoal and wood, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 170-185. 16 Fattovich and Bard, Mersa/Wadi Gawasis 2006-2007. 17 Lucarini, Lithics and grinding stones, 207.

18 A. Manzo, Echanges et contacts le long du Nil et de la Mer Rouge dans lpoque protohistorique (IIIe et IIe millnaires avant J.-C.) (Oxford, 1999), 8. 19 A. Manzo, Potsherds from the southern Arabian coast, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 130-131. 20 See B. Vogt and A. Sedov, The Sabir Culture and Coastal Yemen during the Second Millennium BCThe Present State of Discussion, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 28 (1998), 261-270. 21 Pirelli, Stelae 1, 2, 5, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 219-221.

recent excavations at the ancient harbor of saww (mersa/wadi gawasis)


Fig. 3. Stela 5 inscribed with a text about expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt during the reign of Amenemhat III.

Wadi Gawasis Inscription sur la caisse 02 EM 22/1/06

Fig. 4. Inscription on cargo box 2, with the cartouche of Amenemhat IV, describing the boxs contents: the wonders of Punt.


kathryn a. bard and rodolfo fattovich to the Nile Valley, and the boxes were abandoned in this location. Many broken clay sealings were also excavated in association with the boxes, with two phases of seal use. Sealings from the earlier phase were used for the management of expedition supplies, and were associated with artifacts such as a wooden jar stopper, whereas sealings of the later phase were used for the administrative control of imported goods.27 The later sealings had been placed on the sealed boxes (in Punt?), and the sealings were broken off at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis as the boxes were emptied of their contents. Although most of the sealings do not have writing on them, two sealings have the name of a scribe, Djedy, whose name is also written on Box 2.28

regions, and that Bia-Punt, the location of which is unknown, may also have been located somewhere in the southern Red Sea region. More historical information is also provided in the inscriptions of Stelae 6 and 8, both of which have damaged texts. In the preserved part of Stela 6 are the five royal names of Amenemhat III and an image of the god Min of Coptos.22 The cartouche of Amenemhat III and the image of Min are also visible on Stela 8.23 These stelae commemorate one or more seafaring expeditions, and the officials who led it or them, during the reign of Amenemhat III. The expeditions(s) probably started out from Coptos, the location of the cult of Min, a deity who was also associated with the Eastern Desert. Of all the preserved scenes and inscriptions on stelae from the area of Cave 2, the most unusual one is on Stela 2. At the bottom of the stela is a carved scene of two seated men facing a huge pile of food offerings in the center. The offerings are not placed on the traditional offering table, but on a mat. Although most of the text is now missing, the beginning of the offering-formula text is still visible.24 This stela is certainly not associated with a tomb at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, and a shrine for some kind of cult has not been located. Excavations in the area outside of Caves 5 and 6 have uncovered the remains of 43 wooden cargo boxes, on three of which were painted hieroglyphic inscriptions dated to Year 8 of Amenemhat IV.25 These boxes are made of a species of wood (sycomore) found in the Nile Valley and must have been transported to Mersa/Wadi Gawasis for the expedition to Punt. Although the sand deposits within and around the boxes were carefully sieved, there was no trace of what products or materials were brought from Punt in these boxes. The painted inscription on Box 2 describes its contents: in translation, of wonderful things of Punt (fig. 4).26 Whatever was imported from Punt in these boxes must have been emptied into other containers (cloth bags?) for easier transport

Conclusions The first six field seasons at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis have now provided more information about ancient Egyptian navigation in the Red Sea, and the possible location of Punt. The remains of seafaring ships at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis demonstrate that these ships were built with a more sophisticated technology than the well-known Egyptian boats used on the Nile.29 We also now know that imported wood (cedar) and wood found in the Nile Valley (Nile acacia) were used for their construction. Imported materials and exotic ceramics suggest that Punt was located in the southern Red Sea region. Many questions, of course, remain unanswered, and will be some of the main foci of future investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis. What we think is the harbor area remains to be excavated, and more information is definitely needed about the logistics of seafaring expeditions, construction (and size) of the ships, long-distance trade, and the interaction with local peoples of the Eastern Desert and sea coast.

22 Mahfouz, Stelae 6, 7, 8, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 221-224. 23 Ibid., 224-225. 24 Pirelli, Stelae 1, 2, 5, 217-219. 25 C. Zazzaro and A. Manzo,Wooden artifacts, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 165-168; Fattovich and Bard, Mersa/ Wadi Gawasis 2006-2007. 26 E. Mahfouz, Inscribed box, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 238; Fattovich and Bard, Mersa/Wadi Gawasis 2006-2007.

27 A. Manzo and R. Pirelli, The Sealings from Marsa Gawasis: Preliminary Considerations on the Administration of the Port, in Festschrift Volume Presented to Prof. Abdel Monem AbdelHaleem Sayed, eds. E. Mahfouz and A. M. Megahed (Alexandria, 2006), 95. 28 A. Manzo and R. Pirelli, Sealings, in Bard and Fattovich, Harbor, 232-234. 29 See C. Ward, Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats (Boston, 2000).

the wooden shabti of amenemhat in the brooklyn museum



The Brooklyn Museum Egyptian collection includes two very fine shabtis of a certain Amenemhat, an official who lived during the 18th Dynasty. In addition to a limestone shabti (fig. 1, Brooklyn 50.128) and a wooden shabti (fig. 2, Brooklyn 50.129), there is a wooden box (figs. 3-6, Brooklyn, 50.130). The Museum purchased these three objects from a New York dealer. They were published together in the auction catalogue of the Mansoor Collection in 1947, the first publication of these objects known to me.1 The catalogues author asserts a connection between these objects and Theban Tomb 82, the burial spot for the Scribe of the Counting of the Grain of Amun, Amenemhat, who lived during the reign of Thutmose III.2 This connection was affirmed by John Cooney in a brief article the year following their purchase.3 T.G.H. James echoed Cooneys opinion on the provenance and date of these objects, though he reduced the likelihood of the connection to the tomb to probable.4 In the course of research on these objects for a traveling exhibition in 2007,5 it became clear both that the shabtis and wooden box date to later in the 18th Dynasty than the reign of Thutmose III and that the name Amenemhat, inscribed twice on the wooden shabti, was added in ancient times after the shabti was varnished. The following discussion re-dates these objects to the late 18th Dynasty, examines other possible connections to Theban Tomb 82, and raises questions about the name change made after the initial manufacture of the wooden shabti.

The Date of the Shabtis and Box At some point after the publication of Jamess Corpus, the departmental records in the Brooklyn Museum were altered to date these objects to the Reign of Thutmose IV to Akhenaten. Though no explanation was included with the change, it is clear why it was made. The limestone shabti holds a hoe and a basket in each hand. Schneiders study of shabtis indicates that this feature of shabtis first appeared either in the reign of Thutmose IV or Amenhotep III.6 Moreover, the wooden shabtis face, with its narrow, almond-shaped eyes, lower inner canthi of the eyes, and a distinctly carved lip line, suggests a date in the reign of Amenhotep III. The shabti-box inscription mentions both Re-Horakhty and the Aten. The spells quoted on it are Schneiders Aten-formula spells.7 Thus the dates of these three objects seem to cluster in the years between the reigns of Thutmose IV and Akhenaten, a period of roughly 90 years. Therefore, the owner of these objects could not be the same individual for whom Theban Tomb 82 was created. Yet there still might be a connection to the tomb owners descendants, as can be seen through their overlapping titles.

Connections to Theban Tomb 82 The two shabtis and the box record Amenemhats title nine times. Most often, he is merely the Scribe, Amenemhat.8 On the limestone shabti

1 Parke-Bernet Galleries, Notable Egyptian Art from the Collection of M.A. Mansoor (New York, 1947), 72, lot no. 300. 2 For the tomb itself, Nina de G. Davies and A. H. Gardiner, The Tomb of Amenemhet (No. 82) (London, 1915). 3 Equipment for Eternity, Brooklyn Museum Bulletin 12, no. 2 (Winter 1951), 4, figs 2-3. 4 Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in the Brooklyn Museum: From Dynasty I to the end of Dynasty XVIII (Brooklyn, 1974), 81-83.

5 E. Bleiberg, To Live Forever: Egyptian Treasures from the Brooklyn Museum (London, 2008), frontispiece, pp. 16, 92-93. 6 H. Schneider, Shabtis: An Introduction to the History of Ancient Egyptian Funerary Statuettes 1 (Leiden, 1977), 168. 7 Ibid., 289-292. 8 On 50.128 (limestone), line 3; on 50.129 (wood), lines 1 & 3; on 50.130, (box), side C.


edward bleiberg

Fig. 1. Shabti of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, limestone, painted, 9 5/8 x 3 1/4 in. (24.5 x 8.2 cm), 50.128, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund.

Fig. 2. Shabti of the Scribe Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 8 7/16 x 2 1/2 in. (21.5 x 6.3 cm). 50.129, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund.

the wooden shabti of amenemhat in the brooklyn museum he is once called the Guardian of Amun, Amenemhat, a title notably absent from Tomb 82. It is striking that the lowest, most general title, scribe, is found three out of four times on the two shabtis. The box, however, gives two higher titles in addition to scribe. These inscriptions include Scribe of the Counting of the Grain twice, and most likely the highest title in his career, True Chief Scribe of the Counting of the Grain. It is perhaps no coincidence that the later the likely date of the object, the higher the scribal title the owner bears. It is these last two titles that perhaps link the owner of these objects to the descendants of the original owner of Theban Tomb 82. Amenemhat, owner of Theban Tomb 82, dates his stela in it to Year 28 of Thutmose III. Gardiner suggested that by that year, most of his career was over.9 His highest title was scribe of the counting of the grain of Amun. Though the owner of the shabtis and box did not bear exactly the same title, since the name of the god is omitted on the box, the titles are very close. If the shabti/box owner began his activities at the beginning of Amenhotep IIIs reign, up to 33 years separate the two Amenemhats careers.10 Of course, even more years could separate them, since there is no evidence of when in Amenhotep IIIs reign the younger Amenemhat worked. In fact, the true time span between their careers could well be over 60 years, if the shabti/box owner began his career closer to the end of Amenhotep IIIs reign, as is likely from the dating of the shabti box. Thus if there is a connection between the two Amenemhats, the younger is likely the grandson or great-grandson of the Amenemhat who lived in the reign of Thutmose III. The first thread connecting them, then, is the similarity of their titles as Scribe of Counting the Grain. Since such titles were, in general, inherited from one generation to the next, the younger Amenemhat may have been a descendant of the elder Amenemhat. Speculating further, it is possible that the tomb was in fact a family crypt in the same way that Senedjems tomb in Deir el-Medina (Theban Tomb 1) served several generations. One detail of Davies and Gardiners site report, and one feature the tomb holds in common with the wooden shabti, might indicate that the shabti/box owner


could have also been buried in Theban Tomb 82. In the excavation of Theban Tomb 82, Gardiner reports that Davies and Mackay found remains of burials of later date. He says that bodies and broken coffins and furniture heaped together in wild confusion in the underground chamber. The excavators also found cones, fragments of canopic jars, a mummified dog, 150 crude, un-inscribed shabtis in grey clay, and a magic brick. Though there is no other record of these later burials, one of them could have been the younger Amenemhat. Moreover, Gardiner also points out that within the tomb, the name Amun and the word for gods were consistently erased in the upper chamber.11 The same was true of the priest clad in a leopard skin found in six different scenes, presumably the tomb owners oldest son, also called Amenemhat.12 He logically connects these facts with actions known to be taken on other major Theban monuments during the Amarna Period. Perhaps the addition of Amenemhats name on the wooden shabti and box is actually a restoration that also followed erasures made during the Amarna Period. If so, this would be a unique restoration on a private monument, carefully made in the style of the original inscription. Scholars know little of the impact that the Amarna revolution had on individual bureaucrats such as Amenemhat. His very name marked him as a follower of the now-despised god, Amun. If indeed he was a grandson or great-grandson of the Scribe of the Counting of the Grain of Amun, Amenemhat, he then belonged to a family with a long history of association with the gods estate and temple. Could the name on the shabti have been changed to a more acceptable Aten name during Akhenatens reign and then changed again when Amuns temple was restored? There is no trace of the name inscribed on the shabti before the current name was inscribed. Alternatively, the name Amenemhat was perhaps added to this shabti after its original completion and is an example of reuse. The reuse of funerary objects by Theban officials of the middle rank, like Amenemhat, is an often-noted, but little-analyzed, feature of Theban tomb equipment.

Davies and Gardiner, Amenemhet, 8. The 24 remaining years of Thutmose IIIs reign plus the 9 years of Thutmose IVs reign would put him at the beginning of Amenhotep IIIs reign, 34 years later.

11 12

Davies and Gardiner, Amenemhet, 24-25. Ibid., pls V, X, XIV, XVII, XVIII, XXI.


edward bleiberg

Fig. 3. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, front, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund.

Fig. 4. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, back, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund.

the wooden shabti of amenemhat in the brooklyn museum


Fig. 5. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, proper-right side, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund.

Fig. 6. Shabti box of Amenemhat, Thebes, Egypt, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IVreign of Akhenaten, ca. 1400-1336 BC, wood, 12 1/2 x 4 1/8 x 5 in. (31.7 x 10.5 x 12.7 cm), 50.130a-b, proper-left side, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund.

The shabti itself, made of imported cedar, must have been a relatively expensive object. Almost nothing is known of how a secondary market in reused funerary equipment would have operated. In this case, the name was inscribed carefully in a color and style that matches the hieroglyphs of the whole spell. The preceding raises more questions than I can answer. But it points further research toward two possible directions. The first is to determine

whether it was common for middle-ranking Theban officials who lived before and after the Amarna Period to alter their names and/or funerary equipment to comply with Akhenatens religious policy. The second question is how reuse of funerary objects, a common practice, would have worked in reality. I hope that by raising these questions here, I have contributed to the database needed to answer such questions.


edward bleiberg

persians and egyptians: cooperation in vandalism?



Andrey O. Bolshakov Hermitage Museum

Two anthropomorphic sarcophagi of black greywacke flanking the entrance to the Egyptian gallery of the Hermitage Museum are the largest monuments in its Egyptian collection and, at the same time, one of the earliest by the date of acquisition. On the watercolor of 1858 by Constantine Ukhtomski representing the Room of Egyptian Sculpture (the first Egyptian gallery in the Hermitage, now Room 129) they occupy the central place.1 The sarcophagi belong to Queen Nekhtbastetru2 and Prince, Overseer of the Army Iahmes3the wife and the son of the last important king of the 26th Dynasty, Amasis (his other son Psamtik III4 ruled for only a year before the Persian invasion). Discovered in the middle of the nineteenth century at Giza, they were first seen by Karl Richard Lepsius, one of the founders of scientific Egyptology, and reproductions of some of their inscriptions and representations were published in his Denkmler aus gypten and ethiopien.5 Lepsius related them to the tomb LG 83 located not far from the Great Sphinx,6 but he said nothing about the tomb itself, which would be rather strange if he had excavated it, especially if it had been one of the great shaft-tombs, so time con-

suming for clearance.7 Shortly thereafter, the sarcophagi were bought by the Duke Maximillien of Leuchtenberg and presented to the Hermitage. They were mentioned in the works by Jens Lieblein,8 Auguste Mariette,9 and others,10 but their earliest serious investigator was Wladimir Golnischeff, who gave their first complete description and translation of the texts in the catalogue of the Hermitage collection of 1891.11 Six decades later, they were mentioned in the catalogue of the late stone sarcophagi by Marie-Louise Buhl,12 but she never saw the originals, or at least their photographs, and could use only a description made for her by Militsa Matthiew, the then-Keeper of the collection; as a result, her work, although important in general, adds nothing to our knowledge in this instance. Representations of the deities on the sarcophagus of Iahmes were discussed by Jean Leclant,13 but he used them only as comparative material. It must be admitted that the Hermitage sarcophagi still are not sufficiently used in Late Period studies and require a proper publication. The present paper does not claim to be a detailed study of the sarcophagi in general or at least of their inscriptionsthis is a task that can be fulfilled only in a voluminous workand thus, it is

1 See . . , , , 1983, .13. 2 Hermitage inv. no. 767. She is mentioned also on the stela Serapeum IM.4053. Her name is spelled normatively (Nxt-bAst.t-r.w, see H. Ranke, Die gyptischen Personennamen I (Glckstadt, 1935), 210:8) only on the sarcophagus of Iahmes; on her own sarcophagus the spelling with a reduplicated r is used repeatedly. 3 Hermitage inv. no. 766. 4 According to Herod. III, 10. 5 LD III, 276:f, g, h; LD Text I, 9899. 6 From the same tomb is said to be a sarcophagus of a certain Tashentihet, her relation to Nekhtbastetru and Iahmes remaining uncertain and the dating of her monument problematic. For some time it stood in the court of the Cairo Medical School, but in the beginning of the twentieth century that practically unpublished sarcophagus disappeared without any trace; see PM III2, 290. 7 Perhaps this made Ch. M. Zivie-Coche (Giza au premier millnaire : autour du temple dIsis, dame des pyramides

[Boston, 1991], 283) suppose that the tomb was un simple puits creus dans le roc. Only an archaeological exploration of the said terrain can confirm or disprove this idea, but the silence of Lepsius may be explicable also if the tomb had been looted and the sarcophagi removed from it before his timein this case the burial chamber may not have been investigated by the Prussian expedition (a conjecture proposed by Silke Grallert in a personal talk). 8 J. Lieblein, Die Aegyptischen Denkmler in St. Petersburg, Helsingfors, Upsala und Copenhagen (Christiania, 1873), 12. 9 A. Mariette, Les mastabas de lAncien Empire (Paris, 1889), 554561. 10 For bibliography see PM III2, 289. 11 W. S. Golnischeff, Ermitage Imprial. Inventaire de la collection gyptienne (n.p., 1891), 9497. 12 M.-L. Buhl, The Late Egyptian Anthropoid Stone Sarcophagi (Copenhagen, 1959), 197. 13 J. Leclant, Les gnies-gardiens de Montouemhat, in (, 1962), figs. 1718.


andrey o. bolshakov 1. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, right side (fig. 1):

devoted only to a single, although very interesting, aspect of the inscriptionsto their intentional mutilations. They were noticed first by Golnischeff, who supposed that they had been made in the time of the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses;14 his opinion was wholeheartedly shared by Boris Turaev,15 but afterwards it was never evolved or proved. This idea seems quite attractive, but it must be reconsidered on the strength of both a careful analysis of the mutilations and of the modern understanding of the situation in Egypt during the first Persian conquest. All the names and titles of the owners of the sarcophagi are chiseled off, as well as a record of the filiation of Iahmes; the suffix pronouns .s designating Nekhtbastetru are also erased everywhere.16 It should be noticed that the man who mutilated the inscriptions acted according to certain rules that he followed undeviatingly. Let us consider all the cases of mutilation.17

[Hm.t n(j)-sw.t Nxt]-bAst.t-[{r}r-w] nb(.t) jmAx [Kings W Nekht]bastet[ru], lady of ife reverence. 2. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, left side (fig. 2): [Hm.t n(j)-sw.t Nxt]-bAst.t-[{r}r-w] nb(.t) jmAx [Kings W Nekht]bastet[ru], lady of ife reverence. 3. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, foot side (fig. 3): [Hm.t n(j)-sw.t Nxt]-bAs[t.t-{r}r-w] mAa(.t)-xrw [Kings W Nekht]bas[tetru], true of voice. ife

Fig. 1. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, right side. Hermitage Museum.

Fig. 2. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, left side. Hermitage Museum.

Fig. 3. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, foot side. Hermitage Museum. Golnischeff, Inventaire, 94. . . , II (, 1936), 123124. 16 The suffix pronoun .f is absent on the sarcophagus of
15 14

Iahmes; otherwise, if taking into consideration the coherence of the destruction, it would be no doubt erased as well. 17 Only mutilated passages are reproduced in standard hieroglyphs.

persians and egyptians: cooperation in vandalism? 4. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col.12 (fig. 4):


57. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col.34 (fig. 5): The suffix pronoun .s is erased three times. 8. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, foot side, right half (fig. 6):

[Hm.t n(j)-sw.t Nxt]-bAst.t-[{r}r-w mAa(.t)-xrw] nb(.t) jmAx [Kings W Nekht]bastet[ru, true of voice], ife lady of reverence.

(J)s.t-jr(.t) [(j)m(j)]-r(A) [m]S[a] JAH-[ms(.w)] mAa-xrw nb jmAx [ms(j) n Hm.t n(j)-sw.t Nx] t-bAs[t.t-r-w] Osiris, [Overse]er [of the Ar]m[y] Iah[mes], true of voice, lord of reverence, [born of Kings W Nekh]tbas[tetru]. ife

Fig. 4. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col.12. Hermitage Museum.

Fig. 5. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col. 34. Hermitage Museum.


andrey o. bolshakov

Fig. 6. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, foot side, right half. Hermitage Museum.

Fig. 7. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, foot side, left half. Hermitage Museum.

persians and egyptians: cooperation in vandalism? 10. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, lid, col. 1 (fig. 8): 9. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, foot side, left half (fig. 7):


(J)s.t-jr(.t) [(j)m(j)-r(A) [m]S[a] JAH-[ms(.w)] mAa-xrw Osiris, [Overseer of the Ar]m[y] Iah[mes], true of voice.

(J)s.t-jr(.t) [(j)m(j)-r(A) mSa] JAH-[ms(.w)] mAaxrw Osiris, [Overseer of the Army 18] Iah[mes], true of voice. 11. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, lid, col. 1213 (fig. 9):

(J)s.t-jr(.t) [(j)m(j)-r(A) mSa] JAH-[ms(.w)] mAaxrw Osiris, [Overseer of the Arm]y Iah[mes], true of voice. The unknown vandal acted very sensibly. He destroyed all the signs belonging to the titles of the owners of the sarcophagi19 and fixed parts of their
extended arm with a bow is visible. Thus, in all of the cases, including 10 where the destruction is complete, one must see , and thus, the spelling of mSa is standard everywhere. 19 The filiation of Iahmes in case 8 is essentially equal to

Fig. 8. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, lid, col. 1. Hermitage Museum.


The word mSa is everywhere determined by four human

; as for the first, its details figures. Three last are no doubt are practically lost, but in cases 9 and 11 a vertical line that must be a feather can be seen over the head, and in case 8 an


andrey o. bolshakov the signs used for the elements nxt and rw/rrw are erased, while all the signs, both ideographic and phonetic, belonging to the name Bastet are intact: signs .20 In case 8, two phonetic corresponding to auxiliary morphemes are

effaced: . Of special interest, however, is case 3, where the most refined method was used: in the name of Bastet, the phonetic and both are completely obliterated, and the legs are damaged: . of Such a maiming of hieroglyphs was in use in the Old Kingdom, when the signs representing living beings had to be rendered harmless in the Pyramid Texts or in the texts of private burial chambers;21 the fact that it was done there at the moment of carving inscriptions, and not by erasing, but by initial depicting of hieroglyphs deprived of some instead of , etc.) does not part(s) (e.g., hide the crux of the problemthe sign had to be present, but the manifestation of the being standing behind it had to be made inactive. Thus, in , which could be case 3, only the ideogram harmed on no account because it corresponds to the morpheme bAs containing the essence of the name Bastet, is undamaged, while the attitude to sign was ambivalent: one both wanted to the destroy it and was terrified to do it. The only possible explanation is that the vandal apprehended as a part of the triconsonant morpheme bAs and could not remove the hieroglyph completely for fear of Bastet. It should be also noted that, with the exception of case 4, the important epithets nb/nb(.t) jmAx, lord/ lady of reverence and mAa/mAa.t xrw, true of voice were not erased either.22 Thus, it is obvious that the man responsible for the mutilation of inscriptions was well educated and, when destroying the eternal existence of Iahmes and Nekhtbastetru, he tried at the same time not to conflict with gods. Moreover, he brilliantly understood the consonant-morpheme nature of the Egyptian script that was recognized by modern Egyptology (in the face of Nikolai
GebeleinRizaqat (A. O. Bolshakov, S. G. Quirke, The Middle Kingdom Stelae in the Hermitage, PIREI 3 [Leiden and Paris, 1999], 1819, comm.C); in the latter cases it was most probably done without understanding of the original idea: stelae belonged to decoration of the cult part of the tomb, where the fear of dangerous creatures was unjustified. 22 With an occasional exception of case 4.

Fig. 9. Sarcophagus of Iahmes, lid, col. 1213. Hermitage Museum.

names. Both names are theophorusIah is born and Bastet is strong against them and the signs of the gods names remain intact. The case of the name Iahmes that is spelled with two hieroglyphs is quite obviousthe sign is chiseled off everywhere, while the sign , an ideogram for Iah, is untouched. The name Nekhtbastetru is spelled with several signs of various types, and thus the system of mutilations is more intricate, but nonetheless most consistent as well. In cases 1, 2, and 4
a title, and it is also destroyed. Several signs at the edges of inscriptions on his sarcophagus are erased incompletely (cases 8, 9 and especially 11, end of col. 12), but this is only a result of some negligence. 20 Generalized reproduction. 21 This tradition is continued also on First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom sarcophagi and, strangely enough, on some First Intermediate Period stelae from

persians and egyptians: cooperation in vandalism? Petrovsky) only three decades ago.23 Of course, one cannot expect such an Egyptian literacy, such a purely Egyptian apprehension, and such an Egyptian piety from the Persians accustomed to a qualitatively different system of writing (let alone another religion). The inscriptions had to be destroyed by quite a competent Egyptian. The practice of destruction of names and representations existed in Egypt from of old and had two aims: first, the name could be erased for inscribing another one over it in order to usurp a monument; second, it was a method of depriving enemies of their next life (both objects could be purposed simultaneously). The first option may be discarded in the case of Iahmes and Nekhtbastetru, for no new names were written and the tomb perhaps was not reused.24 However, the alternative also causes serious doubts. Since there was an erasure of both the mothers and sons names, this action had to be imposed by enmity to them as the closest relatives of Amasis rather than individuals. A certain aversion to Amasis no doubt existed among Egyptians; it could be caused by his being an usurper as well as by his sympathy to Hellenes. It could well be a basis of Herodotus image of Amasis as a drunkard and thief;25 the same tradition was kept by Egyptian sources as well. However, this was hardly enough for painstaking activities directed to the persecution of his memory; besides, the Egyptians had practically no time for it: during the short reign of Psamtik III, it is unlikely that the monuments of his father would have been damaged, while the Persian invasion caused numerous new problems, and the persecution of the memory of Amasis would have become irrelevant in a new political situation.


Another possibility is the mutilation of the sarcophagi as a result of vandalism by the Persians. At first sight, it seems probable in the light of Herodotus evidence on the outrage of Cambyses, but, if taken unconditionally, such an explanation is also questionable. As we have seen, the conquerors would not have been literate enough to erase the titles and names so ably. Moreover, the information on the Persian invasion and the villainy of Cambyses in Egypt is known mainly from Greek sources and is considered with a good deal of skepticism nowadays as a reflection of the Greek anti-Persian literary tradition. Indeed, if Herodotus, the first who wrote on the subject, tells only about executions of the nobility and the son of Psamtik III,26 the abuse of the mummy of Amasis,27 and the murder of Apis,28 the assortment of misdeeds is widened by the later authors. Strabo mentions mass destruction of temples29 that turns into committing them to the flames in Diodorus.30 This obviously is a purely literary development of the plot that took the course of the introduction of new vivid details and that was permanently recharged by the hatred of Greeks against Persians; Egyptian sources, archaeological ones included, seem to contain no records of such destruction.31 However, on the other hand, even such a pro-Persian figure as Udjahorresent calls some events of the reign of Cambyses very great disorder 32 that happened in the whole land, the like of which had not happened in this land.33 Perhaps one must draw a distinction between the early, relatively quiet period after the conquest of Egypt when Udjahorresent composed a pharaonic titulary for Cambyses and let him know the greatness of Sais, while the latter restored the cult in the temple of Neith, and the period after an

23 . . , (, 1978). 24 If only the burial of Tashentihet was not intrusive, which is hardly possible, for the insertion of an enormous sarcophagus would require a radical modification of the structure of the tomb. 25 Herod. II, 173174. 26 Herod. III, 14. 27 Herod. III, 16. 28 Herod. III, 2729. 29 Strabo XVII, 1, 27. 30 Diod. I, 46, 4. 31 G. Burkard, Literarische Tradition und historische Realitt. Die persische Eroberung gyptens am Beispiel Elephantine, ZS 121 (1994), 93106; ZS 122 (1995), 3137. 32 The word nSn(j) used by Udjahorresent has a general negative semantics opposite as a whole to that of Htp. One of its particular manifestations is illness (Wb. II, 341:5). The

words time of illness (rk n mn(.t)) were used in the Instruction for Merykare (142, W.S. Golnischeff, Les papyrus hiratiques 1115, 1116 A et 1116 B de lErmitage Imprial St.-Ptersbourg [St. Ptersbourg, 1913], pl. 14) as a term for the troubled years of the First Intermediate Period, while in the Prophecy of Neferti (38, 54) mn(.t) appeared in the same context (ibid., pls. 24, 25). Mn.t was also applied to the reign of Akhenaten in the Restoration inscription of Tutankhamun (Urk. IV, 2026). On the meaning of the time of illness see now an exemplary analysis by Demidchik, .., . (-, 2005), passim, especially pp. 4449. It seems that a certain continuity existed in the description of social disorder as a disease. 33 Statue Vatican 158, ll. 3334, G. Posener, La premire domination perse en gypte : receuil dinscriptions hiroglyphiques, Bd 11 (Cairo, 1936), 1819.


andrey o. bolshakov

Fig. 10. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, lid, col. 2 (detail). Hermitage Museum.

Fig. 11. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, left side (detail). Hermitage Museum.

Fig. 12. Sarcophagus of Nekhtbastetru, right side (detail). Hermitage Museum.

persians and egyptians: cooperation in vandalism? unsuccessful Ethiopian campaign of Cambyses and the attempt of revolt undertaken by Psamtik III.34 The end of the sojourn of Cambyses in Egypt may be the time of the very great disorder/illness, and theoretically the mutilations of some monuments of Amasis35 and his relatives may be dated back to it. Thus, we are at a deadlock. Egyptians had knowledge to erase the right signs, but they evidently had neither a motive nor an opportunity to do it; as for the Persians, they might have had both a reason and a possibility to mutilate, but not the ability to mutilate in such an Egyptian manner. However, minus by minus is plus not only in mathematics. It is probable that the mutilation of the sarcophagi was made by order of Cambyses but under the supervision of a welleducated Egyptian. He could not help taking down dictation, but he did everything to avoid a sacrilege. If the tradition of Herodotus has a realistic kernel, our sarcophagi could be damaged only in such a way. This assumption is confirmed by the fact that, although the mutilations were made very carefully, not a single sign was chiseled completely, and the contours or the deepest lines of all the erased hieroglyphs are quite distinguishable for a trained eye (figs. 1012). It is difficult to imagine that the masters did not cut another millimeter deeper into stone by pure accident: first, the already fulfilled destructive work had been much more substantial than the required last exertion;
34 On Cambyses in Egypt see A. Klasens, Egypte onder Perzen en Grieken-Romeinen. Cambyses en Egypte, JEOL 10 (1944/48), 339349. 35 H. De Meulenaere, La famille du roi Amasis, JEA 54 (1968), 184, n. 3. 36 H. Sternberg-el Hotabi (Politische und sozio-konomische Strukturen im perserzeitlichen gypten: neue Perspektiven, ZS 127 [2000], 153167) recently suggested that the Persian Period had not been such a hole in a history of Egyptian monuments as it is usually considered and it may be filled with the monuments traditionally dated both to previous and later times. If her idea is correct, no speculations on what features are and are not characteristic of the


second, a permanent fortuity is already a regularity. It looks very much as if the unknown collaborator did his best to pay Peter without robbing Paul. The Persians got the desired destruction of the monuments (to those who do not know hieroglyphs the damaged signs seem completely erased, especially in the darkness of a tomb), but in actual fact their object was not gained and all the names remained existing in eternity. The same meaning has the intact state of the epithets lord/ lady of reverence and true of voice describing Nekhtbastetru and Iahmes as the beings who had attained eternal existence. This reconstruction appears rather convincing, although it cannot be formally proven. First, the Egyptian policy of Cambyses still requires a serious study of the sources and all the is will be dotted only in a rather distant future. Second, the described situation is most probable if both sarcophagi existed under Cambyses, i.e., if both Nekhtbastetru and Iahmes did not outlive Amasis for more than a year or two. Unfortunately, we know almost nothing about them, and the argumentation can be only very indirect: the number of monuments under the Persians was reduced dramatically, and one can hardly expect an appearance of such luxurious sarcophagi at that time, especially if taking into account their adherence to the Saite traditions.36 Only a discovery of some new data on the wife and son of Amasis can change the state of affairs radically.37

monuments of the Persian time will be possible until the total revision of the heritage of the 26th and 30th Dynasties is completed. 37 However, even if it turns out that they died much later than Amasis, this will not be decisive counter-evidence. Since the tomb with all its equipment had to be created in the lifetime of the owner(s), the sarcophagi of people who died, say, under Darius, could have existed and have been mutilated under Cambyses. This possibility is vanishingly small because the inscriptions probably would have been restored after the time of excesses, but it is a good illustration of the difficulties we encounter as soon as we turn from general regularities to concrete details of the lives of ancient Egyptians.


andrey o. bolshakov

the great pyramid: the internal ramp theory


THE GREAT PYRAMID: THE INTERNAL RAMP THEORY Bob Brier C.W. Post Campus of Long Island University

Introduction My involvement with the internal ramp theory is due to Jack Josephson, so I am delighted to be able to contribute this article to his Festschrift. Most of us think of Jack as an art historian, but he also has an engineering degree, and this is primarily an engineering story. As is well known, the Great Pyramid of Giza is the only member of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World that remains intact. Serious study of the Great Pyramid began in the seventeenth century, when the Oxford astronomer, John Greaves, visited the pyramid and in 1638 published the first book devoted to it.1 Greaves, like so many other earlier investigators, believed the Egyptians had advanced knowledge of all kinds of things and encoded this knowledge into the dimensions of the pyramid. During his visit to the pyramid, he took what he believed to be precise measurements (they were considerably off) and discovered the well-like chamber at the base of the Grand Gallery. Greavess publication stirred others to visit the pyramid, but the next important discovery was made more than a century later. In 1765 Nathaniel Davison noticed a three-foot hole at the top of the Grand Gallery. When he climbed through it, he discovered the first relieving chamber above the Kings Chamber. He did not, however, realize that there were four other relieving chambers higher up. The next discovery inside the pyramid came in 1835, when Captain G. B. Caviglia cleared both the descending passageway and the well discovered by Greaves and found that they connect. It is now generally agreed that the well was dug to provide air for the workers excavating the descending passageway. Colonel Howard Vyse conducted extensive explorations in and around

the Great Pyramid from 1836-40, making the most important discoveries of the nineteenth century. Finding a crack in Davisons relieving chamber, he blasted above it and discovered more relieving chambers that he named: Wellingtons Chamber, Lady Arbuthnots Chamber, and Campbells Chamber. In these relieving chambers, Vyse also found the now-famous graffiti associating Khufu with the pyramid. Also of great importance, he discovered beneath the rubble at the base of the pyramid two of the original casing stones and was thus able to determine for the first time the exact angle of the pyramids sides.2 Probably the most eccentric of the nineteenthcentury investigators was Piazzi Smyth, the Astronomer Royal of Scotland, who believed that the pyramid was basically a Christian monument whose measurements contained Biblical revelations.3 In spite of his extreme religious beliefs, Smyth was also a capable scientist and in 1864 conducted the most detailed survey of the pyramid up to that time. He even invented a miniature eight-inch camera so he could photograph in the smallest of crevices. Smyths expedition was a remarkable combination of exacting science and delusion. When he first published his findings in 1867, they were universally rejected by the scientific community as the rantings of a religious fanatic. Still, his theory of revelations built into the Great Pyramid did not die easily, and the next surveyor of the Great Pyramid, Flinders Petrie, became interested only because his father was a believer. Petries father, a mechanical engineer, had read Piazzi Smyths book and became infatuated with the Great Pyramid and Smyths idea of divine inspiration. Young Petrie grew up hearing about his fathers plans to do a proper survey. For twenty years the father procrastinated, and in the

J. Greaves, Pyramidographia (London, 1646). H. Vyse, The Pyramids of Gizeh, 3 vols. (London, 1842).

3 C. P. Smyth, Our Inheritance in the Great Pyramid (London, 1880).


bob brier for shipbuilding were imported from Lebanon, but this was a very expensive enterprise, so importing enough wood for hundreds of cranes would have been impractical. An even greater problem for the crane theory is that there would not have been adequate room on the pyramid to place all these cranes. The size of the pyramids blocks tend to decrease in size towards the top; towards the surface of the pyramid sometimes there is only 18 inches of standing room, certainly not enough space for a crane large enough to lift a two-ton stone. So the crane theory cant adequately explain how the blocks were raised, and this takes us to the ramp theory.

meantime, Flinders became a proficient surveyor and conducted the first careful documentation of Stonehenge. In November of 1880, following in the footsteps of Smyth, 26-year-old Flinders Petrie embarked for Egypt accompanied by crates of scientific instruments. Using a theodolite and a telescope, Petrie used the surveyors system of triangulation to take thousands of measurements all over the Giza Plateau. To ensure accuracy, he sometimes took the same measurement a dozen times. Inside the pyramid, he used a plumb line to determine the vertical and measured the walls at various heights to detect if there were even the tiniest of construction errors. Petrie was amazed at the precision of the Great Pyramids construction, and his measurements and observations4 are, until today, the basis of many discussions of the pyramids dimensions. Usually level headed, Petrie got carried away when he measured the granite sarcophagus inside the burial chamber. Because granite is so hard, and because the sarcophagus was so finely crafted, Petrie concluded that the ancients had drills and saws embedded with diamonds. Still, his survey is the foundation of much of the later work on the pyramid.

The Ramp Theory Diodorus of Sicily, writing three hundred years after Herodotus, said, The construction was effected by means of mounds, which is almost certainly a reference to ramps.6 Although Diodorus never suggested what the ramps might have looked like, Egyptologists have speculated about this for years. One version of this ramp theory is that a ramp was built on one side of the pyramid and as the pyramid grew, the ramp was raised so that throughout construction, blocks could be moved up the ramp all the way to the top (fig. 1). The ramp could have a maximum slope of eight percent, as this is about the limit for men hauling heavy blocks. With an eight-percent slope for the ramp and a height of approximately 480 feet for the pyramid, the ramp would stretch for approximately one mile. Although such a ramp is easy to imagine, there are three basic problems with this theory: 1) A mile-long ramp would have approximately the same volume as the Great Pyramid itself, nearly doubling the time needed to build the pyramid. Also, when the three sides of the pyramid that did not have the ramp were completed, then the ramp would have had to be dismantled, and finally, only after the ramp was dismantled could the face it rested against be completed. This too would add years to the project. 2) The pyramid is on a plateau, and it is not clear where one could put a mile-long ramp. 3) The remains of such a huge ramp have never been found. It is inconceivable that something almost as large as the Great

The Crane Theory There are two basic theories of how nearly two million blocks of stone averaging two and onehalf tons were raised during the construction of the Great Pyramid: cranes and ramps. The crane theory has its origins with Herodotus, who mentions that levers were used to raise the blocks.5 When this theory is discussed, something like the modern Egyptian shadouf is usually imagined. New Kingdom tomb paintings show farmers using shadoufs, so we know they were used in ancient Egypt, at least during the New Kingdom, and quite possibly in the Old Kingdom. However, there are several problems with the crane theory. It suggests that hundreds of these cranes were positioned at various levels of the pyramid to lift the blocks. One problem with this is that a tremendous amount of timber would have been needed for these cranes, and Egypt simply didnt have forests to provide the wood. Large timbers

4 W.M.F. Petrie, The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh (London, 1883). 5 Herodotus, History (Cambridge, 1990), Book II, 125.

6 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History (Cambridge, 1968), Book I, 63. 4-9.

the great pyramid: the internal ramp theory


Fig. 1. The single ramp theory. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes.

Pyramid could have been dismantled and moved so far away that it did not leave clear traces. For these three reasons, it seems unlikely that a single ramp was used to raise the blocks.

The Corkscrew Ramp Theory Because the straight ramp theory doesnt seem to work, several experts have described a different kind of ramp.7 This approach suggests that a ramp corkscrewed up the outside of the pyramid, much the way a mountain road spirals upwards (fig. 2). The ramp would still have to be eight percent or less, and a mile long, but we have a place to put iton the pyramidand this also explains why the remains of a ramp has never been found; it was part of the pyramid. However, the corkscrew ramp theory also has a serious flaw. With a ramp corkscrewing up the outside of the pyramid, the
M. Lehner, The Complete Pyramids (London, 1997), 215-216.

four corners couldnt be completed till the final stages of construction. The pyramids builders had to take constant measurements of the angles at the corners to ensure that they were constant as the pyramid rose. If they were off by an inch at the bottom, the pyramids edges would be off by yards at the top and would not meet in a point. In his definitive work, Building in Egypt, Dieter Arnold comments, During the whole construction period, the pyramid trunk would have been completely buried under the ramps. The surveyors could therefore not have used the four corners, edges, and foot line of the pyramid for their calculations. Furthermore, at a certain height the sides of the pyramid would no longer be wide enough to provide a ramp from one corner to the next.8 From this consideration, we can see that the corkscrew ramp theory also does not seem practical. Although almost every writer on the pyramids realizes that the crane theory and both versions

D. Arnold, Building in Egypt (Oxford, 1991), 100.


bob brier

Fig. 2. The corkscrew ramp theory. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes.

of the ramp theory are seriously flawed, few have ventured to offer a reasonable alternative. The best attempt is by Arnold, who suggests that a single frontal ramp could have been used for the lower portion of the pyramids construction (such a smaller ramp would not have had to be a mile long), and then several smaller ramps branched off throughout the pyramid.9 Arnold is not completely happy with this theory, but it is the best theory offered so far.

The Internal Ramp Theory The purpose of this paper is to present a new theory that overcomes many of the problems encountered with the theories discussed above. I must emphasize that this theory is not mine in any way. I only became involved in its development because Jack Josephson suggested that its

originator, Jean-Pierre Houdin, contact me. Since that initial contact in 2003, my role has been minimalproviding Egyptological background and trying to facilitate the testing of the theory at the site. It will be helpful to understand how the theory arose and how it developed. Houdin is an architect, but his father, Henri, an engineer, was the first to suggest that the blocks at the top of the Great Pyramid might have been brought up via an interior ramp that remains hidden inside the pyramid today. The architect son realized that many of the details suggested by his father were impractical and soon began refining the theory. It would be reasonable to assume that Jean-Pierre Houdin was able to develop his theory because he was standing on the shoulders of giants, but this is not really the case. The theory did not develop directly out of the work of others. One reason he has been able to see farther than those before him is that he has made

Ibid., 101.

the great pyramid: the internal ramp theory


Fig. 3. The internal ramp. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes.

extensive use of computer software unavailable to earlier researchers. Using programs designed by Dassault Systems for architects, Houdin spent five years building the most detailed 3-D models of the interior and exterior of the Great Pyramid ever created. These models enabled him to visualize and project the pyramid in three dimensions as no other researcher had ever imagined.10 Houdins theory suggests that for the bottom third of the pyramid, the blocks were hauled up a straight, external ramp. This ramp was far shorter than one needed to reach the top, and was made of limestone blocks slightly smaller than those used to build the bottom third of the pyramid. As the bottom of the pyramid was being built via the external ramp, a second ramp, inside the pyramid, was being built, on which the blocks for the top two-thirds of the pyramid would be hauled. This internal ramp begins at the bottom of the pyramid, is about six feet wide, and has a slope of approximately seven percent. The ramp was put into use after the lower third of the pyramid was completed and the external ramp had served its purpose. Not all the upper blocks, however, could be brought up through the internal ramp.
10 J.-P. and H. Houdin, La Pyramide de Kheops (Paris, 2003).

Huge granite slabs were needed for the roof beams of the Kings Chamber and the relieving chambers above it. Some of these beams weigh more than 60 tons and are far too large to have been brought up through an internal ramp, so the external ramp had to remain in use until these huge blocks were hauled up it. Once that was done, the external ramp was dismantled and the blocks it was composed of were brought up the pyramid via the internal ramp to the top twothirds of the pyramid. Thus the top two-thirds of the pyramid were built out of the ramp. Most of the blocks in the upper portion of the pyramid are smaller than in the bottom third, because they had to be brought up through the internal ramp, where space was limited. Several considerations went into the design of the internal ramp. First, its position had to be selected precisely so that it would not intersect with any of the pyramids internal chambers or passageways (fig. 3). Second, men hauling heavy blocks of stone up a narrow passageway cant turn a 90-degree corner easily; they need a place ahead of the block to stand and pull. The internal ramp had to provide a means of turning its


bob brier

Fig. 4. Notches at the corners were left open to help turn the blocks with simple cranes. Photograph courtesy of Dassault Systmes.

corners; consequently, the ramp had openings at the corners, where a simple crane could turn the blocks (fig. 4). I have presented Houdins internal ramp theory in a highly simplified manner because I do not want this paper to be too long. Other aspects of the theory include the function of the Grand Gallery, determining when the roof beams of the Kings Chamber cracked, and even when the pyramids facing stones were set in place. The purpose of this paper is only to discuss the question of how the blocks could have been raised for the construction of the Great Pyramid. The internal ramp theory avoids the pitfalls of the earlier theories, but it is just theory, it shows the blocks could have been raised in this manner, not that they were raised in this manner. As with any theory it is reasonable to ask, is there any empirical evidence to support it? The answer is yes. One bit of evidence is what appears to be one of the ramps corner notches used for turning the blocks. Two-thirds up the northeast edge, precisely where Houdins theory predicts there should be one, is a notch (fig. 5). Furthermore, in

1986 a member of a French team that was surveying the pyramid reported seeing a desert fox entering the pyramid through a hole next to the notch, suggesting that there is an open area behind the notch, perhaps the ramp. It seems improbable that the fox climbed more than halfway up the pyramid; more likely there is some undetected crevice toward the bottom where the fox entered the ramp and then made its way up the ramp and exited at the notch. It would be interesting to attach a telemetric device to a fox, send him into the hole, and monitor his movements. The notch is suggestive, but there is another bit of evidence supplied by the French team that is far more compelling. When the French team surveyed the Great Pyramid, they used microgravimetry, a technique that enabled them to measure the density of different sections of the pyramid, in order to detect hidden chambers. None were discovered, and this seems to contradict Houdins theory that there is an internal ramp inside. Shouldnt the French have detected it? In 2000 Jean-Pierre Houdins father was presenting an early version of the internal ramp theory at a scientific conference,

the great pyramid: the internal ramp theory


Fig. 5. Possible remains of a notch visible today. Photograph by Pat Remler.

and one of the members of the French team was present. He mentioned to Henri Houdin that the computer analysis of all their data did yield one curious image, something they couldnt interpret. That image showed what Houdins theory predicteda ramp spiraling up through the pyramid (fig. 6). The computer printout of what appears to be the internal ramp is very encouraging. It is important to note that the printout was obtained more than a decade before the internal ramp theory was formulated. In Philosophy of Science it is generally agreed that when evidence for supporting a theory is obtained before or without knowledge of the theory, it is considered stronger than if obtained with knowledge of the theoryno biases could have been involved in the gathering of the data, experimenter fraud can be ruled out, etc., etc. The spiral printout seems to be such a case.

Fig. 6. The French teams microgravemetric image of what appears to be an internal ramp. Photograph courtesy of Fondation EDF.


bob brier ground-penetrating radar, and infrared photography could also confirm the existence of an internal ramp inside the pyramid. As of this writing, a proposal for a noninvasive survey of the Great Pyramid has been submitted and we are optimistic that the Supreme Council of Antiquities will grant that request.

In spite of these encouraging findings, the internal ramp theory is far from proven, and more evidence is needed. Such evidence could be provided by any of several noninvasive tests conducted at the side of the pyramid. Another microgravimetics test designed specifically to detect the ramp is possible. In addition, such methods as sonar,

amenhotep iiis legacy in the temple of mut


AMENHOTEP IIIS LEGACY IN THE TEMPLE OF MUT Betsy M. Bryan Johns Hopkins University

Jack Josephson is an art historian and a connoisseur of Egyptian artisanship whose many discussions of Ptolemaic and other periods of art speak for themselves. His love of the field and his constancy in supporting Egyptology inspire all who know him. I am honored to be able to submit this small article to celebrate his contributions to the study of ancient Egypt. Although the statue I focus on is perhaps not the best-preserved example of royal sculpture, its condition is at least partly a result of its ancient usage. A survey of that long and somewhat enigmatic history will, I hope, serve as a sincere tribute to Jack by adding to our understanding of the reuse of earlier monuments. Any visitor to the precinct of Mut is familiar with two large figures in the Second Court of the Mut Temple: the oversized statue of Sekhmet wearing a diadem of uraei on the west side of the court, and the seated figure of a king on the east (fig. 1). Both were found prone by the Benson and Gourlay expedition and restored as we see them today. The royal statue is the subject of the discussion below. It will be argued that its original subject was Amenhotep III, that it was altered and reinscribed in the Ramesside era, and was then changed again, most probably in the 21st Dynasty. Benson and Gourlays vivid prose describing work in the 1896 season includes a description of finding the royal statue in question:
We had hardly passed the gateway [the Second Pylon] when we struck on what appeared to be part of a large sphere of granite, and while we were still wondering what this could be we found an edge and two rounded projections and suddenly perceived it to be the back of the rounded wig kings wear, with the kings shoulders beneath it. It tries the patience of an excavator to work slowly at a statue which is lying flat on its face, so that the most important point cannot be determined
1 PM II 2, 259; M. Benson and J. Gourlay, with P. Newberry, The Temple of Mut in Asher (London, 1899), 38-39; 208, pl. XV; plan, no. 15.

until the whole thing is free. We must in such a case too work carefully and slowly, and it seemed long before all was uncovered and we turned over the upper part of a kings figure. The arms were broken off above the elbow; the face was scarred, but not too much to exhibit a physiognomy of the most pleasing character. We then searched further to the eastthe direction from which the figure had fallenand found the lower part of the statue. Very little was actually missing, so that we were able subsequently to mend and set it up in the temple. The statue, with its pedestal, is about 8 feet high. The one fact which proved disappointing was that there was no certain evidence of date. A friend called our attention to the fact that an oval mark on the shoulder showed that a cartouche had been chiseled out, and a broad band of roughened granite up the back of the seat witnessed to the erasure of an inscription.1

Description and Identification of the Seated Royal Statue 1. General Description, Damage, and Erasures The granodiorite image has an overall height of 2.5 meters2 (fig. 2). The height from bottom of the foot to the hairline is 2.10 meters, and the socle height is .20 meters. The king is seated on a throne, wearing the nemes headdress and shendyt kilt, broad collar, and bracelets. There is a belt with zigzag pattern, but no central buckle oval. The surface is rubbed and consequently obscured in that area, indicating that an erasure likely took place. The kings hands are open, palm-down on the lap, in a gesture of acceptance. The properright arm was broken above the elbow, although the hand remains on the lap. The left arm had been broken in antiquity and was repaired (fig. 3). The carefully finished surface from shoulder
2 Perhaps originally 2.6 m (equivalent to 5 cubits). The socle, now .20 m, is highly degraded, and .30 m is not unusual for Amenhotep-era statues.


betsy m. bryan

Fig. 1. Second Court of the Mut Temple with statues of Sekhmet and the king on the west and east sides.

to elbow indicates the repair. The break runs vertically through the remains of a cartouche carved on the proper-left shoulder. The replacement element was narrow and vertical and shaped to complete the shoulder and elbow; its midsection was a thick slot that formed the locking mechanism. A similar, but not identical, repair may be found on the Metropolitan Museum of Art statue of Amenhotep III, usurped for Merenptah, Another repair may be seen on the Luxor Temple striding statue of Amenhotep III.4 The date of the Mut Temple statues repair is uncertain. The statue is particularly damaged on its proper right. On that side, the eye and mouth are both damaged, as was the arm, as already noted. The main break had been through the waist level, but the proper-right side of the throne was more heavily cracked and consequently restored by the Benson and Gourlay team. The break was also larger at the rear than in front, and there is heavy cement on the back pillar. The socle stone is degraded, and the feet are poorly preserved.

The king is seated on a throne that shows the partially erased remains of a color bar framing the seat on both right and left (fig. 4). The front bar, running vertically on the proper left, is well cut in straight lines on the bottom half of the seat, but is sloppily incised in the top part. When viewed from the front of the statue, the properleft side of the throne seat is not square, but tapers inward from bottom to top. The area within the bars is highly roughened and was erased, and in view of the tapering, the upper portion was more deeply cut away than the bottom, necessitating the re-incision of the bars on the top half of the seat. It is not possible to see any inscription or decoration within the color-bar area. The proper right may show this same pattern, but it is more damaged. The rear of the statue similarly shows that a lengthy inscription was erased from the narrower upper throne back and the entire area of the seat (fig. 5). The breadth of the inscription was that of the smaller upper pillar and did not widen in the seat area below. So far, the only certain glyph

3 W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, Part 2: The Hyksos Period and New Kingdom (New York, 1959), 234-235, fig. 140. Cf. the repair of the ear of Cleveland 52.513, as discussed by Bryan in: A.P. Kozloff and B.M. Bryan, Egypts Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and his World (Cleveland, 1992), 166-167

and n. 2. See more recently, L. Berman, Catalogue of Egyptian Art: The Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland, 1999), 222224, who speculates that the ears were replaced at the time of manufacture due to weakness in the stone. 4 Luxor Museum J. 131.

amenhotep iiis legacy in the temple of mut


Fig. 2. Frontal view of the granodiorite royal statue in the Fig. 3. Proper-left side of royal statue showing ancient repair to Second Court of the Mut Temple. arm.

traces that have been recovered from the back pillar represent the tops of two cartouches with sun disks as the first element. Other circular signs appear, in twos at several locations on the pillar, one set being larger than the others. It is tempting to see these as the city sign. Both shoulders show erasure patterns where cartouches had identified a rulers name (fig. 6). That on the proper-right shoulder now shows a lighter, rougher oval, but the surface has been somewhat smoothed. On the left shoulder, part of the cartouche ring is still visible, but the erasure marks are as well. The mark of the latter covers a small part of the broad collar, but it is otherwise
5 One possibility is that it was an adjustment to the statues temple location at some time in its use. Another explanation

rather neatly placed. An unusual detail of the statue is the presence of two somewhat regular cuts on the lower rear corners of the throne. That on the proper right is larger than on the left, but the areas both were smoothed over after the cuts were made. It remains unclear when and for what purpose these alterations were made.5 2. Identification of the Original Subject by Iconography and Style The general statue type, throne shape, and physical features are reminiscent of Amenhotep III, but there is no remaining inscription, and there are
is that stone from these cuts was used to create the proper-left arms repair patch.


betsy m. bryan

Fig. 4. Proper-left side of throne showing erasure of color bars and internal decoration.

Fig. 5. Rear of statue showing erasure of inscription.

Fig. 6. Neck and shoulder of royal figure showing erased cartouches and necklace area.

amenhotep iiis legacy in the temple of mut many crudely carved details and rough areas that suggest the statue was reworked after its original creation.6 Since there are a number of seated granodiorite figures of Amenhotep III, it is possible to compare them with regard to their proportions, in order to strengthen an identification with that ruler. Such proportions have been shown to have been date sensitive.7 1. Height of the figure from bottom of foot to hairline is 2.1 m (equivalent of 4 cubits), representing 14 grid squares. 2. Height of the throne, bottom of foot to top of seat is .82 m, equivalent to 5.46 grid squares. 3. Depth of the throne is .70 m, representing 4.66 squares. 4. Height of the knees is .93/.95 m, representing 6.2-6.33 grid squares. 5. Width of the shoulders (estimated from one complete half) is .85 m, representing 5.66 grid squares. 6. Width of the breast is .48 m, equivalent to 3.2 grid squares. 7. Width of the waist (narrowest point) is .35 m, equivalent to 2.33 grid squares. 8. Height of back at belt top is equivalent to 8.56 grid squares. 9. Height of back at shoulder is equivalent to 12.0 grid squares. The statue with proportions closest to this one is Metropolitan Museum of Art 22.5.2,8 to which the name of Merenptah was added without reworking of the sculpture. It shows the following hypothetical grid proportions: seat height: 5.2, seat depth 4.2, knee height 6.3, shoulder width 5.5, breast width 3.4, waist width 2.3, height of back 8.4, and shoulder height 11.9. In comparing these hypothetical grid square numbers with those from sampled statues, the proportions suggest Amenhotep III as the likely original model for the Mut Second


Court royal statue, particularly based on the seat dimensions, which routinely showed thrones approximately one grid square higher than they were deep, in contrast to those carved earlier, which were either squared or even deeper than tall. The one-square difference in height to depth is found on many later New Kingdom examples, but these are also taller than the Amenhotep III thrones and accommodated the lengthened legs for Ramesside figures.9 It is not the proportions alone that suggest Amenhotep III as the original owner of this statue, but a variety of iconographic details, including one that is highly supportive. A bulls tail is carved in raised relief between the kings legs, and above it is a flat rectangle carved in raised relief, the lower border of which is the line of the top of the seat (fig. 7). It was apparently intended as a negative space but also modestly prevented focus beneath the kings kilt. The same treatment may be seen on the British Museum statues EA 4 and 5, the granodiorite figures of Amenhotep III from his mortuary temple at Kom el-Hettan, and on the Metropolitan Museum of Art seated images, 22.5.1-2 (fig. 8). Bulls tails were a consistent feature of Amenhotep IIIs statues, both striding and seated, but the small rectangular tab above the tail characterizes only those in the granitic stones.10 Seated figures of other rulers do not display this specific detail. Frequently, they were carved to show the bulls tails extending up to the shendyt kilt.11 This small feature of the raised relief above the tail appears thus far to be unique to the royal statuary of Amenhotep III, and it is also seen on the Louvre statue A20, shown to have been recarved for Rameses II from a figure of Amenhotep III.12 From the proportions and this tiny detail, the probability that the Mut Temple statue originally represented Amenhotep III is nearly certain.

6 Benson and Gourlay identified the king as Tutankhamun, pl. XV facing p. 208. 7 Bryan in Egypts Dazzling Sun, Appendix, table 1, pp. 461-63, for seated statues, with comparisons to Hatshepsut, Thutmose III, Thutmose IV, Tutankhamun, and Rameses II. 8 H. Sourouzian, Les monuments du roi Merenptah (Mainz, 1989), 159 and 162, where she notes that the statue has not been re-carved. 9 Bryan, in Egypts Dazzling Sun, p. 148, Appendix, table 1, 462. For the lengthened leg on Ramesside figures, see G. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art (Austin, 1994), chapters 6 and 7. 10 The workshop distinctions between the granitic and

sedimentary-stone sculpture were first laid out by Bryan in Egypts Dazzling Sun, Chapter 5. The seated colossal limestone group in Cairo, number 610, shows the tail extending all the way up to the kilt. 11 For example, on statues of Thutmose IV (CG 42080) and Amenemhat III (GM 284) the tail continues. On JE 49537 and JE 39260, both of Thutmose III, the tail terminates below the shendyt, but not at the line of the seat, and the negative space in both cases is recessed, rather than in raised relief. See, for example, Z. Hawass and A. De Luca, The Illustrated Guide to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (Cairo, 2001). 12 Kozloff, in Egypts Dazzling Sun, pl. XIV, p. 189, and catalogue entry 14, pp. 172-74.


betsy m. bryan

Fig. 7. Lower half of statue showing carved rectangle beneath kilt.

3. Original and Retouched Features The overall shape of the face is slightly rounded, with fleshy cheeks nearly devoid of bone structure (fig. 9). This shape is characteristic of Amenhotep IIIs portraits and can be favorably compared with his visage on such statues as the colossal head from Kom el-Hettan, Luxor J 133. Likewise such soft fleshiness may be seen on the images of Amenhotep III in quartzite, such as British Museum EA 6 and 7.13 The mouth, although damaged, clearly shows a lip-line around the rim, as did virtually every royal portrait of Amenhotep III. Nothing suggests that the mouth was altered, as was the case with Louvre A20.14 The nose is preserved in outline only but shows no evidence of having been narrowed or changed at its bridgea feature seen, for example, on the Osiride of Thutmose IV recarved for Rameses II and now part of the Luxor Museum.15 The earring holes in the ears and two incised lines on the neck were presumably added at the time of the Ramesside reworking. In contrast to the polished and well-modeled cheek, nose, and mouth areas, the eyes of the

Fig. 8. British Museum EA4 of Amenhotep III showing carved rectangle beneath kilt.

Mut statue show a roughly finished surface in the eyelid areas that betray the mark of reworking. In a close-up view, the polished and precise outline of the proper-left eyebrow appears distinctively different from the irregular and shallow cosmetic banding of the eye beneath. The eye type here is what Bernard Bothmer referred to as banded, and it includes cosmetic lines on the upper lids that are etched in a hieroglyphic style extending toward the nemes tabs.16 Although the eyes
16 B.V. Bothmer, Eyes and Iconography in the Splendid Century: King Amenhotep III and His Aftermath, in The Art of Amenhotep III: Art Historical Analysis, ed. L. Berman (Cleveland, 1990), 84-92.

Color plates in Egypts Dazzling Sun, pp. 121-124; 185-

187. Kozloff, in Egypts Dazzling Sun, 172-74. The Luxor Museum of Ancient Art: Catalogue, no. 224, p. 147, figs. 118-119.
15 14

amenhotep iiis legacy in the temple of mut


Fig. 9. Face of royal figure, Mut Temple Second Court.

of Amenhotep IIIs statues were carved to show cosmetic lines of various shapes, they nonetheless were consistently almond shaped and obliquely set. In addition, the kings eye was always carved on a lid that swelled in a convex shape between lid and brow17 (fig. 10). It was this feature that was changed on the Mut Temple sculpture. The original eyes of the Mut Temple statue were cut back vertically between the banded eye and the brow to render a hollowed, or concave-shaped, eyelida style introduced with Amenhotep IV and that also characterized the portraits of Ramesside rulers. In addition, it was characteristic of Amenhotep III eyeballs to have bulged at the top beyond the line of the lid, and to then have receded beneath the center of the eyeball (see fig. 10). From the front view, this gives the impression of a downward gaze, and Amenhotep III had portraits with various degrees of vertical angling.
Bryan, Egypts Dazzling Sun, 144. This is unvarying for the sculpture of Amenhotep III, unless one dates works in the Gurob style to the lifetime of the king. For this author, Amenhotep IVs reign commences the representation of a concave eyelid. 18 This has been documented by study of the angle of Amenhotep IIIs statuary in comparison with reworked examples. See Bryan, Egypts Dazzling Sun, 144, 157 with a drawing showing the angle, and the Appendix with the measurements of vertical angles of the eyeballs. 19 CG 607, JE 31414, a statue of Merenptah from his mortuary temple. PM II 2, 448; M. Saleh and H. Sourouzian, The Egyptian Museum Cairo: Official Catalogue (Mainz, 1987), no. 211; See also CG 601 from Medinet Habu, but which could depict Rameses II rather than Merenptah. C. Ziegler, ed., The Pharaohs (Milan, 2002), 66, 438, cat. no. 125, entry by A. Mahmoud. For Merenptahs reuse of statuary, see Sourouzian, Monuments du roi Merenptah, 170-172, for this statue,

Fig. 10. Cleveland Museum of Art CMA 52.513 showing convex lid and eyeball carved to create downward stare.

The larger the statue, the greater the vertical angle was cut. 18 Here the eyes have been cut to eliminate any angle in the eyeball, although the eye sockets themselves are in the same general position as before recarving (fig. 11). Similar treatment of the eyelids and eyeballs is seen on a granodiorite statue of Merenptah in the Egyptian Museum (CG 607), certainly also taken over from Amenhotep III. Hourig Sourouzian has persuasively argued that this recarved image resulted in a true portrait type for Merenptah, although the same approach to reworking eyes also occurred on works reused for Rameses II.19
especially 171, regarding the reuse of Amenhotep IIIs images. Sourouzian notes that CG 607 has been entirely changed to express the true portrait of Merenptah. That seems true to me as well, and in contrast to the situation with the Mut Temple king. For examples of Rameses II with similar eye treatment, see Vienna S 5770, a greywacke statue of a deity, with inscribed back pillar and the beginning of Rameses IIs prenomen: E. Rogge, Statuen des Neuen Reiches und der Dritten Zwischenzeit (Vienna, 1987), 76-83.The close-up of the face (and the back pillar) shows the areas of roughening and also the lip-line of the Amenhotep III version. The remains of a second area of eyelid is visible on p. 83. See also Walters 22.107, a reworked head in the blue crown, which Sourouzian also discusses, Monuments du roi Merenptah, 170-171. B. Bryan, A New Statue of Amenhotep III and the meaning of the Khepresh Crown, in Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Studies in honor of David OConnor, ed. Z. Hawass and J. Richards (Cairo, 2007), 154-156, figs. 7-8.


betsy m. bryan Although the Mut Temple statue shows recarving in several locations other than the eyes, most retouching does not suggest that the statue was remodeled. In addition to the eyes, the nemes borders and tabs, as well as the beard straps, have been redefined, although not relocated (see fig. 11). There is no clear indication that the stripes of the headdress were changed. The belt has been adjusted across the front, and perhaps on more than one occasion. As mentioned earlier, the front of the belt was erased, such that now the surface is smooth to the touch but shows no remains of the original oval (fig. 12). The zigzag pattern on the belt is carefully incised in fifteen small lines on the proper right and left of the statue, but it is crudely incised on the front, where there are only five sloppy and large zigzags. The contrast with the sides of the belt strongly indicates that the redefinition was in concert with changes to the front oval and not part of a remodeling of the figure. Unlike the situation with Louvre A20, where the belt width and decorative motif were changed, here the belt width was unaltered, and only the number of zigzags differs. The necklace area at first appearance looks as if it was retouched, but on closer observation, it is original. The rows of rectangular and teardrop beads are regular and well cut, but on the proper left of the statue the spaces between beads has been smoothed, while on the proper right they are rough. This is consistent for the entire necklace

Fig. 11. Profile of face of Mut Temple royal statue showing recut eye lid and socket.

Fig. 12. Detail of belt area, Mut Temple royal statue.

amenhotep iiis legacy in the temple of mut and therefore must be a relic of the original statue production, when sculptors worked the two sides of the statue separately. It is clear in detail views of the statue. A line of roughened surface beneath the broad collar may suggest that the jewelry area was at some time pigmented or even gilded, but the internal details of the necklace are unretouched. The roughened line does not appear on original statues of Amenhotep III that wear the broad collar, but roughly finished necklace areas did often contrast with the polished body parts.20


Reconstructing the History of the Statue in the Mut Temple The Mut Temple statue was fashioned as an image of King Amenhotep III in the later 18th Dynasty. It originally was inscribed on the back pillar and perhaps on the belts buckle, which now shows a roughened surface. Other seated granodiorite figures of that king might carry inscriptions on their back pillars, on the throne front next to the kings legs, and on the belt fronts. However, there was no consistency, and some were inscribed at all three locations, some on one or two, and some were not inscribed all. Thus the Mut Temple statue, having had texts on the rear and the belt, was entirely consistent with other Amenhotep III seated sculpture. The statue originally had no cartouches on the shoulders, although two were added when the piece was retouched for a later king.21 Indeed, no original statue of Amenhotep III bore cartouches on the bodywhether abdomen, arms, or shoulders. Rather, the addition of a kings cartouches on royal statues began after the Amarna era, and it was a common feature of both reused and original statuary of Rameses II, Merenptah, and other Ramesside rulers. Sometimes these statues were otherwise retouched, as here, but often not.22 Four statues of Amenhotep III have added body
20 See, for example, the rough-surfaced broad collar on a Cairo torso of the king: Bryan, A New Statue. Compare the quartzite Luxor Temple cachette statue with a broad, rough area that could have received metal sheeting. 21 Non-royal statues were carved with body cartouches of the reigning king from the mid-18th Dynasty onward in a similar, but not identical, approach to statue identification. Facial reworking of non-royal statues was apparently rare, and the addition of a later rulers cartouche rarer still. 22 CG 42096 of Horemheb was an early example. From the large temples of Luxor, Karnak, Medinet Habu, Memphis, Tanis, etc., statues in museums and still in situ display added cartouches on shoulders and chests. E.g., R.A. Schwaller de Lubicz, The Temples of Karnak (London, 1999), passim. Thutmoside colossi before the north flanks of the Seventh

cartouches naming Merenptah.23 None bears a body cartouche with another name, despite significant numbers of Amenhoteps statues having been reused and reinscribed on socles, back pillars, thrones, and belt buckles, particularly for Rameses II and III. This fact would certainly favor Merenptah as the king whose name was within the added body cartouches on the Mut Temple statue. However, these cartouches were erased later when the statue was once again reused. The thrones of Amenhotep IIIs seated figures were decorated with either the union of the plants of Upper and Lower Egypt carved within a rectangle, or the Nile gods tying plants together.24 The throne decoration on the Mut Temple statue cannot be determined due to complete erasure within the color bars. The imprecise lines of the bars on the top half of the throne signal that these were recarved, but the erasure pattern covers these as well. We may thus conclude that here also, two periods of reuse are in evidence. The Amenhotep III statue, Louvre A20, reused by Rameses II, was recut on the throne sides by shaving back only the surface defined within color bars, and incising inscriptions. The throne sides on Metropolitan Museum of Art 22.5.1 and 22.5.2, reused for Merenptah, were shaved back on the entire decorated surfaces, including the color barswhich were then re-incised. This would have been the same method used on the Mut Temple statue during its first reuse. An arm repair on the proper-left arm of the Mut Temple statue is another feature that may be paralleled by comparison with other reused Amenhotep III sculptures. Metropolitan Museum of Art 22.5.1 and Luxor Museum J 131, both found in the Luxor Temple, had arm repairs using similar tenon-type patches, and both were also reused for Merenptah.25 It should be considered a possibility that the Ramesside reuses occasioned repairs to these three statues, and it might be worth comPylon carry the original features of the 18th Dynasty kings, but the cartouches on shoulders are of Rameses IV: ibid., plate 363. See also R. Freed, Ramesses the Great (Memphis, 1987), 16, 123 for two additional examples with the names of Merenptah. For a list of examples where the king added his name and may or may not have removed that of the earlier king, see W. Helck, Usurpierung, L 6, 905-906, n. 7. 23 Sourouzian, Monuments du roi Merenptah, 159ff. ; three from the Luxor Temple (MMA 22.5.1 and 22.5.2) and one in situ (Freed, Ramesses the Great, 16). 24 For the former, British Museum EA 4 and 5; for the latter, Cairo JE 37640 and the so-called Memnon colossi. 25 Do. Arnold, The Royal Women of Amarna: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt (New York, 1996), 63, fig. 57; L. Berman, Catalogue of Egyptian Art, 224 and n. 6. Both


betsy m. bryan the deepened chisel marks around the necklace suggest likewise. Pinudjem and Henettawys work in the Khonsu Temple and Karnak stressed their associations with Amun-Re and Mut and their issue, Khonsu.27 The interest of both rulers in the Mut Temple would thus have continued this association. Further, the inscription added by Henettawy on the rear of the Queen Tiye statue listed her formal titles, but further privileged her consort role to the king in a manner paralleling Muts relation to Amun-Re.28 The find place of the Tiye and Henettawy statue was near the royal figure, in the porch of the temple. It was placed there in the Roman Period during a final renovation of the porch. The original height of the queen sculpture, 2.5 meters,29 is identical to that of the king statue, and it is quite possible that they were fashioned as a pair, perhaps to be displayed in concert with the similarly proportioned large Sekhmet statues, also in the Second Court. Although it must remain a speculation, the attempt to remove the Ramesside changes to the king figure may have signaled Pinudjems and Henettawys adoption of these statues, with an acknowledgment of their original association with Amenhotep III and Tiye.

paring the stone patches microscopically to determine whether they are similar. Several points of comparison suggest that the Ramesside reuse of the Mut Temple statue took place in the reign of Merenptah. The facial changes, body cartouches, throne-side reuse, and the arm repairs are all found on statues of Amenhotep III reused for Merenptah, but are not found on his sculptures reused by other kings. The final reuse of the Mut Temple statue remains far more elusive to determine. Several elements point, however, to the 21st Dynasty and perhaps to Pinudjem I as the ruler in question. First, there are two other Amenhotep III statue adoptions from the reign of Pinudjem I in the Mut Templea Sekhmet statue with an added back-pillar inscription of Queen Henettawy that mentions the work of King Pinudjem in Karnak, and the recently found statue of Queen Tiye with a back-pillar inscription for Queen Henettawy.26 In these cases, there was no reworking, and the name of Amenhotep III was left intact. The second reuse of the Mut Temple royal statue attempted to remove the evidence of the Ramesside retouching by erasing the body cartouches, belt inscription, and throne and back-pillar texts. The rough surfaces on the throne and back pillar suggest that the finish was accomplished in plaster and paint;
consider that the repair on the Metropolitan Museum statue was original to the reign of Amenhotep III. 26 The Sekhmet, PM II2, 257 [6]; Benson and Gourlay, The Temple of Mut in Asher, 29-30, 245. The Queen statue, B.M. Bryan, A Newly Discovered Statue of a Queen from the Reign of Amenhotep III, in Servant of Mut: Studies in Honor of Richard A. Fazzini, ed. S. DAuria (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 32-43.

27 S.-A. Naguib, Le clerg fminin dAmon thbain la 21e dynastie (Leuven, 1990), 218-221. 28 Bryan, A Newly Discovered Statue, 43: She is summoned, entering and going forward because of the greatness of her love for the king. She is one great of terror, one sacred of dew/fragrance, the uraeus who guards Horus. 29 Ibid.

eine statue des knigs dewen aus abydos?


EINE STATUE DES KNIGS DEWEN AUS ABYDOS?1 Gnter Dreyer Deutsches Archologisches Institut, Kairo

Rundplastik der 1. Dynastie ist nur in sehr wenigen, durchweg fragmentarischen Exemplaren belegt.2 Ein besonders interessantes Stck, eine Holzmaske, befindet sich im Museum of Fine Arts Boston (Inv. Nr. 60.1181). Diese Maske ist bereits 1967 ausfhrlich von William Stevenson Smith verffentlicht worden nachdem sie 1960 auf sein Betreiben als Geschenk von J.J. Klejman in das Museum gelangt war.3 Vordem befand sie sich in der Sammlung von Madeleine Rousseau, die sie von einem Mitglied der Familie Amlineau erworben haben soll.4 W. St. Smith hat die Maske als Teil einer Kompositstatue erklrt und mit einem Holzfragment aus Petries Grabung am Grab des Dewen in Abydos in Verbindung gebracht, das mit Haarlocken reliefiert ist und offensichtlich ebenfalls von einer Kompositstatue stammt. Dementsprechend hat er eine Datierung der Maske in die 1. Dynastie vorgeschlagen. Im Vergleich mit verschiedenen Darstellungen kommt er zu der Ansicht, da sie zu der Statue eines unterworfenen Feindes gehrte. Seither hat die Maske erstaunlich wenig Beachtung gefunden. Der Fund eines weiteren kleinen Haarlockenfragmentes und neue Erkenntnisse zum Grab des Dewen bei den Nachuntersuchungen des DAI bieten Anla, noch einmal darauf einzugehen. Die aus vier Fragmenten zusammengesetzte Holzmaske zeigt das Gesicht eines brtigen Mannes mit dem vorderen Abschnitt seiner bis in die Stirn reichenden Haartracht sowie die Kinnpartie bis zum Halsansatz (Abb. 1a). Die Augenhhlen sind fr Einlagen aus anderem Material
1 Fr Jack Josephson in dankbarer Erinnerung an viele lebhafte Diskussionen bei manch gutem Glas Wein. 2 Basen von zwei Holzstatuen in Saqqara Grab 3505, W.B. Emery, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty III (London, 1958), 13, pl. 27; Fragment einer Holzfigur aus Abydos (Ashmolean Museum Oxford E 1525), W.M.F. Petrie, Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties II, MEEF 21 (London, 1901), pl. XII. 2. 3 W.S. Smith, Two Archaic Egyptian Sculptures, BMFA 65 (1967), Nr. 340, S. 70ff. Fr die Erlaubnis die Maske im Oktober 2007 genauer

offen ausgefhrt. Die Rckseite ist ausgehhlt und innen nur grob bearbeitet (Abb. 1b). Bis auf einen kleinen originalen Abschnitt beim Halsansatz mit gerade geschnittener Kante ist die Maske am Rand allseitig unregelmig abgebrochen.5 Die erhaltene Hhe betrgt 16,3 cm, die max. Breite 9,7 cm, die Tiefe in Kinnhhe etwa 6 cm, am Rand ist das Holz ca. 0,6-0,8 cm dick. Womglich schon bei der Auffindung bzw. bei spteren Restaurierungen ist das Holz mit Wachs stabilisiert worden. Ausbrche an der linken Schlfe und rechts vom Kinn sowie einige kleinere Fehlstellen sind mit Wachs aufgefllt. Die Maske ist als schmales Oval gebildet, wobei das Gesicht vom Kinn her gesehen einen fast parabelfrmigen Umri aufweist. Der erhaltene Abschnitt der Haartracht reicht weit bis in die Stirn und besteht aus drei Reihen nach vorn ausgerichteter, schmaler Haarstrhnen. Abstze zwischen den Reihen deuten an, da sie sich berlappen. Jeweils 5-6 schrge Kerben sollen wohl anzeigen, da sie in sich gewunden waren. Von der Stirn ist nur schmaler Streifen sichtbar. Darin ist der Umri der Augenbrauen (fr Einlagen aus anderem Material) flach eingekerbt. Sie setzen gerundet in einer Hhe mit den inneren Augenwinkeln an und verlaufen zu den Schlfen hin in kaum abnehmender Strke etwas abwrts. An den breit mandelfrmigen Augenhhlen sind die oberen Augenlider nach innen hin deutlich breiter werdend bis weit unter die Nasenwurzel heruntergezogen modelliert, soda die Augen auch gegenber den Brauen betont schrg gestellt erscheinen.
anzusehen und auch Detailphotos anzufertigen, danke ich Rita Freed. 4 So Smith, a.a.O., Anm. 1. Dagegen wird von M. Rousseau, Introduction la connaissance de lart prsent (Paris, 1953), 122 zu Fig. 140 wohl irrtmlich angegeben ... trouv Abydos (Fouilles Petrie). Das Stck wird weder von Amlineau noch von Petrie erwhnt, eine Herkunft aus den Grabungen von Amlineau ist aber wesentlich plausibler. 5 Ursprnglich drfte der Rand in Verlngerung der noch erhaltenen gerade abgeschnittenen Kante in einer vertikalen Ebene verlaufen sein.


gnter dreyer

Abb. 1a-b. Holzmaske, Boston 60.1181. Face from a composite statue, Egyptian, Early Dynastic Period, Dynasty 1, 29602770 B.C. Findspot: Egypt, Probably Abydos. Wood, height x width (max): 16.3 x 9.7 cm (6 7/16 x 3 13/16 in.). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of J. J. Klejman, 60.1181. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Die schmale, lange Nase mit kaum ausgeprgten Nasenflgeln und leicht ausgehhlten Nasenlchern ist im Profil deutlich gebogen, der Eindruck einer Adlernase wird allerdings durch Abrieb an der Nasenspitze verstrkt (Abb. 2). In der besser erhaltenen linken Gesichtshlfte ist noch zu erkennen, da die Wangenknochen (Jochbeine) verhltnismig tief, etwa in Hhe der Nasenflgel modelliert waren. Der Mund sitzt etwa mittig zwischen Nase und dem pointierten Kinn und ist dem schmalen Untergesicht entsprechend klein aber mit vollen Lippen ausgefhrt. Die Mundwinkel sind in einem verhaltenen Lcheln leicht hochgezogen. Der Vollbart ist in engen Reihen kleiner hakenfrmiger Locken flach reliefiert, die jeweils durch drei parallele Ritzlinien gezeichnet sind. Der Backenbart mit drei Lockenreihen teilt sich um den Mund in je zwei Reihen auf der Oberlippe und dem Kinn. Auf der Unterseite des Kinns verlaufen vier Lockenreihen, die durch den glatten, ca. 1,5 cm breiten Streifen des Halsansatzes begrenzt werden (Abb. 3). Insgesamt wirkt

das Gesicht leicht berlngt6 aber ausgezeichnet proportioniert und macht in seiner detaillierten Modellierung trotz der fehlenden Augeneinlagen einen sehr lebendigen Eindruck. Aufgrund der zu geringen Gre (etwa 2/3 Lebensgre) ist auszuschlieen, da es sich um eine Maske im eigentlichen Sinne handelt, die bei Kulthandlungen vor das Gesicht gehalten wurde. Wie schon W. St. Smith feststellte, spricht gegen eine Verwendung als Maske auch die Ausfhrung mit der den Halsansatz einschlieenden Kinnpartie. Smith folgend ist danach anzunehmen, da die Maske Teil einer aus verschiedenen Stcken zusammengesetzten Kompositstatue war.7
6 Diese leichte berlngung ist auch an vielen sptvordynastischen Stcken zu beobachten, z.B. einem Elfenbeinkopf aus der main deposit von Hierakonpolis (Ashm. E 542), siehe T. Philipps, Hrsg., AfrikaDie Kunst eines Kontinents (Berlin, 1996), 68. 7 Allerdings stellt sich die Frage, warum sie ausgehhlt und nicht wie z.B. sptere Sargmasken massiv angefertigt worden ist. Eine denkbare Erklrung wre, da damit die Augen von der Rckseite her so eingesetzt werden konnten, da sie nicht herausfallen konnten.

eine statue des knigs dewen aus abydos?


Abb. 3. Holzmaske, Boston 60.1181, Unterseite (Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston).

Abb. 2. Holzmaske, Boston 60.1181, Profil (Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston).

Abb. 4. Jahrestfelchen Abydos K 2554 (Photo F. Barthel).

Das Holzfragment mit Haarlockenrelief aus Petries Grabung,8 auf das Smith verweist, befindet sich jetzt im Ashmolean Museum Oxford (Inv. Nr. E 1129).9 Es besteht aus weichem, fasrigen, hellbraunem Holz (erh. L. 8,1 cm, erh. B. 5,0 cm, D. ca. 0,4-0,7cm) und ist bis auf die annhernd horizontale originale Unterkante unregelmig abgebrochen (Abb. 5a-b links). Dunkle Verfrbungen am oberen Bruchrand lassen aber vermuten, da das Stck unmittelbar darber endete, zumal sich dort im rechten Abschnitt zwei kleine senkrechte Dbellcher befinden. Die leicht konvexe Vorderseite ist mit 8 Haarstrhnen reliefiert, die jeweils in einer nach rechts eingerollten Locke enden.
Petrie, Royal Tombs II, pl. XL.92. Fr die freundliche Genehmigung, das Fragment im August 2007 anzusehen und Digitalaufnahmen anzufertigen danke ich H. Whitehouse. 10 Vgl. die in groer Anzahl in der main deposit von Hierakonpolis gefundenen Haarstrhnen-Perlen aus Fayence, die von einer (oder mehreren) groen Statue(n) stammen drften, J.E. Quibell, Hierakonpolis I, ERA 4
9 8

Wie bei der Holzmaske weisen die Haarstrhnen in unterschiedlicher Hhe 4 bzw. 5 kleine Einkerbungen auf, womit trotz grerer Abstnde sicher auch hier angezeigt werden soll, da die Haarstrhnen gewunden sind.10 Aufflligerweise ist aber nicht die gesamte Flche reliefiert: Die Haarstrhnen setzen erst ca. 2-2,5 cm unterhalb der Oberkante mit einem deutlichen Absatz an, der Abschnitt darber ist etwas unregelmig geglttet und die Dicke nimmt nach oben hin auf nur 0,4 cm ab. Sehr wahrscheinlich berlappte hier ein weiteres flaches Holzstck mit Relief, das mit dem unteren Stck verdbelt war.

(London, 1900), 8, pl. XXIV.1.3. In hnlichen Haarstrhnen endet auch die Percke / Haartracht der weiblichen Statuette Mnchen S 4234, A. Grimm und S. Schoske, Am Beginn der Zeit, Schriften aus der gyptischen Sammlung 9 (Mnchen, 2000), Nr. 43. 11 W.M.F. Petrie, Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty I, MEEF 18 (London, 1900), pl. XII,12-13, XVII.30; s.a. U. Rummel, Hrsg., Begegnung mit der Vergangenheit: 100


gnter dreyer

Abb. 5a-b. Holzfragmente, Ashmolean E 1129 + Abydos K 5193 (Photos G. Dreyer).

Abb. 7. Grab des Dewen, Knigskammer und Annex mit Statuenbasis (Photo D. Johannes).

Abb. 6. Wrfelstab des Qaa, Kairo JE 34386 (Photo P. Windszus).

Abb. 8. Rekonstruktion der Statuenkammer (Zeichnung N. Hampikian).

eine statue des knigs dewen aus abydos? Direkt unterhalb der Locken befindet sich ein schmaler Streifen mit Bohrlchern, die augenscheinlich so zwischen den Lockenenden angebracht worden sind, da sie kaum sichtbar waren. Die Rckseite des Fragmentes ist flach ausgefhrt und weist allenthalben dunkelbraune Leimreste auf, die in Hhe der Durchbohrungen zum Teil wulstig verkrustet sind. Offenbar ist hier beim Verleimen mit einem anderen Holzteil berschssiges Bindemittel ausgetreten. Ein weiteres Fragment dieser Haartracht kam 1993 beim Aussieben von Schutt sdlich des Grabes des Dewen zutage (Abydos K 5193). Erhalten ist auf dem kleinen allseitig abgebrochen Holzstck (erh. H. 2,3 cm, erh. B. 1,0 cm, D. 0,5 cm) nur das Ende einer Haarstrhne mit eingerollter Locke (Abb. 5a-b rechts). Die Rckseite ist flach und weist ebenfalls Leimspuren auf. Diese Fragmente aus dem Grab des Dewen belegen auf jeden Fall, da es in der 1. Dynastie tatschlich Kompositstatuen gab, bei denen verschiedene Teilstcke vermutlich mit einem Holzkern verdbelt und verleimt waren. Fr die Haartracht fhrt Smith einen Wrfelstab aus dem Grab des Qaa11 an, der einen gefesselten brtigen Asiaten zeigt, dessen Haarstrhnen bis auf die Schulter reichen (Abb. 6). Wenngleich nicht nachgewiesen werden kann, da Maske und Haarlockenfragment zu der gleichen Statue gehrten, hlt Smith es zumindest fr wahrscheinlich, da die Maske von einer Statue mit hnlicher Haartracht stammt.12 In Vergleichen mit weiteren Darstellungen von besiegten Feinden, insbesondere dem brtigen Mann auf der Narmerpalette vermutet er, da es sich dabei um die Figur eines wohl hockenden Gefangenen oder unterworfenen Feindes handelte.13 Bei dieser die Zuweisung geht Smith noch davon aus, da in den frhen Knigsgrbern keine Knigsstatuen aufgestellt waren: ... it does not seem to have been the custom to place statues of the king in the underground chambers of the tomb, ... 14 Auerdem verweist er darauf, da der Knig und seine Hofleute abgesehen von einem Zeremonialbart berlicherweise bartlos dargestellt werden. Ebenso schliet er eine GtJahre in gypten (DAI centennial exhibition catalogue) (Cairo, 2007), S. 86 Nr. 69. 12 Smith, a.a.O., 72. 13 Smith, a.a.O., 78. 14 Smith, a.a.O., 73. 15 G. Dreyer, Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frhzeitlichen Knigsfriedhof. 3./4. Vorbericht, MDAIK 46 (1990) 76-78, Abb. 8. 16 Vgl. auch den tumulus mit Ausgang in der Grabgrube


terstatue aus, da es dafr in Grbern berhaupt keine Belege gibt. Die Nachuntersuchungen des DAI am Grabkomplex des Knigs Dewen haben aber ergeben, da es eben dort tatschlich eine Statuenkammer gab, die im SW an die Grabkammer des Knigs angefgt war.15 In dieser Kammer war noch die Fundamentplatte fr die Aufstellung einer Statue in situ vorhanden, die nach ihrer Gre (Breite 90 cm x Tiefe 30 cm) nur fr eine Standfigur gedient haben kann, die wohl unterlebensgro war (Abb. 7). Die Funktion der dort aufgestellten Statue ist aus der Lage der Kammer zu erschlieen, von der eine Treppe zu einer Lcke im Zingel der Nebengrber fhrt (Abb. 8). Diese Lcke, die es auch bei allen anderen Kniggrbern der 1. Dynastie seit Djer gibt, ist auf die ffnung eines groen Wadis ausgerichtet, das offenbar als Eingang zur Unterwelt angesehen wurde. Ebenso wie die im SW der Knigskammern von Djer und Wadj befindlichen Scheintrnischen sollten sie (als Scheindurchgnge) dem wiederauferstehenden Knig das Verlassen des Grabes ermglichen, um ins Jenseits einzugehen.16 Die Statue kann daher nur den Knig dargestellt haben, Statuen anderer machen dort keinen Sinn. Von dieser Knigsstatue drften mit groer Wahrscheinlichkeit die Perckenfragmente stammen, die in der Umgebung des Grabes aufgefunden wurden. Demnach handelte es sich also um eine Kompositstatue. Was die Haartracht angeht, so ist Knig Dewen mit solchen Locken auch auf einem Fragment eines kleinen Jahres- oder Festtfelchens aus Elfenbein abgebildet, das 1996 zwischen den Grbern von Dewen und Semerchet gefunden wurde (Abydos K 2554; Abb. 5).17 Aufgrund der geringen Gre (erh. H. 0,75 cm, erh. B. 1,9 cm, D. 0,35 cm) ist die Darstellung zwar nicht sehr detailliert, lt aber deutlich kleine schrge Einkerbungen in den Haarstrhnen erkennen, wie sie auch die Perckenfragmente aufweisen. Die Strhnen setzen beim Ohr an, reichen weit ber die Schulter und enden auf einer Linie etwa in Achselhhe.
ber der Grabkammer des Wadj, G. Dreyer, Zur Rekonstruktion der Oberbauten der Knigsgrber der 1. Dynastie in Abydos, MDAIK 47 (1991), 99. 17 Das Fragment stammt vielleicht von dem gleichen Tfelchen wie Petrie, Royal Tombs II, VII.8 (= Kairo JE 34905), zu dem vermutlich noch zwei weitere Stcke aus den Grabungen des DAI gehren (Abydos K 2505a,b), die aber noch nicht zusammengefhrt werden konnten.


gnter dreyer Wesentlich eindeutiger erscheinen dagegen die archologischen Anhaltspunkte. Auch wenn sich nicht mit letzter Sicherheit entscheiden lt, ob die Maske und die Haartrachtfragmente tatschlich von ein und derselben Statue stammen,18 sprechen dafr neben der vermutliche Herkunft der Maske aus der Grabung von E. Amlineau in Abydos, sowohl die Zugehrigkeit von Maske und Fragmente zu Kompositstatuen als auch die gleichartige Ausfhrung, insbesondere die etwa gleiche Breite der Locken auf der Maske und den Fragmenten. Vor allem aber ist es schon mehr als unwahrscheinlich, da sich Stcke von zwei ganz hnlichen Kompositstatuen aus dem Knigfriedhof von Abydos erhalten haben sollten, wenn es dort mit der Statuenkammer des Dewen nur einen passenden Aufstellungsort gibt.

Die Beobachtung, der Knig sei ansonsten stets bartlos bzw. mit Zeremonialbart dargestellt, ist zwar zutreffend, dabei ist aber zu bedenken, da die Belege smtlich auf kleine Anhngetfelchen und Siegel beschrnkt sind, auf denen er entweder beim Schlagen von Feinden auftritt oder Ritualhandlungen vollzieht. Es ist von daher keineswegs auszuschlieen, da der Knig als Auferstehender einen Vollbart trgt. Die Barttracht der Maske entspricht auch weder genau der des Asiaten auf dem Wrfelstab des Qaa, dessen Kinnbart weit auf die Brust reicht, noch der des unterworfenen Libyers auf der Narmerpalette, der ebenfalls einen verlngerten Kinnbart aufweist. Ein Oberlippenbart kommt berhaupt nie vor. Es lt sich danach nur feststellen, da der Bart der Maske so weder fr den Knig noch Feinde, Privatleute oder Gtter belegt ist. Eine ikonographische Zuordnung ist daher nicht mglich.
18 Holzbestimmungen sind beabsichtigt aber noch nicht durchgefhrt. Allerdings wren gleichartige Holzarten nicht mehr als ein weiterer Anhaltspunkt fr die Zusammengeh-

rigkeit, da bei einer Kompositstatue auch unterschiedliche Holzarten verwendet worden sein knnten.

die leeren kartuschen von akhenaten


DIE LEEREN KARTUSCHEN VON AKHENATEN1 Mamdouh Eldamaty Ain Shams University, Cairo

Zwei Stelen der Amarnazeit des gyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung (Inv. Nr. 17813 und 25574) zeigen besondere Eigenschaften. Die erste Stele (Abb. 1) wurde in verschiedenen Artikeln untersucht.2 Sie ist eine knigliche Stele, die fr einen Beamten gefertigt wurde. Sie zeigt die Koregentschaft zweier Herrscher unter der Strahlen des Aten, die von sieben leeren Kartuschen flankiert werden. Die zweite Stele3 (Abb. 2) zeigt die Darstellung von Akhenaten und Nefertiti unter der Sonnenstrahlen des Aten; vier leere Karuschen sind ber ihnen neben der Sonnenscheibe des Aten zu finden. Die Frage, wer die zwei auf der ersten Stele dargestellten Herrscher sind, wurde schon von Harris und Reeves beantwortet.4 Beide Autoren haben auch diskutiert, wem die leeren Kartuschen gehren. Mir geht es in diesem Artikel um die Bedeutung dieser leeren Kartuschen. Das Phnomen der leeren Kartuschen in den gyptischen Tempeln der griechisch-rmischen Zeit habe ich in drei separaten Artikeln abgehandelt,5 in denen ich die Meinung vertrat, dass eine leere Kartusche stellvertretend fr den Namen eines Knigs als rn bzw. als Ersatz des Namens in Form einer leere Kartusche als mnS zu lesen ist und sie die Bedeutung pr-aA Herrscher haben kann.

Auf die Bedeutung dieser leeren Kartuschen komme ich wegen der besonderen Eigenschaften der beiden Stelen im Berliner Museum nochmals zurck. Bei genauer Betrachtung sind die Kartuschen von so kleinem Format , dass kein Knigsname hinein passen kann. Meiner Meinung nach, sind sie absichtlich so klein und leer gefertigt, um als Personifikation des Akhenaten als Shu verstanden werde zu kommen. Die enge Beziehung zwischen dem Knig und Shu war bisher in der Amarna-Zeit am hufigsten zu finden.6 In den Amarnatexten spielt Shu eine besondere Rolle. Er ist an vielen Stellen identisch mit Akhenaten, wie die Benennung Akhenaten als Shu in den Grber von Tell El-Amarna zeigt: pA ^w anx=j n ptr=f im Grab von Meryre,7 pA HqA ^w im Grab von Tutu,8 ^w n tA nb im Grab von Panehesy9 und ntk pA ^w anx=j m ptr=k auf einem Trpfosten vom Haus des Hohenpriesters Pawah.10 Dazu kommen die Darstellungen von Akhenaten mit der Federkrone, die den Knig als Personifikation des Shu darstellen11 (Abb. 3). Noch ein Hinweis auf Inkarnation des Akhenaten als Shu ist seine Darstellung auf einer Stele in Berliner Museum (Inv. Nr. 2045) und einem Skarabus in London (UC 2233). Beide Objekte

1 Meinem Freund Jack Josephson, von dem ich hoffe, dass diese ihm gewidmeten Zeilen sein Interesse finden werden. 2 P.E. Newberry, Akhenatens eldest son-in-law Ankhkheprure, JEA 14 (1928), 7f.; J.R. Harris, Nefertiti rediviva, AcOr 35 (1973), 5-13 und Nefernefruaten regnans, AcOr 36 (1974), 11-21; N. Reeves, Echnaton, gyptens falscher Prophet, Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 91 (Mainz, 2002), 167-169. 3 Cf. Reeves, Echnaton, 169. 4 Harris, Nefertiti rediviva, 5-13 und Nefernefruaten regnans, 11-21; Reeves, Echnaton, 167-169. 5 M. Eldamaty, Zur Bedeutung der leeren Kartuschen, GM 207 (2005), 23-36; Die leeren Kartuschen aus der Regierungszeit von Kleopatra VII. im Tempel von Dendera, OLA 150 (2007), 511-544; Die leeren Kartuschen im Tempel von Edfu (FS Said Tawfik, im Druck). 6 G. Fecht, Amarna-Probleme (1-2), ZS 85 (1960), 105109; vgl. B. Gunn, Notes on the Aten and his names,JEA 29 (1923), 175; K. Sethe, Beitrge zur Geschichte Amenophis

IV., in NGWG (1921), 109f.; B. van de Walle, Survivances mythologiques dans les coiffures royales de lpoque atonienne, CdE (1980), 24-27; E. Cruz-Uribe, Atum, Shu, and the Gods during the Amarna Period, SSEAJ 25 (1995), 16-18. 7 Cf. M. Sandman, Texts from the time of Akhenaten, BiAe 8 (1938), 16, 10. 8 Ibid., 86, 12. 9 Ibid., 24, 5-6. 10 Ibid., 172, 12-13. Vgl. auch den Namen des Aten m rn=f m ^w ntj m Jtn In seinem Namen als Shu, welcher Aten ist, Fecht, Amarna-Probleme, 93; vgl. Gunn, Notes on the Aten, 168; Sethe, Amenophis IV., 107. 11 Cf. M.H. Abd-ur-Rahman, The four-feathered crown of Akhenaten, ASAE 56 (1959), 247-249; D.B. Redford, Akhenaten, the Heretic King (Princeton, 1984), 103; vgl. auch E. Hornung, Echnaton: Die Religion des Lichtes (Zrich, 1995), 64.


mamdouh eldamaty

Abb. 1. Stele aus Amarna, Berlin Museum MP 17813 Photo Eva-Maria Borgwaldt (Genemigung des Berliner Museums).

Abb. 2. Stele aus Amarna, Berlin Museum MP 25574, Photo unbekannt (Genemigung des Berliner Museums).

zeigen Akhenaten beim Anheben der zwei Kartuschen des Aten, in der Haltung des Shu beim Himmelstragen, was sein Goldhorusname wTs rn n Jtn der den Namen des Aten erhebt in der Kunst wiedergegeben wurde.12 Hinzu kommt die Verbindung der leeren Kartuschen mit Shu. Seit dem Neuen Reich wurde der Name des Gottes Shu13 mit einer leeren Karmit der Bedeutung der Leere 14 tusche geschrieben. Er ist also der leere Raum zwischen Himmel und Erde, was dem leeren Raum in der Kartusche entspricht. In der ptolemischen Zeit wird der Name des Shu mit zwei leeren Kartuoder . Dieses und schen geschrieben die Schreibung des Herrschers mit zwei leeren Kartusche beeinflussen einander anscheinend. Die Verbindung von Knig, Shu und zwei leeren Kartuschen hat einen religisen Hintergrund, der
12 R. Krauss, Piktogramme des jngeren Goldhorusnamens von Achenaten, ZS 121 (1994), 106-117. 13 Cf. C. Leitz, Hrsg., Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen 2, OLA 116 (2002), 34a; E. Naville, The Temple of Deir El Bahari 3 (London, 1901), Pl. CXVI. 14 Zur Bedeutung des Namens Shu als der Leere cf. Ph. Derchain, Sur le nom de Chou et sa fonction, RdE 27 (1975), 110-116.

Abb. 3. Echnatonkopf, Kairo Museum JE 98894.

die leeren kartuschen von akhenaten


auf der Herrschaft des Knigs basiert, der als Vertreter der Herrschaft des Shu auf Erden gilt. dj=f n=f nsj.t n Ra HqA n ^w jmj pr-mDA.t n Wsjr Hr st @r xn.t anx.w D.t

Er gibt dir das Knigtum des Re, die Herrschaft des Shu, das Vermchtnis des Osiris, Onnophris, der Selige auf dem Thron des Horus, an der Spitze der Lebenden.14

nsw bjtj nb tA.wj Sw sA Ra nb xa.w Sw Ha.w anx n ^w sA Ra sar mAa.t [n Jmn] Knig von Ober- und Untergypten, Herr der beiden Lnder, der Herrscher, Sohn des Re, Herr der Kronen, der Herrscher, lebendige Verkrperung des Shu, des Sohnes des Re, der die Maat [an Amun] berreicht.16 Im zweiten Satz bezeichnet der Ausdruck Ha.w n anx Inkarnation eines Gottes17 den Knig als Inkarnation des Shu und Sohn des Re. Der Knig fhrt das Maat-Opfer als lebende irdische Verkrperung des Shu (Ha.w anx n ^w) aus. Die Funktion des Knigs entspricht also der des ltesten Sohnes des Re ^w sA Ra.18 Diese wurde in den
S. Sauneron, Esna 2 (Cairo, 1963), 254, 4 (= Nr. 141), vgl. ibid., 113, 4 (= Nr. 51) ; 254, 4 (= Nr. 141) und . Chassinat, Le temple dEdfou 1 (Cairo, 1895), 230, 6-7 (d.) ; 231, 3-5 (d.). 16 R.A. Parker and L.H. Lesko, The Khonsu Cosmogony, in J. Baines et al., Hrsg., Pyramid studies and other essays presented to I.E.S. Edwards (London, 1988), Pl. 34; D. Mendel, Die kosmogonischen Inschriften in der Barkenkapelle des Chonstempels von Karnak, MRE 9 (Brepols, 2003), 29 und Taf. 3; E. Cruz-Uribe, The Khonsu Cosmogony, JARCE 31 (1994), 170. 17 Wb. III, 39, 7; vgl. Chassinat, Le temple dEdfou 5 (Cairo, 1930), 152, 15; 169, 14; 208, 18; 233, 2; 234, 19; H. Junker, Der grosse Pylon des Tempels der Isis in Phil 1 (Vienna, 1958), 6, 13, Abb. 3; Urk. VIII, 19h; 92a.

gyptischen Denkmler oft betont. Auerdem wird die Knigswrde durch Shu verliehen: der Knig wird von ihm gekrnt und sitzt auf seinem Thron als dessen Nachfolger.19 Als Sohn des Re nimmt Shu die gleiche Stelle ein wie der Knig und umgekehrt, was ihm zustzliches Gewicht verleiht. Die enge Beziehung bzw. die Inkarnation des Knigs Akhenaten mit Shu ist am hufigsten in den gyptischen Denkmler zu finden. Die zwei Stelen des Berliner Museum zeigen die Darstellung der Namen des Akhenaten, der Nefertiti und des Aten mit leeren Kartuschen, die, meiner Meinung nach, Sw zu lesen und mit der Bedeutung Herrscher zu verstehen sind.20

Mendel, Kosmogonischen Inschriften, 29f.; ber Shu Sohn des Re, cf. H. Junker, Der Auszug der Hathor-Tefnut aus Nubien (Berlin, 1911), 37-40. 19 Cf. W. Barta, Untersuchungen zum Gtterkreis der Neunheit, MS 28 (1973), 88. 20 Deswegen korrigiere ich meine vorherige Interpretation der Lesung der leeren Kartusche als mnS. Die leere Kartusche ist also ^w statt mnS zu lesen und als Herrscher zu bertragen; z. B.: Hs=s nsw bjtj ^w Dt Sie lobt den Knig von Ober- und Untergypten, Shu (= den Herrscher) ewiglich. M. Eldamaty, Zur Bedeutung der leeren Kartuschen, GM 207 (2005), 32.



mamdouh eldamaty

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii



This is the second part of an article on the ContraTemple. The first was Richard Fazzini and Paul ORourke, Aspects of the Mut Temples ContraTemple at South Karnak Part I, in the Festschrift for Jean-Claude Goyon.2 The main thrust of this first part was evidence for the Contra-Temple having begun with what is probably a partially preserved graffito of Mentuemhat and his first son Nesptah3 on the rear wall of the Mut Temple that possibly predates, at least slightly, the construction of the building, which grows forward from it into a three-room structure. In addition, fallen blocks from the side walls of the rear room bear inscriptions related to those of Mentuemhat in the Mut Temples so-called Crypt of Taharqa or Crypt of Mentuemhat.4

This second part is dedicated to Jack A. Josephson, and it seems appropriate to do so for several reasons, including his long involvement with Egyptological research on Dynasties 25 and later in general,5 and on Mentuemhat in particular,6 and his long-time support of the Mut Expedition. The figures in this article are organized according to the plan of the building from front to back. As the discussion of the building is not organized in this manner, figure references in the text are not in numerical order. Mentuemhats autobiographical texts,7 which claim responsibility for a great amount of building, do not mention Muts Contra-Temple, perhaps because the Contra-Temple may have been built after the crypt. However, the Contra-Tem-

The Brooklyn Museum Archaeological Expedition to the Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak is a project of the Brooklyn Museum conducted under the auspices of the American Research Center in Egypt. In some years it was conducted with the assistance of the Detroit Institute of Arts and the University of Groningen, and it staff still includes members and retired members of the staffs of those institutions. 2 Hommages offerts Jean-Claude Goyon pour son 70me anniversaire, ed. L. Gabolde (Cairo, 2008), 139-150. 3 During a lecture in Luxor in the winter of 2006-2007, F. Goma reported that his work in the tomb of Mentuemhat has indicated that this great noble had two sons named Nesptah. The Contra-Temple graffito consists of two figures facing in from each side towards offering stands and shrines, presumably once each with a deity. This organization is similar to that of the perspectival reconstruction of the restored contra-temple of the Karnak Khonsu Temple, with figures facing in from each side towards back-to-back pairs of deities (seated gods with a goddess standing behind each): F. Laroche and C. Traunecker, La chapelle adosse au temple de Khonsou, Centre franco-gyptien dtude des temples de Karnak, Cahiers de Karnak VI: 1973-1977 (Cairo, 1980), 167196, esp. fig. 5 on p. 175. 4 J. Leclant, Montouemhat: quatrime prophte dAmon, prince de la ville, BdE 35 (Cairo, 1961), 193-238, and pls. LXVI-LXIX. PM II2, 258. Cf. also R. Fazzini, Egypt, Dynasty XXII-XXV, Iconography of Religions XVI, 10 (Leiden, 1988), 16-17, where it is noted that the images on its rear wall are depictions of cult objects, possibly an inventory of those kept in this room, and/or gifts to Mut by Mentuemhat and family. They could also, without negating the last-named possibility, be an inventory of

images elsewhere in the temple and even an example of a class of Late Period texts and representations in relief of the divine residents and cult objects of particular temples, explainable by the existence of the Great Inventory. If this structure has been called a crypt or a chapel, it has also been termed a sideroom or niche room: K. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-650 B.C.), 2nd ed. with suppl. (Warminster, l986), 398. The present writer has also mentioned the possibilities that it was a statue chamber (serdab, a suggestion of William H. Peck) or a sort of wtKa: R. Fazzini, Two Semi-Erased Kushite Cartouches in the Precinct of Mut at South Karnak, in Causing His Name to Live: Studies in Egyptian Epigraphy and History in Memory of William J. Murnane (2007), at present an online publication at, p. 2. 5 J. Josephson, Egyptian Royal Sculpture of the Late Period 400-246 B.C. (Mainz am Rhein, 1997); and J. Josephson and M. Eldamaty, Statues of the XXVth and XXVIth Dynasties, Catalogue Gnral of Egyptian Antiquities in the Cairo Museum, nrs. 48601-48649 (Cairo, 1999); J. Josephson, P. ORourke, and R. Fazzini, The Doha Head: A Late Period Egyptian Portrait, MDAIK 61 (2005), 219-241. 6 J. Josephson, Sacred and Profane: The Two Faces of Mentuemhat, in Egyptian Museum Collections Around the World: Studies for the Centennial of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo 1, ed. M. Eldamaty and M. Trad (Cairo, 2002), 619627; J. Josephson, La priode de transition Thbes, 663-648 avant J.-C., gypte Afrique & Orient 28 (February, 2003), 39-46. 7 See, e.g., A. Gnirs, Biographies, in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt 1, ed. D. Redford et al. (Oxford, 2001), 184-189.


richard fazzini

Fig. 1a. Plan of the Mut Temples Contra-Temple, including the stonework (pier) to its west.

Fig. 1b. General view north to the Contra-Temple. The masses of baked brick on either side of the stonework to the west are sections of brick that have separated from the baked-brick/mud-brick wall and fallen southward.

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii ples inscriptions have a direct relationship to the crypt. The small temple abutting the rear wall of the Temple of Mut was discovered, partially excavated, and planned by Margaret Benson and Janet Gourlay in the 1890s.8 Fig. 1a is a more accurate plan of the structure by the Brooklyn Museum Expeditions William H. Peck, made in connection with the expeditions work on the structure.9 Fig. 1b is a general view from the south of the area of the Contra-Temple. Benson and Gourlay dated the structure to Ptolemy Philadelphus II, and Porter and Moss10 identified it as probably Nektanebos I, re-used by Ptolemy II Philadelphus. However, as noted elsewhere, the attribution to Nectanebo I is questionable because the only Dynasty 30 name visible in the building is the partial cartouche of what is probably the nomen of Nectanebo II11 on the reveal of the eastern jamb of the entrance (fig. 3a). In addition, the two Ptolemaic cartouches still preserved in a scene of a king offering to Mut12 on the west half of the wall flanking the doorway between Rooms X and Y (figs. 7a-b) do not support an attribution to Ptolemy II. Indeed, the
8 M. Benson, J. Gourlay, and P. Newberry, The Temple of Mut in Asher. An account of the excavation of the temple and of the religious representations and objects found therein, as illustrating the history of Egypt and the main religious ideas of the Egyptians (London, 1899), 70-71, and 282. Their pl. V (opp. p. 60) illustrates the great amount of debris that buried this structure; their pl. XXVIII illustrates the two statues of Sekhmet they found and re-erected before its entrance; and their plan of the Mut temple (opp. p. 36) shows their partially correct plan of the Contra-Temple. Their labeling of the rooms as X, Y, and Z is followed in the present article. In 1990, the expedition dismantled the side walls of the first room, which were crumbling to sand, and rebuilt them, restoring several of the displaced blocks of these walls to their original positions. The faade and its jambs were also consolidated as needed. The funding for this undertaking was a gift to the expedition from the Long Island Chapter of the Archaeological Institute of America. 9 Some of the results of our work were published in R. Fazzini and W. Peck, The 1982 Season at Mut, NARCE 120 (Winter, 1982), 37-58, esp. 41-42. Unfortunately, during the printing process two illustrations were lost: the plan of the Contra-Temple and the illustration of the frieze of Hathor heads found in the building. The plan is reprinted here as fig. 1a, and the Hathor heads are illustrated as figs. 13a-b. 10 PM II2, 258-259. 11 R. Fazzini, Some Aspects of the Precinct of the Goddess Mut in the New Kingdom, in Leaving No Stones Unturned: Essays on the Ancient Near East and Egypt in Honor of Donald P. Hansen, ed. E. Ehrenberg (Winona Lake, Indiana, 2002), 68, fig. 5 and p. 70. 12 PM II2, 259, (18) and pl. xxv. 13 C. de Wit, Les inscriptions du temple dOpet, Karnak, Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca 11 (Brussels, 1958), 18, 20, 21, 26, 27. 14 For Chapel D see PM II2, 274 ff.; R. Fazzini and J. Manning, Archaeological Work at Thebes by The Brooklyn


closest parallels I can find for the prenomen are the cartouches of Ptolemy VIII in the Opet Temple at Karnak.13 Of the corresponding scene on the east wall of the doorway between Rooms X and Y, only the feet of the two figures remain (fig. 7c). While the identity of the king remains uncertain, it might be noted that both Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII carried out other work at the site. They built the first and second phases of the sites Chapel D,14 with Ptolemy VIs first phase in a bold raised-relief style not unlike that of the jamb in the Contra-Temple.15 Ptolemy VI was possibly represented by some of the decoration of the Mut Precincts Propylon.16 A small chapel in the Mut Temples second court bears his name,17 and he was definitely responsible for some of the sunkrelief decoration of the gate in the Mut Temples First Pylon18 and for at least one raised relief associable with the sites Temple A.19 The Brooklyn Museum Expedition was able to restore a block to the east wall of the door between Rooms Y and Z. In this scene, of which only the lower legs are preserved, the king faces in to the room and is embraced by a goddess (fig. 8d).
Museum under the auspices of the American Research Center in Egypt, 19751977, NARCE 101/102 (Summer/ Fall, 1977), 24 and figure 6 on p. 25; R. Fazzini, Report on the 1983 Season of Excavation at the Precinct of the Goddess Mut, ASAE 70 (1984-1985), 301; M. Minas, Die Dekorationsttigkeit von Ptolemaios VI. Philometor und Ptolemaios VIII. Euergetes II an gyptischen Tempeln (Teil 1), OLP 27 (1996), 65, no. 6.7. Work on Chapel D and its partial reconstruction is still in progress and will be published by J. van Dijk and R. Fazzini. 15 R. Fazzini, Two Images of Deified Ptolemies in the Temple Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak, in Egypt, Israel, and the Ancient Mediterranean World: Studies in Honor of Donald B. Redford, ed. G. Knoppers and A. Hirsch, Probleme der gyptologie 21 (Leiden and Boston, 2004), 297-301 and figs. 4-6. 16 S. Sauneron (with the collaboration of S. Cauville and F. Laroche-Traunecker), La porte ptolmaque de lenceinte de Mout Karnak, MIFAO 107 (Cairo, 1983), 2 n. 3, where the cartouche in question is attributed to Ptolemy VI or IX. 17 In a personal communication B. Bryan, who will publish this construction, has identified it as a wabet. 18 This king figures prominently inside the gateway in the bottom register of decoration on both sides. The gateway, its texts and decoration will be published by J.-C. Goyon, H. te Velde, J. van Dijk, W. Peck and R. Fazzini. 19 This block, found in the ruins of that structures Third Pylon, is inscribed for Ptolemy VI Philometor and mentions the construction of his monument for his mother, Mut, with this one of the elements of evidence for Temple As having become a mammisi. Other evidence for this is mentioned in R. Fazzini and W. Peck, The Precinct of Mut During Dynasty XXV and early Dynasty XXVI: A Growing Picture, SSEAJ 11 (1981), 122 and 124; R. Fazzini and W. Peck, Excavating the Temple of Mut, Archaeology 36 (1983), 20-21.


richard fazzini

Figs. 2a-b. Faade of the Contra-Temple: (a) west and (b) east wings. The re-used block showing statues of female offering bearers is visible at the lower right side of the east wing.

Fig. 3a. Reveal of the east wing of the Contra-Temples entrance, with the partial cartouche of Nectanebo II at the top of the right-hand column. Fig. 3b. Reveal of the west wing of the Contra-Temples entrance.

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii


Fig. 4c. Fragment of a cornice with the remains of a double crown and the title nbt-pt (1MWB.191) that may belong to the inner lintel of this doorway.

Figs. 4a-b. Room X, south wall (rear of the faade): (a) east and (b) west sides.

Of the scene on the west wall, only one leg of the king is preserved (fig. 8c). The north face of the restored block is the more interesting side, as it contains part of a column of text in the same style as the other Mentuemhat inscriptions from
This is discussed and illustrated in R. Fazzini and P. ORourke, Aspects of the Mut Temples Contra-Temple, Part I, 142 and 145.

the room and is in situ.20 On the dais around the rear of Room Z traces of blue paint remain, perhaps emphasizing the relationship between the Contra-Temple and the sites sacred lake, named Isheru, for which see more below.


richard fazzini

Fig. 5. Room X, west wall.

Fig. 6. Room X, east wall.

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii


Fig. 7b. Detail of Ptolemy VIII cartouche on the wall of Fig. 7a .

Fig. 7a. Room X, north wall: west side of the doorway to Room Y.

The graffito on the rear wall of Room Z and the texts of Mentuemhat (of which only the one on the restored block is in situ) are this rooms only preserved decoration. Fortunately somewhat more is preserved of the decoration of Rooms X and Y. The dado of the walls on the west half of the Room Y are adorned with a papyrus and lotus frieze (figs. 8b, c and fig. 9), but in the east half of the room the plant frieze was never begun. This discrepancy is presumably related to the plant friezes being latter additions to the room. Above the dado on the west wall of Room Y are representations of an enthroned god followed by a goddess and a mummiform god (presumably Amun, Mut, and Khonsu) that face south towards an array of offerings (fig. 9). The mummiform Khonsu is rendered in more or less incised lines, as are the food offerings toward which all the deities face, but the figure of the enthroned god and standing goddess are carved in relatively deep sunk relief with detailed modeling of the toes. The horizontal border lines below them have also been transformed into sunken strips rather than the incised-line drawings before and behind them. This suggests that these figures were recarved at some point, perhaps when the plant frieze was

Fig. 7c. Room X, north wall: east side of the doorway to Room Y.

added; what remains of the figure of Khonsu and the offering seem to have been left untouched. All that is left of the scene on the east wall of the room is the lower portion of the offerings at the front of the scene, which are slightly more carefully carved than their western counterpart, and the shallowly incised horizontal strips above the blank dado (fig. 10). The decoration of the east and west walls of Room X (figs. 5, 6) is similar to the corresponding walls in Room Y. At the south end of the wall are offerings, including a stand with vessels. Facing them are two striding gods, each holding a scepter that has a pronged terminal (probably a wasscepter) in his far hand and an ankh in his near


richard fazzini

Figs. 8a-b. Room Y, south wall: (a) east and (b) west sides of the doorway to Room X.

Figs. 8c-d. Room Y, north wall: (c) west and (d) east sides of the doorway to Room Z.

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii


Fig. 9. Room Y, west wall.

Fig. 10. Room Y, east wall.


richard fazzini and a bit more in front of the goddesss scepter is a striding male figure holding a staff in his far hand (fig. 11c). Two gouges above his head could be a depiction of feathers. Between the legs of the god immediately to the south of the goddess is what appears to be a hieroglyphic writing of Dd mdw (?) in front of a more deeply carved representation of a leaping animal identified as a gazelle (ancient Egyptian gHs(t)) (fig. 11d). The v-shaped mark below the gazelle could be an accidental damage, although it is not the only such mark on this wall, and the nature of the representation by the prong of this gods staff (both visible in fig. 5) is uncertain. Scratched into the space between the legs of the southernmost god is a man facing north (opposite the god and the other graffiti) and holding a wasscepter (fig. 11e). He has curly hair and what may be a short beard. In this he resembles some figures in Egyptian funerary art ranging in time from at least the Macedonian Period well into the Roman Period.25 Unfortunately, such parallels do not help us identify the figure as other than male, perhaps a priest associated with the Mut temple, or a man, king, or god as perhaps seen in a temple ritual.26 There is also a graffito on a slab of sandstone we found on the floor of Room X in a position that seems to not be accidental (fig. 11f). It represents two feet or sandals,27 one of which preserves
of the mid-first century AD in the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts); and p. 167, fig. 79 (a first century AD funerary stela in the Liverpools School of Archaeology, Classics and Archaeology). This writer will take this opportunity to note that Riggs fig. 112 on p. 225, of which she says Present location unknown, is Brooklyn Museum 75.114 and was published by R. Bianchi in Collecting and Collectors, The Art Gallery 22 (December/January, 1979), fig. on p. 103. The present writer will also note B.V. Bothmers observation that a fashion for a full head of hair and beard in Egyptian art is attested in the reliefs of the tomb of Petosiris at Hermopolis and a relief in Hildesheim and that they became common in the later Ptolemaic Period: Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period, 700 B.C. - A.D. 100 (Brooklyn, 1960), 174. In fact, as the tomb of Petosiris has since been attributed to the Macedonian Period, the fashion began before Ptolemaic times. For the tomb of Petosiris, see now N. Cherpion, J.-P. Corteggiani, and J.-Fr. Gout, Le tombeau de Ptosiris Touna el-Gebel, Relev photographique, BiGen 27 (Cairo, 2007). I owe knowledge of this book to Laurent Coulon. 26 H. Jacquet-Gordon, The Graffiti on the Khonsu Temple Roof at Karnak: A Manifestation of Personal Piety, OIP 123 (Chicago, 2003), 3 and 7, divides the graffiti into two basic types. Her second type is those that depict a great variety of subjects such as persons, deities, animals, plants, and miscellaneous objects, with some she believes to be inspired by what the artists observed during the frequent religious festivals. 27 For such graffiti in general, from Egypt but also some from Near East and Greek and Roman sites, see L. Castiglione, Vestigia, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum

hand. Behind them on each wall is a goddess also holding a scepter with pronged terminal in her far hand. On the east side she holds an ankh in her near hand and may have done the same on the now more damaged west side. The goddesss scepter, at least, has been recarved. Aside from the apparent construction of the three-room Contra-Temple as a single unit and the Mentuemhat decoration of Room Z, another reason for attributing the side walls of Rooms X and Y to Dynasties 25-26 is the style of those parts of its decoration that appear unaltered. These figures have variants of strongly muscled legs that are most associated with Dynasty 25 art of Pi(ankh)y and later.21 Parallels for this aspect of the legs in the Contra-Temples reliefs can be found in many reliefs of that period.22 However, they have pre-Kushite Egyptian harbingers that may have helped inspire certain aspects of Kushite art.23 In addition to their major representations, the side walls of Room X bear a number of interesting graffiti. The only one on the east wall is an inscription behind the second striding god that reads Ammnios24 (fig. 11a). On the west wall of Room X are several graffiti, described here from north to south. Just in front of the terminal of the scepter held by the goddess is a small human head or tp sign facing away from the scepter (fig. 11b). A bit higher
21 See, e.g., W.S. Smith, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, 3rd ed., rev. with additions by W. K. Simpson (New Haven, 1998), 232. Dr. Timothy Kendall once informed me that it is present in reused blocks of Piy at Gebel Barkal. 22 E.g., R. Parker, J. Leclant, and J.-C. Goyon, The Edifice of Taharqa by the Sacred Lake of Karnak, Brown Egyptological Studies 8 (Providence, 1979), pls. 7-11, where, unless it is the lighting, they vary in the depth of their musculature. For similar legs in the reign of Shabaqo, see K. Myliwiec, Royal Portraiture of the Dynasties XXI-XXX (Mainz am Rhein, l988), pls. XXVIII-XXIX. 23 See, e.g., R. Fazzini, Some Reliefs of the Third Intermediate Period in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, in Egyptian Museum Collections Around the World: Studies for the Centennial of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo 1, ed. M. Eldamaty and M. Trad (Cairo, 2002), pl. I; and R. Fazzini, The Chapel of Osiris Ruler-of-Eternity and the Art of the Third Intermediate Period, in The Twenty-Third Dynasty Chapel of Osiris Ruler of Eternity at Karnak, ed. G. Kadish and D. Redford (Mississauga, Ontario, forthcoming). 24 For this name and some references to it, see: G. Heuser, Die Personennamen der Kopten I (Untersuchungen) (Leipzig, 1929), 77 (on Greek names); and F. Preisigke, Namenbuch (Amsterdam, 1967), col. 26. I wish to thank Dr. Paul ORourke for help with the reading of the name and the references. 25 See, e.g., C. Riggs, The Beautiful Burial in Roman Egypt: Art, Identity, and Funerary Religion (Oxford and New York, 2005), 92, fig. 38, (a late Ptolemaic to Roman Period painted shroud in the Brooklyn Museum); pl. 8 (a mummy shroud

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii


b e

Fig. 11. Graffiti, numbered from top left. Graffito of Ammonios (a) is on the east wall of Room X. The rest are on the west wall as follows: (b) head; (c) striding man with feathers(?); (d) gazelle with hieroglyphs in front of it; (e) curly-haired, bearded man with staff; (f) graffito of sandals. (Photographs are not to scale.)


richard fazzini probably, in the early Roman Period as noted elsewhere.30 The side walls of the Contra-Temple are partially built of reused decorated blocks that are Thutmoside in date. All but two of them and the New Kingdom blocks reused in the stone constructions along the south edge of the Mut Temple will be published in another article as a follow-up to a previous publication of New Kingdom decoration from the Mut Precinct.31 The two exceptions have already been mentioned in print. One of them, a block showing two women and the trace of a third (visible in fig. 2b), was dated by Jean Leclant to Dynasty 25 or 26 and identified as two Divine Consorts.32 This identification was later corrected by Charles Van Siclen III33 to that of images of statues of royal women and offerings of the Thutmoside Period that were part of a two-register representation of royal statues. As Van Siclen also noted, his proposal was confirmed by another block reused at the south end of the topmost preserved course of the structures east wall (fig. 12)34 that shows priests bearing royal statues. One statue is identified as Thutmose III and another is a queen whose cartouche, unfortunately, is illegible. As several Egyptologists have noted, the blocks with images of statues mentioned in connection with Muts Contra-Temple have parallels in the Amun Precincts Akhmenu,35 although as Van Siclen

the writing Hm nTr tpjthere are traces of this on the other footbut no remains of a name of the high priest. In the Khonsu Temple, no priests or officials of comparable status are represented in the graffiti, including the foot or sandal graffiti. This was among the evidence that led Helen Jacquet-Gordon to conclude that the foot/sandal, her first type of graffiti and sometimes known as pilgrims feet, belonged to the ranks of the lesser clergy of the templethe wab priests and divine fatherswho probably did not have the means or possibly even the right to place statues of themselves in the sacred precinct and settled for such a lesser device to help insure their immortality.28 However, a graffito of a pair of feet inscribed for the Dynasty 21 High Priest of Amun Menkheperre exists in the court of the Tenth Pylon of Karnak.29 The graffito of a high priest was also found near a paving of baked bricks in the center of Room X that appears to raise this area of the floor up to the level of stone paving at the east side of Room X. The bricks vary in size from 33 x 16 x 7 cm to 28 x 14 x 5 cm to 31 x 15 x 5 cm. The baked bricks in the wall of baked brick and mud brick that runs around the Mut Temple are of similar size (31 x 16 x 8 cm) just to the east and west of the Contra-Temple, and it is possible that the floor was repaired when that wall was built, presumably in the late Ptolemaic or, more

Hungaricae, Budapest 22 (1970), 95-132. In his conclusions (pp. 120-129) he stresses that: (1) None are known earlier than the New Kingdom, with there being a connection between the popular religiosity of this period and the origins of the custom. (2) Almost all the prints are of natural sizes which is true of the Contra-Temple graffitoand always occur in pairs. (3) In later times the prints seem to have been partly replaced by representations of the feet, with toenails and sandal straps, as seen from above. (4) Most representations are horizontal, i.e., they represent feet in a normal situation. (5) Since they occur inside the temples, they will have been made by the temple personnel, laymen not being allowed to enter. (6)The inscriptions accompanying them prove their purpose to be the continuation of the presence of the maker in the nearness of the deity. (7) They are not a symbol of pilgrimage, as usually suggested. 28 H. Jacquet-Gordon, The Graffiti, 3. She writes this is true of all the Khonsu Temple graffiti but accepts the fact that graffiti made by casual travelers certainly exist elsewhere. In his recent review of Jacquet-Gordons book in JNES 66, no. 2 (2007), 128, E. Cruz-Uribe indicates that an extensive discussion of Jacquet-Gordons commentary on the interpretation of her graffiti will be found in chapter 2 of his Hibis Temple Project, vol. 3, Graffiti from the Temple Precinct (San Antonio, Texas, in press). 29 M. Rmer, Gottes- und Priesterherrschaft in gypten am Ende des Neuen Reiches: ein religionsgeschichtliches Phnomen und seine sozialen Grundlagen, AT 21 (1994), 571, no.

48. J.-C. Goyon, Une dalle aux noms de Menkheperr, fils de Pinedjem I, dIsetemkheb et de Smends (CS X 1305), Centre franco-gyptien dtude des temples de Karnak, Cahiers de Karnak VII: 1978-1981 (Paris, 1982), 275-280, where it is argued (p. 278) that it could have been part of the courts paving. 30 R. Fazzini and W. Peck, The 1982 Season, 48, n. 24, with ref. to A.J. Spencer, Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt (Warminster, 1979), 80 and 120. See also R. Fazzini, Some Objects Found before the First Pylon of the Mut Temple, in The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David B. OConnor 1, CASAE 36, ed. Z. Hawass and J. Richards (Cairo, 2007), 280 with notes on p. 286, where it is noted that this writer still finds it tempting to associate this wall with those of Augustus and Tiberius mentioned on some stelae concerning work at Mut. 31 R. Fazzini, Some Aspects of the Precinct of the Goddess Mut in the New Kingdom, 63-76. 32 J. Leclant, Recherches sur les monuments thbains de la XXVe dynastie dite thiopienne, BdE 36 (Cairo, 1965), 115, 32, C, and pl. LXXI A. 33 C. Van Siclen III, A Block of the Divine Adoratrices Reconsidered, VA 1 (1985), 151-156, with fig. 1 on p. 152. 34 The block is 78 cm in length, 50 cm in height, and 78 cm in depth. 35 PM II2, 123 (426), where there is a reference to a treatment of their inscriptions: P. Barguet, Le temple dAmon-R Karnak; Essai dexgse, RAPH 21 (Cairo, 1962), 179-182.

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii noted, it seems unlikely that the Contra-Temple blocks came from there. He made the interesting suggestion that they might have come from the originally Thutmoside Kamutef Temple, just north of the ultimate Mut Precinct, since the cult of Min, with whom Kamutef was closely associated, involved processions of statues, and the temples many small chapels might be repositories for such statues.36 He may be correct. However, the block with the remains of three female figures also mentions Ipet/Opet, surely part of Amenemopet as Van Siclen suggested. We now know that Temple A, which lies northeast of the Mut Temple, was only incorporated into the Mut Precinct in Dynasty 25. In the New Kingdom, the area in which it stands was known as Ipet/Opet,37 and so the present writer wonders if the Thutmoside blocks reused in the Contra-Temple might have come from Temple A, which was also extensively rebuilt during Dynasty 25. To return to the graffito of a gazelle already mentioned, Ian Shaw and Paul Nicholson have written that ...a connection seems to have been made by the ancient Egyptians between water and antelopes and the goddess Satet could be represented as an antelope or by a specific type of antelope: the gazelle (oryz gazella).38 The identification of this graffito as a gazelle, and the existence of this graffito as a counterpart to such images in the relief of the Mut Temple and Isheru


in the Ramesside Period tomb of Khabekhenet, is the work of the late Agns Cabrol and Claude Traunecker. It is some of the evidence cited by them to re-open the question of whether the Isheru and Mut Temple are the mArw mentioned in an inscription of King Amenhotep III.39 If Cabrol and Traunecker are correct, and whether or not the Mut Temple and the Isheru are to be identified with Amenhotep IIIs mArw, Muts Contra-Temple is oriented towards the Isheru. Most who have investigated the site agree that it was probably reached from the lake by a flight of steps40 now completely missing due to the erosion of this shore of the lake. And, as indicated in figs. 1a-b, Brooklyns work also brought to light remnants of stonework outside the Contra-Temple that included the remains of two column bases with column bottoms (dia. of base 75 cm; dia. of bottom of column 48 cm) somewhat similar to the single column base with column bottom (dia. of base 75 cm; dia. of bottom of column 54 cm) preserved in Room Y, probably one of a pair. Although it is possible that the stonework projecting south from the late baked-brick and mudbrick wall west of the Contra-Temple may have functioned, as Benson and Gourlay suggested, as piers to support this part of the late wall around the Mut Temple, they could have been built earlier and served other functions. As discussed by Franoise Laroche and Claude Traunecker, one

A Block of the Divine Adoratrices, 156, n. 6. For a recent treatment of representations of statues, including some of those already mentioned, see C. Loeben, Beobachtung zu Kontext und Funktion kniglicher Statuen im AmunTempel von Karnak (Leipzig, 2001), 30 (Dok. A.5.1); 142, 222 (Dok. B.6.1); 223-225, 229, and 230-233 (Dok. B.7.1). Citing M. Eaton-Krauss in connection with private statuary (The representations of statuary in private tombs of the Old Kingdom, A 39 [Wiesbaden, 1984]), Loeben questions whether any of the scenes discussed represent reality and calls them metaphors for statue transport. 37 R. Fazzini and W. Peck, Mut Temple Expedition, NARCE 112 (1980), 39; R. Fazzini, Report on the Brooklyn Museums 2005 Season of Fieldwork at the Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak, ASAE (forthcoming). In 2003, with the agreement of the Mut Expedition and the SCA, the Centre franco-gyptien dtude des temples de Karnak removed the two alabaster stelae that Rameses II had erected before Temple A to Karnaks Open Air Museum. There the CFETK has reassembled the chapel of Amenhotep II, of which the stelaes alabaster slabs had originally formed part of the walls. The southern stela, discovered by the Mut Expedition in 1979, describes the construction of a temple of millions of years for Rameses II, presumably Temple A, before which the stela stood. With the restoration of the Amenhotep II chapel, we were able, with the kind help of Franois Larch of the CFETK, to confirm that the stelas text refers to the building that Rameses II enlarged as being in a place called


Ipet. This stela will be published by Betsy Bryan. For Ipet/ Opet as a generic term and Amun-Re sometimes called xnty ipwt.f qui prside ses ipet, see J. Quaegebeur, Amnophis, nom royal et nom divin; questions mthodologiques, RdE 37 (1986), 104 and 105. 38 The Dictionary of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1995), 34. 39 A. Cabrol and C. Traunecker, Une reprsentation de la tombe de Khbekhenet et les dromos de Karnak-sud: nouvelles hypothses, Centre franco-gyptien dtude des temples de Karnak, Cahiers de Karnak X: 1995 (Paris, 1995), 53-54, esp. n. 83. The proposal was made in the past by L. Manniche, The Maru built by Amenophis IIIits significance and possible location, in Lgyptologie en 1979: axes prioritaires de recherches 2, ed. J. Leclant (Paris, 1982), 271-273. For other opinions concerning the location of Amenhotep IIIs mArw, see, e.g., B. Geler-Lhr, Die heiligen Seen gyptischer Tempel: Ein Beitrag zur Deutung sakraler Baukunst im alten gypten, HB 21 (Hildesheim, 1983), 187, 190, and 401-424. On p. 414 Geler-Lhr says that the image in the tomb shows the Isheru fed from its south side by a canal which presumably linked it to the Nile. However, no indication of such a canal has been uncovered by the Johns Hopkins University excavations in this part of the Mut Precinct, and the Isheru is fed by ground water. To be sure, this does not preclude processions by boat on the lake, such as the one represented in the tomb of Khabekhenet. 40 Fazzini, Report on the 1983 Season, 298, where it is noted that what now looks like a staircase was manufactured


richard fazzini

Fig. 12. Re-used block in the topmost preserved course of the south end of the east wall. The scene shows a procession of priests carrying statues of royalty, including, in the lower row, a statue of Thutmose III (right) and a queen (center) whose name is illegible.

such possible use would have been in connection with ritual processions, by foot or boat, around the temple.41 Laroche and Traunecker also raised the possibility that such processions included the temporary placement of an image of the temples deity in his/her Contra-Temple, and this would suit what we know of Muts Contra-Temple in late times. On the other hand, given the structures link to Mentuemhat in its first phase of existence, the writer wonders whether it may originally have held a statue of Mentuemhat, perhaps even the statue from which came the famous bust (Cairo CG 647) of an is-priest, and presumably begging statue,42 of (all but certainly) Mentuemhat found

reused in a pier next to the Contra-Temple.43 To be sure, one might expect an is-priests statue to be situated near the front of a temple, and we have uncovered evidence for at least two chapels of Mentuemhat against the enclosure wall opposite the east wing of the First Pylon of the Mut Temple, in addition to the long-known crypt in the Mut Temple. The ruins of the Dynasty 25 and Ptolemaic East Porch of the Mut Temple have yielded parts of a striding statue of Mentuemhat dated to the reign of Taharqa, dressed in priestly leopard skin, and one of the largest statues known of the famous man.44

by Benson and Gourlay, who assumed that there was a stairway and searched for blocks that could have been parts of it. People had indicated its existence even before the time of Benson and Gourlay, e.g., Nestor LHtes reconstruction drawing of 1838-39 in H. Ricke, Das Kamutef-Heiligtum Hatschepsuts und Thutmoses III in Karnak, BBA 3 (Cairo, 1954), pl. I. Given that the Contra-Temple could not then have been visible, it is not surprising that LHte makes the entire Contra-Temple a staircase to the Isheru. However, as the writer has said elsewhere, LHtes drawing did convey an accurate impression of, among other things, the long porches before the Mut Temple and, as SCA excavations have demonstrated, the sphinx avenue running west from before the Mut Temple continuing westward past the sphinx avenue running to the Luxor Temple. 41 F. Laroche and C. Traunecker, La chapelle adosse,

167-196, esp. p. 194, with mention of such activities in connection with the Mut Temple, at least in late times. 42 For the begging pose with hand open palm upward before the mouth, see E. Bernhauer, Der Bittgestus in der Privatplastik, GM 186 (2002), 17-26. On p. 22, n. 26 she indicates that this could be the type of statue of CG 647. 43 See, e.g., Leclant, Montouemhat: quatrime prophte dAmon, prince de la ville, Doc. 16, pp. 97-104, and pls. XXVXXVIII; J. Clre, Les chauves dHathor, OLA 63 (Leuven, 1995), Doc. M, pp. 153-157, with fig. 56 and pl. XXII. 44 This statue has been mentioned in her publication of another statue of Mentuemhat in the same garb by B. Fay, Another Statue of Montuemhat, GM 189 (2002), 23-31, esp. 29. The Mut statue and Mentuemhat chapels will be published by R. Fazzini, Aspects of the Art, Iconography and Architecture of Late Dynasty XX-early Dynasty XXVI (with

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii The stones we are able to see reused in these piers are of the New Kingdom and could certainly have been reused prior to Dynasty 30 or even later.45 In addition, we found that the late baked- and mud-brick wall that meets each side of the Contra-Temple rests atop a mud-brick foundation that, on the west at least, extends north and retains the sand of the foundations of the Mut Temples south wall. The pier shown in fig. 1 extends south from this wall.46 Returning to the Contra-Temple proper, its faade is adorned with a dado of plant friezes (figs. 2a-b). Many parts of Egyptian temples had symbolic cosmic and creation meaning, especially in the New Kingdom and later. Aquatic plant forms on lower walls and columns served to help the structure symbolize the primordial, marshy landscape of creation just before or at the moment of creation, marked by the coming of the sun and light and life. However, the prominence of such dados in the Contra-Temple is perhaps also a reflection of the Isheru and its religious associations. Temples sacred lakes were normally square or rectangular, but the lakes called Isheru are associated with temples dedicated to potentially dangerous goddesses, identified with the Eye of Re, who could take a leonine form. Such lakes sometimes partially surrounded the temple. Muts is the only Isheru preserved, and when it was first created, it enclosed the entire east, south, and west sides of the temple. As the late Serge Sauneron noted,47 one text relevant to Muts Isheru relates it to the extinguishing of her flame and her pacification by Nun, the primordial one of the Two Lands, who was both the Isherus creator and the primordial ocean within which the universe was created and re-generated. It is perhaps worth stressing that this makes the temple and the lake a dramatic symbol of both the appeasement and protection of the goddess and of creation and recreation. The decoration of the faade above the dado on each side (figs. 2a-b) consists of two or possibly three registers (less likely given the size of
Special Emphasis on the Temple Precinct of the Goddess Mut at Karnak), in progress. 45 The blocks will be treated in the forthcoming publication mentioned in connection with n. 31, above. 46 Fazzini, Report on the 1983 Season, 297. 47 S. Sauneron, Villes et legendes dgypte, 2nd ed., BdE 90 (Cairo, 1983), 78-79. 48 L.-A. Christophe, Trois monuments indits mentionnant le grande majordome de Nitocris, Padihorresnet, BIFAO 55 (1955), pl. II; Leclant, Recherches sur les monuments thbains, 106-108, 29C.


the structure), each showing a king (name not preserved) facing in towards a god and goddess who, in at least one instance, are Amun and Mut, holding staves and granting benefices to the king. These shallow sunk reliefs are too poorly preserved to permit their definite stylistic attribution to a king or a dynasty. On the one hand, their style could help indicate that the faade was decorated in Dynasties 25-26. For example, the female figures are relatively tall and thin, without the heavier proportions sometimes found in Dynasty 30 and later. And their long feet with delineated toes also have parallels in Dynasties 25 and 26. In addition, the figures of gods on both sides of the faade have emphasized musculature around their knees, which certainly survives Dynasty 25 into Dynasty 26.48 However, variants of the features just mentioned can sometimes occur in reliefs of Dynasty 30, including the reign of Nectanebo II,49 with some of their faces having relatively heavy shapes that could be a basis for the damaged face of the goddess on the faade. It can also be noted that strong knee muscles can be found in the Ptolemaic Period in both raised and sunk relief.50 The reveals of the doorway in the faade each bear a single column of text oriented into the temple (figs. 3a-b). The text on the east jamb contains the partially preserved cartouche of Nectanebo II; on the west jamb only the lower portion of the inscription remains. A plant frieze was begun but never finished on both reveals. Following this inscription into the temple one does not find, as one would expect from the normal orientation of figures in Egyptian temples,51 an image of a king facing in to the temple. Instead, what one finds on the interior walls of the faade, once described as Jambs, King facing doorway,52 are scenes of a female figure facing in and embraced by a male figure facing out (figs. 4a-b). Given that he is facing out and holds an ankh, he is more likely a god (presumably Amun) rather than a king. With no name or attribute, it is not possible to identify the female figure with certainty. She is not likely to be a queen, but if
49 Cf., e.g., G. Steindorff, Reliefs from the Temples of Sebennytos and Iseion in American Collections, Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 7-8, 1944-45 (1945), fig. 2 with pp. 41and 46; fig. 3 with pp. 42 and 48; fig. 4 with pp. 43 and 47-48. 50 E.g., G. Robins, The Art of Ancient Egypt (London, 1997), fig. 293: raised relief of Ptolemy VIII at Kom Ombo. 51 See, e.g., H.G. Fischer, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs 1: Reversals, Egyptian Studies 2 (New York, 1977), 41-47. 52 PM II2, p. 259 (g) and (h).


richard fazzini iconography could have served well on numerous occasions, at least one being the return of Mut, as the appeased Eye of Re, to her Isheru and her temple. Moreover, as the many seated figures of Sekhmet represent both the potentially angry side of the goddess and this anger as controlled,57 it should be noted that the Sekhmet statues Benson and Gourlay found and erected before the Contra-Temple58 could have been symbolic of both the protection of the structure and the return and appeasement of Mut. Among the most recent and interesting commentaries on matters related to rituals of return and appeasement are those stemming from The Johns Hopkins Universitys work in the Mut Temple, directed by Betsy Bryan, who uncovered the remains of a Porch of Drunkenness built by Hatshepsut.59 Because this porch was dismantled before the end of the reign of Thutmose III, its discoverer expressed the opinion that Muts Festival of Drunkenness was short-lived, only being revived in Ptolemaic times, as inscriptions on structures at the site demonstrate. Such a long hiatus in the main festival of drunkenness has been doubted.60 More importantly, there is evidence that drunkenness played a significant role in the cults of at least some goddesses after the New Kingdom and before the Ptolemaic Period. It is to Jacobus van Dijk that I owe knowledge of a recent article by Ludwig Morenz61 that deals with Herodotus on the Feast of Bastet. It
emhat (see note 4, above) could also be Mut. For interesting recent comments on the red crowns wide range of associations, how a symbolic level can be added to a signifier (i.e., an object such as a crown) and what she calls her theory of Cultural Relativity, see K. Goebs, Profile: Katje Goebs, SSEA Newletter (Summer, 2007), first three un-numbered pages. 57 For a summary of data concerning Sekhmet and her statues at the Mut Precinct, see R. Fazzini in Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, ed. A. Capel and G. Markoe (Cincinnati, 1996), cat. 65, pp. 134136 with notes on pp. 207-208. 58 See n. 8, above. 59 B. Bryan, The Temple of Mut: New Evidence on Hatshepsuts Building Activity, in Hatshepsut: From Queen to Pharaoh, ed. C. Roehrig, with R. Dreyfus and C. Keller (New York, New Haven, and London, 2005), 181-183. 60 E.g., A. Dodson in Sex and booze figured in Egyptian rites, in Since the present article was written, this writer has heard an important lecture by Prof. Bryan on as-yet-unpublished research in which she has examined the significance of Feasts of Drunkenness in tomb paintings of the entire 18th Dynasty as well as in inscriptional material of later periods. 61 L. Lorenz, ..wobei mehr Wein getrunken wird als im ganzen Jahre. Altgyptische Weingef im Licht Herodots

these reliefs date to Dynasties 25 or 26, the female figure could be either a Gods Wife of Amun, who occasionally wears the double crown,53 or a goddess. This writer still thinks the latter is the most likely interpretation of the figure, and it is certainly the correct identification if the reliefs are post Dynasty 26 in date. If she is a goddess, she is presumably Mut. A worked block found in the southwest corner of Room Y (Expedition No. 1MWB.191) supports this latter attribution. It is part of a doorway whose lintel is adorned with a winged disk and the remains of a figure wearing a double crown and facing away from the doorway (fig. 4c). Its sunk relief cannot belong with the raised relief doorway between Rooms X and Y, but it could conceivably be the uppermost-preserved part of the goddess embraced on the east side of the interior of the faade. To be sure, Sekhmet came to wear the double crown in the Third Intermediate Period54 and in late times its use was extended to a significant number of other goddesses.55 Moreover, a significant number of goddesses could be described by the title Mistress of Heaven above the head of the figure in the lintel. However, given the provenance of the lintel, it seems most reasonable to accept the identification of its goddess as Mut,56 represented entering the Contra-Temple from a procession on the lake. As the Isheru was used for processions of the goddess in connection with various festivals, this
53 For a seemingly unique example of a Gods Wife of Amun wearing two double crowns, see G. Legrain, Le temple et les chapelles dOsiris Karnak. Le temple DOsirisHiq-Djeto, RecTrav 20 (1900), 131, and D. Redford, An Interim Report on the Second Season of Work at the Temple of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Karnak, JEA 59 (1973), 23. 54 See, e.g., W.M.F. Petrie, The Palace of Apries (Memphis II), BSAE 15 (London, 1909), pl. 19: time of Siamun. 55 R. Fazzini, Some Aspects of the Precinct of the Goddess Mut in the New Kingdom, 71, n. 27. 56 As H. te Velde has noted (Towards a Minimal Definition of the Goddess Mut, JEOL 26 [1980], 5-6), it is interesting that Mut is not known to wear the double crown until the reign of Hatshepsut, a woman who also wore it. To be sure, even thereafter Mut could be shown wearing various headdresses, including the red crown: e.g., N. de Garis Davies, The Temple of Hibis in El Khargeh Oasis, vol. 3, The Decoration, Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 17, ed. L. Bull and L. Hall (New York, 1953), pl. 2, reg. III. For crowns worn by Mut here, see also N. Wahlberg, Representations of Hathor and Mut in the Hibis Temple, in Current Research in Egyptology III: December 2001, ed. R. Ives, D. Lines, C. Nauton, and N. Wahlberg, BAR International Series 192 (Oxford, 2003), 69-75, esp. 71-73. Either of the two goddesses shown wearing a red crown in the Mut Temples so-called Crypt of Taharqa or Crypt of Mentu-

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii includes the line Morenz translates as Wenn sie in Bubastis angekommen sind, feieren sie das Fest und bringen groe Opfer, wobei mehr Wein getrunken wird als im ganzen Jahre. Morenz characterizes feasts, drunkenness, and sexuality as being closely linked in Egypt. He points out that among the evidence for the Bastet Festival is a Phoenician jar found in Spain, and he also believes that Egyptianizing motifs on a Phoenician silver plate and Phoenician ivories reflect the Bastet Festival. In an article on Turin Papyrus 55001, Dieter Kessler argued that both sections of the papyrus that with animals in human roles and that with people engaged in sexual activitiesare anchored in the events of the royal New Year festival.62 In a relatively recent article, Alexandra von Lieven accepts Kesslers basic linking of the papyrus with the New Year Festival and cult of the goddess.63 She also argues that the hairdo of the priests in the Turin papyrus can be used to associate them with the chauves of Hathor, who were significant individuals and intermediaries of sorts with the dangerous goddess. And so it might be noted that many of the statues of chauves were sistrophoroi, with the sistrum a symbol of the musical pacification of the goddess. Whether or not it had a sistrum, the bust from the statue all but certainly of Mentuemhat mentioned above bears a text in which Mentuemhat says that he was one who ...poussa des cries de joie lorsquil rejoint la souveraine, sans cesse, chaque jour.64 And the Ptolemaic inscriptions on the gateway in the First Pylon of the Mut Temple have sections that continue in a seemingly related and similar vein.65
kontextualisiert, CdE 81 (2006), 45-61, esp. 49 and 58-59. Another recent and important publication is J.-C. Goyon, Le Rituel du sHtp sxmt au changement de cycle annuel: daprs les architraves du temple dEdfou et textes parallles, du Nouvel Empire lpoque ptolmaque et romaine, BdE 141 (Cairo, 2006). 62 D. Kessler, Der satirischerotische Papyrus Turin 55001 und das Verbringen des schnen Tages, SK 15 (1988), 171-196. 63 Wein, Weib und GesangRituale fr die Gefhrliche Gttin, in Rituale in der Vorgeschichte, Antike und Gegenwart: Studien zur Vorderasiatischen, Prhistorichen und Klassischen Archologie, gyptologie, Alten Geschichte, Theologie und Religionswissenschaft; Interdiszipinre Tagung vom 1.-2. Februar 2002 an der Freien Universitt Berlin, ed. C. Metzner-Nebelsick, Internationale Archologie Arbeitsgemeinschaft, Sympoisum, Tagung, Kongress 4, eds. C. Dobiat and K. Leidorf (Rahden, Westphalia, 2003), 47-55. 64 See above with note 41; Clre, Les chauves dHathor, 155. 65 J.-C. Goyon, H. te Velde, J. van Dijk, W. Peck, and R. Fazzini, The Brooklyn Museum Archaeological Expedition to the Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak, II: The Gateway in the First Pylon of the Mut Temple, its Architecture,


In general, alcohol appears to have long played a significant role in the worship of some goddesses even if it sometimes fell out of use for a time in certain temples, and their worship may have influenced Egyptianizing iconography outside of Egypt. The kind of beliefs and symbolism under discussion is also related to some of the stray blocks that we found within Muts Contra-Temple. Two of these are adorned on one side with Hathor heads (figs. 13a-b). Their Expedition numbers are 6MWB.96a-b,66 with 6MWB.96a having been found in the doorway between Room X and Y and 6MWB.96b in the southwest corner of Room Y. Hathor heads in relief and Hathor-headed columns became symbols of temples dedicated to a goddess and of the goddess appeased, and so they were at home in a great many temples. 67 As Dieter Arnold has observed, this was especially true of the Late Period, when one can clearly observe a hitherto unexplained shift to temples for female deities. He also observes that somehow connected with the preference for female deities is the appreciation of youthful gods such as Harsomtus, Harpokrates, Harpare, and Khonspakhered, whose cult generated the temple type of the birth house.68 However, it should also be noted that the harbingers for this can already be detected by late Dynasty 20, while the Third Intermediate Period saw the evolution of what has been called a veritable theology of birth and mammisiac religion, with an increase in the role of child gods and women. The development of Muts mammisi took place during this period.69
Religious Texts and Representations (forthcoming). The texts in question include the following: . . . without a single instant therein lacking joy; assuredly, for him the night is (spent) playing music [from] dusk until dawn; and makes jubilation for her according to the greatness of her flame, in order to appease her Majesty in the midst of the lake-Isheru, great being the drinking cup consecrated to drunkenness. 66 The dimensions of 6MWB.96a are max. length 85 cm; height 36 cm; and depth 31 cm. Its faces are 27 cm from the necklace to the top of the modius. The width at the ears of the right-hand face is 24 cm and that of the other faces is 21-22 cm. The dimensions of 6MWB.96b are max. length 76 cm; height 36 cm; and depth 24 cm. Its faces are 28 cm from the necklace to the top of the modius. The widths of the faces at the ears are 21-23 cm. 67 For Hathor-head capitals in general, see E. Bernhauer, Hathorsulen und Hathorpfeiler: Altgyptische Architecturelemente vom Neuen Reich bis zur Sptzeit (Wiesbaden, 2005). For comments on their religious associations, see pp. 34-35. 68 D. Arnold, Temples of the Last Pharaohs (New York and Oxford, 1999), 309. 69 For general summaries of this with references, see Fazzini, Egypt, Dynasty XXII-XXV, 8-13; R. Fazzini, Four


richard fazzini

Figs. 13a-b. Two fragments of Hathor frieze (6MWB.96a-b) found in Room Y.

As noted, the widths of 6MWB.96a and b are 85 cm and 76 cm, which makes the total preserved length of the architrave parts 161 cm. The buildings faade is ca. 4.3 m wide. Its doorway and the doorway between Room X and Y are each about 1.6 m wide, which means that the original architrave could have fit over either doorway. A comparison of 6MWB.96a-b with the publications of Hathor-head capitals does not provide decent stylistic parallels until Dynasty 25 and

later.70 However, the closest parallel in style and type I have found for an architrave with a row of Hathor heads is from the Satet Temple at Elephantine. These Hathor heads help support some of what we have said about Muts Contra-Temple, as they have been dated to the time of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II, viewed as being in a tradition linked to Ptolemy VI Philometor, and related to the relationships between Satet, Anuket, and the returning goddess.71 This brings us back to the functions and also

Unpublished Ancient Egyptian Objects in Faience in the Brooklyn Museum of Art, SSEAS 28 (2001), 57-61; Fazzini, Some Reliefs of the Third Intermediate Period in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 351-362. For mammisi in the New Kingdom, see H. De Meulenaere, Isis et Mout du mammisi, OLA 13 (1982), 25-29.

70 E. Bernhauer, Hathorsttzen der Sptzeit, GM 207 (2005), 7-21, with Abb. 3, 6, and 7-9: faces from Dynasty 25, the reigns of Ptolemy VI and VIII and the early Roman Period showing variants of Hathor faces related to those from Muts Contra-Temple. 71 E. Laskowska-Kusztal, Die Dekorfragmente der ptole

aspects of the mut temples contra-temple at south karnak, part ii the types of contra-temples, which vary considerably. For example, Khonsus Contra-Temple72 had a small porch, while the Contra-Temple of Karnaks Ptah Temple is basically a relief that appears to have been equipped with a protective structure of wood.73 The Eastern Temple in the Amun Precinct74 has a complex of rooms spreading across its front and is related to an approach from the east. Somewhat closer in appearance to Muts Contra-Temple is the later and relatively distant Contra-Temple at Ismant el-Kharab.75 The publishers of the Khonsu Temples Contra-Temple, which they identify with an inscription mentioning a sacred sbxt, propose that it, and perhaps most contra-temples, were not used for popular worship or oracles but played an important role in the complete cult of their temple.76 To be sure, their opinion has not eliminated the opinion that contra-temples were associated with popular worship.77 Indeed, in a recent publication involving
misch-rmischen Tempel von Elephantine, Elephantine 15, AV 73 (Mainz, 1996), 78, pl. 35 and pl. 102, with comments on p. 75. 72 Laroche and Traunecker, La chapelle adosse, 175, fig. 5. 73 D. Wildung, Imhotep und Amenhotep: Gotterwerdung im alten gypten, MS 36 (Munich and Berlin, 1977), 201206. 74 PM II2, 215-218. 75 J. Dobrowolski, Remarks on the Construction Stages of the Main Temple and Shrines I-II, in Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1994-1995 to 1998-1999 Field Seasons, ed. C. Hope and G. Bowen, Dakhleh Oasis Project, Monograph 11 (Oxford and Oakville, 2002), 121-123, with figs. 1-3 on p. 123. 76 Laroche and Traunecker, La chapelle adosse, 194. 77 E.g., W. Guglielmi, Die Funktion von Tempeleingang und Gegentempel als Gebetsort. Zur Bedeutung einiger


the subject, Peter Brand78 has described the erection of contra-temples and lean-to shrines against the outer walls of the great temple as being created in Egyptian temples of the New Kingdom and later for lay cult practices, by permitting members of the lay public, who could not enter the temples sanctuary itself, access to the god near his/her shrine on the other side of the wall. Given the multifaceted nature of most Egyptian religious beliefs, the writer will say that one might expect contra-temples to have served various functions, not only at different times in their history but also at the same time. In the case of Muts Contra-Temple it would seem that soon after its rear-wall graffito was finished, it expanded into a structure that both housed a sort of cult for Mentuemhat and came to celebrate the Theban Triad and various processions of Mut, including those related to the return of the angry goddess and her pacification.
Widder und Ganstellen des Amun, in gyptische TempelStruktur, Funktion und Programm (Akten der gyptologischen Tempeltagungen in Gosen 1990 und in Mainz 1992), ed. R. Gundlach and M. Rochholz, HB 37 (Hildesheim, 1994), 55-68; and D. Arnold, The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egyptian Architecture (trans. S. Gardiner and H. Strudwick (London and Princeton, 2003), 5: Addorsed chapel, Addorsed temple (chapelle adosse). In this entry, which includes a reference to Laroche and Traunecker, La chapelle adosse, he defines it as a cult structure built on the outside of a temple and attached to the rear wall, which enabled the deity in the sanctuary to be addressed by people standing outside the temple. 78 P. Brand, Veils, Votives, and Marginalia: The Use of Sacred Space at Karnak and Luxor, in Occasional Proceedings of the Theban Workshop: Sacred Space and Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes, ed. P. Dorman and B. Bryan, SAOC 61 (Chicago, 2007), 60-61.


richard fazzini

a gods head in heidelberg


A GODS HEAD IN HEIDELBERG Erika Feucht gyptologisches Institut der Universitt Heidelberg

In the catalogue of the Heidelberg University Collection, I could only give a short description and a front view of a head made of quartzite. I dated it in the era of Thutmose IV.1 Although it has been greatly damaged, its high quality can still be seen. Therefore I should like to present a detailed analysis with a new interpretation to the specialist of Egyptian statuary, hoping for his approval. Inv. no.: 300; height: 21 cm; width: 17 cm; brown silicated sandstone (i.e., brown quartzite); Bought by Hermann Ranke in Cairo, 1912.

Description The head is enclosed by a tripartite wig, its side strands falling behind the ears down to the breast (figs. 1-2). The left strand is broken off. On top of the head, a uraeus forms a symmetrical recumbent figure shaped like an eight. Its hood, above the heads front, is broken off, and its tail runs out between two protruding round remains of a former headdress, which gradually rose from the wig (fig. 3). Widening at the sides, the remains of the headdress begin in the middle of the peruke above the ears and curve toward the hind part of the head, which has been broken off. The delicately modeled face, with its full cheeks, tapers toward the chin, thus gaining the shape of a heart. The hairline of the wig is pulled deep into the brow. Rising from the root of the nose, the arching eyebrows continue in broad cosmetic bands parallel to the cosmetic lines extending out from the outer corners of the eyes well into the

temples. Below them, the elongated lightly incised almond-shaped eyes with their fine rims scarcely recede. The lower lid of the fully preserved right eye, slightly tilted at the nose, runs straight in its first third, then rises towards the temples in the following two thirds, thus gaining an impression of obliqueness. Separated only by the raised edge of the upper lid, the slightly bulging eyeball leads on to the upper lid and continues across the brows to the low forehead. The eye scarcely stands out between the lids. The cheeks fall back below the lower lid to rise again toward the cheekbones, set at the height of the nasal alae. The remains of the fully damaged nose show that the nasal alae were not very wide. The lips turn upward into a smile toward the drilled corners. A line seems to show the rim of the upper lip lowered at the philtrum. But since this line descends before the corners of the mouth, it might only be a vein in the stone having the form of a lip line. Two lines slanting sideways from the lower lip mark off the chin. A rounded beard has been mostly hewn off by a blow from the left side, which spared remains at the chin and along the throat. The straps holding it are incised up to the ear. The round upper shell of the ear is pushed forward by the wig. The slim earlobes cling to the temples. The auricle is formed like a pretzel tilting towards the auditory canal. The inner part of the auricle is scarcely formed out.

Date The soft modeling of the face, with the high arching brows, reminds one of the sphinxs head in

1 E. Feucht, Vom Nil zum Neckar (Berlin, Heidelberg, and New York, 1986), 69-70, no. 185. After her lecture on the statuary of Thutmose IV at the Fourth International Congress of Egyptology in Munich (abstract in: S. Schoske, Fourth International Congress of Egyptology, Munich, 26 August 1 September 1985 [Munich, 1985], 34) I pointed out to Betsy Bryan an unpublished head at the Heidelberg collection that

she did not know. On the tour through the German museums after the congress, she had the opportunity to take a look at the head and agreed with my dating it to the reign of Thutmose IV. In her publication on Thutmose IV, she mentions it as Heidelberg. Rd. Gr. Head of goddess. Uninscribed (B.M. Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV [Baltimore and London, 1991], Appendix II: Statuary, p. 212).


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Fig. 1. Heidelberg Inv. no. 300, frontal view.

Fig. 2. Heidelberg Inv. no. 300, side view.

Fig. 3. Heidelberg Inv. no. 300, top view from behind. Fig. 4. Munich Inv. no. 500: Amenhotep II. Courtesy Staatliche Sammlung gyptische Kunst, Mnchen.

Munich, convincingly attributed to Amenhotep II (fig. 4).2 But, the slant of the slender almondshaped right eye, resulting from the regular ascent from the inner corner to the middle of the upper lid, points to a later period. The upper lid of Amenhotep II ascends in its first eighth to full height.3
2 Inv. no. 500. H.-W. Mller, Ein gyptischer Knigskopf des 15. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., MJBK 3rd series, Bd. 3-4 (1952-53), 67ff., especially Abb. 1 and 17. Mller, Staatliche Sammlung gyptischer Kunst, 2nd ed. (Munich, 1976), 85 with other literature. 3 Mller, gyptischer Knigskopf.

However, the eye has not yet gained the size of the eye of Amenhotep III. This makes an attribution to the reign of Thutmose IV probable, which can be confirmed by reliefs of this ruler.4 The profile line, which falls straight downward from the brow only to recede lightly at the chin, can be
4 K. Myliwiec, Le portrait royal dans le bas-relief du Nouvel Empire, TCAM 18 (Varsovie, 1976), especially fig. 122; cf. also figs. 117-119, 121, 126. Cf. Bryan, Portrait Sculpture of Thutmose IV, JARCE 24 (1987), 18, fig. 25 and p. 7, bark shrine of Thutmose IV.

a gods head in heidelberg found on reliefs of this pharaoh.5 A comparison with the statuary of Thutmose IV shows a striking resemblance to the over-life-size standard bearer from Cairo (figs. 5-6).6 Both are made of quartzite. As on the wig of the Heidelberg head, the uraeus rises above the nemes headcloth, which is pulled low into the brow, and forms a recumbent figure eight just before the top of the head. In both faces, the eyebrows start at the root of the nose and run parallel to the eyelids and the cosmetic lines of the eyes into the temples. The slim, almond-shaped eye is slanting, and the flat part below the eyes leads to the cheekbones at the height of the nasal alae. These similarities can also be noticed on the head of Thutmose IV from Alexandria,7 and the bust of the same ruler from Medamud shows a lesspronounced slant of the right eye and the recumbent figure eight of the uraeus.8


Interpretation In 1986 I suggested attributing the head in Heidelberg to the god Atum. Whether this interpretation can be upheld will be shown in the following lines. The three-stranded wig, worn by women and gods, and the rounded form of the beard point to a god, defined by the broken-off symbol on its head. To name a certain god, more criteria have
5 Myliwiec, Portrait royal, figs. 116-118, 127. This form of the ear can be found beside others during the period of Hatshepsut to Amenhotep III: ibid., figs. 44 (Hatshepsut), 92 (Thutmose III), 121 (Thutmose IV), 131, 149, 153 (Amenhotep III). The uraeus coiling to form an eight above the hood is well attested during the 18th Dynasty until Amenhotep III (H. G. Evers, Staat aus dem Stein 2 (Munich, 1929), 27 173). 6 Cairo JE 43611. Cf. Bryan, Reign of Thutmose IV, pl. XV, fig. 41b. I thank Mohamed Saleh and the Cairo Museum for the photos and the permission to publish them. 7 Alexandria 25792 (ibid., fig. 41a). 8 Louvre E 13889. Bryan, Portrait Sculpture, 13, fig. 16. 9 E.g., 38.021. G. Daressy, Statues de Divinits, Catalogue gnral des antiquits gyptiennes du Muse du Caire (Cairo, 1906), pl. II. Other examples, pl. I. 10 J. Baines, A Bronze Statuette of Atum, JEA 56 (1970), 135ff.; the foot of the crown on the tripartite wig of a statue of Atum from Herculaneum: K. Myliwiec, Studien zum Gott Atum 2, HB 8 (Hildesheim, 1979), no. 24, pls. XIII, XIV, XVb, XVIb. It can neither be Nefertem nor Khepre. In case of Nefertem, traces of the menit falling down from the lotus flower to the peruge should be seen (G. Roeder, gyptische Bronzefiguren [Berlin, 1956], 13-14), and the clypeus of Khepre should show four outward bends. The body of a scarab is also slimmer than the remains of a crown on the Heidelberg head (CG 38.103: Daressy, Statues de Divinits, 35 and pl. VIII).

to be found. Certain gods can be excluded because of the two adjoining rounded remains at the front of the headdress. Those cannot be included in the high tolos with the sun disk in front of the high feathers worn by Amun-Re,9 nor in the double crown of Atum10 or the conical white crown worn by Osiris, either plain or enclosed by two feathers.11 Neither can those remains be connected to the pair of high feathers covering the whole width on the tripartite wig of the primeval god,12 nor to the moon disk enclosed by the sickle placed at the back of the tripartite wig of the moon-god Iah or Osiris-Iah.13 The rounded remains placed in front of the crown can only belong to a pair of rams horns projecting to both sides. A little bronze figure shows Osiris mummified wearing the tripartite wig and the sun disk in front of the high feathers above the rams horns. Incribed on it is a plea to Osiris for a long life for NN.14 On a relief in the temple of Sety I in Abydos, the king, as well as Osiris, is depicted wearing the atef crown above the tripartite wig and the rounded beard worn by gods (fig. 7).15 In the chapel of Osiris, Sety appears mummified like Osiris, holding the heka and the flagellum in his crossed hands and wearing the pair of high feathers and the sun disk with two uraei on top of the rams horns above the tripartite wig. Thoth is raising the ankh sign to his nose.16 This shows that this kind of headwear was
11 CG. 38.237 et al., Daressy, Statues de Divinits, pls. XIV-XXI, and The Brooklyn Museum Annual 8 (1966-67), fig. p. 33. 12 CG 38.068 = Daressy, Statues de Divinits, pl. VI. While Dietrich Wildung and Matthias Seidel think of a primeval god, possibly Amun-Re, because it was found in Karnak (Propylen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 15, Das Alte gypten, ed. C. Vandersleyen [Berlin, 1975], no. 18 and p. 246), Hermann Schlgel sees in it the god Tatenen (Der Gott Tatenen, OBO 29 [Freiburg, 1980], 99-104 and figs. 9 and 14. For the crown, cf. p. 99ff.). 13 Roeder, Bronzefiguren, 244-248; CG 38.029-35 and 38.040-43 = Daressy, Statues de Divinits, pls. III-IV and XXIV. 14 Bronze figure, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 27.982 = Roeder, Bronzefiguren, 210f. 248, fig. 25. Cf. p. 30, 48 and the horizontal mummy with the tripartite wig and the rams horns with the pair of high feathers in front of which the sun disk is set: CG 38.424, Daressy, Statues de Divinits, pl. XXIII. 15 The king: A.H. Gardiner, ed., The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos 4 (Chicago, 1957), pl. 44 (second Hypostyle Hall, east wall). Osiris: ibid., vol. 1 (Chicago, 1933), pl. 3 (chapel of Osiris). 16 K. Lange and M. Hirmer, gypten (Munich, 1955), pl. 210.


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Fig. 5. Cairo JE 43611 Thutmose IV, frontal view. Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo.

Fig. 6. Cairo JE 43611 Thutmose IV, side view. Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo.

Fig. 7. Sety I in Abydos, Chapel of Osiris.

a gods head in heidelberg not reserved for gods, but could also be worn by the king or pharaoh who has been transformed into Osiris.17 A bronze figure of the Late Period, for example, shows the god dressed like the king, wearing a kilt. He is holding the flagellum in his right hand, and like the gods mentioned above, he wears a plaited beard of a god and the same headdress above the tripartite wig.18 Thus it is also possible to attribute the Heidelberg head to a figure of the king transformed into Osiris, wearing the atef crown on top of the rams horns. On the reliefs of the temple of Karnak, the king is often depicted with the pair of high feathers or the atef crown above the rams horns. On the obelisk of Hatshepsut in the Hypostyle Hall of Karnak, we can see Thutmose III with the feathers on top of the rams horns.19 Thutmose too is often depicted with this crown, sometimes enlarged by the uraeus wearing the sun disk. But he wears it above the round wig or the nemes headcloth.20 A statue of Amenhotep II also shows the king with the nemes and the atef crown, from which the ramss horns extend to both sides.21 A dyad in Copenhagen depicts Rameses II beside a god (fig. 8).22 The two figures are not totally in the round. Both lean against a slab. Above the nemes, the ruler wears the high feathers with the uraeus in front of the sun disk. The god at his left side is shown with the sun disk in front of the high feathers above the tripartite wig. Above an inscription on the back side of the slab stela, there are two depictions of Rameses II offering to a god. On the right side, the god wearing the double crown is named Atum, while the god on the left side, who wears the same crown as the statue in front of the stela, is called Ptah-Tenen. The upper part of a similar dyad leaning against a slab stela belongs to a private collector in Basel (fig. 9).23 While the king wears the high feathers above the rams horns on his round wig, they top the tripartite wig of the god, a uraeus rising at its front. The tail of the serpent runs straight backwards across the head. The rams horns are
17 The head of a king that Jack Josephson tentatively attributes to Nectanebo II, with a question mark, probably wore the same crown above the nemes (J. Josephson, Egyptian Royal Sculpture of the Late Period, 400-246 B.C. [Mainz 1997], pl. II b). 18 CG 38.069 = Daressy, Statues de Divinits, pl. VI. 19 Paul Barguet, Le Temple dAmon-R Karnak, RAPH 21 (Cairo, 1962), pl. XIII D. 20 Myliwiec, Portrait royal, pls. 125-128 and 121. Bryan, Reign of Thutmose IV, pl. VII, fig. 16 (with the sun disk in the cows horns in front of the pair of feathers on the rams horns). Horemheb wears them on top of the round wig


Fig. 8. Copenhagen IN 1483. Dyad of Rameses II and Atum.

(Barguet, Temple dAmon-R, pl. XXXIV A). 21 Bryan, Reign of Thutmose IV, fig. 17. Barguet, Temple dAmon-R, pl. XIV D. 22 IN 1483= O. Koefoed-Petersen, Catalogue des statues et statuettes gyptiennes (Copenhagen, 1950), 34, no. 58 and pl. 6 ; Schlgel, Tatenen, no. 9. Cf. M. Eaton-Krauss, Ramesses-Re Who Creates the Gods, in Fragments of a Shattered Visage, ed. E. Bleiberg and R. Freed, MIEAA 1 (Memphis, 1991), 20ff. 23 H. Schlgel, Geschenk des Nils (Basel, 1978), 59, no. 186. Schlgel, Tatenen, fig. 14.


erika feucht Summary Date The almond-shaped eyes of the Heidelberg head differ in form from those of Amenhotep II and have not reached the size of the eyes of Amenhotep III. The well-preserved oblique right eye of the Heidelberg head compares well with the eyes of Thutmose IV in relief and plastic. Like the eyes of the standard-bearer from Karnak, now in the Cairo Museum, it has a slant expressed by the lower eyelid ascending towards the side. Both faces show the uraeus forming a recumbent figure eight, the low forehead leading over to the highset eyes and the flat part below the eyes ending in the cheekbones at the height of the nostrils.

Fig. 9. Basel, private collector. Dyad.

Interpretation On the top of the head, remains of a mounting can be seen at the right side and two small rounded parts in the middle of the front side. They once belonged to a crown. The two rounded parts can only be interpreted as the remains of rams horns once carrying the high feathers, with or without the sun disk in front of them. Though this crown can be worn by kings as well as Osiris and PtahTatenen, the king is very seldom shown with the tripartite wig and the rounded beard. A close look at the back of the head makes it clear that it must have been hewn off from a support, a back pillar or stela. Comparing it with a statue group now in Basel showing a king and Ptah-Tatenen leaning against a stela, the remains on the head are so much alike that we can attribute the Heidelberg head to a group showing Ptah-Tatenen standing beside Thutmose IV.

situated in the middle of the wig, like the remains on the Heidelberg head. Unfortunately, I had no opportunity to see the statue in Basel with my own eyes. But the photo clearly shows an elevation below the rams horns at the same spot as on the Heidelberg head. As Schlgel has shown, this crown, the feathers on top of the rams horns, is often worn by Ptah-Tenen.24 Now it is possible to explain the fracture at the back of the head of the Heidelberg piece. The head once leaned against a slab stela, from which it has been hewn off. It belonged to a figure of the god Ptah-Tenen, who once stood at the side of Thutmose IV, both leaning against a stela.

24 Daressy calls the figure of a god without inscription Tatenen because the feathers with the sun disk rise above the rams horns (Tatenen, pl. VI, CG 38.069).

reconstructing a statue from a head


RECONSTRUCTING A STATUE FROM A HEAD Rita E. Freed Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

With great pleasure I dedicate this article about an enigmatic Egyptian head to Jack Josephson, a scholar, a friend, and an extraordinary human being. Like a teacher, he has challenged our assumptions, guided us in looking at Egyptian sculpture, and set a standard for connoisseurship that extends well beyond the Egyptological sphere. I thought long and hard about what would constitute a suitable contribution to a man of Jacks interests and stature. In the end, I chose something that I believe is rare or even perhaps unique in Egyptian art, just as Jacks combination of expertise, warmth, and drive sets him apart from others. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 1980.29 is a granodiorite head, measuring about half life-size (figs. 1- 4). Only its right ear is exposed, while the left remains covered by the wig, a most unusual feature, given the strong preference for symmetrical compositions throughout the dynasties. Clearly the deliberate exposing of just one ear was done with a purpose in mind. In this paper, I will explore its possible meanings and attempt to reconstruct the rest of the statue. In view of the lack of inscription, findspot, or other identifying information, only art-historical analysis can shed more light on the head. The subject wears a wig parted in the center and decorated with vertical incised wavy lines and broader horizontal grooves imitating natural curls and waves. At the back and sides, the wig ends at the nape of the neck, where several narrowly spaced incised lines merge, creating the appearance of thick, tight curls (figs. 3-4). Had the wig been cut straight, one would expect to see the same thicker curls in the front, since the neck break is approximately even. Instead, the thinly spaced lines continue on the

front, suggesting that the hair was longer on the chest. There is no trace of a back pillar. The face of the one-eared individual is round and, except for the area around the eye, smooth and devoid of modeling. The forehead is low, particularly on the proper-left side, where the wig dips slightly more than on the right. This small naturalistic detail, a response to the way hair unobstructed by an ear would normally fall, bears testimony to the artists keen observation. The brows arch slightly over small, broadly spaced, and naturalistically rendered three-dimensional eyes, whose almond shape is enhanced by an incised line. Heavy upper eyelids make the eyes appear to glance downward. From the midpoint of the nose to the chin, the features are damaged. The blow that caused this must have been administered from right to left (and by a right-handed person), based on the angle of the break. As a result, the left nostril and the left corner of the mouth may still be seen. What appears to have been straight lips end in a small circular depression. The underside of the chin on the right side has also sustained damage. The ear is naturalistically carved and has a shallow, diagonally oriented, oval nick on the lobe (fig. 2), suggestive of a pierced ear. The details described above offer clues to the gender and date of the anonymous head, as well as the type of sculpture from which it came. Vertically incised and horizontally modeled wigs are found in both sculpture and relief beginning at the end of the 18th Dynasty,1 but are particularly common in the Ramesside Period.2 Although both men and women wore similarly curled wigs in the 19th Dynasty, only masculine wigs ended at neck level in the back but were longer in the front.

1 For example, the statue of the General Horemheb, NY, MMA 23.10.1, illustrated in P. Dorman, P. Harper, and H. Pittman, The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Egypt and the Ancient Near East (New York, 1987), 67. 2 Sculpture: Cairo CG 751 and Vienna Kunsthistorisches

Museum 5910, both depicting Sety I and illustrated in V. Solia, A Group of Royal Sculptures from Abydos, JARCE 19 (1992), figs. 26-27. Relief: Berlin 7291, illustrated in Staatliche Museen zu Berlin: gyptisches Museum und Papyrus Sammlung (Mainz, 1991), 143.


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Fig. 1. Head of a man, frontal view. Egyptian, New Kingdom, Dynasty 19, 1295-1186 BC, Granodiorite, Height: 16 cm (5 5/16 in.) Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Museum Special Purchase Fund, Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29.

Fig. 2. Head of a man, three-quarters view. Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29.

Fig. 3. Head of a man, proper-right view. Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29.

Fig. 4. Head of man, back view. Photograph 2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1980.29.

reconstructing a statue from a head Womens wigs were of even length and extended at least to mid-chest.3 The form of the wig strongly suggests that the subject is male. Asymmetrical wigs are rare. Women occasionally are depicted with the right lappet,4 or a part of the right lappet,5 falling to the back while the left hangs straight on the chest. Regardless of how the lappet is arranged on these examples, it still covers both ears. I know of no other instances, female or male, where only one ear is exposed.6 All the examples of asymmetrical wigs seem to date to the years between Amenhotep III and Dynasty 19, a time of particularly full and elaborate hairstyles. Accordingly, this occasional variant may be another way of enhancing feminine beauty. Clearly this was not the case with the Boston male head. The Boston heads facial features are also consistent with an attribution to early Dynasty 19. A round face with plump cheeks and small, threedimensional eyes is characteristic of sculptures of the time of Sety I7 and Rameses II (fig. 5).8 Indented earlobes were also common at that time.9 Can anything be said about the statue from which the one-eared head originated? In this case, the destruction provides more information than what is preserved. Smoothly worn edges imply that the damage is ancient. The break at what appears to be the base of a short neck is clean and nearly horizontal,10 suggesting that the head was severed from the body in a single blow. A break of that nature would have resulted if the body had


been a heavy, compact mass, not subject to easy breakage. The most likely candidate is a block or cuboid statue. Part of the Egyptian artists repertoire since the beginning of Dynasty 12, the block statue exploded in popularity during the Ramesside Period. One estimate suggests that fully half the private statues deposited at Karnak at the time were block statues.11 The nature of the destruction to the face provides a clue to the type of block statue from which it came. Although the head from nose to neck, including the mouth, suffered damage, the middle of the mouth still projects outward unnaturally, giving it a slightly odd appearance. In one relatively rare variant of a block statue that originated in the Ramesside Period, the subject cups his right hand to his mouth, a pose which may signify that the subject is begging for offerings from his god (fig. 6).12 It is possible that the Boston head originally displayed such a gesture. The desire to destroy not only the face, but also the cupped hand forwarding a plea to the god, would explain the diagonal orientation of the blows, the protruding area where the hand touched the lips, and the breaks to the underside of the chin where the palm of the hand would have rested. The beginning of the Ramesside Period was both a reflection of what came before and a harbinger of the future. On the Boston head, the individuality manifest in the single ear on the right side and the deeper dip to the hair on the left recalls the naturalism and creativity of the Amarna Period. It is likely that artists from Akhenatens court or

3 For an exceedingly long and lovely wig on a woman contrasted with the wig of her husband, see the statue of Maya and Merit, Leiden AST 3, illustrated in R.E. Freed, Y.J. Markowitz, and S.H. DAuria, eds., Pharaohs of the Sun: Akhenaten, Nefertiti, Tutankhamen (Boston, 1999), 279. 4 Examples are Kofler-Truniger Collection K 44 W III, illustrated in W. Seipel, Bilder fr die Ewigkeit (Konstanz, 1983), 52, no. 87; a statuette the Museo Civico Archeologico in Bologna, Italy, illustrated in H. Fechheimer, Kleinplastik der gypter (Berlin, 1921), 65; and another in the Pushkin Museum, Moscow. 5 The Dutch Expedition at Saqqara recently discovered the statue of Meryneith and his wife, where only part of the right lappet of her hair falls behind her head. 6 Presently the famous head of Queen Tiye in Berlin exhibits an exposed left ear, but it is clear that it was once covered by a wig. For the fascinating construction of this head, see D. Wildung, Metamorphosen einer Knigin: Neue Ergebnisse zur Ikonographie des Berliner Kopfes der Teje mit Hilfe der Computertomographie, Antike Welt 26 (1997), 245-249. 7 H. Sourouzian, Statues et representations de statues royales sous Sthi I, MDAIK 49 (1993), pls. 46-50. 8 For example Boston, MFA 89.558 from Bubastis,

illustrated in R.E. Freed, L.M. Berman and D.M. Doxey, Arts of Ancient Egypt, MFA Highlights (Boston, 2003), 163, or Cairo JE 44668 from Armant, illustrated in R. Freed, Ramesses II: The Great Pharaoh and His Time (Memphis, 1987), 133, both certainly originally made for Rameses II. 9 Solia, Group of Royal Sculptures, 111, and Sourouzian, Statues et representations, 245. 10 The slightly raised, semi-circular area on the right side would have surrounded the right shoulder. 11 R. Schulz, Die Entwicklung und Bedeutung des kuboiden Statuentypus 2 (Hildesheim, 1992), 774. 12 J. Vandier, Manuel dArchologie gyptienne 3 (Paris, 1958), 458, and Schulz, Kuboiden Statuentypus 2, pls. 2c-d, 23, 24, 51a-b, 93a, 105a-b, 133b. Schulz comments (p. 600) that this statue type comes only from the early Ramesside Period, and that of all early Ramesside block statues, this type accounts for only 7.6%. Occasionally the same hand gesture is seen on other types of offering statues. See Museo Egizio di Torino. Civilt degli Egizi: Le Arti della celebrazione (Turin, 1989), fig. 262, and British Museum EA 501, in E. Russmann, Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum (London, 2001), no. 95. (For the last reference, I am grateful to Professor Robert Ritner.)


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Fig. 5. Rameses II from Bubastis, Boston, MFA 89.558. Granite, H. 137 cm, w. 72.5 cm (H. 53 15/16 in., w. 28 9/16 in.). Gift of the Egypt Exploration Fund. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Fig. 6. Block statue of Sedjememwaw from Terenuthis, Avignon, Muse Calvet A 35.

their influence was still present in both Thebes and Memphis, the religious and political capitals respectively. The Ramesside Period also witnessed the rise of personal piety,13 possibly a response to religious upheaval of the Amarna Period.14 This represented a philosophical change in the relationship between man and his god, and it is apparent in both art and literature. It gave rise to some of the most moving examples of both that Egypt ever produced. It is understandable that during Akhenatens reign, the closing of temples and absence of state religious festivals, which provided the general populace with close access to state gods, would have encouraged the average man to develop a more direct relationship with the gods who conThe first to discuss the concept was James Henry Breasted, in Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (New York, 1912), 348ff. 14 H. Brunner, Persnliche Frmmigkeit, in L 4, 951.

trolled his personal world. Small-scale votive offerings, stelae, and ostraca addressing different gods with personal needs and wishes have been found throughout Egypt, but particularly at Deir el-Medina. In one especially moving example on a stela in the Turin Egyptian Museum, the draftsman Piay exclaims,
Oh august, beloved, merciful god, Who hearest him that prays, Who hearest the entreaties of him that calls upon thee, Who comest at the voice of him that utters thy name!15

Turin no. 309, as translated by B. Gunn, The Religion of the Poor in Ancient Egypt, JEA 3 (1916), 91.


reconstructing a statue from a head The reference to hearing prayers is frequent at Deir el-Medina and elsewhere. Amun of the Hearing Ear and Ptah of the Hearing Ear are but two of a number of deities who are so addressed.16 Stelae featuring ears singly or in multiples of over one hundred17 and ear-shaped votive offerings18 were often placed in temples during the Ramesside Period.19 The showing of only one ear on the Boston head draws special attention to that ear and the act of hearing. Perhaps it signifies that the subject was listening for the gods instructions to him. In summary, the points outlined above allow for not only a theoretical reconstruction of the Boston Man with One Ear but also a guess about its meaning. The overall shape of the face and its features suggest that it dates to the Ramesside Period; the wig terminating at shoulder level leaves no doubt that a man is represented; the absence of any signs of recarving and the slightly deeper dip of the hair on the proper-left side indicate that the original intention was to show only one ear; the thick neck and horizontal break make it likely that the statue was a cuboid, or block statue; and the damage to the facial features, including the fact
G. Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor (Oxford, 1993), 252, and A. Sadek, Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom (Hildesheim, 1987), 249ff. 17 Sadek, Popular Religion, 250. 18 Pinch, Votive Offerings, 246-247 and Sadek, Popular Religion, 245-246. 19 Pinch, Votive Offerings, 149. 20 Schulz, Kuboiden Statuentypus 1, 140.


that the mouth still protrudes unnaturally in spite of it, suggests that the subject originally cupped his right hand under his chin. Continuing with an even more tentative reconstruction, seven of eight of the block statues with hands cupped at the mouth display a sistrum on the vertical surface formed by the squatting legs. (The eighth statue was severely damaged by water, so surface decoration has not survived.20) Based on these statistics, is likely that the Boston head also displayed a sistrum. Five of the seven inscribed statues mention Hathor21 and two mention Mehit,22 an alternate designation for Hathor. In terms of provenance, three originate from Deir el-Medinas Hathor temple,23 one from the Thutmose III temple at Deir el-Bahri,24 and one from the Osiris temple at Abydos.25 The findspot of the remaining statues is either vague or not known. None is known to have come from a domestic or funerary context. Based on this, it seems likely that the Boston head was created for a temple, as were most block statues. It may well have come from western Thebes,26 perhaps even the Deir elMedina Hathor temple.

Ibid., nos. 4, 57, 60, 240 and 311. Ibid., nos. 105 and 207. 23 Ibid., nos. 57, 60 and 311. 24 Ibid., no. 240. 25 Ibid., no. 105. 26 Russmann, Eternal Egypt, no. 95, states that nearly all the known statues with the begging gesture come from the area of Thebes.



rita e. freed

the stela of djehutynefer, called seshu



According to the records of the Museo delle Antichit Egizie di Torino, this remarkably well-preserved stela, Inv. Cat. No. 1639, was once a part of Bernardino Drovettis collection.1 It is round topped, made of fine limestone, and measures 56.5 cm in height, 37.5 cm in breadth, and 7.5 cm in thickness. Its original provenance is unknown. The same records date the stela to Dynasty 18, and specifically to the reign of Thutmose III. The grounds on which this precise date is based are not given.

P.C. Orcurti, Catalogo Illustrato dei Monumenti Egizii del R. Museo di Torino (Turin, 1855), 43-44, no. 68. C. Vidua, Catalogue de la collection dantiq. de monuments le chev. Drovetti, a 1822 (Florence and Rome, 1880), 233, no. 156. A. Fabretti, A. Rossi, and R.V. Lanzone, Regio Museo di Torino. Antichit Egizie (Turin, 1882), 180, no. 1639. G. Maspero, Rapport sur une mission en Italie, RecTrav 4 (1833), 127-128.

Description The Scene The upper portion of the stela, which has a pale brown background, is occupied by a funerary

scene and texts. On the right, facing left, is a seated Osiris, whose face, neck, hands, and collar are colored green. His eyes and ears are engraved, while his eyelids, pupils, and eyebrows are painted black. He wears his white robe and atef crown and holds his was scepter, heqa crook and neheh flail. His low-backed throne with its white cushion is painted red and rests on a green mat with red lashings. Part of the throne and the lashings appear to have been repainted. Behind him stands a tall green and white fan. In front of Osiris, facing right, stands Djehutynefer, brown colored, raising his hands before his face in a gesture of adoration. He wears a short black wig and a green wesekh collar. His long white robe covers a short white kilt. Behind him stands his elegantly slim wife Byma, with her long, tightly fitted white dress that reaches down to her feet and covers her left shoulder. Her face, arms, and feet are painted brown. Like her husband, she wears a green wesekh collar, but her black wig is long and covers her right shoulder. With her left hand she holds a sistrum. Behind Byma stands Mahu, their son, with his long white robe over a short white kilt. Like his parents, he is painted brown. His left hand holds five lotus flowers and five birds tied together, while his right holds five geese, also tied together.

1 Dr. Eleni Vassilika, Director of the Museo Egizio, kindly gave me a picture of the stela and the permission to publish it; to her I wish to express my gratitude.


g.a. gaballa Texts

A. Scene

Before and above Osiris: (1) Wsir nb pt HqA Dt di.f TAw nDm (2) n mHyt n kA n sS (A) %Sw (1) Osiris, Lord of Heaven, Ruler of Eternity, may he give the sweet breeze (2) of the North to the ka of the scribe (3) Seshu. Before and above Djehutynefer and Family: (1) rdit iAw n Wsir sn tA (2) n nb Dt di(.i) n.k iAw n Hr.k (A) nfr swAS.i nfrw.k in (4) sS Hsb iHw Apdw (5) [n Imn +Hwty nfr Dd n] (6) .f %Sw snt.f nbt pr By (7) ma sA.f (8) sanx rn.f sS MHw (1) Giving praise to Osiris, smelling (kissing) the ground (2) before the Lord of Eternity. May I

give you praise to your beautiful face (3), may I applaud (a) your beauty; by (4) the Scribe of Counting the Cattle and Fowl (5) [of Amun, Djehutynefer, called] (6) Seshu, his sister, Lady of the House, Byma, and his son who (7) makes his name live, the scribe, (8) Mahu. Note: (a) The sign sign . is replaced in Maspero by the

B. Main Text The main text occupies 13 lines, the uppermost four of which are not colored, whereas the lower nine are colored blue.

the stela of djehutynefer, called seshu


10 11



(1) rdit iAw n Wsir sn tA n Wnn-nfr in saH Ax n nb.f mH ib aA m pr nswt (2) sS Hsb iHw n Imn +Hwty nfr r Dd n.f %Sw Dd.f ii.n.i xr.k Wnn-nfr mAA (A) .i tw dwA.i nfrw.k iw Sms.n.i nTr nfr n HD.i wDw.n.f nbt pr.n.i Xr Hswt n (4) Hsy.f n Hsy xbd.n.f ink bAk Ax n nb.f mH ib n imy aH xpr nxn.i (5) r bw Xr Hm.f ir Ddt nb.f Wsir sS Hsb iHw %Sw Dd.f I Wsir nTr aA nTrw nbw tA-Dsr sDm n (6) .i iw.i Hr aS n.k pXr ib.k n sSA n.k nn nTr smx ir.n (7) .f Hr ntt TAw.k n anx aq r Xt.i mHyt.k nDmt r fnd.i mk wi m mAa (8) xrw nfr n xrt ib Hswt.i m pr nsw m Xrt-hrw iw Sms.n.i HqA r nmtt.f n ir.i (9) sp Xsy m sxrw.f nb n Dd rmT r.i ptr.n.f nn wnyw (10) nn btA.i n xpr sxd.i n iw grg HA.i Dr mswt.i wpw Hr irt (11) mAat n nb tAwy ink is wAH-ib xr nTr ii.n.i Hr mTn nfr n aq ib n mrwt swDA awt nb ix anx bA.i (12) nTry Ax.i mnx rn.i rsy m r n nryt m tn ii.n.i m tA pn n anxw bAw r wnn Hna. tn m tA Dsr (1A) ink wa bwt.f isft nist.i m Xrt-hrw in sA.f sanx rn.f sS MHw (1) Giving praise to Osiris, smelling (kissing) the ground before Onnophris by the dignitary, the one useful to his master, the great confidant in

the royal palace, (2) the Scribe of Counting the Cattle of Amun, Djehutynefer, called Seshu. He says: I have come before you Onnophris, (3) I behold you, I worship your beauty, I serve (a) the perfect god. I never disobeyed any command of his (i.e., the king). I came out with the favors of (4) his praise; what is not favored was detestable to him. I was a servant useful to his master, confidant of him who was in the palace. My childhood was spent (5) in the royal palace (b), doing whatever his master said. Osiris, the Scribe of Counting the Cattle, Seshu, he says: O Osiris, great god, O gods, Lords of the Sacred Land, hearken to (6) me when I call upon you (c). May your heart turn toward what you need, because the god does not forget what he has done, (7) and because your breath of life enters my body and your sweet (d) northern breeze my nose. Behold I am true of (8) voice, good in desires; my praises are in the royal palace daily. I followed the ruler in his journeys (e). I was (9) never feeble in carrying out all his plans. No one (e) ever said about me: What has he done? There


g.a. gaballa

Fig. 1. Stela of Djehutynefer, called Seshu. Museo delle Antichit Egizie di Torino, Inv. Cat. No. 1639.

the stela of djehutynefer, called seshu was no (10) blame and no fault of mine; no error of mine occurred; falsehood (f) never followed (g) me since my birth (h), but I did (11) what was right for the Lord of the Two Lands. I was indeed well disposed under the god. I have come (i) on the good road of uprightness and love, intact (j) in all (my) limbs. (Therefore) my (12) divine soul and glorious being shall live. My name shall be entirely excellent in the mouth(s) of the people. Behold, I have come into this land of the living souls to be with you in the sacred land. (13) I am one of you, whose abomination is falsehood. I invoke your offerings every day. It his son who makes his name live, the scribe Mahu. Notes: (a) Cf. Sinuhe B 171-2 Sms.i nbt r Dr May I serve the Mistress of All.2 for (b) (c) The suffix pronoun .k refers to Osiris. between and is super(d) The fluous. , not three (e) Three grains of sand , as in Maspero. strokes (f) Read grg. not , as in Maspero. (g) (h) Read mswt. is superfluous. (i) The second (j) not , as in Maspero.


Commentary The name Djehutynefer was not uncommon during the New Kingdom, particularly during the first half of Dynasty 18. There was the Overseer of the Treasury and Royal Scribe Djehutynefer, who owned two Theban tombs, nos. 80 and 104, both at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna. He thrived in the reign of Amenhotep II.3 To the early 18th Dynasty belonged another Djehutynefer, who was a Royal Scribe and Chief Lector in the Good House. He

owned tomb A.10 at Dra Abu el-Naga.4 A third Djehutynefer, called Seshu (like ours), was an Overseer of the Marsh Lands of the Lord of the Two Lands. His tomb, A.6, was found also at Dra Abu el-Naga, and was dated to Dynasty 20.5 The fourth one, whose tomb is no. 317 at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, was Scribe of the Counting of Corn in the Granary of the Divine Offerings of Amun. He may have been contemporaneous with Thutmose III.6 The name Djehutynefer appears also on a wooden stela from Deir el-Medina, now in the Turin Museum, no. 305. He was the son of the Scribe Nebanen. The date is not certain, probably Dynasty 19.7 The same name shows up again on a 19th Dynasty stela from Thebes, now at Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek Copenhagen, IN 1676.8 A Builder named Djehutynefer is represented on the Theban stela no. 8440 at the gyptisches Museum, Berlin. The general date given to it is the New Kingdom.9 The same name recurs on a reused coffin that was found in the cache of royal mummies at Deir el-Bahri in 1881, and is now in the Cairo Museum. It is dated to Dynasty 21.10 Finally, the name was given also to females, like the case of lady Djehutynefer, mother of Simut, the Overseer of the Works of Amun-Re at Karnak, and owner of the Theban tomb no. 142 at Dra Abu el-Naga. Both may have lived during the reigns of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II.11 It may have been noticed that all the objects bearing the name Djehutynefer came from the Theban necropolis. Unfortunately, none of them belongs to our Djehutynefer, nor was I able to find any other mention of him anywhere. On the other hand, our stela belonged to Drovettis collection. It is well known that Drovetti was actively collecting Egyptian antiquities, particularly from Thebes, during the first half of the nineteenth century.12 All of this might indicate a link that connected Djehutynefer of our stela to Thebes. Djehutynefers son Mahu bore the title Scribe. This shows that, in typical Egyptian fashion, the son was following in the footsteps of the father.

2 A.M. Blackman, Middle-Egyptian Stories (Brussels, 1932), 31; M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 1: The Old and Middle Kingdoms (Berkeley, 1975), 229. 3 PM I2, part 1, 157-159; 217-218. 4 Ibid., 450. 5 Ibid., 449. 6 Ibid., 390. 7 Ibid., 712.

Ibid., 803. Ibid., 797. 10 Ibid., 659. 11 Ibid., 255. 12 E. Uphill, Who Was Who in Egyptology, 2nd ed. (Oxford 1972), 90; A. Siliotti, The Discovery of Ancient Egypt (Cairo, 1998), 134-139.


g.a. gaballa

the production of the book of the dead



A Festschrift, by its very name, implies a festive occasion, so I would like everyone reading this volume to imagine momentarily that we are all gathered for one of those many generous gatherings at Jack and Magdas apartment when we have honored a colleagues achievements. Its about time that we turned the tables on Jack and toasted him for his contributions to the field. Now, having raised my virtual glass to Jack, I am afraid that I have chosen a somewhat lugubrious subject for his Festschrift that is quite unlike the tone of his partiesaspects of the production of the Book of the Dead and the use of retrograde writing. I hope he will indulge me.

The Importance of Copying Although many studies have appeared recently on writing, authorship, and the Sitz im Leben of literature in ancient Egyptian society, it is my opinion that more attention should be paid to a far less intellectual, but undoubtedly more practical, aspect of the scribal occupationthe copying of documents of all sorts, literary and otherwise. Copying was the initial and most essential step in scribal education, to be sure, but was thereby also the first step in learning to read. Without copying, ancient literature would not have survived.1 It is rare to read a discussion of Egyptian literature without encountering the word copy or copyist several times. In this vein, Jan Assmann has usefully noted that Egyptian religious literature in particular often went first through a productive stage, followed by a reproductive stage, when a

text became canonical and innovations were no longer introduced.2 We instinctively realize that the dissemination of certain types of information such as royal decrees could not have been done unless the professional scribes were well trained in reproducing texts from master copies. As intriguing as the problem of copying and disseminating multiple versions of a hieroglyphic inscription might be, my main focus in this study will instead be how scribes were trained to produce and copy hieroglyphic texts on papyrus, particularly the most common of all Egyptian afterlife books, the mass-produced afterlife texts known as the Book of the Dead. Nearly four decades ago, Shafik Allam investigated the possibility that a large proportion of the non-literary ostraca from Deir el-Medina might actually be drafts used in the final preparation of more polished, or fair copy, versions on papyrus.3 This issue, as well as some broader questions of scribal training and practice, has been extensively re-examined by K. Donker van Heel and Ben J.J. Haring with a focus on Deir el-Medina.4 The need to compose documents, whether religious texts, literary works, or financial records, from a variety of draft materials, then to collate the whole into a fair copy, was hardly confined to the Ramesside Period. For instance, as far back as the Old Kingdom, some of the more complex administrative papyri among the Abusir archive could not have been so neatly prepared unless the scribes had been using stored papyri as format models. Once the complex layout of the document had thus been achieved, the final archived copies were probably produced by carefully transcribing

1 Stephen Quirke has recently emphasized the need to recognize the centrality of copying, not only in its obvious role in the preservation of literature and archives, but also in the development of the practice of reading in ancient Egypt; see Quirke, Egyptian Literature 1800 BC: questions and readings (London, 2004), 44-47. 2 J. Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom:

Re, Amun and the Crisis of Polytheism, trans. A. Alcock (New York and London, 1995), 1-11. 3 S. Allam, Sind die nichtliterarischen Schriftostraka Brouillons? JEA 54 (1968), 121-128. 4 K. Donker van Heel and B.J.J. Haring, Writing in a Workmens Village: Scribal Practice in Ramesside Deir elMedina, EgUit 16 (Leiden, 2003).


ogden goelet, jr. teachers writing7 and rote learning of words as sequences of strokes rather than groups of individual characters. Developing skill with a brush and a neat flowing hand were the primary objectives at this stage of scribal education. Some of the more cultivated members of the Deir el-Medina literate community, such as Qenher-khepeshef, were clearly motivated by a combination of interest in the past and pride in their status as the intellectuals of their village to collect literary and other materials, so we should be cautious in associating any given literary ostracon or papyrus as a didactic exercise.8 Yet, it would not be overstating things to say that during the Ramesside Period, the genre of texts we confidently identify as literature was intimately connected with scribal training, an activity in which a far less lofty spirit prevailed than the one we normally would associate with belles lettres. As noted above, the first step in scribal training entailed writing by conscious imitation of the masters script.9 Eventually, students would gain enough skill so that they progressed beyond producing something akin to a facsimile to the point where they were actually copying manuscripts with ease. The very table of contents of Gardiners publication of student manuscripts known as The Late-Egyptian Miscellanies alone provides evidence of the pervasiveness of copying as an instructional method. The Miscellanies contain quite a number of didactic exercises that are closely similar from version to version as they appear on the several papyri, an indication that the scribal schoolmasters had a standard repertoire of texts that the students

material from more informal, temporary records.5 Another example of sophisticated copying of complex material in the earliest times is provided by the Pyramid Texts, whose similarity between parallel versions from monument to monument could hardly have been achieved unless there had been a well-tested procedure for copying sections of the corpus on papyrus, editing them, and finally formatting them into the columnar wall inscriptions. This tradition continued throughout Egyptian history with the production of other afterlife texts, first with the Coffin Texts inscribed on the sides of coffins, then eventually the Book of the Dead on papyri. From the New Kingdom onward, copying of the Book of the Dead was doubtlessly an important source of income for some specialized scribes working in funerary workshops.6

The Role of Copying in Scribal Training The Book of the Dead, like most religious papyri, may have been written in cursive hieroglyphs, yet the scribesmore accurately scriveners in this rolewho wrote out these texts were first trained extensively in the hieratic script, the form of writing employed in the transactions of everyday life. We have several indications of how important learning the art of accurate transcription was within the scribal curriculum of the Ramesside Period. Given the abstract nature of hieratic forms, the vast repertoire of signs, and the numerous ligatures employed, much of the initial training certainly involved imitation of the

5 Ibid., 6; O. Goelet, Accounting Practices and Economic Planning in Ancient Egypt before the Hellenistic Era, in Creating Economic Order: Record Keeping, Standardization, and the Development of Accounting in the Ancient Near East, ed. M. Hudson and C. Wunsch, International Scholars Conference on Ancient Near Eastern Economics 4 (Bethesda, 2004), 235-246. 6 R. Parkinson, The History of a Poem: Middle Kingdom Literary Manuscripts and their Reception, in Kon-Texte: Akten des Symposions SpurensucheAltgypen im Spiegel seiner Texte. Mnchen 2. bis 4. Mai 2003, ed. G. Burkard et al. (Wiesbaden, 2004), 61. 7 The conscious imitation of the masters handwriting should serve always as a cautionary note when we attempt to ascribe documents to certain scribes, as pointed out by J.J. Janssen, On Style in Egyptian Handwriting, JEA 73 (1987), 161-167. A model example of how handwriting attributions might be done can be found in H. Van den Berg and K. Donker van Heel, A Scribes Cache from the Valley of Queens? The Palaeography of Documents from Deir elMedina: Some Remarks, in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD: A Tribute to Jac. J. Janssen, ed. R.J. Demare and A. Egberts (Leiden, 2000), 9-49.

8 Among the reasons for copying a literary work, we should certainly not exclude delight in language and literature. For an overview of the various motives for copying literary materials, see J.J. Janssen, Literacy and Letters at Deir elMedna, in Village Voices, ed. R. J. Demare and A. Egberts, CNWS Publications 13 (Leiden, 1992), 81-94; F. Hagen, Literature, Transmission, and the Late Egyptian Miscellanies, in Current Research in Egyptology 2004: Proceedings of the fifth annual symposium which took place at the University of Durham, January 2004, ed. R.J. Dann (Oxford, 2006), 84-99, esp. 86, with references; and Hagen, Ostraca, Literature and Teaching at Deir el-Medina, in Current Research in Egyptology 2005: Proceedings of the sixth annual symposium which took place at the University of Cambridge, 6-8 January 2005, ed. R. Mairs and A. Stevenson (Oxford, 2007), 38-51. 9 See Janssens remarks on the pitfalls posed by handwriting similarities among the scribes who wrote the Late Ramesside Letters, On Style in Egyptian Handwriting, 162 and 165; O. Goelet, Writing Ramesside Hieratic: What the Late-Egyptian Miscellanies Tell us about Scribal Education, in Servant of Mut: Studies in Honor of Richard A. Fazzini, ed. S. DAuria, Problg 28 (Leiden, 2008), 102-110.

the production of the book of the dead were made to copy, most likely by transcribing the material verbatim from the teachers models. With shorter excerpts, such as those found on ostraca, another possibility was that a passage of several lines was first committed to memory and written down when the student felt confident of the text. As a final step, the student would then check his work against the teachers model.10 Hellmut Brunner,11 Gnter Burkard,12 and Wolfgang Schenkel13 have convincingly shown that previous theories proposing that masters read out this instructional material to their students in the manner of a French classroom dicte seem improbable in most instances.14 Nevertheless, it remains likely that the ability to write down an orally delivered text may have had some minor role in scribal education, most likely taking place only at the stage when the student had achieved a high degree of proficiency. The importance of transcription and copying also reveals itself in the division of the scribal curriculum at Deir el-Medina into instruction in two different dialects. The Miscellanies and The Satirical Letter together represented the more practical component of the curriculum, since these were written in the Late Egyptian dialect that the students spoke in their daily lives, albeit in a somewhat more formal style than what appears in actual letters. These latter two didactic works have been preserved mostly on papyri, but whether this choice of medium should be interpreted as an


indication of the final stages of trainingpapyrus supposedly being too expensive a material to waste on exercises of this natureremains debatable.15 In any case, the fluid ductus that occasionally rises to elegance in the handwriting of some Miscellanies papyri, and ostraca as well, leaves one with the impression that these student scribes had become skilled in the act of writing per se.16 At the same time, however, the frequency of errors, particularly in Late Egyptian orthography (if such can be said to really exist), reminds us that advanced novice scribes, not practiced professionals, had written these exercises. The frequency of mistakes was yet even higher in the other, Middle Egyptian portion of the curriculum, which involved copying passages from great classics of the past, such as The Tale of Sinuhe, The Instruction of Merykare, The Loyalist Instruction, The Kemyt, and several others.17 Our knowledge of Egyptian literature would be quite scanty indeed were it not for the numerous Ramesside copies of these literary texts on papyri and ostraca. Once again, we should be cautious in ascribing much of an intellectual and literary spirit to the underlying activity. The Ashmolean Ostracon of Sinuhe that preserved nearly the entire text of the great classic tale of Middle Egyptian is the most striking proof of the importance of instruction in that dialect at the workmens village.18 In a recent article,19 Jochem Kahl has been able to show convincingly that this over-

10 Memorization of short passages seems more likely in the case of didactic ostraca rather than for the longer excerpts encountered the Miscellanies papyri. In the case of the papyri, the trainees seem to have written several exercises at a time, and in some instances a few days may have elapsed between sessions. Some of the student scribes already bore the title Xry-a assistant at the time when they wrote the papyri and might have been already transcribing actual documents for their masters. On these points, see Hagen, Literature, Transmission, and the Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 84-99; and A. G. McDowell, Teachers and Students at Deir el-Medina, in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD: A Tribute to Jac. J. Janssen, 56-64; and Hagen, Student Exercises from Deir el-Medina: The Dates, in Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson 2, ed. Peter Der Manuelian (Boston, 1996), 601-608. 11 Hellmut Brunner has proposed the most probable scenario, whereby beginning students learnt to copy whole words and sentences; see Anfnger-Schreibunterricht: Ganzheitsmethode in Altgyptische Erziehung (Wiesbaden, 1957), 66-69. 12 G. Burkard, Textkritische Untersuchungen zu gyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, A 34 (Wiesbaden, 1977). 13 W. Schenkel, Kritisches zur Textkritik: Die sogenannten Hrfehler, GM 29 (1978), 119-126. 14 For further on the steps in Ramesside scribal instruction,

see J. Baines and C. Eyre, Interactions between Orality and Literacy in Ancient Egypt, in Literacy and Society, ed. K. Schousboe and M.T. Larsen (Copenhagen, 1989), 92-97. I would disagree, however, with the authors about the order in which the Middle and Late Egyptian dialects were taught to Ramesside students, since it seems much more probable that they would have been instructed in the contemporary Late Egyptian dialect first. 15 For two viewpoints on this topic, see R.A. Caminos, Some comments on the reuse of papyrus, in Papyrus: Structure and Usage, ed. M. L. Bierbrier (London, 1986), 43-61, and J.J. Janssen, The Price of Papyrus, DE 9 (1987), 33-35. 16 For example, A.H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, BiAe 7 (Brussels, 1937), xv, notes one scholars estimation of the handwriting on pAnastasi IV as a beautiful and distinct hand. Gardiner, on the other hand, pointed out numerous deficiencies in the texts accuracy. 17 For a list of the most important and common texts used for instructional purposes appearing on Deir el-Medina ostraca, see A. Gasse, Les ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el-Medina: Nouvelles orientations de la publication, in Demare and Egberts, eds., Village Voices, 52-53. 18 J.W.B. Barns, The Ashmolean Ostracon of Sinuhe (Oxford, 1952). For an estimation of the quality and accuracy of the text on this remarkable object, written as it was several hundred years after the two chief Middle Kingdom papyrus


ogden goelet, jr. in the Valley of the Kings, as well as the decoration of other tombs and temples elsewhere on the Theban west bank. Unsurprisingly, many of these hieroglyphic ostraca appear to contain fragments of instructional material as well, but of a rather limited sort. Instead of using selections from literary texts comparable to what is found on the hieratic ostraca, when students were learning the hieroglyphs, they began by practicing short lines of titularies and other types of inscriptions apt to be used in tomb decoration or on funerary equipment. As might be expected from beginners making the transition from hieratic to hieroglyphic script, the great majority of these practice ostraca preserve fragments of horizontally oriented text. On one particularly interesting hieroglyphic ostracon, the well-known scribe and draftsman Qen-her-khepeshef produced a remarkable imitation (or sketch) of a funerary stela that included texts in vertical and horizontal formats and with the inscriptions running in the canonical right-toleft direction, as well as the less common left-toright fashion.23 The content of the inscription is unusual and difficult to understand, since the texts are arranged in a somewhat unorganized manner. Although it is far more probable that this object was a trial piece for an actual stela rather than a teachers model, the script reveals the high level of familiarity with hieroglyphs that one of the villages most experienced scribes might possess. In the nearby tombs at Deir el-Medina, we can see further confirmation of this familiarity in the extensive use of hieroglyphic texts, many of which were chapters of the Book of the Dead accompanied by the relevant vignette. A number of magical, medical, and religious texts also occur among these hieroglyphic ostraca, several of which were written in a more cursive form of hieroglyphs and were likewise not likely to be connected with the educational process. There is heavy use of red ink

sized ostracon, once compared to a blackboard in a modern classroom,20 was definitely used as a model text for students to consult. As with the writing on the Miscellanies papyri, the hieratic script appearing on student ostraca containing excerpts from the various Middle Egyptian texts follows contemporary Ramesside forms. The writing is equally confident and clear, showing little of the awkwardness that one might expect from student scribes. There are many indications that students may have had only a vague idea of the full shape of the hieroglyphic characters underlying the script until they were fairly well along in their training. This unfamiliarity lies at the heart of many of the so-called orthographical errors and corruptions that Gardiner noted in the Miscellanies.21 In all likelihood, only those individuals who were charged with producing inscriptions on funerary objects and papyri were ever taught the hieroglyphs in a systematic manner. Normally, this lack of familiarity would mean that only a few scribes ever became well-enough acquainted with hieroglyphs to produce (or reproduce) texts in this form. In the case of the literate members of the Deir el-Medina community,22 however, there would have been an unusually high proportion who were conversant with the hieroglyphic forms of the written language. After all, these scribes derived their livelihood from the vast funerary industry, both royal and private, that dominated life on the west bank of Thebes.

The Hieroglyphic Tradition at Deir el-Medina and Afterlife Texts Deir el-Medina has also yielded numerous hieroglyphic ostraca, which is to be expected in light of the communitys involvement with royal tombs

exemplars, see J.L. Foster, Cleaning up Sinuhe, SSEAJ 12 (1982), 81-85. Although the text was in the Middle Egyptian dialect, the script was standard Ramesside literary hieratic. 19 J. Kahl, Es ist vom Anfang bis zum Ende so gekommen, wie es in der Schrift gefunden worden war: Zur berlieferung der Erzhlung des Sinuhe, in Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf. Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient: Festschrift fr Oswald Loretz zur Vollendigung seines 70. Lebensjahres, ed. M. Dietrich and I. Kottsieper, AOAT 250 (Mnster, 1998), 383-400. 20 Parkinson, History of a Poem, 61. 21 On this point, see my recent study, Goelet, Writing Ramesside Hieratic, 102-110, esp. 110-113. 22 As A. Dorn has shown in a discussion of a group of model letters from the Valley of the Kings, the evidence

indicates that the preponderance of instruction was in Late Egyptian by the middle of the 20th Dynasty; see MAA-nxt. w=f, ein(?) einfacher Arbeiter, schreibt Briefe, in Living and Writing in Deir el-Medine: Socio-historical Embodiment of Deir el-Medine Texts, ed. A. Dorn and T. Hofmann, AH 19 (Basel, 2006), 67-85. The fact that a crew member who was otherwise just a simple workman should be learning to write model letters in hieratic suggests that the literacy rate at Deir el-Medina may have been much higher than previously estimated; ibid., 85. However, the proportion of literate individuals also conversant with hieroglyphs remains an open question. 23 Jaroslav ern, A Hieroglyphic Ostracon in the Museum of Fine Arts at Boston, JEA 44 (1958), 23-25.

the production of the book of the dead among these examples, which would be in keeping with their arcane subject matter. Unsurprisingly, the corpus of hieroglyphic materials on ostraca included a few fragments of the Book of the Dead and Coffin Texts as well. The bridge, so to speak, between instruction in hieratic and in hieroglyphs appears to have been formed by the Kemyt, an odd composite text that is part model letter and part narrative.24 Its use as a didactic work might at first seem rather strange and impractical, since the Kemyt was partially based on epistolatory formulae dating to the early Middle Kingdom that were certainly obsolete by the Ramesside Period. The model letters in Miscellanies, by contrast, sought to instruct scribes in greetings and conventions that were in keeping with contemporary practices and employed standard Ramesside hieratic. More importantly, the columnar format of the Kemyt ostraca, as well as their distinctive writing, makes them stand out markedly from all other student materials at Deir el-Medina. The script follows an obsolete style and character set that is reminiscent of the 11th Dynasty or even the First Intermediate Period and whose overall visual impression is that the writing is closer to cursive hieroglyphs than hieratic.25 Unlike the student ostraca written in contemporary Ramesside hieratic, the texts on Kemyt ostraca are almost entirely free of ligatures, and in most cases it is easy to recognize the


hieroglyphic forms underlying the script, yet it leaves one with the impression of rather clumsy and ill-formed writing. In many instances, there was actually little difference between the Kemyt hieratic and the cursive hieroglyphic form of a character.26 It is not surprising that this script often was awkward and studied, literally speaking, as if the students were struggling to reproduce a text consisting of characters in unfamiliar shapes. During the Ramesside Period, furthermore, the combination of cursive hieroglyphs and columnar textual format had been relegated largely to tomb inscriptions, religious texts, and other arcania.27 Judging from the uneven size of the signs and the difficulties of maintaining uniform vertical text, we can sense that the unusual columnar format posed particular difficulties for the students. Several examples, in fact, have roughly drawn vertical lines provided as columnar guidelines for the text. In the examples that Georges Posener collected from Deir el-Medina, at least, there seems to have been a division of the text into standardized segments.28 These textual units were usually demarked by short horizontal lines, normally in contrasting red ink. Less commonly, the red grH signs (Sign-list D41) or the red verse points that were employed as division markers in the Miscellanies papyri occurred for the same purpose in these Kemyt ostraca. Following Nikolaus

24 For a description of the Kemyt, its contents, and its place within the Ramesside instructional curriculum, see R. Parkinson, Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt: A Dark Side to Perfection, Athlone Publications in Egyptology and Ancient Near Eastern Studies (London and New York, 2002), 322-323; and S. Quirke, Egyptian Literature 1800 BC : questions and readings (London, 2004), 52-54. A convenient translation of the text is also available in E.F. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, SBL Writings from the Ancient World Series 1 (Atlanta, 1990), 15-16. 25 On the nature of the script, see the description in Quirke, Egyptian Literature, 52. This is particularly visible in the rendering of the Gardiner A1 determinative (Mller 33). The forms of A1 that appear in the Kemyt ostraca are distinctly closer to those of the Dyn. 11-MK forms in the first volume of G. Mller, Hieratische Palographie 1 (Leipzig, 1927), 3 (#33) and H. Goedicke, Old Hieratic Paleography (Baltimore, 1988), pl. 1a/b, than the contemporary Ramesside literary hieratic shown in Mller, Hieratische Palographie II, 3 (#33). 26 Parkinson has made similar observations on the nature of the Kemyts script and its relationship with hieroglyphic inscriptional material; see Poetry and Culture, 323. The script apparently was unfamiliar enough to students that some rare Kemyt ostraca were first written out by the teacher so that the student could trace over some characters, as was done, for example, on the small writing tablet published by C. Barbotin, Une nouvelle attestation de Kmit, RdE 48 (1997),

247-250. Traced signs appear as well on some student ostraca now in Turin; see E. Leosopo and A. Roccati et al., eds., La scuola nellantico Egitto (Turin 1997), 73, Ostracon Turin CGT 57545 + 57546, whose script M. Betr described as testo ieratico. However, other examples, such as CGT 57060 (ibid., 71), CGT 57549 (ibid., 75), and CGT 57448 (ibid., 76), she described as testo geroglifico corsivo. 27 For some remarks on the association of cursive hieroglyphs with magico-medical texts and other arcania, see M.S. Ali, Die Kursivehieroglyphen. Eine palographischen Betrachtung, GM 180 (2001), 11-12. Cursive hieroglyphs association with religious arcania probably can be traced back to their use in many Coffin Texts in the early Middle Kingdom. An interesting example showing the connection between cursive hieroglyphs and restricted materials, generally speaking occurs in the tomb of the early 12th Dynasty Theban tomb of Senet, the wife of the vizier Intef-iker. In this case, retrograde cursive hieroglyphs perhaps may have been chosen to write a hymn to Hathor as a means of conveying that it had been copied from a temple papyrus; see L.D. Morenz, Beitrge zur Schriftlichkeitskultur im Mittleren Reich und in der 2. Zwischenzeit, AT 28 (Wiesbaden, 1996), 62-74. 28 G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh 2, fasc. 1: Nos. 1109 1167. DFIFAO 18, 1 (Cairo, 1951), pls. 1-25, with his remarks in Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh 2, fasc. 2: Nos. 1168 1213. DFIFAO 18, 2 (Cairo, 1972), i-ix.


ogden goelet, jr. showing that more than one method was used to familiarize scribal students with this important corpus of texts.33

Tackes observations about the verse points, all such notations were most likely inserted after the main text had been written out.29 What, then, would have been the reason for so much effort in training students to reproduce this peculiar text in an antique format? Once again, the answer most likely can be found in the most common contemporary text having both a columnar format and the somewhat similar cursive hieroglyphsthe Book of the Dead. After all, The Book of the Dead represents the reproductive stage of Egyptian religious texts par excellence, even if the New Kingdom versions, the so-called Theban Recension, had not achieved the stability of text and vignette of the Saite Recension.30 In addition to their use in this important religious text, the hieroglyphs, cursive and standard alike, written into a columnar textual format were still the standard mode for tomb decoration and employed extensively on all types of funerary equipment. Viewed in this light, training in the Kemyt would fit a rather pressing need among the student scribes at the workmens village, for this was the very type of material that the more skilled among the literate members of the gang might be expected to produce.31 Some rare examples among the hieroglyphic ostraca show that other commonly used didactic texts were also employed as exercises in hieroglyphic transcription.32 Additionally, a few hieratic excerpts from The Book of the Dead written in horizontal text format have come to light,
29 N. Tacke, Verspunkte als Gliederungsmittel in ramessidischen Schlerhandschriften, SAGA 22 (Heidelberg, 2001), 137-145. The short horizontal red lines, in particular, often seem to be squeezed in between signs. 30 For instance, it would be possible to make complex version genealogies for some of the more popular chapters like Chapter 17, as has been done by U. Rler-Khler, Kapitel 17 des gyptischen Totenbuches: Untersuchungen zur Textgeschichte und Funktion eines Textes der altgyptischen Totenliteratur, GOF 10 (Wiesbaden, 1979), in the chart Stemma der Textzeugen von Kapitel 17 Tb that faces p. 124. 31 Goelet, Writing Ramesside Hieratic, 106, with n. 2; Goelet, Ancient Egyptian ScriptsLiterary, Sacred, and Profane, in Semitic Papyrology in Context: A Climate of Creativity: Papers from a New York University conference marking the retirement of Baruch A. Levine, ed. L. H. Schiffman, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East (Leiden, 2003), 20-21; A. McDowell, Teachers and Students at Deir el-Medina, in Demare and Egberts, eds., Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD, 217-233, esp. 231-232. 32 A most interesting example is Deir el-Medina 1175; G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh, Nos. 1109 1167, DFIFAO 18, 1 (Cairo, 1951), 19 with pl. 26a. On the recto is an excerpt from the Satire on the Trades in carefully executed hieroglyphs in columnar format, while on the verso is an excerpt from the

Textual Register, Script Form, and Format When it came to selecting among the several Egyptian script forms for an afterlife text, the choice was always influenced by considerations of prestige, register, and expense. As a rule, elaborately painted or sculpted hieroglyphs such as those found in the elite tombs of the 18th Dynasty were at the top of the hierarchy of scripts. These signs were obviously quite time-consuming and therefore expensive to produce.34 It is no wonder that Gardiner chose these beautiful signs as the primary models for the font in his Egyptian Grammar.35 In addition, hieroglyphs were more formal and therefore associated a text more closely with ancient traditions. At the opposite end of this scale of prestige stood the hieratic script, which, due to its close association with everyday life, was likely considered too profane for most religious and afterlife texts, particularly in funerary contexts. Of course, there were exceptions to these generalizations. For example, some of the most important divine hymns of the New Kingdom are preserved only on hieratic papyri.36 Several of the earlier Dynasty 18 Books of the Dead, for example, were written in hieratic before the cursive hieroglyphs

Instruction of Amenemhat I, but done in a different and far less expert hand. Not only did the second scribe have difficulties with the columnar format, but the text has occasional hieratic intrusions in the hieroglyphic textthe work of a teacher and his student? 33 Deir el-Medina ostracon 1608, written on a piece of pottery, has several lines from the beginning of BD Chapter 137B in hieratic with red verse points placed at the natural semantic units, i.e., in the same manner as in a literary didactic text; see see G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiratiques littraires de Deir el Mdineh 3, fasc. 3: Nos. 1267 1675, DFIFAO 20, 3 (Cairo, 1980), pl. 58/58a. This ostracon was either used for scribal training or to transfer the text to a papyrus. 34 H.G. Fischer, Archaeological Aspects of Epigraphy and Palaeography, in Ancient Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography, by R.A. Caminos and H.G. Fischer (New York, 1976), 39-44. 35 A.H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, 3rd ed., rev. (Oxford, 1957), 438. 36 Two examples of lengthy hymns of the New Kingdom that were written in hieratic are: pLeiden I 344 verso, J. Zandee, Der Amunhymnus des Papyrus Leiden I 344, Verso., 3 vols., Collections of the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden 7 (Leiden, 1992); and pBerlin 3048, G. Mller, Hieratische Papyrus aus den kniglischen Museen zu Berlin 2 (Berlin, 1905), pl. 37ff.

the production of the book of the dead became the standard script for the genre. 37 Several afterlife books in the Valley of the Kings from the same period employed cursive hieroglyphs,38 even though expense could hardly have been a consideration in decorating the royal tombs. As mentioned above, hieroglyphs in a style quite similar to cursive hieroglyphs became the standard script for inscriptional use in the subterranean portions of Deir el-Medina tombs.39 Since much of the written material in these Deir el-Medina monuments consisted of chapters from the Book of the Dead, one might make some useful paleographic comparisons between these and contemporary Books of the Dead. It is significant that the preferred script for many religious texts from the Saite period onwards reverted to hieratic, because by that era the demotic script was now the writing form employed in everyday life, whereas hieratic had finally become truly hieratic, i.e., a script employed almost exclusively for priestly material. The cursive hieroglyphs merit some discussion and description at this juncture, inasmuch as they were an intermediate script between hieratic and the fully formed hieroglyphs. Cursive hieroglyphs first appeared in the Old Kingdom in both funerary and documentary contexts. Among the Abusir Papyri, large cursive forms were occasionally
37 I. Munro, Untersuchungen zu den Totenbuch-Papyri der 18. Dynastie: Kriterien ihrer Datierung (London and New York, 1988), 190-192. In the 21st Dynasty, hieratic became the standard script employed for the Book of the Dead. 38 The text accompanying the royal afterlife books in the Valley of the Kings was predominantly in cursive hieroglyphs until the reign of Amenhotep II, after which fully formed characters were preferred. From the reign of Thutmose IV onwards, cursives occur rarely, usually as the still-visible draft form of signs underlying normal hieroglyphs in unfinished inscriptions, e.g., in Horemhebs tomb; see E. Hornung, The Valley of the Kings: Horizon of Eternity, trans. D. Warburton (New York, 1990), color plate 17. There seems to have been at least a partial return to the older practice in the tomb of Rameses IX, see ibid., color plate 69. 39 The painted hieroglyphs used at Deir el-Medina and in many of the elite tombs elsewhere in the Theban necropolis are solid in form, preserving the outline, seldom with any interior detail. A typical example would be the tomb of Sennedjem (TT 1), whose hieroglyphs are the subject of a detailed study, B.J.J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem (TT1) in Deir el-Medina: Palaeography, Palographie Hiroglyphique 2 (Cairo, 2006), 7-8 for a general description of these monumental hieroglyphs. Even though they mostly likely derive from hieratic (see note 34, above), their overall appearance might fairly be described as a painted form of a common style of hieroglyphs incised on stelae and other stone surfaces that similarly have little or no interior detail; see Fischer, Archaeological Aspects, 41 (fig. 4, column 2). In the case of a high proportion of the sign repertoire in Theban tombs of the New Kingdom, something very close to the resulting


used in headings to provide characters that had a larger, fuller, and more formal appearance in some column labels alongside the more abstract hieratic documentary entries below.40 Cursive hieroglyphs in ink appeared in the hypogeal sections of one Giza tomb as the captions to some similarly inked stick figures. However, in this instance it is unclear whether these figures and their accompanying cursive texts represented sketches to be finished later in a more formal manner, or whether these were intended as the final form of decoration.41 One might say that cursive hieroglyphs came into their own in the Coffin Texts, where they were employed almost exclusively for the texts incised into the wood surfaces of the coffin walls.42 During the Middle Kingdom, cursive hieroglyphs were used for religious43 and medical44 papyri, almost always in retrograde columns. From that period onwards, the association of cursive hieroglyphs with arcania seems to have been firmly established. At approximately the same time that the cursive hieroglyphs were being introduced, another, related form of hieroglyphic script was being developed. These were the solidly formed hieroglyphs that appear much like painted versions of the incised hieroglyphs without interior detail that had been used during the Old Kingdom on stone
hieroglyphic forms could be achieved simply by imitating the incised, sculpted hieroglyphs in solidly painted forms. 40 P. Posener-Kriger and J.-L. de Cenival, The Abusir Papyri, Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, Fifth Series (London, 1968), in many of the larger accounts papyri, e.g., pls. 1-3. In this case, the relationship of cursive to hieratic script is clearly intended as a conscious imitation of the format of a hieroglyphic royal decree on a stone stela. Fischer, Archaeological Aspects, 40, calls this script semi-cursive or book-script. 41 One of the first examples of cursive hieroglyphs appears on the walls of the hypogeum in a 6th Dynasty tomb at Giza; see H. Junker, Gza IV (Vienna and Leipzig, 1940), pls. 9, 10. The scenes in the rest of the chamber are not only complete, but in places they are colorfully executed; compare, for example, color plate VIII. 42 Both incised and inked forms were employed; a few coffins employed inked hieratic instead; see E. Hornung, The Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca and London, 1999), 8-9. Balat in the Dakhla Oasis has yielded some clay didactic tablets employing incised cursives; see G. Soukiassian, A Governors Palace at Ayn Asil, Dakhla Oasis, EA 11 (1997) 15-17, a site where papyrus was undoubtedly hard to acquire. 43 pRamesseum VI; see A.H. Gardiner, Hymns to Sobek in a Ramesseum Papyrus, RdE 11 (1957), 43-56. 44 For example, see Ramesseum V, which is a Middle Kingdom medical papyrus written in cursive hieroglyphs and a retrograde, columnar format; see A.H. Gardiner, The Ramesseum papyri: plates (Oxford, 1955), pls. XV-XVII.


ogden goelet, jr. limited to funerary and tomb contexts, captions accompanying temple scenes, and occasional royal inscriptions on stelae and temple walls, usually on the outer, more public areas of the building the very same contexts generally in which hieroglyphic text tended to appear. As typical examples of what might be called the monumental genre, we might cite many of the large war narratives of Rameses III at Medinet Habu. For most other usages, particularly those associated with daily life, columnar format was rather uncommon, except as a framing device and then usually confined to a few lines. In fact, from the beginning of the 18th Dynasty onwards, there was a very strong correlation between columnar format and hieroglyphic script generally.

stelae, tomb walls, and occasionally on wood surfaces. Although it is difficult to make a definitive statement on the matter, it is unlikely that the cursive hieroglyphs may have developed from these solid forms45unlike the incised forms and the related painted variety, true cursives never faced towards the left. Starting with the First Intermediate Period, the solid painted hieroglyphs quickly became popular as a rapid and cheaper means of inscribing stone and wood surfaces, whereas the more outlined forms developed into a book script that was largely relegated to papyri. What many publications of the New Kingdom may describe loosely as hieroglyphic inscriptions are actually the solid cursives instead of the detailed painted forms used in a few private monuments. Solid cursives were commonly used in the captions to scenes in elite tombs at Thebes and, as noted above, became the almost exclusive form of text in the private tombs of Deir el-Medina. In a few cases, the less elaborate outlined cursives were employed as the preliminary step for inscriptions that were to be finished by using the more elaborate solid or even painted detailed hieroglyphs, but this practice appears to have been largely confined to the higher-prestige tombs elsewhere in the Theban necropolis.46 The appearance of the more linear cursives in the underworld books in the Valley of the Kings, however, has nothing to do with either speed or expense, but rather is probably best explained as deliberate attempts to imitate ancient secret papyri spread out on the walls of the royal tombs. Another important factor in text register was the presentation format. From the beginning of the New Kingdom onwards, the use of a columnar format became one of the most distinctive ways in which a scribe or a sculptor could indicate that a text was connected with ancient traditions or primordial antiquity. At some point in the latter third of the 12th Dynasty, texts on papyri, as well as inscriptional material, had switched from a predominantly vertical to a predominantly horizontal format. Thereafter, columnar text was largely

Retrograde Writing and its Contexts The most striking manner in which a text could be connected with primordial times and the most secret, restricted knowledge was to write it with a retrograde orientation. Briefly defined, a retrograde text was one in which the text was read in the same direction in which the signs faced, contrary to the normal practice of the Egyptian language. With few exceptions, retrograde writing was connected with columnar format and involved texts in hieroglyphs, cursive or otherwise. The most common exception to this rule of thumb would be the few hieratic examples of the Book of the Dead that were also normally written in retrograde columns. The reason for this close relationship between retrograde writing and arcane subject matters is unclear,47 but a plausible explanation is that the Egyptians believed that anything connected with the gods, afterlife existence, magic, and any other secrets that only a few earthly beings might be privileged to know would be expressed in ways radically different from everyday practice. In the case of afterlife literature, another frequently advanced explanation is that a retrograde text would simply be

45 Notably, this orientation is a feature that true cursives share with hieratic, which also consistently faces rightward, see Haring, Tomb of Sennedjem, 10. 46 For illustrations of the stages in creating an elaborate hieroglyphic inscription in a royal tomb, see Hornung, Valley of the Kings, color plate 17. The red signs underlying the black final sketches owe their forms more to cursive hieroglyphs than to hieratic. 47 A. Niwinski, The problem of retrograde writing and the direction of reading of the Book of the Dead in the New

Kingdom, in Studies on the Illustrated Theban Funerary Papyri of the 11th and 10th Centuries B.C., OBO 86 (Freiburg and Gttingen, 1989), 13-17, and M.A. Chegodaev, Some Remarks Regarding the So-called Retrograde Direction of Writing in the Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, DE 35 (1996), 19-24. H.G. Fischer, Lcriture retrograde, in Lcriture et lart de lgypte ancienne: Quatre leons sur la palographie et lpigraphie pharaonique, Essais et Confrences, Collge de France (Paris, 1986), 105-130.

the production of the book of the dead following the same backwards west-to-east direction of the solar demiurge as he and his entourage moved though the Duat and the lower sky towards rebirth at dawn. In the case of the Book of the Dead, this analogy is carried out to such an extent that the scroll itself was unrolled so that one held its beginning in ones left hand and then moved the unfurled remainder towards the right. In effect, a Book of the Dead would thus be an upside-down book in Egyptian eyes.48 Naturally enough, such general rules of text format and sign usage were by no means rigidly applied to the Book of the Dead throughout its development. In the early part of the 18th Dynasty, for instance, a few examples were written in hieratic, and retrograde writing was not consistently employed.49 Even among the most elaborate (and expensive) Books of the Dead, exceptions occurred. The Papyrus of Ani (BM EA 10.470) is surely among one of the most extensive and beautifully illustrated of all Ramesside exemplars of the Book of the Dead. Despite its splendid visual impression, pAni, like a number of other lengthy Book of the Dead papyri, was actually a composite roll created by pasting together a number of sheets that had been pre-inscribed by several different copyists.50 Perhaps the most telling proof of pAnis composite nature is provided by its two widely separated copies of Chapter 18, both done


by the same scribe and having a virtually identical text, sign for sign, but each with a different arrangement of text and vignettes. There are many more Books of the Dead that were produced in workshops or though the close cooperation of two or more scribes than is generally realized, but that is a subject far beyond the scope of this paper.51 Although retrograde text orientation prevails, pAni has several sheets where the text follows the canonical right-to-left orientation of text columns and signs.52 When we take into consideration that scribal training was strongly focused on the practical communications of everyday life, it is no wonder that retrograde writing was the source of errors when copying the Book of the Dead. Even if we put aside the antique language and the strangeness of the content of the chapters they were transcribing, the copyists were working in a scribal environment that was unusual in every respectthe standard script was archaic, yet had to be rendered as calligraphically as possible; the columnar text format was likewise recherch; finally, the sign orientation and columnar sequencing were the reverse of what was used in normal scribal practice. These factors combined to make it rather difficult at times to place text into a given place on a papyrus and to transcribe it into a correct format.

48 J. ern, Paper and Books in Ancient Egypt (London, 1947), 29, with n. 156, remarked that two 21st Dynasty Books of the Dead in Berlin had the notation top on the top outer edge of their verso, so that someone removing the papyri would know how to hold the rolls and not unroll them upside down. 49 On both these points, see Munro, Untersuchungen zu den Totenbuch-Papyri, 198-201. Even in Books of the Dead that are carefully executed in cursive hieroglyphs, some hieratic signs are occasionally employed; ibid., Liste 19, 254-257. For another example of an early Book of the Dead in hieratic, see R.B. Parkinson and S.G. Quirke, The Coffin of Prince Herunefer and the Early History of the Book of the Dead, in Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honour of J. Gynn Griffiths, ed. A.B. Lloyd (London, 1992), 37-51. 50 A close examination of pAni reveals four to five different hands in the text and probably at least two different vignette artists; see my remarks in the commentary to the plates in The Egyptian Book of the Dead: The Book of Going Forth by Day, ed. E. von Dassow (San Francisco, 1994), 154-170 passim, esp. 160. Furthermore, in the photographic reproduction edited by E. Dondelinger, Papyrus Ani: BM 10.470: vollstndige Faksimile-Ausgabe im Originalformat des Totenbuches aus dem Besitz des British Museum (Graz, 1978), one can readily see that the double-banded border at the top and bottom of the roll changes its color, width, and even its style at several points, further indications that groups of different pre-existing template sheets had been pasted together to create the whole.

51 There are several features that can be employed as indications that a work might be a composite work in which the work of several scribes was gathered to form a whole: the presence of several distinct handwritings in the body of the text; variances in the width of the textual body and vignette size; the repetition of a chapter within the scroll; variations in the style and/or color of the border bands; and different artistic styles in the vignettes. These and some other features were all present in pAni. 52 In pAni, the canonical right-to-left sequence of text flow and sign orientation is limited to divine hymns and a few scenes in which the deceased was shown praying or adoring a deity; see Munro, Totenbuch-Papyri, 201. Although the reason for this is unclear, one might suggest that the normal orientation was chosen in cases where the content was not considered to be necessarily associated with a mortuary or afterlife context. The signs on the sheets in pAni containing such hymns not only were usually executed in a far more elaborate and careful hand than what appears on the great majority of other sheets. These elaborately executed hymns therefore are written in a true book script, which is an indication of the work of a master scribe or scribes. An exception to this rule of thumb is the odd use of the canonical direction of text columns in the rubric to Chapter 125, which in any case has been erroneously put underneath the vignette that normally accompanies Chapter 126; see E. von Dassow, Book of the Dead, 168.


ogden goelet, jr. As a rough comparison, imagine what it would be like for us today to copy a document in which each sentence began at the period and proceeded word-by-word backwards towards its beginning. However, retrograde writing was not the only complication that made the Book of the Dead a rather specialized task, far removed from normal scribal practices. In addition, the scribes inscribing text in this awkward manner also had to use the specialized cursive hieroglyphs of Book of the Dead text, which had become an artificial book script by the early Ramesside Period. On top of this, they had to copy material that was written in an archaic dialect and thus likely to have been largely incomprehensible. The result is that the Ani papyrus may possess splendid vignettes, but the accuracy of its text is often rather inferior to other contemporary papyri. In each version of Chapter 18, the copyist had to fit a text that was longer than the space available on the prepared sheet. Can we blame the scribe if his attention momentarily slipped and he counted off the columns as they stood on his master copy, moving in a right-to-left direction instead of remembering that the text before him was retrograde with a left-to-right progression of the columns? After all, the Book of the Dead, for all of its obscurities, probably did not make much sense to that unfortunate scribe, either backwards or forwards. As my illustration below explains, an error of this sort would result in the text being truncated at its beginning, rather at its end. Whether the mistake arose while creating this particular papyrus, or whether it was due to an error in creating the original model on which the Ani version of the spell was based, the scribe either did not notice or else he may have adopted an ancient Egyptian version of our modern cynicism, close enough for government work. Above all, this example reveals how firmly embedded the orientation, in every sense of that word, of their normal scribal environment was in the minds of the scribes who copied these funerary texts.

Errors in Retrograde Writing and the Scribal Mindset The Papyrus of Ani has an amusing example of the pitfalls that could await copyists who forgot what they were producing and slipped into the mindset of their normal scribal practices that they had absorbed while training on literary and documentary papyri. As a composite and template Book of the Dead, one of the final steps in making the final product was pasting together pAnis prefabricated sheets, most likely after the blank spaces provided for the names and titles of Ani and his wife, Tutu, had been filled in.53 This latter task was left mostly to an inexperienced scribe, judging from a few omissions and the coarse appearance of his handwriting in comparison with the more elegant hands of the original copyists. This is not to say, however, that the more experienced scribes did not occasionally blunder as well. As mentioned previously, the nearly identical versions of pAnis Chapter 18 contain the same peculiar erroreach left out the beginning of the chapter, and began instead with the rubricized gloss to that omitted material. It seems unlikely that the scribe realized that he was starting the text with a non sequitur in the literal sense of the term. As we know from manuscripts of the Late Period in particular, the normal practice was to truncate a Book of the Dead chapter at its end, not the beginning. Then, why should this same mistake have occurredtwice, no less? Of course, the error may have happened in the workshop when the model for the text was created, long before pAnis sheets were inscribed. In either case, I believe that the chief reason for this error probably lies in the retrograde, left-to-right, direction in which the text proceeds. Conceptually, this text orientation was distinctly awkward for scribes who not only normally wrote only in the hieratic script of everyday material, but, left to their own devices would have naturally conceived the blank sheet before them as something to be filled in the canonical right-to-left direction. However, there were two more factors that complicated their task. The scribes working on the Ani papyrus were copying a columnar text, a writing format which by that time was confined almost entirely to funerary texts like the Book of the Dead and other arcania.

An Explanation of the Inadvertent Truncation of Chapter 18 in Papyrus Ani Note: In the description below, we are momentarily assuming that the textual model contained

53 On this point, see my remarks in von Dassow, ed., Egyptian Book of the Dead, 141-142.

the production of the book of the dead the complete text. Of course, this may not have been have been so. In that event, the explanation below would show instead how the faulty model was created. Step 1 Complete Master Copy with retrograde column format.
Introduction to Chapter 18 several columns of retrograde text Columns retrograde text retrograde text retrograde text retrograde text retrograde text Rubric to Intro. columns columns columns terminal columns


The complete text, including the introduction, proceeds from left to right in retrograde columnssigns facing to rightas is characteristic of Book of the Dead material.

Step 2
Columns columns columns columns columns

Scribe-copyist wishes to fill a blank template sheet that has fewer columns available.

Step 3 Having mistakenly counted off columns on the Master Copy in the normal right-to-left direction of non-religious material, the scribe-copyist
Rubric to Intro. columns columns

thus does not begin copying at the correct point and therefore inadvertently truncates the text at its beginning (the Introduction), not its end, as is usually the case with truncated chapters in the Book of the Dead.
terminal columns



Copying in Inscriptional Hieroglyphic Texts Although the focus of this study has been the Book of the Dead, it is merely the most pervasive example of the importance of copying texts in the hieroglyphic script. Much more has yet to be learned about the mechanics of making these copies, especially the difficulties in planning a Book of the Dead, choosing the chapters, and estimating how to fit texts into the space required (or to be allotted) for the various spells. How the scribes took into consideration such factors as the
See, for instance, the proposed reconstructions of the process by E. Graefe, Papyrus Leiden T3 oder: ber das Kopieren von Texten durch altgyptische Schreiber, OMRO 73 (1993) 23-28, with the response by M. Heerma van Voss at the end. 55 The process of copying from a presumed papyrus54

number or columns, the size of vignette, and the difficulties of dealing with retrograde text is a subject that would require a study vastly greater than the present paper.54 I would like to close with a few words on another genre of copied material. Skill in hieroglyphs was not solely connected with funerary materials, even though the most complete and exacting examples of parallel hieroglyphic inscriptions derive from royal funerary contexts, such as the Pyramid Texts and the afterlife books found on tomb walls in the Valley of the Kings.55 Royal inscriptions, religious
manuscript model to the spaces on royal tomb walls, illustrated or otherwise, is even less understood and often poses more difficult questions; for example, see the conflicting views in H. Altenmller, Zum Beschriftungssystem bei religisen Texten, in XVIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag, Vertrge I, ZDMG Supplementa 1 (Wiesbaden, 1969), 58-67;


ogden goelet, jr. employed, but actually we know virtually nothing of the intermediate steps involved. Largely due to accidents of preservation, the Theban region once more provides the preponderance of the evidence, but there are a number of examples from the reign of Rameses II in Nubia as well. Undoubtedly, many important Theban decrees had counterparts in Memphis, which was, after all, the northern administrative capital. Indeed, it is probable that most royal inscriptions were composed first at Memphis, and then republished at other sites like Thebes. It is likely that the most skilled scribes from the Deir el-Medina community and the Theban temples on both banks of the river were employed in such work.

and otherwise, were also frequently copied, but we know far less about the processes involved, mainly because we have almost no evidence concerning the intermediary steps.56 To the large corpus of religious texts, we can add a number of less well-preserved hymns, royal decrees, and historical inscriptions of the New Kingdom, many of which were ideological or rhetorical texts created for the sake of what we loosely term royal propaganda. In such instances, we might speak of the dissemination mode of text production. The closeness and accuracy of these parallel texts are often rather impressive. As is the case with closely similar relief scenes, we assume that some form of papyrus records or copy books was

H. Kees, Ein alter Gtterhymnus als Begleittext zur Opfertafel, ZS 57 (1922), 92-120; F. Mauric-Barberio, Copie des textes lenvers dans les tombes royales, in G. Andreu, ed., Deir el-Mdineh et la Valle des Rois: La vie en gypte au temps des pharaons du Nouvel Empire. Actes du colloque organis par le muse du Louvre les 3 et 4 mai 2002 (Paris, 2003), 173-194.

56 To my knowledge, few articles have attempted to describe the hypothetical procedures; see W. Helck, Das Verfassen einer Knigsinschrift, in Fragen an die altgyptische Literature, ed. J. Assmann, E. Feucht, and R. Grieshammer (Wiesbaden, 1977), 241-256.

a group of art works in the amarna style


A GROUP OF ART WORKS IN THE AMARNA STYLE Tom Hardwick Worcester College, University of Oxford

Curators and collectors must exercise caution when contemplating proposed acquisitions. I hope that this brief discussion of a group of purportedly Egyptian objects will be of interest to Jack, to whose hospitality I have often been indebted. This note is also intended to provide information regarding material that may yet appear on the art market. The Acquisition of the Amarna Princess by Bolton Museum1 In January 2002, the Keeper of Egyptology at Bolton Museum was asked by a Mr. George Greenhalgh, from the Bolton suburb of Bromley Cross, to look at a statue. The piece (figs. 1-4) was 51 cm high and carved from a creamy, semi-translucent stone. Mr. Greenhalgh stated that his great-grandfather, a mill owner, had acquired the statue in 1892 at the sale of Silverton Park in Devon, the seat of the fourth Earl of Egremont (1785-1845), and produced a copy of the sale catalogue to corroborate this. The statue was part of lot 201, eight Egyptian figures. He had no idea what the statue was, and had been offered a negligible sum by an antiques dealer for it as a garden ornament. The statue depicted a woman wearing a clinging, pleated garment that covered the body and left arm from the shoulders
1 Unless otherwise stated, information comes from the authors personal experience; discussions of the case with members of the Art and Antiques squad of the Metropolitan Police; and the relevant correspondence and object files at Bolton Museum. The photographs reproduced here as figs. 5-12 and 14-16 were taken by the author thanks to the courtesy of the Metropolitan Police. 2 Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology E14349, a headless limestone figure of a clothed princess with upraised left hand and long sidelock: PM VIII, 801-670-270; Do. Arnold, The Royal Women of Amarna: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt (New York, 1996), hereafter Royal Women), 124, cat. 37; R.E. Freed, Y.J. Markowitz, and S.H. DAuria, eds., Pharaohs of the Sun: Akhenaten, Nefertiti, Tutankhamun (Boston, 1999, hereafter Pharaohs of the Sun), 219, cat. 50. Paris, Louvre E 25409, a headless red quartzite figure of a clothed princess with pendant right arm: Royal Women,

down. The figures head, right arm, left forearm and hand, and calves and feet were missing; the stump of a sidelock of hair was preserved on the right shoulder. The left leg was slightly advanced, and a rectangular slab of negative space occupied the area beneath the left buttock. The object was identified as an Egyptian alabaster figure of a royal woman from the Amarna Period, citing parallels in Philadelphia and Paris;2 the breakages to the left-hand side of the body indicated that it came from a group of several figures. As such, it was acquired by Bolton Museum through the auction house Christies in September 2003 for 439,767, the equivalent of 500,000 (c. $800,000) after tax breaks designed to encourage outstanding works of art to stay in Britain. The statue was purchased with 75,000 given by the private charity The National Art Collections Fund, and 360,767 by the government-funded National Heritage Memorial Fund; the statue received assessments for both groups.3 The remaining 4,000 was given by the Friends of Bolton Museum and another Bolton trust. The statue, dubbed the Amarna Princess, was displayed in 2003 at an exhibition celebrating the centenary of the National Art Collections Fund, and returned to Bolton in January 2004. The Keeper of Egyptology retired in 2005 and was succeeded by the author at the end of that year.4
24-25, cat. 12; Pharaohs of the Sun, 218, cat. 49; C. Barbotin, Les statues gyptiennes du nouvel empire: statues royals et divines 1 (Paris, 2007), 79-81, cat. 36. 3 M. Bailey, How the Entire British Art World was Duped by a Fake Egyptian Statue, The Art Newspaper, May 2006, 4; National Art Collections Fund, 2003 Review: The Annual Report of the National Art Collections Fund in its Centenary Year (London, 2004), 14, 66. 4 Bailey, Fake Egyptian Statue; the statue was acquired too late to be published in the catalogue of the exhibition Saved! 100 Years of the National Art Collections Fund, but was briefly discussed in J. Fletcher, The Search for Nefertiti (London, 2004), 258, identified as a possible image of Mutnodjmet. For convenience, the title Amarna Princess is used here to refer to the Bolton statue, even though formal titles are rarely used to identify Egyptian objects and the statue is not of the Amarna Period.


tom hardwick

Figs 1-4. Bolton Museum 2004.7, the Amarna Princess: frontal, profile, and rear views. Images courtesy Bolton Council.

a group of art works in the amarna style



tom hardwick The appearance of the statue was initially promising: it bears a generic resemblance to the Philadelphia princess but resembles the Paris figure more closely in pose and body shape. The degree to which this close relationship is close enough (i.e., drawing from a similar tradition) or too close (i.e., copied from the piece) is subjective; at any rate, the ways in which the Amarna Princess diverges from the Paris statuette (the angle of the left arm, the figures slightly increased steatopygia, and the unusual back pillar) can be argued to be within the bounds of normality for Amarna art.7 The apparent contrapposto of the figure, with its right hip thrust outwards, was a result of its mounting and vanished when it was tilted a little counterclockwise. Four lesser stylistic oddities were, however, very suspicious. 1) The knot of the garment under the figures right breast is inexpertly formed. In undoubted examples, such as the figure in the Louvre, care has been taken to carve the knot accurately; it was a vital part of the figures outfit, and the integrity of the garment depended on the knots being rendered clearly and correctly.8 This is not the case on the Bolton figure. 2) The tassels of the end of the knot are depicted with wavy lines rather than straight ones, as is the case on (for example) the Louvre piece. While wavy lines were often used to denote the pleating of semi-transparent linen in New Kingdom paintings,9 and very rarely in relief,10 this treatment is unparalleled in statuary. Furthermore, on figures of unquestioned authenticity, the hem

Doubts Raised About, and Examination of, the Amarna Princess In February 2006, the author received a message from the Art and Antiques squad of the Metropolitan Police to the effect that the trustworthiness of the Greenhalgh family had been called into question. They had offered a group of Assyrian reliefs to the British Museum for assessment and possible sale. Like the Amarna Princess, these too were said to have come from the 1892 Silverton Park sale, and one even appeared to be a piece drawn by its excavator and subsequently lost, but their examination had revealed a number of stylistic errors and the use of materials inconsistent with an Assyrian, or even Victorian, dating.5 The police requested that the Amarna Princess should be re-examined. The attribution or authentication of artworks is a matter of careful observation and deduction, but it is not an absolute process.6 Two individuals may hold divergent opinions on the ascription or age of an object on the basis of the same evidence. Scientific or technical analysis can often provide invaluable assistance in attribution or dating, but it is optimistic to expect that it can always offer certainty. A holistic study of an object using stylistic and technical data, which aims to investigate and reconstruct the manufacture, use, and subsequent treatment of an object up to the present day, gives the greatest possible return of meaningful information. The Amarna Princess was studied with this methodology in mind.

5 I. MacQuisten in Antiques Trade Gazette 1818 (7th December 2007). 6 The entire oeuvre of a modern artist could in theory be documented and a definitive catalogue raisonn produced, but attributions in all other areas can at most offer the bestinformed consensus at the time. This is well illustrated by the changing attributions of pictures studied by the Rembrandt Research Project over 40 years. The latest volume contains both numerous reattributions of paintings studied in previous volumes, and also a disclaimer, prepared with the assistance of Dutch and American law firms, stating it should be understood that forming an opinion as to the authenticity of a work of art purporting to be by Rembrandt is often very difficult and will in most cases depend on subjective criteria which are not capable of proof or absolute certainty. Therefore the conclusions expressed are only opinions and not a warranty of any kind Anyone is free to disagree with the opinions expressed in these volumes: E. van de Wetering et al., eds., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings IV: The Self-Portraits (Dordrecht, 2005), vi. 7 The angle of the left arm is paralleled on the Philadelphia figure and a small alabaster figure of a princess, now Berlin, gyptisches Museum 17951: Pharaohs of the Sun, 217, cat.

47. Steatopygia is visible on the colossal sandstone figures from the Gempaaten at Karnak: Pharaohs of the Sun, 54, and on relief representations of royal women, such as the fragment of a boundary stela, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 1992.18: Pharaohs of the Sun 214, cat. 38. Unusual back pillars and negative spaces can be seen on the Philadelphia figure and UCL 002, a brown quartzite torso of a princess: Royal Women, 109, cat. 16. 8 The importance of the knot at this period can be seen by the fact that it was carved on representations of princesses in the tomb of Kheruef (TT 192), while the rest of the robe completely lacks carved detailing: Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192, OIP 102 (Chicago, 1980), pl. 47. 9 E. Mackay, The representation of shawls with a rippled stripe in the Theban tombs, JEA 10 (1924), 41-43. See also the paintings from the Theban tomb of Nebamun, now in the British Museum: R.B. Parkinson, The Painted Tomb of Nebamun (London, 2008), passim. 10 The over-kilt of Meryre in a block from his Memphite tomb, now Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum S 5815, is carved with slightly wavy pleats: A.P. Kozloff and B.M. Bryan, Egypts Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and his World (Cleveland, 1992), 293, cat. 59.

a group of art works in the amarna style at the neckline of the figure is often depicted with a series of loops, part of the weft selvedge of the piece of cloth, while the hem under the left breast is fringed with tassels formed from the warp threads.11 On the Bolton figure, the neckline hem is finished with loops, while the edge of the garment under the left breast is depicted with loops and tassels; both methods are used at the same time. This is unparalleled in Egyptian sculpture and also reflects a misunderstanding of the makeup of the garment. 3) The remains of the left arm show that it was mis-carved, being extremely flat and thin to the point of anorexia. This lack of proportion is unparalleled in high-quality royal representations. 4) The pleated streamer running down the lefthand side of the body continues on to the slab of negative space by the left leg (fig. 5). Negative space is by definition not part of the figure represented. It may be carved in relief with inscriptions, secondary figures, or (rarely) entire pieces of regalia, but the demarcation between the main figure and its negative space is always kept clear, and items do not move from three-dimensional to relief representation in the same depiction. The Bolton figure blurs this division by the inclusion of a piece of costume onto the negative space. Furthermore, the streamer is confidently carved and detailed with pleats on the body, but very tentatively carved on the negative space. This suggests that this mistake was made by someone with insufficient knowledge of Egyptian art, someone who had a begun carving a streamer on the body but did not know where to put it when the side of the body was obscured by the negative space. Scrutiny of the physical makeup and apparent ageing of the statue revealed inconsistencies with a proposed manufacture in antiquity.12 The first anomaly is in the appearance and quality of the stone. Egyptian alabaster can vary in color from a rich yellow to a near white, but the homogeneous pale translucent quality of the material of the Bolton figure is atypical. An unexpected result of the examination of the statue was the discovery that its stone is soft enough to be damaged easily by a thumbnail (Mohs hardness 2.5). This indicates that the statue is not made from Egyptian alabaster/travertine/calcite/calcium
11 G. Vogelsang-Eastwood, Pharaonic Egyptian Clothing (Leiden, 1993), 111. 12 This was carried out by the author and Dr. Andrew Shortland of Cranfield University. 13 On the composition and geological terminology for the


Fig. 5. Bolton Museum 2004.7, the Amarna Princess: detail showing carving of streamer (highlighted) on the leg and negative space of the statue. Authors photograph; drawing by Pablo Perez dOrs.

carbonate (Mohs hardness 3),13 which would be unusual for a purportedly ancient Egyptian object. The second anomalous feature was the appearance of the surface. In spite of the extreme delicacy of the carved pleated surface, it has remained in almost pristine condition for over 3,300 years. The only areas where the stone surface is significantly weathered are its broken edges: at the neck, on the upper right arm, and down along the figures left-hand side, where the arm is missing and the negative space is broken. These breaks appear worn; their rough edges are smoothed down. This wear initially seems compatible with an ancient dating, as the worn breaks are partly covered with a chalky deposit suggesting long burial. However, it is inconceivable that the broken edges weathered away while the carved surface remained pristine. This suggests that the broken edges were
stone conventionally called alabaster or Egyptian alabaster by Egyptologists, see B. Aston, J. Harrell, and I. Shaw, Stone, in Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technologies, ed. P. T. Nicholson and I. Shaw (Cambridge, 2000), 59.


tom hardwick statuette, the model for the Bolton statue, was acquired in Egypt in 1956 and was not published until 1958.14 The combination of models, public interest, and financial reward did not exist to enable and justify the manufacture of the Amarna Princess for sale in the nineteenth century; it was abundantly present in 2002.

deliberately worn down, and an artificial patina was applied to provide the appearance of antiquity. The chalky deposit suggesting long burial is also visible on inconspicuous areas of the figure, such as the lower legs and back. Close examination of these areas showed air bubbles and vertical striations consistent with the deposit having been applied by brushi.e., a false patina rather than a naturally formed surface. The third anomaly relates to the mounting of the figure. On the back of the sculpture, three drill holes are visible on the back of the negative space on the left-hand side, next to a broad, fuzzy, whitish vertical line (see fig. 4). These features have no ancient Egyptian parallels, and they were said to have been left over from an older mounting of the figure; a vertical mount had been fixed to the figure by the drill holes, and over some time the rubbing of its edge against the statue had gradually produced the line. The holes, however, showed no sign of having held pins or screws in the past. They contained fresh, easily dislodged stone dust. The vertical line was made up of a large number of small scratches roughly aligned in the same direction. These looked as though they had been drawn individually by a sharp point, rather than all having been made by a single process. The holes and line seemed to have been created to give an impression of the presence of an old mount, and thus to imply a prior history for the figure. The use of a non-Egyptian stone and the deliberate antiquing of the figure, added to the stylistic errors in the execution of the piece, argue conclusively that the Amarna Princess was not made in ancient Egypt. When was it made? The possibility remained that it had indeed been purchased by a Greenhalgh ancestor at Silverton Park in 1892, but that it was a nineteenth century forgery. This can be easily dismissed. Little interest was taken in Amarna art before the early twentieth century, and the prospect of the statue having been made before 1845 to be bought by the third Earl of Egremont, or made to be included in an obscure country auction in 1892, is remote. The Louvre
14 Bibliography in Barbotin, Statues gyptiennes du nouvel empire, 79-81. 15 The case has attracted a great deal of media interest. In addition to international newspaper and magazine reportage of the case, two British television programs have so far been made about the forgery of the Amarna Princezss. 16 Approximately 400,000 was confiscated from the Greenhalghs and returned pro rata to Bolton and some other purchasers of bogus material. Christies refunded its 25,000 commission on the sale of the Amarna Princess to Bolton as

The Arrest of the Vendors of the Amarna Princess With the inauthenticity of the Amarna Princess thus established, it was removed from display at Bolton Museum in March 2006, on the eve of a police raid on the Greenhalgh family house. A large quantity of incriminating material was recovered, and members of the family were arrested, questioned, and charged. All eventually pleaded guilty. In November 2007 Shaun Greenhalgh, George Greenhalghs 47-year-old son, who had received no formal artistic training, was sentenced to four years and eight months for conspiracy to defraud. He admitted making the objects. George Greenhalgh was given a suspended sentence of twelve months on account of his age (84) and apparent ill health; his main role was apparently that of the front man and vendor. Olive Greenhalgh, Georges 83-year-old wife, also received a suspended sentence of twelve months.15 Another son, George Greenhalgh Jr., received a suspended sentence of nine months for acquiring property with the proceeds of crime.16 The material found in the Greenhalgh house, added to extensive research work carried out by the Department of Prehistory and Europe at the British Museum and in auction houses in London and America, established a considerable body of suspicious and outright bogus material originating from the Greenhalgh household over a period of at least 17 years before their arrest.17 This had been offered for assessment or sale to numerous institutions, in some cases successfully.

a goodwill gesture, while admitting no liability in its assessment and sale of the statue. The amount made and spent by the forgers is impossible to assess; although the familys living arrangements were described as Dickensian and squalid, certain activities, such as compulsive gambling, would dispose of unlimited funds with little visible result. 17 The earliest extant piece of Greenhalghiana is an Anglo-Saxon silver reliquary with a nielloed inscription of Eadred, King of the West Saxons, said to have been discovered by George Greenhalgh when metal-detecting in a riverside

a group of art works in the amarna style In addition to the Egyptian objects discussed in detail below, this material included RomanoBritish and later metalwork; sculptures by Paul Gauguin, Barbara Hepworth, Constantin Brancusi, and the nineteenth century American sculptor Horatio Greenough; and paintings by the Scottish Colourist Samuel Peploc, Picasso, and the Lancastrian artist L.S. Lowry. Other material clearly related to the manufacture of the objects included a small furnace; modeling clay; receipts for the purchase of quantities of stone;18 pieces of glass; and auction catalogues and books on hieroglyphs, Egyptian and Assyrian art, and Old Master drawings. A few small and inexpensive antiquities such as brooches, coins, and intaglio gems, with descriptions and price tags written by the forgers, were also seized. Notable among the metalwork created by the Greenhalgh family was the Risley Lanx, a rectangular silver plate with raised-relief decoration of hunting scenes purporting to be of the fourth century AD. The original Lanx had been found in Risley Park in Derbyshire in 1729, and had been broken into pieces by its finders for the bullion value. Some of the fragments had been published, with drawings, by the antiquary William Stukeley in 1736, and a re-assessment of the Lanx from this source had been published in the Antiquaries Journal in 1981. Eleven years later, a complete version of the Lanx was bought for the British Museum from the Greenhalghs, who stated that it had been in family possession since the eighteenth century. Inconsistencies in the metallurgical analysis of the Lanx favored its identification as an eighteenth century or later cast made from the original fragments, but it was acquired as an important document of late Roman plate.19
park in Preston in autumn 1989: D. Hill, The Eadred Reliquary: the Riddle in the Park, Manchester Archaeological Bulletin 6 (1991), 5-11. A Romanesque lead Corpus Christi figure, mounted on an inscribed piece of vellum giving its provenance as the tomb of King John in Worcester Cathedral, opened in 1797, was sold at auction in 1998 (European Sculpture, Christies London, 7th July 1998, lot 28). A study of the Anglo-Saxon Greenhalgh productions by Leslie Webster is forthcoming. 18 The Egyptian alabaster of the Amarna Princess and some of the other Egyptian objects listed below is in fact Florentine alabaster from Volterra, purchased from a British supplier and also used for the Assyrian reliefs. This is a geologically true alabaster, a form of calcium sulphate, rather than the calcium carbonate of Egyptian alabaster/travertine. It can be distinguished without chemical analysis by its relative softness and different color and texture. The supplier stated that the forgers had also made enquiries about sourcing imperial porphyry and Egyptian alabaster; in the latter


The Other Egyptian Objects Made by the Vendors of the Amarna Princess The story of the Lanx typifies the careful, antiquarian approach of the Greenhalghs to forgery. A lost object was identified from a relatively obscure source, re-created, and furnished with a convincing provenance.20 The Egyptian objects found at the forgers house did not match any descriptions of known lost material, but nevertheless can be seen as a coherent group by virtue of their material and proposed dating. The first piece (figs. 6-8) was a standing figure of a woman wearing an elaborate pleated garment, and made out of a creamy semi-transparent stone, 63 cm tall. Her upper arms lie flat against her body and are broken just below the elbows, but her missing forearms seem to have been depicted bent forward and slightly outward, as though she was holding a large object in front of her. Her head is bald, with a recessed wedge-shaped area on the right-hand side and a recess underneath on her right collarbone, suggesting a now-missing inlaid sidelock. The eyes and eyebrows are similarly recessed for inlays, also missing, and the right-hand side of the face has been damaged by what might have been malicious attack.21 Her skin is painted red-brown. The back pillar is recessed, broken at top and bottom, and inscribed faintly and inaccurately with the name and filiation of Meritaten. The left leg is broken at the knee, and a plaster restoration attaches the leg to a turned wooden plinth; a rusted metal rod supports the statue at the back. The modern nature of this piece is obvious, both stylistically (the proportions of the body with over-small shoulders, the confused garment,
case it is likely that they had realized that the alabaster previously used for their Egyptian objects was the wrong one. I owe this information to Ian MacDonald of McMarmilloyd Ltd. 19 C. Johns and K. Painter, The Risley Park Lanx: Bauge, Bayeux, Buch, or Britain? in Orbis Romanus Christanusque ab Diocletiani aetate usque ad Heraclium: travaux sur lantiquit tardive rassembls autour des recherches de Nol Duval (Paris, 1995), 175-185. Many of the Greenhalgh metal objects seem to have been made from melted coins of the relevant period to provide convincing results from metallurgical analysis. 20 Similarly, a Roman gold legionary ornament, purporting to come from a hoard discovered at Wincle in Cheshire in the 1870s, re-published in 1981 and subsequently lost to sight, was offered unsuccessfully to British museums and the auction house Christies in 1999. 21 The whiter damage to the nose visible in the photographs occurred after the pieces confiscation.


tom hardwick

7 Figs. 6-8. Figure of a second Amarna princess: front, right profile, and rear views. Authors photographs.

a group of art works in the amarna style


the ambiguous pose, the look of the face, and the shoddy inscription) and technically (the use of the same incorrect stone as the Amarna Princess, the applied patina). The pose is reminiscent of offering statues, discussed with the next piece, but also of a statue of Nefertiti wearing the cap crown, now in Berlin.22 The second piece (figs. 9-12) was made of the same stone and depicted a striding clad female, 29 cm high. Her forearms, now largely missing, are extended, and she was depicted holding something before her. The arms are painted red-brown, and the figure is secured to a turned wooden mount (similar to the one on which the Amarna Princess was acquired). The head and neck had been recently sawn off, and a drill bit is stuck in the cut area. The separately mounted head, 14 cm high, is that of a young woman with a bald head, save for a wedge-shaped sidelock with a depression into which a clasp of a different material may have been inlaid. Her eyes are recessed for inlay. The inscribed back pillar of both pieces, read together, gives the name and filiation of Meritaten. As with the other statue, its recent origin is clear. Style and physical makeup are inconsistent with an ancient date. The model for the pose of this figure is likely to be a statue of Nefertiti making an offering,23 but some thought has gone into the design of the heads of both princesses. The wedge-shaped sidelock present on the second figure and formerly inlaid on the first is unusual. In statuary, Amarna royal children are usually depicted as bald,24 with a long straight sidelock that touches the shoulder,25 or with a short straight sidelock with a recessed/tasseled end;26 these three styles are all shown in relief as well. The wedge-shaped sidelock of the forged figures is known from several examples in relief,27 but there are no extant examples in statuary. The transformation of a two-dimensional prototype into three dimensions is proof of the forgers interest in creating something out of the ordinary (i.e., not a direct copy) but which nevertheless aimed to be
8 Berlin 21263, Royal Women, 79-81, cat. 4. British Museum EA 935: Pharaohs of the Sun, 231, cat. 88. 24 e.g., Cairo JE 44870: Pharaohs of the Sun, 217, cat. 45. 25 e.g., Philadephia E 14389 (see above, note 2). This sidelock is likely to be the one copied for the Amarna Princess. 26 e.g., Kansas, Nelson-Atkins Museum 47-13: C. Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti (Brooklyn, 1973), 131, cat. 53. 27 e.g., Cairo JE 48035, sculptors model of a princess eating a duck: Pharaohs of the Sun, 221, cat. 56; Copenhagen,
23 22

Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek IN 1776, a head of Kiya reworked for Meritaten: Pharaohs of the Sun, 221, cat. 57. Was the recessed inscription of Meritaten on the first figure deliberately intended to suggest that it had been re-worked from a figure of Kiya? Bolton Museum has a significant collection of re-worked stone fragments from the Maru-Aten at Amarna: A.P. Thomas, Some palimpsest fragments from the MaruAten at Amarna, CdE 57 (1982), 5-13. Were these known to the forgers, and if so did they suggest the idea of producing an usurped statue? Or if the forgers capacity for taking


tom hardwick


9 Figs. 9-10. Head of a third Amarna princess: front and right profile views. Authors photographs.

plausible as an ancient piece. A sketch recovered from the house (fig. 13) appears to show the forgers thought processesa measured drawing of princesss head from a composite statue, with a long tenon for attachment to a body, has two different wedge-shaped sidelocks overlaid. A second sketch (fig. 14) depicts the outline of a womans torso seen from the front and the side. The front view appears to be a sketch for a composite
pains was underestimated at the time the Amarna Princess was considered for purchase, is it now being exaggerated?

statue, with the right arms, both hands, and a foot attached to the body with tenons. No objects like this have so far come to light, and the status of the drawingworking sketch or abandoned doodle remains uncertain. The two princess figures were found inside the house; in a garden shed, covered with moss and spider webs, was the third piece (figs. 15-16). Carved of a beige sandstone with a purple wash,

a group of art works in the amarna style



12 Figs. 11-12. Torso of a third Amarna princess: front and right profile views. Authors photographs.

and 35 cm high, it depicts the head and shoulders of a king wearing the white crown. A hole in the crown indicates that a uraeus was once inlaid, while streamers hang down the back pillar, and the pleated upper part of a highwaisted kilt is preserved on the right-hand side of the back. The thin back pillar is uninscribed. This bust appears to represent Akhenaten but is manifestly not ancient. In addition to the

material, which may have been intended to imitate the purple quartzite used for royal statuary and relief in the Amarna Period, the proportions of the face, shoulders, and crown are all unparalleled in ancient examples. The likely sources for the Akhenaten bust can be identified. The large, pierced earlobe, big lips, and drooping chin find a parallel in a sculptors trial piece now in Berlin;28 the long neck and meager chest in a fragment of boundary stela showing the king

Berlin 14512: Pharaohs of the Sun, 219, cat. 51.


tom hardwick

Fig. 13. Detail of a sketch of the head of an Amarna princess, with added sidelocks. Image courtesy the Metropolitan Police.

Fig. 14. Detail of a pencil technical sketch of an Amarna royal female torso. Authors photograph.

a group of art works in the amarna style



16 Figs. 15-16. Bust of Akhenaten. Authors photographs.

adoring the Aten with both arms raised and his chest shown in profile;29 and the elongated crown and streamers in a balustrade from the Great Palace at Amarna.30 No statues with a white crown survive from the Amarna Period, but a three-dimensional parallel for the crown, and the shape of the uraeus, exists from the late reign of Amenhotep III.31 The last Amarna object found at the forgers house was a small ring made of a polished opaque yellow stone, possibly a soapstone. This had a raised bezel in the shape of a cartouche inscribed with the prenomen of Akhenaten, while the side of the bezel was inscribed with the name and titles of Princess Meketaten. Shape, material, and palaeography were all inconsistent with an ancient dating.32
29 30

One object was represented by two poor-quality photographs (fig 17). These were of a rectangular slab, made of an unknown stone (although probably the same alabaster as that of the princesses and the Assyrian reliefs), with the number 761 stenciled on the reverse. This corresponds to lot 761 of the Silverton Park saletwo stone reliefsthe lot number also used for the Assyrian reliefs. The slab, carved in the sunk relief characteristic of the Amarna Period, shows Akhenaten as a human-armed sphinx wearing the khat headdress and offering a vessel to the Aten. The slab is of a familiar type, of which several examples are known and widely published,33 but the shoddy layout and writing of the inscriptions and the over-exaggerated facial features are a clear sign of modern manufacture.
glass ring with cartouches of Ankhesenamun and Ay, now Berlin 34316: Pharaohs of the Sun, 94. 33 Of the five pieces listed by Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 99, cat. 13, the modern piece is closest to Hanno-

Nelson-Atkins 44-65: Pharaohs of the Sun, 214, cat. 37. Cairo TR 30/10/26/12: Pharaohs of the Sun, 226, cat. 72. 31 Cairo JE 59880: Pharaohs of the Sun, 204, cat. 11. 32 A possible source of inspiration for this may be the


tom hardwick

Fig. 17. Photographs of a stone slab carved with a relief of Akhenaten as a sphinx. Image courtesy the Metropolitan Police.

ver, Kestner-Museum 1964.3: Pharaohs of the Sun, 231, cat. 90. The addition of the names of the Aten to the body of the sphinx, the major departure from the Hannover piece, might have been inspired by comparison with statuary such as the Karnak colossi or the indurated limestone statues from the Great Temple at Amarna; two of the latter are illustrated in Pharaohs of the Sun on the opposing page to the Han-

nover slab, so would have been readily available sources of inspiration. Since a copy of Pharaohs of the Sun was found at the forgers house, and many of the possible sources (listed in previous footnotes) are illustrated, discussed, and referenced there, it is likely that it served as the major sourcebook for their Amarna creations.

a group of art works in the amarna style The relief itself was not found at the forgers house, nor were many of the non-Egyptian works known to have been offered by them over the previous 17 years. While many of the forgeries made of precious metal could have been recycled by being melted down, the stone and painted material had no bullion value. The forgers stated that they had sold many of the objects at flea markets or to junk shops, presumably alongside the genuine minor antiquities recovered by the police at their house. While the pieces are unlikely to stand up to serious scrutiny, they may well appear in the future being offered in all innocence by their new owners. Of the group of Egyptian objects, the Bolton figure is undoubtedly the most visually appealing and plausible looking. Faces and inscriptions are the parts of an artwork where analysis most quickly reveals inconsistencies, so by its nature the uninscribed and headless Amarna Princess was more likely to succeed than the other Amarna pieces. Headless and anepigraphic objects are generally less valuable than intact and inscribed pieces, but the popularity of the sensuous female form in Western culture and the glamour attached to the Amarna Period nevertheless meant that the Bolton figure could be sold profitably. The chronology of these other Amarna pieces is unclear. First seen early in 2002, the Amarna Princess was presumably made between 1999 and 2001, apparently taking Shaun Greenhalgh only three weeks to make. The stained wooden bases of the other statues are similar to that of the Amarna Princess. The other statues are stylistically less convincing (so perhaps made before the Amarna Princess?) but are more ambitious in scope and more thoroughly aged in appearance (so perhaps made afterwards?). The stenciled lot number on the back of the Akhenaten sphinx relief relates it to the Assyrian pieces that surfaced in 2005, and the drawing of an Amarna female torso (fig. 14) has a scale outline drawing of an Assyrian figure on the reverse, implying that some of the Amarna and Assyrian pieces were in simultaneous production. It is uncertain whether the Greenhalghs recognized that the remaining Amarna pieces were unlikely to succeed as ancient objects and therefore declined to launch them on the market,


or whether they were merely biding their time before attempting to sell them.

The Greenhalgh Family and Bolton Museum In the course of the police investigation, it was revealed that the Greenhalgh family had previously offered material for sale or assessment under Olive Greenhalghs maiden name Roscoe, and Bolton Museum correspondence was searched for occurrences of this name. A watercolor and a pencil drawing by the nineteenth century American landscape artist Thomas Moran entered the museum in 1993, the first purchased from, the second given by, a Mr. George Roscoe of Bolton. These were not random acquisitions for Bolton Museum. Thomas Moran was born in Bolton in 1837 and emigrated to the USA in 1844. Morans presence on the US Geological and Geographical Survey of 1871 gave him an opportunity to study and paint virgin wilderness, and his landscape paintings and prints were key in forming the idea of the great American landscape. Works by Moran are rare outside the United States; in 1993 Bolton Museum owned only two small paintings by him.34 The Morans offered by Mr. Roscoe were accompanied by an interesting provenance. Thomas Moran returned to Bolton in 1882 for a selling exhibition of his work. The Roscoe works were apparently given by Moran to the then-Mayor of Bolton on the occasion of his return; the Mayor gave them in turn to his childrens nursemaid, a Roscoe ancestress. Study of the technical makeup of the works revealed that marks of foxing on the paper had been applied with brown ink, as were also the lines of acid burn from a wooden frame. The edges of the watercolor had been covered by a mount that had protected them from fading. These colors, which one would suppose should be closest to the original appearance of the whole piece, were overdark, muddy and unappealing: the apparently faded image was more convincing and attractive. These are obvious signs of recently made works having been treated to give the appearance of age.35

34 Nearing Camp, Evening on the Upper Colorado River, a large landscape in oil, fully documented since 1882, was purchased by the Museum in 1998, and a large collection of prints by Moran and his family was purchased in 2007.

35 The pieces were studied by Fiona Salvesen, then Keeper of Art at Bolton Museum; Gary Webster, art technician; and the author.


tom hardwick

Two specialists on Thomas Moran were consulted and shown digital images of the pieces. One stated that they were undoubtedly forgeries, citing poor composition, an incorrect signature for the period, and wrong handwriting. The second stated, even knowing the dubious nature of the vendors, that they were genuine: they were probably connected to a group of drawings and watercolors executed by Moran on the occasion of his visit to the UK in 1882, which had appeared on the market in the mid- to late-1990s. This divergence of stylistic analyses of the drawingswhich Shaun Greenhalgh admitted to makingsheds an interesting light on the way in which forgeries can muddy scholarship. Another Roscoe offering has a more significant bearing on the Amarna material. In autumn 1993, a Mrs. O. Roscoe of Bolton sent the museums Keeper of Egyptology a photograph of an object in her possession, asking for an identification.36 This (fig. 18) was a slate relief almost 3 ft. tall of Sety I wearing a nemes headdress and triangular kilt with sporran, standing atop a row of lotus flowers within a shrine topped by a uraeus; the other side of the relief was also carved with a similar picturewith the same writings. The provenance of the piece, like that of the Roscoe Morans, was unusual but plausible. Mrs. Roscoes letter (quoted in its original spelling) said:
My husbands grandfather was given it by the Duchess of Hamilton some time after the First World War. He was the kepper of the Hamilton family mausoleum, which at that time was sold to the Town of Hamilton as a war memorial. He told us that when the dukes caskets were removed for burial. He was given this panel which stood by one of the Dukes who was entombed in a stone mummy case that had belonged to the daughter of a Egyptian pharho. The mummy case was buried in the cemetery in the Hamilton family grave.

Fig. 18. Relief of Sety I. Photograph courtesy Bolton Council.

The story of the 10th Duke of Hamiltons interment in an Egyptian sarcophagus has been published many times,37 and need not arouse any suspicion. The presence of another Egyptian
36 It is a mistaken commonplace of forgers justifications that it is not a crime to sell a bogus piece at the purchasers (deceived) assessment. 37 Most recently by A. Dodson, Legends of a Sarcophagus, in Egyptian Stories: A British Egyptological Tribute to Alan B. Lloyd, ed. T. Schneider and K. Szpakowska, (Mnster, 2007), 21-27. Mentions of the ducal sarcophagus before 1993, and therefore potential sources for the forgers, include M. Bierbrier, The Tomb-Builders of the Pharaohs (London, 1982), 135; P. Conner, ed., The Inspiration of Egypt: Its Influence on British Artists, Travellers and Designers (Brighton and

antiquity by his Egyptian coffin would not be improbable. Even judging from a photograph, the tablet itself, however, was manifestly not ancient Egyptian. The material is incorrect; its manufacture as a fragment bounded by the curve of the uraeus is inconsistent with an ancient origin; the clumsy appearance of the figure itself does not
Manchester, 1983), 90-91, cat. 191; and W. R. Dawson, Pettigrews Demonstrations upon Mummies, JEA 20 (1934), 181. Both Conner and Dawson cite a contemporary description of the interment stating that the sarcophagus originally contained the body of an Egyptian queen or princess, a statement lacking in Bierbrier but seemingly taken up by the forgers. The statement that the mausoleum was transformed into a war memorial is erroneous. A visit to the exhibition The Inspiration of Egypt, which was shown in nearby Manchester, might have sown the seed for this particular creation ten years later.

a group of art works in the amarna style accurately reflect the refined artistic style of Sety I; the serpent floating underneath the figures extended arm is meaningless; and the only piece of damage on the plaque occurs on the kilt, where the animal-headed corner has been attacked in a way that successfully obscures its form, as though its carver was uncertain what it should look like. The Keeper replied that the piece appeared to be nineteenth century in origin, and there the matter rested. Since the Roscoes did not enter into further correspondence about the piece, it seems likely that it was written off as a failure; like the Akhenaten sphinx relief and the other untraced pieces mentioned above, it too may have been sold as a curio and may yet surface again. The fact that Bolton Museum was targeted as the potential purchaser of the Roscoe Egyptian forgery and Moran drawings, while other material was sent to museums and dealers elsewhere in the UK, suggests a degree of malice aforethought by the Greenhalghs. This was present in the creation and sale of the Amarna Princess from Silverton Park. Both object and provenance were tailored with Bolton Museum in mind as the victim.38 Bolton Museum has few outstanding pieces of Egyptian sculpture but possesses an important group of domestic archaeological material, deriving from British excavations at Amarna. In 1999, the museum lent a number of objects to the international touring exhibition Pharaohs of the Sun; the forgers owned a copy of the fully referenced and well-illustrated exhibition catalogue (which also featured many of the objects used as models for the forgeries). This may have suggested that an Amarna creation would be doubly enticing to Bolton, allowing a gap to be filled in the museums sculpture collection while building on the strengths of the Amarna material. The Silverton Park connection is more subtle. The Bolton-born soap magnate Lord Leverhulme bequeathed his art collection, which included a small group of Egyptian antiquities, to the Lady Lever Art Gallery in his model village of Port Sunlight, a suburb of Liverpool. The Egyptian collec38 Shaun Greenhalgh stated that any embarrassment caused to Bolton Museum and Art Gallery is greatly regretted and was never my intention (The Bolton News, January 28, 2009). 39 A.P. Thomas, Lever as a Collector of Archaeology and as a Sponsor of Archaeological Excavations, J Hist Collections 4, no. 2 (1992), 269, n. 24. The third earl died in 1837. 40, accessed September 2008. 41 A general overview provided by H.G. Fischer, Ancient


tion was deemed incompatible with the displays at Port Sunlight and deposited on long-term loan to Bolton Museum in 1968, although over the following years some of the more aesthetically pleasing objects were reclaimed for the Lady Lever Art Gallery. One of these was a Third Intermediate Period cartonnage body-case. It was acquired by Lord Leverhulme in a Georgian wooden case with a placard stating that it had been purchased for the third Earl of Egremont in Rome in MDXXI, presumably a mis-writing for a late eighteenth or early nineteenth century date. The only published reference to the case before 2002 mentions it in connection to Petworth House, the family seat not inherited by the fourth earl,39 rather than Silverton Park, but any genealogical reference book would be able to provide references to the fourth earls occupation of Silverton Park. It is likely that knowledge of the publication of the Leverhulme cartonnage, coupled to the availability of the Silverton Park catalogue, with its conveniently vague lot descriptions, may have suggested Bolton Museum as a potential purchaser of further Egremont-related objects. The possible connection between the Leverhulme cartonnage and Silverton Park was subsequently published at the time of the purchase of the Amarna Princess:40 it could well have occurred to the forgers beforehand.

Conclusions: The Forgery of Works of Art in the Amarna style, and the Motivations of the Forgers The Amarna Princess and her siblings can now be placed in a long tradition of forgeries of ancient Egyptian objects.41 The site of Tell el-Amarna, the attractive objects found there, and the story of the heretic Akhenaten, his beautiful wife Nefertiti, and the frail Tutankhamun, have inspired twentieth and twenty-first century audiences to flights of orientalizing and mythologizing fancy that often bear little relation to the evidence.42 Exhibitions and television programs have brought

Egypt: Forgeries, in Grove Dictionary of Art 10, ed. J. Turner (London, 1996), 85-89. A more recent publication is J.-J. Fiechter, Faux et faussaires en art gyptien, MonAeg 11 (Turnhout, 2005), to which add reviews by M. EatonKrauss, The Berlin Goddess, GM 211 (2006), 21-23, and M.J. Raven, BiOr 64/5-6 (Sept.-Dec. 2007), 632-634. 42 The numerous modern interpretations of the Amarna Period are discussed by D. Montserrat, Akhenaten: History, Fantasy and Ancient Egypt (London, 2000).


tom hardwick ies. The specialized training required to analyze and interpret an ancient Egyptian object has no connection with the completely different talents needed to make an object that looks ancient Egyptian. The Greenhalgh productions (and common sense) show that someone skilled and unscrupulous enough to copy one artistic style is likely to be skilled and unscrupulous in copying others, but detailed studies of forgers generally only reflect the perspective of a single discipline. If the diverse Greenhalgh productions are typical of other forgers work, it will be necessary for specialists in different areas to collaborate and share their knowledge to gain full understanding of the scale and nature of the forgery of works of art. The forgers of today operate at a disadvantage compared to their predecessors of 50 years ago or earlier. For ethical and legal reasons, museums and collectors are now increasingly unwilling to purchase objects that lack a full or satisfactory collection history. In addition to creating a visually and physically convincing piece, a forger now needs to create a provenance that will also satisfy potential purchasers. With the Risley Lanx and the Assyrian reliefs (for example), the Greenhalghs took care to recreate known objects that had subsequently been lost. The Amarna Princess, the sphinx relief, and the Assyrian reliefs were identified with brief and uninformative entries in an obscure sales catalogue,44 while the assembly-line production of Amarna material by the Greenhalghs suggests that they may have entertained hopes of creating a body of Amarna sculpture that could have been interpreted as a coherent stylistic and found group: the long-lost remnants of an early travelers lucky delving at Amarna. Newspaper articles and television programs like The Antiques Roadshow have long accustomed both the public and specialists to expect masterpieces to be found in the least likely of settings.45 Added to this, a great number of Egyptian objects are recorded in nineteenth and early twentieth century auction sales but have since been lost to sight. The surfacing of the Amarna Princess and

the material culture of this period to a wide audience, and have thus made the Amarna or Tut label a premium brand at point of sale. It is not surprising that the Greenhalghs, like other forgers, chose the Amarna Period as a likely source for remunerative inspiration.43 Another advantage of the short-lived Amarna Period to the forger is that statuary and reliefs of this period are unlikely to have survived intact following the destruction of the state buildings of Amarna after the death of Akhenaten: genuine fragmentary objects are common, so forgeries can legitimately be made lacking difficult areas, like the head of the Amarna Princess. Where the Greenhalghs seem to differ from other documented forgers of Egyptian art is in their eclecticism. They forged not only Egyptian objects, but also Assyrian, Japanese, Roman, Saxon, and modern material, paintings, drawings, metalwork, and clay and stone sculpture. This diversity in media and cultures had allowed the Greenhalghs to spread their products widely and to avoid detection for a long time: even if one group of specialists suspected them, they would be unlikely to raise their suspicions with colleagues at different institutions specializing in different material. It is noticeable, considering the Greenhalgh forgeries and the ways in which they were presented as a whole, that there is very little stylistic or technical development from the earlier objects and their provenances to the later ones. The forgers modus operandi and technical ability remained much the same for the 17 known years of their activity. Having found a method that was occasionally successful, they stuck with it throughout. Their attempts to avoid detection through the use of aliases were unsophisticated but apparently successful for some time: this must also have been due to the variety of their productions, and thus the range of authorities to whom they were submitted. Considered from the forgers perspective, there was little reason for them to restrict their production to within modern disciplinary boundar-

43 On this see R.S. Bianchi, On the Nature of Forgeries of Ancient Egyptian Works of Art from the Amarna Period, Source 20, no. 1 (Fall 2000), 10-17. 44 The forgers careful preparation of the Silverton Park provenance for the Amarna Princess stretched to purchasing genuine, inexpensive objectstwo Burmese Buddha statuettes and a tin of Roman coinswhich were then identified with other items from the Silverton Park sale to lend credence to the provenance of the Egyptian figure.

45 In Britain alone, a quartzite lintel of Senwosret III was discovered in the rockery of a garden, perhaps inspiring George Greenhalghs claim that an antiques dealer had offered to buy the Amarna Princess to be a garden ornament. The lintel is now British Museum EA 74753: R. Verdi, ed., Saved! 100 Years of the National Art Collections Fund (London, 2003), 242, cat. 180; S. Quirke, The Quartzite Lintels of Senusret III, King of Egypt, British Museum Magazine 23 (Winter 1995), 16-17.

a group of art works in the amarna style her companions in an insalubrious area of a small town would be no less likely or dramatic than many genuine rediscoveries of lost or forgotten objects. 46 The provenances of the Sety I slab, the Risley Lanx, and the Silverton Park objects are just within the bounds of plausibility, but are also striking and interesting. Besides offering corroborative evidence for the authenticity of the objects, the provenances were meant to show the Greenhalgh/ Roscoe family in an exciting light. Greenhalgh/ Roscoe ancestors are revealed as people of note to whom interesting things happened, as well as connoisseurs of no mean ability.47 Family aggrandizement, as well as financial gain, was clearly an objective of the forgeries. George Greenhalghs dissatisfaction with his status was revealed in another area. He possessed a large collection of service medals documenting an improbably busy World War II spent in numerous fields of combat, and explained his poor health at his sentencing as the result of having been shot in the head in Italy:48 one


of the television documentaries subsequently revealed that he had actually been interned as a deserter for part of the war, and his medals had been fraudulently obtained. An aura of fantasy hovers over the whole case: until matters came unstuck, the national heritage was augmented, the Greenhalghs were enriched, and their family history gained luster. Following their exposure, however, the Greenhalghs have still succeeded in one respect: they (and the Amarna Princess) will probably enjoy greater prominence through their exposure than they would have had their forgeries remained undetected.49 This prominence came at the price of public notoriety, repayment orders, and prison sentences. Addendum (June 2009). At the proof stage of this article, I discovered that Jack himself had discussed the Bolton Amarna Princess, in the context of the record price of $51,000,000 achieved for an antiquity at auction in 2007: A tale of two antiquities, IFAR Journal 10/1 (2008), 2-3.

46 The implications of the Bolton forgers modus operandi on the future acquisition of surfacing objects for museums, and the notion of a good or reliable provenance, may potentially be significant. 47 The catalogue of the Silverton Park sale, purchased to give a provenance for the Amarna Princess and the Assyrian reliefs, contains spurious hand-written annotations (e.g., Romanesque) against numerous lots, thus emphasizing the eye of the nonexistent ancestor at the sale, and presumably also preparing the way for these objects to turn up in the future. 48 The Bolton News, January 29, 2008. 49 The Amarna Princess is at the time of writing in a police store, but it is hoped that it will be put on display in Bolton

in the future; an internet poll of January 2009 revealed that a majority of voters wanted to see the statue back in the Museum (The Bolton News, January 29, 2009). On an anecdotal level, the author can state that Boltonians have displayed far more interest in the piece since its exposure as a forgery than beforehand. The Greenhalgh case looks set to conform to the paradigm of the ordinary man cocking a snook at the art world. Shaun Greenhalgh wrote to The Bolton News from prison protesting at the media portrayal of himself and his parents. His letter ended I fully intend to speak in relation to my dealings over a long period of time with the art establishment, dealers and othersbut I think this is not yet the time or place. (The Bolton News, January 27, 2009).


tom hardwick

sexually transmitted diseases in ancient egypt


SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES IN ANCIENT EGYPT W. Benson Harer, Jr. California State University San Bernardino and Western University of Health Sciences, ret.

It gives me special pleasure to present these thoughts, which I believe are new to the literature of Egyptology, in a volume honoring my friend Jack Josephson. Jack has contributed much to support the work of other scholars while generously sharing his own extensive insights into ancient Egyptian art. Recent advances in medicine now permit identification of three previously unrecognized sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) in ancient Egypt. The trio are Genital Herpes, Human Papilloma Virus (HPV), and Chlamydia trachomatis. Older Egyptological literature centers on Gonorrhea and Syphilis, neither of which existed there prior to Columbuss discovery of the New World. Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) probably evolved along with the human species. Evidence for them in ancient Egypt has been scant and relies on interpretations of depictions, descriptions in papyri, and the study of human remains. Most STDs affect only the soft tissues and do not leave good clues in human remains. Until recently, study of the latter has been confined to analysis of bones and thus sheds little information. The early promise of DNA testing has been disappointing, as we have found that DNA deteriorates with time. Nevertheless, there is still hope that newer techniques that isolate DNA fragments to prevent inaccurate recombination may still yield some results. A virus is essentially a single protein molecule with the ability to enter a cell and induce that cell to replicate it. Viral diseases are thus less-evolved structures than bacteria and probably arose much earlier. We will consider them first. The Ebers Papyrus case #813 describes treatment for a woman in whom there is eating on her uterus and in whose vagina ulcers have appeared. Case #817 similarly provides a remedy

for the woman in whom disease has arisen in the lips of her vulva. Case #818 treats the kmj.t disease in the uterus, painful ulcers having appeared in her vagina. The hieroglyphic depiction of a knife is used as a determinative to indicate the nature of the cutting pain experienced.1 I believe these cases describe Genital Herpes, and that Herpes equates with the kmj.t disease. When herpetic ulcerations occur inside the vagina or on the cervix, there is some discharge, but little or no discomfort. However, women who have experienced the lacerating pain of vulvar and labial herpes can readily attest to the discomfort fitting that description. Other ulcerative genital diseases are much less painful or even painless.2 Furthermore, nine more treatments for the kmj.t disease follow in Ebers prescriptions ##819-827. When there are ten treatments for the same disease, it is reasonable to conclude that no one of them is very good. Each of these prescriptions contains from two to six ingredients blended and applied locally to the afflicted area. Some of the ingredients defy accurate identification, and none that we can identify would be likely to do more than buy time for the outbreak to run its natural course. This plethora of therapies further implies that the kmj.t disease is not only painful enough to demand attention, but also is fairly common or recurrent or both. Significantly, these are characteristics of Genital Herpes that are not shared by any other disease of the vulva, whether or not sexually transmitted. Therefore, it is reasonable to feel secure in identifying the kmj.t disease as Genital Herpes. Uterine cancer probably occurred in ancient Egypt and would fit the description of disease eating the uterus, as in Ebers case #813. It could also fit Kahun Papyrus #2 for the unidentified

1 2

P. Ghalioungui, The Ebers Papyrus (Cairo, 1987). American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists

(ACOG), 2007 Compendium of Selected Publications (Washington, DC, 2007), 1084-1090.


w. benson harer, jr.

Fig. 1. Histology of the papilloma that Dr. A. T. Sandison found on a mummy. Courtesy of Cambridge University Press.

nemsu disease, which is characterized by the bodys smell of roast meat,3 presumably from the genital area. This is compatible with the odor of the bloody discharge experienced by women with invasive genital cancer. If indeed these women had genital cancer, the odds are overwhelming that it would be a carcinoma of the cervix. All the other uterine cancers occur in women of more advanced ages than the typical life span of about 35 years in ancient Egypt. The term nemsu is not found in any other medical papyrus, which leaves the interpretation somewhat in doubt, but as Nunn observed, one could hardly deny that eating is not a graphic description of advanced malignancy.4 Today, cervical cancer is recognized as an STD caused by the Human Papilloma Virus (HPV).5 This virus also can be carried with no symptoms and is readily transmitted by sexual contact. Immune response is quite variable. Most young women acquire the virus early in their coital experience, but the majority will develop an enduring

immunity. In those who fail to develop an immune response, the virus causes dysplasia. This abnormal transformation of the cells can progress to invasive cancer. This is readily transmitted by sexual contact and induces cancer at an early age in women who fail to develop immunity. Certain strains of HPV are more likely to cause warts on the genitalia or skin of other body parts. In addition, HPV is now also recognized as a cause of anal, vulvar, penile, and oral-pharyngeal carcinomas.6 I have been unable to identify a description of warts in the ancient texts, but Dr. A.T. Sandison did identify a typical papilloma wart on a mummy that he autopsied, and he published the histologic section to confirm it (fig. 1).7 Dr. Sandison died suddenly in 1982. His records and the skeletal material, consisting of two dismembered mummies, tissue specimens, and slides from his office, went to The Burrell Collection in Glasgow. However, there was little documentation. A search of these items failed to find the papilloma or the slide or even an image of it.8

J.F. Nunn, Ancient Egyptian Medicine (London, 1996),

81. Ibid. ACOG, 2007 Compendium, 1101-1114. 6 American Cancer Society, Cancer Facts and Figures, 2007, Cancer_Facts__Figures_2007.asp
5 4

7 A.T. Sandison, Diseases in Ancient Egypt, in Mummies, Disease, and Ancient Cultures, ed. A. and E. Cockburn (Cambridge, 1980), 29-44. 8 S. Eccles, Senior Curator, The Burrell Collection, personal communication, May 2008.

sexually transmitted diseases in ancient egypt Dr. Sandisons old laboratory has now evolved into one of the United Kingdoms most sophisticated centers for DNA research. With the current advanced technology, it might be possible to identify the virus from that tissue. Unfortunately, they also have been unable to shed any light on the fate of the papilloma.9 At the time of Sandisons discovery, the connection between HPV and cervical cancer was not known. In 1998, Dr. Eddie Tapp, who has done outstanding work in mummy histology, revised that chapter for the second edition of the book. The illustration of the papilloma was deleted, and the possible connection of the papilloma with HPV as an STD was not noted.10 Nevertheless, publication of the histology confirming Sandisons identification of this papilloma serves as an important link for HPV causing cervical cancer in ancient Egypt. Trachoma, which if left untreated can lead to blindness, has been endemic in Egypt for centuries. Authorities such as B. Ebbell,11 Wolfhart Westendorf,12 Paul Ghalioungui,13 and J.F. Nunn14 are in accord that the nehas disease in Ebers ##350, 383, and 407 is Trachoma. What they did not realize is that the organism causing that blindness is an STD that can also cause pneumonia in newborn babies and genito-urinary disease in adults. Just as in the case of cervical cancer, Trachoma is now recognized as an STD. The causative agent, Chlamydia trachomatis, was only identified late in the twentieth century. The three prescriptions cited above provide for local application of combinations of bile, acacia, carob, ground-up granite, and both red and black eye paint. It is unlikely that they would provide any benefit. Chlamydia appears to have a unique elemental coccal form, with a growth cycle that distinguishes it from all other known bacteria. It passes to the partner during coitus, and the bacteria attach to the new host cells, which are induced to ingest them. Once in the cell, it goes through a 48-hour life cycle before rupturing the cell to release new infectious particles. Most people develop
B. Gusterson, Division of Cancer Services, Dept. of Pathology, Western Infirmary, Glasgow, personal communication, May 2008. 10 A. T. Sandison and E. Tapp, Disease in Ancient Egypt, in Mummies, Disease and Ancient Cultures, 2nd edition, ed. A. and E. Cockburn and T. A. Reyman (Cambridge, 1998), 51. 11 B. Ebbell, The Papyrus Ebers (Oxford, 1937), 69, 130. 12 W. Westendorf, Erwachen der Heilkunst: die Medizin im alten gypten (Zurich, 1992), 32.


immunity, which limits the damage of the disease, but women may carry it for years and then have a devastating infection. In milder cases, it is a common cause of infertility.15 During childbirth, the baby may become infected with Chlamydia while passing through the birth canal. This can cause a pneumonia, which may be fatal if untreated, or an eye infection, which can cause blindness. However, for most children the conjunctivitis usually resolves spontaneously within a couple of weeks. Perhaps this is from maternal antibodies in the babies circulation. As a result, most cases of blindness occur in late teens or adults. Chlamydia causes blindness when transmitted from the hand to the eye after digital-genital contact and often affects only one eye. It also can be transmitted by a fly landing on an infected eye and then carrying the infection to another person. It causes a chronic conjunctivitis with intense irritation, redness, and swelling. The latter primarily affects the lower lid, which swells outwardly, ultimately causing the eyelashes to roll back into the eye. This condition is called entropion. When the lashes turn inward enough, called trichiasis, they abrade the cornea, causing intolerable pain that is only relieved by removing the offending eyelashes. Evidence of such treatment is shown on Fayum portraits, which further show evidence of ancient physicians surgery to alleviate the condition.16 The mummy portrait of a young man illustrated in fig. 2 portrays the effects of a Chlamydia infection, which doubtless destroyed vision in his right eye. The inversion of the lower lid would cause his eyelashes to scrape his cornea, causing intolerable irritation. We can see a healed transverse incision across the lower lid, where a skilled ancient physician excised a thin wedge of tissue to remove the portion of the lid from which the offending lashes grewa wonderful example of ancient plastic surgery, justifying the esteem with which the Egyptian physicians were held in the ancient world. The papyrus Ebers has an extensive section on ophthalmic disorders, which extends from remedies #336 to 431. This emphasizes the frequency
Ghalioungui, Ebers Papyrus, 106, 114. Nunn, Ancient Egyptian Medicine, 13. 15 J.H. Stein, ed., Internal Medicine, 5th ed. (St. Louis, 1998), 1534-1538. 16 J.P. Allen, The Art of Medicine in Ancient Egypt (New York, 2005), 37-38.
14 13


w. benson harer, jr. Bile from an unidentified bird is the sole ingredient in #428. Finally, #429 uses fly dung and red ochre mixed in urine. As ancient prescriptions go, these have some merit. Fresh blood, bile and urine are sterile. Honey and bile both have some bacteriostatic properties. Once again, the need for six remedies for the same condition indicates it was both prevalent and painful enough to demand attention. Evidence suggestive of Trachoma is seen on some other mummy portraits from the Fayum. The Getty Villa in Malibu has an example, 74.AP.11, which shows chronic inflammation of one eye. The Dumbarton Oaks Museum has another, BZ 1937.32, in which one eye appears noticeably smaller than the other. These could represent Trachoma in an early stage. The quality of the paintings makes it unlikely that these differences are due to a lack of the painters skill. The reservoir for this pathogen is primarily the female genitals, but also the male urethra. Chlamydia is also a primitive organism in the evolutionary scale. It is classified as a bacterium, but is only a bit more complex than viruses. It shares the characteristic of viruses in that it can only replicate in living cells. Chlamydia is rarely symptomatic in men, but it may cause a mild urethritis with mucoid penile discharge. This used to be classified as Non-Gonococcal Urethritis. It can also cause severe acute epididymitis. Ebers cases ##684 and 705 were identified as Gonorrhea by Ebbell, but I believe that Chlamydia (unknown to him) is more likely.17 There really is no good evidence that Gonorrhea was present in the Old World prior to Columbus voyage to the Americas. The same statement is true for Syphilis. It is hazardous to claim the existence of a disease in the ancient world based on limited data. For instance, the single portrayal of the butler Roma with a withered, shortened leg and a club foot has been cited as evidence of poliomyelitis.18 However, this deformity could occur as the result of a birth defect. The club foot, talipes equinovarus, of the pharaoh Siptah is also far more likely to be a congenital defect rather than the result of polio.19 Polio is an epidemic disease affecting many people, so we should expect much more evidence. There is no animal reservoir

Fig. 2. Fayum portrait, AD 190-210, showing results of partial excision of lower eyelid to treat Trachoma. Image The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

and importance of such problems. Remedies #424-429 clearly apply to trichiasis, a cardinal marker of Trachoma. In these six remedies, the treatment is to pull out the offending lashes and then apply the medicine to prevent regrowth of the lashes. As with depilation of any part of the body, if the root is extracted with the shaft of the hair, it will not regrow. Repeated extraction ultimately is effective. Rx #424 is the simplest, being the application of blood from both a lizard and a bat. It would be innocuous, as long as the bat was not rabid. Blood from five other animals mixed with terebinth and both green and black eye paint are used in #425. Honey and bats blood are applied in #426, while a mixture of oil and honey is applied in #427.
17 18

Ebbell, Papyrus Ebers. Nunn, Ancient Egyptian Medicine, 77. 19 Ibid.

sexually transmitted diseases in ancient egypt (carrier), so its existence depends on constant infection passing from infected persons to new victims who lack immunity. I doubt it existed in ancient Egypt. Skin lesions on the mummy of Ramesses V have been declared to be Smallpox, but this is another devastating epidemic disease that would be expected to provide much more substantiation.20 Once again, there is no known animal reservoir, so the epidemiology of the disease requires constant infection of new non-immune people for it to persist. The appearance is so dramatic that it should merit comment in the ancient medical literature if it were present at that time, but there is nothing that applies in the texts. The three postulated STDs share some important common characteristics. All are fairly primitive organisms whose replication is dependent on the intracellular metabolism of the infected person. They cannot grow outside of the human body or living human cells. None have any animal reservoir. Their success, therefore, is dependent on the fact that they can be carried for years without killing their host human, and that a sufficient number of humans carry and distribute the disG.E. Smith and W.R. Dawson, The Egyptian Mummies (London, 1914), 105-106.


ease at all times. Large percentages of the population carry these diseases without symptoms. In the United States today, the prevalence of HPV in sexually active young women ranges from 17-84%, and at least 10% will have Chlamydia. About 25% of women test positive for antibodies for Herpes Type 2 alone. This indicates they were infected at some point in their lives, even if they were unaware of it.21 It is reasonable to assume that all of these organisms were similarly infectious in antiquity. Since they affect only soft tissue of the genitalia, we cannot expect to find evidence in mummies. The depictions of blind harpers and the examples found in Fayum portraits are good evidence of Trachoma-induced blindness. We would not expect supporting depictions of the genital infections. Therefore, taking into account our current understanding of these diseases, I have relied primarily on the ancient medical literature for sufficiently accurate descriptions to permit identification of Herpes, HPV, and Chlamydia as STDs afflicting the ancient Egyptians, in light of our modern understanding of these diseases.

ACOG, 2008 Compendium (Washington, DC, 2008), 8, 1232.



w. benson harer, jr.

the tomb of a HAty-a, theban tomb 116


THE TOMB OF A HAty-a, THEBAN TOMB 116 Melinda Hartwig Georgia State University

Jack Josephson and I have discussed over the years how style can be used as a tool to identify uninscribed statues, reliefs, and paintings and communicates cultural or historical information.1 Painted tombs belonging to anonymous individuals in the Theban necropolis respond well to this type of stylistic analysis. Erasures of figures, names, and titles; later occupants; and environmental damage leave fragmentary evidence of careers, family relationships, and more important, the tomb owners identity. One such monument is Theban Tomb 116, belonging to an unnamed HAty-a. Despite the publication of a few beautifully painted scenes,2 the tomb has never been excavated nor scientifically published. In this article, I will examine the available epigraphic, decorative, and stylistic evidence from the tomb to learn more information about the tombs owner. TT 116 is cut into the upper promontory of Sheikh abd el-Qurna next to the tomb of Nebamun (TT 90), who was a Troop Captain for Western Thebes, to the right of TT 91, and above the tomb of Amenmose Pehsukher (TT 88) who was a Standard Bearer of the Lord of the Two Lands. 3 The tomb chapel conforms to Friederike Kampps Va,4 a typical inverted T-shape tomb with a transverse front hall and an inner longitudinal hall (fig. 1). The tomb contains a burial with a sloping passage cut into the floor before the southern small wall of the transverse hall, as well as a number of other burials. The tomb was never finished: the rock walls of the chapel were cut and dressed, but only two are plastered and decorated.
1 Broadly defined, style is the constant formand sometimes the constant elements, qualities, and expressionin the art of an individual or group which is expressed by communicating and fixing certain values of religious, social, and moral life through the emotional suggestiveness of forms. M. Schapiro, Style, in Theory and Philosophy of Art: Style, Artist and Society (New York, 1994), 51. 2 A. Kozloff, Theban Tomb Paintings from the Reign of Amenhotep III: Problems in Iconography and Chronology, in The Art of Amenhotep III: Art Historical Analysis, ed. L.M. Berman (Cleveland, 1990), pl. 15, figs. 4-5. 3 TT 90: PM I2, part 1, 183-185; N. de G. Davies, The Tombs of Two Officials of Thutmosis IV (nos. 75 and 90)

Unfortunately, the majority of tomb texts were excised by damnatio memoriae or damaged by environmental factors. The name of Amun appears in several places, which indicates that the tomb was spared destruction during the Amarna Period. However, the image of the tomb owner did not fare well: on the two walls, it was intentionally destroyed by chipping away along his figural outlines. On one wall, this intentional destruction also extended to the figure of his wife. The first scene, PM (1), decorates the near wall, left-hand side of the transverse hall, toward the small wall (fig. 2).5 Here, the deceased (destroyed) and his wife receive a cup from their daughter, behind whom three registers of female guests are arrayed (fig. 3). Below the seated couple is a row of offering bearers bringing gifts, of which only two are preserved (fig. 4). Two captions remain: four vertical registers of the daughters speech and three registers of epithets that belong to the deceased and his wife. The caption before the deceased and wife was recorded by Richard Lepsius in the mid-nineteenth century:6
r[-pat] HAty-a, excellent confidant of the Lord of Two Lands, praised by this Perfect God///

Later, Kurt Sethe transcribed the following text from the wall:7
For your ka, HAty-a, excellent confidant of the Lord of the Two Lands, praised by this perfect god, [in the following] of the Lord of Two Lands upon the [southern] foreign lands////
(London, 1923), 19-38, pl. xix-xxxviii. TT 88: PM I2, part 1, 179-181. 4 F. Kampp, Die thebanische Nekropole: zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie 1, Theben 13 (Mainz, 1996), 396-397. 5 PM 12, part 1, 233 (1). 6 LD, Text III (repr. Geneva, 1971-1975), 273, reading: r-pat HAty-a, mH-jb mnx n nb tAwy Hsy jn nfr nTr pn /// 7 Wb-Zettel 952, Sethe 10,55. Reading: n kA n.k HAty-a, mH-jb mnx n nb tAwy Hsy jn nfr nTr pn [m Smsw nb] tAwy Hr xAst [rsyt]////jr hrw nfr m pr.k nfr n nHH st.k n Dt nb anx Htp st,f m-Dt sAt.k mrt.k Mj


melinda hartwig

Fig. 1. Tomb Plan TT 116, Friederike Kampp, Die thebanische Nekropole. Zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie, 2 vols. Theben XIII (Mainz, 1996). Courtesy of Friederike Kampp-Seyfried.

Fig. 2. Daughter offering a chalice to tomb owner and wife, near-left wall of the transverse hall, far left, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (1).

the tomb of a HAty-a, theban tomb 116


Fig. 3. Female banqueters behind daughter, near left wall of the transverse hall, far left, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (1).

Fig. 4. Offering bearers in the register below the tomb owner and wife, near-left wall of the transverse hall, far left, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (1).


melinda hartwig
Spend a happy day in your beautiful house of eternity, your seat of eternity, with the lord of life resting in (his) place.8 By your daughter, your beloved Mi/////

The deceaseds r-pat title recorded by Lepsius is called into question by Sethes reading of n kA n r[-pat], which is supported by the remaining texts on the wall. The k basket (V-31) was quickly painted in blue over the outlined r mouth (D-21), correcting the scribal mistake. The resulting text, n kA n.k was correct, but the k basket has faded over time. When the author viewed the inscription in 1996, n nTr nfr pn was followed by a lacunae extending one register, with only tAwy Hr, part of Xswt, and the rounded tip of rswt visible. Besides the usual honorific titles, the phrase suggests that the deceased was associated with the southern foreign lands. Unfortunately, the title HAty-a is not easy to define in the 18th Dynasty. The title is often interpreted as count or provincial governor, and is viewed by most Egyptologists as an indicator of rank.9 Wolfgang Helck also believed the title had military connotations,10 which is supported by Pierre-Marie Chevereau, but only on a case-by-case basis.11 The adjacent text describes the offering action of the daughter, of whom only the first part of her name survives (Mj...), within the context of the Valley Festival.12 The style and the treatment of the subject matter in this scene is almost identical to paintings in TT 78, belonging to Horemheb, a similarity that was noted previously as a product of the same group of artisans.13 Based on the texts in

the tomb, Horemheb served pharaohs Amenhotep II, Thutmose IV, and Amenhotep III.14 The scenes for comparison appear in the transverse halls of TT 78 and TT 90, both of which were completed during the reign of Thutmose IV.15 Turning back to TT 116, the scene on PM (2) makes it clear that the tomb owner of TT 116 served the kings Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV (figs. 5 and 6). On this wall, a king is seated on a throne placed upon a dais under a canopied baldachin, attended by the now-destroyed figure of the tomb owner, who fans the king. The scene contains a cartouche, in which the name Amenhotep II (Imn-Htp HqA wAst) is painted over with the name of Thutmose IV (DHwtj-msj(w) xaj-xaw), to the right of the figure of the king seated in the kiosk.16 The complete text in the royal-kiosk scene is:
[The Perfect God], Son of Re, Thutmose, shining of appearances {over} Amenhotep, ruler of Thebes, living eternally like Re, every day, all health///17

It is curious that the cartouche was over-painted in the tomb, which is not the usual practice in royal-kiosk scenes; the entire scene would have been plastered over and begun again. From this, it can be deduced that the tomb owner served Amenhotep II and died early enough into the reign of Thutmose IV to merit changing the cartouche to the name of that king quickly, without a substantial change to the scene. The figure of the deceased, which is destroyed around its outline, is shown fanning the king. It

Meaning (his) coffin. For example, A.M. Gnirs, Militr und Gesellschaft: Ein Beitrag zur Sozialgeschichte des Neuen Reiches, SAGA 17 (Heidelberg, 1996), 101, 234; R. Hannig, Grosses Handwrterbuch gyptisch-Deutsch: die Sprache der Pharaonen (2800-950 v. Chr.) Marberger edition, Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 64 (Mainz, 2006), 539. 10 W. Helck, Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reichs, P 3 (Leiden, 1958), 208-209. 11 P.-M. Chevereau, Contribution la prosopographie des cadres militaries du Moyen Empire, RdE 42 (1991), 52, n. 20. 12 M. Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient Thebes, 1419-1372 BCE, MonAeg 10 (Turnhout and Brussels, 2004), 11-12 with n. 52 for full bibliography. 13 A. Mekhitarian, Un peintre thbain de la XVIIIe dynastie, MDAIK 15 (1957), 191-192; Kozloff, Theban Tomb Paintings, 58. 14 During these reigns, Horemheb worked in the scribal service for the king. His career can be traced from its beginning as a Scribe of the King (sS nsw), to a True Scribe of the King (sS nsw mAa), and then as an Overseer of all Royal

Scribes of the Army (jmy-r sSw nsw nb n mSa). It is through his close personal association with the king that he ascended to the office of Scribe of Recruits (sS nfrw), which led him to supervise the manpower of Egypt. Discussion in B. M. Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV (Baltimore and London, 1991), 282; biographical tomb text in: A. and A. Brack, Das Grab des Haremhab: Theben Nr. 78, AV 35 (Mainz, 1980), 50-53, text 35, and 83-84. On duties of the sS nfrw: W.J. Murnane, The Organization of Government under Amenhotep III, in Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, ed. E. Cline and D. OConnor (Ann Arbor, 1998), 197-198. 15 Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 133-134 with notes 33 and 34. While TT 90 contains the cartouche of Amenhotep III on the shrine in PM (8), the majority of the tomb was completed during the reign of Thutmose IV, as witnessed by the kings image on PM (4). 16 J-F. Champollion, Notices descriptives, repr., Collection des classiques gyptologiques 1 (Geneva, 1973-74), 503, originally noted that the cartouche of Amenhotep II was overlaid by Thutmose IV in the kiosk scene. 17 Reading: [nTr nfr] sA Ra DHwty-ms xaj xaw {over} ImnHtp HqA wAst anx Dt mj Ra ra nb snb nb///.

the tomb of a HAty-a, theban tomb 116


Fig. 5. King seated in a kiosk, fanned by the tomb owner with wife offering a bouquet, Far-right wall of the transverse hall, far right, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (2).

Fig. 6. Line drawing, Far-right wall of the transverse hall, far right, TT 116, PM I2, part I, (2).


melinda hartwig mnat, further reinforces this association. Likewise, the offering of a lotus bouquet, symbolizing eternal life, acts as a visual Htp-dj-nsw, symbolizing the circular relationship of offering to the king, who offers to the gods, thus providing for the needs of the offerer.25 Unfortunately, the wall is unfinished behind the woman, although it was prepared with plaster to receive additional decoration. Thus, an examination of TT 116 offers a number of clues. Only one remaining text in the tomb gives epithets mentioning that the owner was a favorite of the king and in his following upon the southern foreign lands. It is harder to reconstruct the meaning of the epithet HAty-a, which may indicate a military background. The presence of the royal-kiosk scene connects him to officials in the military, civil, or palace administrative branches (state class), who also displayed the king prominently in their tombs, during the reigns of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV.26 Likewise, his tomb is nestled amongst the tombs of palace or military officials on the high promontory of Sheikh abd el-Qurna. The excised image of him fanning the king is also found in chapels whose owners had a
the King, Merymose is shown on many of his monuments with a fan in his hand (see list of monuments in: Pomorska, Les flabelliefres, 114-119); and Huy is shown fanning the king seated in his kiosk (Nina de G. Davies and A.H. Gardiner, The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the Reign of Tutaankhamun (No. 40) (London, 1926), pls. XIX, XXII; C. K. Wilkinson and M. Hill, Egyptian Wall Paintings: The Metropolitan Museum of Arts Collection of Facsimiles (New York, 1983), 134-135, no. 30.4.21. 22 See complete listing in: B. Schmitz, Wedeltrger, L 6 (1986), 1161-1163. 23 From the reigns of Amenhotep and Thutmose IV, examples of women who are nurses offering to kings in kiosks: TT 85, Amenemhab, PM I2, part 1 (9), 171, with Amenemhabs wife Baki offering a bouquet of Amun to Amenhotep II; and TT 88, Pehsukher, PM I2, part 1, (4), 180, with Pehsukher and his wife Neith offering a bouquet to Amenhotep II. TT 85 and TT 88 are currently in preparation for publication by Heike Heye. Variant: TT 350, anonymous, PM I2, part 1, (3) I, 417, son[?] offers bouquet (of Amun?) to wife, Nefertwah, suckling prince (Thutmose IV). On nurses, see: C. Roehrig, The Eighteenth Dynasty titles royal nurse (mnat nswt), royal tutor (mna nswt), and foster brother/sister of the Lord of the Two Lands (sn/snt mna n nb tAwy), (PhD diss., University of California-Berkeley, 1990); E. Feucht, Childhood, in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt 1, ed. D.B. Redford (Oxford, 2001), 261-262. 24 See n. 27 below. 25 Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 67-68. 26 For A II, see: M. Gathy, Theban Tomb Painting in the Reign of Amenhotep II (ca. 1427-1400 B.C.), Study of an Artistic Creation in its Historical and Socio-cultural Context, PhD in progress, University of Lige, Belgium; and T IV: Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 33, n. 245 with Table 1.

appears that he stood before the pharaoh, slightly bent forward at the waist, with his head roughly at the height of the woman that follows him. During the reign of Thutmose IV, most of the tomb owners depicted fanning the pharaoh held the titles of Fan Bearer,18 or Royal Herald,19 or Fan Bearer to the Right of the King.20 These fan-bearer titles indicate that the bearer has a close official or a personal connection to the king. During the reigns of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV, additional carriers of the title were the Kings Son of Kush,21 Tutor, Chief Steward of the King, and Gods Father.22 Representations belonging to many of these individuals show the tomb owner holding a long fan with a single feather when he stands before the king. Behind the deceased is a woman holding a menit and offering a bouquet of lotus flowers to the king. Her stature and offering action in the scene are repeated in several Theban tombs dating from the reigns of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV, and in each case, these women are nurses of the king.23 Her prominence in this scene suggests that she also bore this title.24 Holding the menit, which is found in the hieroglyphic title of nurse,
As fan bearer: TT 77, PM (7), tp. Thutmose IV (L. Manniche, The Wall Decoration of Three Theban Tombs (TT 77, 175, 249), CNI Publications 4 [Copenhagen, 1988], 9-11, 23), and perhaps TT 77, PM (4), based on what may be the remains of a fan held in the upraised arm of the excised figure of the deceased; TT 256, A. Radwan, Die Darstellungen des regierenden Knigs und seiner Familienangehrigen in den Privatgrbern der 18. Dynastie, MS 21 (Berlin, 1969), pl. X,1, tp. Thutmose III/Amenhotep II. 19 The Royal Herald title indicates that the bearer had the authority to speak on behalf of the king in foreign lands, as well as building and renewing monuments. Royal Heralds were often attached to the military in some fashion. A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica 1 (Oxford, 1947), 91-92; S. and D. Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project, vol. 4, The Tomb of Re`a (TT 201), (Toronto, 1994), 30-32. 20 On the fan-bearer title: I. Pomorska, Les flabellifres la droite du roi en gypte ancienne, Acadmie polonaise des sciences, Comit des tudes orientales (Warsaw, 1987), 32-35; Helck, Verwaltung, 69, noted that in the second half of the 18th Dynasty, heralds (Sprecher) were given the honorary title Fan Bearer to the Right of the King, like Ramose (TT 94) and Re (TT 201). As Fan Bearer to the Right of the King, Hekareshu: TT 64, PM (5) and PM (2), tp. Thutmose IV (Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, pl. 13), text: W. Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, fasc. 17-22 (Berlin, 1955-1961), 1574. Kenamun: TT 93, N. de G. Davies, The tomb of KenAmun at Thebes, 2 vols., PMMA 5 (New York, 1930), pl. IX (Pehsukher who owned TT 88), Urk. IV, 1401-4; Sebekhotep: TT 63, Urk. IV, 1584. For other 18th Dynasty examples of the Fan Bearer to the Right of the King represented holding a fan, see: TT 85, P. Virey, Le tombeau dAmenemheb, in Sept tombeaux thbains de la XVIIIe dynastie, MMAF 5, fasc. 2 (1891), 237, fig. 3. 21 As Viceroy of Kush and Fan Bearer to the Right of

the tomb of a HAty-a, theban tomb 116 close relationship to the king. The style of painting in TT 116, particularly wall PM (2), is nearly identical to that in TT 78, belonging to Horemheb, who served in the military and civil administrative branches. The over-painting of the cartouche of Amenhotep II with the name of Thutmose IV also suggests that his career started with the former and ended with his death in the early years of the latter. In sum, it appears the owner of TT 116 served these pharaohs in the southern region, either on campaign or in office, as a favorite of the king. The unnamed woman offering flowers before the royal kiosk is a motif that is found in a few tomb chapels dating to the reigns of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV. In each case, captions identify the woman as the wife of the tomb owner and a nurse of the king. For example, the tomb of Amenemhab (TT 85) depicts his wife, Baky, who was the nurse of Amenhotep II, presenting a bouquet to the king.27 TT 88 shows the wife of Pehsukher, Neith, offering a bouquet to Amenhotep II, who is seated in a kiosk.28 Interestingly enough, the tombs in which these nurses appear lie below TT 116, in the same region of the Sheikh abd elQurna necropolis. Based on contextual and visual parallels, we can tentatively identify the unnamed woman in TT 116 as the wife of the tomb owner and the nurse of the king. But which king? The original kiosk scene held the figure of Amenhotep II. If one compares the beige in his necklace with the necklace of the woman, the green of the column in the royal kiosk with the green in the nurses lotus bouquet, and the blue of the royal necklace with the blue of the menit, all are identical, which indicates that the woman was painted at the same time as the figure of Amenhotep II.29 The style of the two figures is also the same. Therefore, it appears likely that the appearance of Amenhotep II in TT 116 indicates that the woman offering to the king was his nurse.


Seven royal nurses (mnat) can be positively identified for Amenhotep II: Amenemipet, Hunay, Senetnay, Baky, Sherti, and Henettawy, and the anonymous nurse in TT 98.30 Of these women, Baky is depicted prominently in the tomb of her husband, Amenemhab (TT 85), as is Neith in the tomb of her spouse, Pehsukher (TT 88). Amenemipet and Kaemheribsen are depicted in the tombs of their sons, TT 93 and TT 98, respectively. Hunay figures prominently in her son Meris tomb (TT 95), in places where the image of his wife would be expected, and Senetnay appears regularly in the tomb of her husband, Sennefer (TT 96). Only two royal nurses are unattested in Theban tombs: Sherti and Henettawy. Sherti was the daughter of Minmose, a royal tutor, and may have never married, since her named monuments only depict her with her family.31 Henettawy is known only from a badly damaged statue in a shrine at Gebel es-Silsila, where she is identified as the [royal] nurse, who [nurtured] the god, praised of the good god, mistress of the house. 32 The dating of the shrine to the reign of Amenhotep II, and hence her career, is based on the presence of Usersatet, her husband, the Kings Son, Overseer of Southern Foreign Lands, who is well dated to this kings reign. As discussed above, the owner of TT 116 served in the southern region as a favorite of the king. He is depicted fanning the pharaoh who is enthroned in a kiosk, indicating the tomb owner held the title(s) of Fan-Bearer, Royal Herald, Tutor, Chief Steward, Gods Father, or Kings Son of Kush. The linchpin is the representation of the woman, in the position usually given to the tomb owners wife, offering to Amenhotep II, which commemorates her position as nurse to the king, based on contemporary parallels. The over-painting of the cartouche indicates that the original royal image in the tomb belonged to Amenhotep II, which later was changed to

27 Radwan, Knigs, 9, posed the question of whether the woman in TT 116 was also a nurse to the king and appears before the pharaoh because of her special connection to the palace. 28 P. Virey, Le tombeau de Pehsukher, in Sept tombeaux thbains de la XVIIIe dynastie, MMAF 5, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1891), 295-296; Urk. IV, 1460; Radwan, Knigs, 5. The tomb is being published by Heike Heye and S. Eisermann. 29 Based on the Munsell color charts. Readings taken between 10:00-11:00 a.m. December 8, 1996. Readings for: necklaces: 5YR 9/2, beige; column/lotus: 10G 7/2; royal necklace/womans menit: 10B 6/4. 30 See discussion in Roehrig, Eighteenth Dynasty titles,

111-189, with Appendix 1, 342-343. I do not include the nurse Ia`efib since her association with Amenhotep II, as deduced by Roehrig, is conjectural (ibid., 187). See also B.M. Bryan, Administration in the Reign of Thutmose III, in Thutmose III: A New Biography, ed. E. Cline and D. OConnor (Ann Arbor, 2006), 99. 31 Berlin 822: G. Roeder, gyptische Inschriften aus den Staatliche Museen Berlin, vol. 2, Inschriften des Neuen Reichs (Leipzig, 1924), 99; British Museum 2300: H. De Meulenaere, Le directeur des travaux Minmose, MDAIK 37 (1981), 315318, pls. 50-51. 32 R.A. Caminos and T.G.H. James, Gebel el-Silsilah I: The Shrines (London, 1963), 34, pl. 25.


melinda hartwig Thutmose IV. This also would suggest that Henettawy may have lived into the reign of Thutmose IV after her service to Amenhotep II. If Usersatets career is examined, he started as a chariot warrior (snny),37 then served as a Royal Herald,38 then a Steward of Meidum,39 and finally, as Viceroy of Nubia.40 On his Amara-West stela, he is called:41
Favorite of the king in southern foreign lands in embellishing/restoring his monuments of eternity (m smnx mnw.f n nHH), Kings Son and Overseer of Southern Foreign Countries.

Thutmose IV, probably early in his reign. So the bulk of the career of the tomb owner lay in the reign Amenhotep II. One last point must be made here as well: the image of the tomb owner of TT 116 was excised in an act of damnatio memoriae.33 His wife did not fare much better, with only one representation remaining on PM (2). Taking the image of the nurse in TT 116 as a point of departure, we return to the discussion of Henettawy and the shrine at Gebel es-Silsilah. At the back of Shrine 11 are five engaged statues that remain from their legs down.34 Inscriptions are preserved on the riser beneath the feet of the statues, as well as on either side of the outer edge of the niche. The statues form two groups: Senynefer and Henettawy are one pair, and the second group is comprised of Usersatet seated between his mother35 and Henettawy. Based on close analysis of Shrine 11 in the dissertation of J.J. Shirley,36 the owner was Usersatet, the Kings Son, Overseer of Southern Foreign Lands. The family relationships are determined by placement and the orientation of the hieroglyphs: Senynefer and his wife Hatshepsut, their daughter Nenwenhermentes, and her son Usersatet and his wife Henettawy, whose texts face the statue of her husband. The bulk of Usersatets career was spent in the service of Amenhotep II. Based on the style of decoration, Shirley dates Shrine 11 from the end of the reign of Amenhotep II to the beginning of Thutmose IVs. If the shrine was commissioned by Usersatet to commemorate his ancestors, then his career could have extended into the early years of
33 Discussion in W.K. Simpson, Usersatet, L 6, 901903. A.R. Schulman, Some Remarks on the Alleged Fall of Senmut, JARCE 8 (1969-70), 36-37. However, note Simpsons argument that Usersatets name and figure remain intact on some of his monuments. 34 Caminos and James, Gebel el-Silsilah I, 33-34, pls. 22, 25. 35 Mother named on a seated granite statue from Deir el-Medina. See: C. Maystre, Une statue dOusersatet, viceroi de Nubie sous Amnophis II, in Melanges Maspero 2, ed. P. Jouguet, MIFAO 66, 2 (Cairo, 1935-38), 657-658; Urk. IV, 1487.6-11. 36 J.J. Shirley, The Culture of Officialdom: Attaining Office during the mid-18th Dynasty, PhD diss. (The Johns Hopkins University, 2005), 229-237. Many thanks to Dr. Shirley for generously sharing with me her discussion on Usersatet from her dissertation. 37 Semna stela (MFA 25.632) in reference to Usersatets career, discussed in W. Helck, Eine Stele des Vizeknigs Wsr-St.t, JNES 14 (1955), 30-31. 38 Stela from Amara-West (Louvre, E.17341): H.W. Fairman, Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Amrah West, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1938-1939, JEA 25 (1939), pl. xvi, 1; Urk. IV, 1484-6.

As a royal herald, Usersatet appears to have accompanied Amenhotep II in Takhsy in year 3, and perhaps on the kings campaigns of years 7 and 9. On the south wall of shrine 4 belonging to Usersatet at Ibrim, the text accompanying the scene of Amenhotep II inspecting the presentation of Nubian tribute records the wonders for his army....the expedition that brought the tribute of the southern foreign lands. The text appears to refer to a successful military action in Nubia, perhaps with Usersatet in attendance.42 The text on the back pillar of Usersatets Uronati statue supports Helcks interpretation of Usersatets trajectory from Steward of Meidum to Kings Son and Overseer of Southern Foreign Countries.43 Usersatet also held the title HAty-a.44 Usersatets burial remains an enigma. Helck suggests that Usersatets tomb rests along with the other Viceroys of Nubia in Qurna Murai, and Habachi asserts Qubbet el-Hawa as his final resting place.45 However, a shabti46 and a statue47 found at
39 BM 623 in H.R. Hall, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae, &c., in the British Museum 7 (London, 1925), pl. 34; Urk. IV, 1486-7. Khartoum 32: C. Van Siclen III, The Chapel of Sesostris III at Uronarti (San Antonio, 1982), 38, 47; M. Dewachter, Une nouvelle statue du vice-roi de Nubie Ousersatet Khartoum, Archologia 72 (July 1974), 54-58. 40 See the excellent discussion of this and the other titles in Shirley, The Culture of Officialdom, 216-240. 41 Urk. IV, 1485.10-11, lines 1-4 of the stela. 42 P. Der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, HB 26 (Hildesheim, 1987), 92-95, 155. 43 Helck, Stele des Vizeknigs Wsr-St.t, 31. Uronati statue: Van Siclen, Chapel of Sesostris III, 47 and fig.18; Dewachter, Nouvelle statue, 54-55, 58. 44 I. Mller, Die Verwaltung der Nubischen Provinz im Neuen Reich, PhD diss (Humboldt-Universitt zu Berlin, 1978), 173. 45 Helck, Stele des Vizeknigs Wsr-St.t, 31. Habachi also suggests Qubbet el-Hawa: L. Habachi, The Graffiti and Work of the Viceroys of Kush, Kush 5 (1957), 22. 46 Unprovenanced. . Chassinat, Petits monuments et petites remarques, BIFAO 10 (1912), 161. 47 Found in front of the temple at Deir el-Medina. Maystre, Statue dOusersatet; Urk. IV, 1487-9.

the tomb of a HAty-a, theban tomb 116 Deir el-Medina suggest that Usersatet was buried in Thebes. Could TT 116 be the final resting place of Usersatet? His association with the southern foreign lands and marriage to a royal nurse make him a possible choice. Furthermore, the careful excising of the figure and name in TT 116 indicates damnatio memoriae, which also befell some, if not all, the monuments of Usersatet. 48 TT 116 is prestigiously situated on the upper promontory of Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, nested between the tombs
48 Helck, Stele des Vizeknigs Wsr-St.t, 31; Der Manuelian, Reign of Amenophis II, 158. See also the reassessment of the evidence by Shirley in The Culture of Officialdom, 237-240.


of two chiefs of the Medjay, TT 90 & 91.49 Admittedly, this assignment is based on circumstantial evidence, thus Usersatets identification with the tomb owner of TT 116 is made with caution. In this brief article, the discussion and presentation of the scenes in TT 116 are offered as a point of departure for others to work with the material which, hopefully, will lead to a complete scientific publication of the tomb and, perhaps, a tomb for Usersatet.
49 TT 90: Urk. IV, 1618-1619; TT 91: recorded by Champollion, Notices descriptives, 840.


melinda hartwig

a head of rameses ii from tell basta


A HEAD OF RAMESES II FROM TELL BASTA Zahi Hawass Supreme Council of Antiquities

This article is dedicated to Jack Josephson. I met Jack after he began to date my friend Magda Saleh, the famous ballerina (and now his wife). I must say that Jack and I have had our differences. I have never been to his home in New York, because I swore an oath to myself many years ago that I would never enter a private home where I would see a collection of ancient artifactsI believe that artifacts belong in museums. In spite of this, however, Jack and I have become good friends over the years. I like him very much as a person, and I respect him highly as an Egyptologist, particularly as a scholar of the art of the Late Period. I have decided that the only way to celebrate this heb sed is to publish the most recent royal head that I have found. It is to Jack that I dedicate this article.

I. Introduction Tell Basta is one of the most important archaeological sites in the Delta, and a great deal of excavation and exploration has been carried out here in the past. Sacred from Early Dynastic through Roman times to the cat goddess, Bastet, the principal remains here are: a great temple dedicated to this feline deity, a number of smaller chapels, and a cemetery for the burial of votive cat mummies.1 The site is located in the middle of the modern town of Zagazig, and thus threatened by modern development (fig. 1). We have recently completed a site-management plan for the area,2
1 See E. Naville, Bubastis (London, 1891); Naville, The Festival Hall of Osorkon II: The Great Temple of Bubastis (London, 1892); H. Gauthier, Un vice-roi dthiopie enseveli Bubastis, ASAE 28 (1928), 129-137; Sh. Farid, Preliminary Report on the Excavations of the Antiquities Department at Tell Basta (Season 1961), ASAE 58 (1964), 85-98; A. el-Sawi, Some Objects Found at Tell Basta (Season 1966-67), ASAE 63 (1979), 155-159; elSawi, Preliminary Report on Tell Basta Excavations 1969, 1970, 1971, ZS 104 (1977), 127-131; el-Sawi, Excavations at Tell Basta. Reports of the Seasons 1967-1971 and Catalog of Finds (Prague, 1979). For additional bibliography,

and nearby areas that are still unexplored are also protected by Antiquities Law 117 of 1973, which states that any sites that lie within the buffer zone of an archaeological site (as determined by the SCA) must be excavated before being used for any purpose. About a year ago, a man named Mr. Ahmed Fouad Abaza, who had bought a 6-acre piece of land 93 meters south of the great temple of Bastet at Tell Basta from the family of Abdel Magied Sarhan, came to see me because he was planning on using the land. The plot does not belong to the Antiquities Department and had been used as a military camp for the past 20 years. No archaeological features were visible on the surface of the site, but it was muddy and had been used previously for cultivation, so any such remains would have been disturbed in any case (fig. 2). We began excavations in 2008 and worked for 11 months. The work was carried out under the supervision of Nacef Abdel-Wahid.

II. Findspot Excavations began on February 3, 2008. The site revealed remains of a Graeco-Roman-era settlement and necropolis (fig. 3), and a number of scattered artifacts were found at a depth of approximately 180 cm below the surface. Included in these finds were Graeco-Roman terracotta statuettes, lamps, pottery sherds, limestone weights, a long-necked glass vessel, one earring, and gold
see 2 This site-management plan includes safe zoning, restoration of the temples and statues, a visitors center, and a site museum, as well as tourist facilities. The plan was designed by the architect Hani Maher and Hamdi Sotouhi, with archaeologist Mohamed Abdel Maksoud, under the authors supervision. We are planning to create similar plans for the site of San el-Hagar, and are building a site museum at Tell Basta. Thus tourists will be able to make a productive day trip from Cairo, beginning at Tell Basta and the new site museum, then to San el-Hagar.


zahi hawass

Fig. 1. Overview of the site of Tell Basta.

Fig. 2. The salvage site under cultivation.

a head of rameses ii from tell basta


Fig. 3. Graeco-Roman settlement remains on the site.

coins (figs. 4-6). On September 21, 2008, the most spectacular piece, and the only artifact dating to earlier than the Ptolemaic Period, a colossal royal head, was found in the eastern part of the site (figs. 7-8). III. Description Material: Red Granite Measurements:
Height of head: 91.50 cm Height of face: 74.0 cm Width of the face: 63.0 cm

The head represents a king wearing a short round wig with tight curls, the sides of which are missing. The wig is adorned with a diadem fronted by a uraeus whose coils are arranged in a figure eight with two loops positioned symmetrically, one on either side of the serpents body (fig. 9). The wig sits low on the kings forehead, which is traversed by an incised line. The overall shape of the face is round and full. The eyes are large and almond
3 See J. Vandier, Manuel darchologie gyptienne 3 (Paris, 1958); H. Sourouzian, Standing Royal Colossi of the Middle Kingdom reused by Ramesses II, MDAIK 44 (1988), 229-254; Sourouzian, Raccords Ramessides, MDAIK 54

shaped, framed by cosmetic lines (indicated in very low relief), which extend to the outer ends of the eyebrows (figs. 10-11). The brows are clearly delineated and somewhat plastic, with a slight arch that follows the curve of the upper eyelid from the outer corner, then straightens slightly closer to the center of the face. The kings nose, although now destroyed, was broad from the bridge to the base. The mouth is only slightly wider than the base of the nose, and slight nasolabial creases are indicated, ending just above the outer corners of the lips. The upper and lower lips are roughly equal in their fullness, and the philtrum notch is not evident. The corners of the mouth are marked by drilled holes (fig. 12). The head is broken off at the level of the kings chin, most of which is missing (fig. 9). Traces of carved straps on the cheeks indicate that there was a false beard. The features of the statue, with elastic, downward-looking eyes and slightly smiling mouth with deep indentations at the corners, suggest that the head should be attributed to Rameses II.3
(1998), 279-292; Sourouzian, Les Statues colossales de Ramss II Tanis: Un colosse fragmentaire de quartzite, text continued on p. 176


zahi hawass

Fig. 4. Graeco-Roman lamp.

Fig. 5. Long-necked glass bottle.

Fig. 6. Roman coin.

a head of rameses ii from tell basta


Fig. 7. View of the head in situ.

Fig. 8. Close view of the head in situ.


zahi hawass

Fig. 9. Close-up of the wig, diadem, and uraeus.

Fig. 10. Three-quarter view of the head.

a head of rameses ii from tell basta


Fig. 11. Frontal view of the head.

Fig. 12. View of the face.

176 IV. Conclusion

zahi hawass Rameses II that the greatest number of such statues (approximately 30) are preserved. They were generally placed along the processional ways leading to temples and in temple courts, apparently so that they would appear along the route the divine barks traveled during major festivals.5 Other statues in red granite of Rameses II have been found at Bubastis; these show the king, either seated or standing, with one or two divinities. This colossal head is a masterpiece of Ramesside sculpture. The features have been beautifully carved despite the difficulties of working with such hard stone. The skill of the artist is also apparent in the modeling of the eyes and the natural curve of the eyebrows. The statue from which it comes most likely stood in the Temple of Bastet at Tell Basta, and was discarded when the temple was destroyed.

The original height of the statue, based on the height of the head, would have been between 6 and 7 meters; it thus would have been appropriate as an architectural sculpture for the Great Temple, where parts of other statues in the same material and similar in style and dimensions were discovered by Edouard Naville.4 Based on its similarity to these statues, this head most likely comes from an image of the king as a standard bearer, in which he stands and holds either one staff topped with a divine emblem along his left side, or two divine staves. This type is known in one example from the Middle Kingdom and several examples from the 18th Dynasty, and then becomes popular in the Ramesside era, beginning with Rameses II. In fact, it is from the reign of

remploi du Moyen Empire (Blocs N 1471-1486), in Tanis: travaux rcents sur le Tell Sn el-Hagar 1 (Paris, 1998), 391419. See also the statues of Rameses II from the Great Temple at Abu Simbel. 4 Of the busts found at this time, one is now in the gyptisches Museum, Berlin (no. 10835); a second is in the British Museum (EA 1066); a third in the Boston Museum of

Fine Arts (89.558); two are in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CG 636 and JE 45193); and others were left in situ, along with some torso and lower-body fragments from the same or similar statues. 5 C. Chadefaud, Les statues porte-enseignes de lEgypte ancienne (1580-1085 avant J.C.): Signification et insertion dans le culte du Ka royal (Paris, 1982).

r.g. gayer-anderson and his pharaonic collection in cairo



The name of R.G. Gayer-Anderson is well known in the world of Egyptology as his bequests of Egyptian art form part of several museums collections. However, few people know that Gayer-Anderson left a collection of Pharaonic objects in Cairo that are kept in his former house, the Gayer-Anderson Museum, and fewer still the history of the man. This article attempts to serve as an introduction to both.

The Collector: R.G. Gayer-Anderson Although many collectors have wandered through Egypt, few have made it their home. One such unusual collector and self-proclaimed Orientalist was Robert Grenville Gayer-Anderson (1881-1945),1 known to his friends as John, a soubriquet he earned whilst a student at Guys Hospital in London, when the song John Anderson my Jo enjoyed a certain popularity.2 Unlike most other collectors, however, he contributed an entire museum, complete with its contents, to Egypt, as well as giving and selling objects to museums in Egypt, Europe, Australia, and the United States, as well as publishing on collecting and on particular objects. Although he had a strong aesthetic sense from an early age, Gayer-Anderson came to collect Egyptian objects by chance (fig. 1.) He was born in Ireland to, as he put it, gentle folk, and was the elder of a set of identical twins by 25 min* This article is affectionately dedicated to Jack Josephson, a true friend, from whom I have learned, with whom I have argued, who has generously shared his tastes in aesthetics and oenology, and lover of Egypt, both ancient and modern. 1 R.G. Gayer-Anderson was in the process of writing his autobiography, entitled Fateful Attractions, when he died. It was never published, although his twin brother Thomas tried to complete it, albeit unsuccessfully. Much of the information found in this article is derived from this work. I would like to thank R.G. Gayer-Andersons grandson, Theo Gayer-Anderson, for information concerning his grandfather, and Kent Weeks for giving me his spare copy of the manuscript. I am also indebted to Nicholas Warner (GA Project Director) for involving me

utes. Throughout his life, Gayer-Anderson had a preternatural rapport with his twin, Thomas, and frequently referred to their telepathic and psychic twinness in letters and his unfinished autobiography.3 He had a nomadic youth, spending time in Kansas, Tennessee, California, Illinois, and Canada, as well as Ireland and England, all of which encouraged his later wanderlust. Life was not easy for the family, and Gayer-Anderson claimed that all the cheese paring and economy that marked his early life made him seek comfort in the elegance and refinement of beautiful or unusual objects. His earliest memory of forming a collection of antiquities was during his sojourn in the United States, where, even at the tender age of eight, he and his brother collected Indian flint tools, a group of objects that continued to intrigue him when he went to Egypt and formed a part of his collection there. Indeed, the earliest GayerAnderson collections were of American Indian artifacts: baskets, clay vessels, and figures. Surprisingly, given their later love of research and study, the Gayer-Anderson children had a very haphazard education. First they were subjected to a series of indifferent governesses and tutors, before being sent to school at a rather late date. John was educated at Tonbridge School in England. He writes: It was at school that that Tom and I began our careers as collectors in a very modest way of course, not only of stamp, bird-eggs and butterflies like most schoolboys, but of beautiful old objects, classified under the
in the Pharaonic section of the Gayer-Anderson House Museum Restoration Project. The work on the Pharaonic antiquities in the museum was made possible by a grant from the Antiquities Endowment Fund of the American Research Center in Egypt and by Dr. B. Mertz. 2 The name Gayer-Anderson was adopted by John (the origins of the name John are found on p. 44 of Fateful Attractions), his twin brother Thomas, and their older brother DArcy by deed poll in 1917 so that all three had an easily distinguished name that would spare their family from unnecessary worry when examining casualty lists. Originally their surname was Anderson (p. 8 of Fateful Attractions). 3 Gayer-Anderson, Fateful Attractions, 319ff. and intermittently throughout the mss.


salima ikram as other ethnographic subjects, and resulted in his election to membership in the Royal Anthropological Institute.5 He eventually gave several of the objects that he collected during this time to the Pitt-Rivers Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology at Oxford. Gayer-Anderson returned to Egypt and took up the post of Assistant Adjutant General for Recruiting in the army in 1914, when he was promoted to the rank of Major. This is when his love affair with Egypt, its history, and its people really began. Quite poignantly he writes in his autobiography, This country of the Pharaohs has become more my own than is my native landI more of its teen wa tibn (sand and chaff), it more of my flesh and blood than is any other part of the earths surface. Indeed, he spent most of his adult life in Egypt, apart from occasional visits to England to see his family, eventually quitting Egypt in 1943 due to ill health. Much of Gayer-Andersons early Egyptian collecting was done between 1907 and 1914. His job as recruiting officer caused him to travel twice annually throughout the country, and he became known to antiquities dealers as well as the peasants, or indeed anyone who had objects to sell. This is when he made the bulk of his contacts with dealers, which was to stand him in good stead in the years to come. His later governmental positions helped cement his relationship with dealers and extend his contacts, which he maintained for the rest of his life. From 1930 to 1939, he made annual trips by boat from Cairo to Aswan and back, acquiring a variety of antiquities along the way, most of which were destined for the sale room. Gayer-Anderson rarely purchased very large-scale artifacts, focusing on smaller, easily portable items such as scarabs, pottery, jewelry, seals, figurines, ostraca, and statue and relief fragments. He also collected relatively modern objects not only from Egypt, but also from Persia, and joined his brother Thomas in acquiring things from as far afield as India. Due to the First World War, Gayer-Anderson took a substantial part of his collection to Britain in 1917, and lodged it for safety as a loan at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford until 1925.6 A few
baskets to medical implements and amulets, was donated to the Pitt-Rivers Museum in 1926. 6 I am grateful to the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and particularly to Marsha Hill, for access to their correspondence between Gayer-Anderson and Albert Lythgoe that is relevant to Gayer-Andersons sales.

Fig. 1. A painting of Gayer-Anderson by his twin brother, showing him at work with his collection (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

generic terms of curiosities in those days.4 After finishing school, he went on to qualify as a doctor at Guys Hospital in London in 1903. Even during this time, he and his twin had an appreciation for fine art, and started collecting European antiques as well as anything exquisite that caught their eye. The collections were on a small scale, no doubt constrained by their incomes, but were definite precursors of things to come. After graduating from Guys, John GayerAnderson went on to the Royal Army Medical Corps in 1904, and was initially stationed in Gibraltar. He was seconded to the Egyptian army in 1907, and his first posting was in the Sudan. His time in the Sudan gave him an appreciation for the minor arts as well as folk art, and he started to collect ethnographic objects, a habit that stayed with him and later permitted him to lavishly furnish his house in Egypt. His fascination with different aspects of Sudanese culture led him to publish articles dealing with medical anthropology as well
Ibid., 327JA. One of his most significant contributions was the article Medical Practices and Superstitions Among the People of Kordofan, Third Report of the Wellcome Research Laboratories at the Gordon Memorial College (Khartoum, 1908), 281322. Much of his ethnographic collection from the Sudan, consisting of well over one hundred objects, ranging from
5 4

r.g. gayer-anderson and his pharaonic collection in cairo of these objects were gifted to that museum later on, notably a bronze figure of Osiris,7 and others were slowly sold or given to different museums over the years. In 1920, Gayer-Anderson resigned from the British army (he had retired from the Egyptian army in 1917), but took up a series of positions in the Anglo-Egyptian government, including Senior Inspector in the Ministry of the Interior (Egyptian Government), and subsequently, Oriental Secretary of the Residency (to Viscount Allenby), finally retiring completely from official service in 1924 in order to pursue his true lovecollecting. Gayer-Andersons love of Egypt led him to settle there after retiring, returning to England for brief periods in the summer. Over the years, he and his brother had a number of residences in England, but the one that they finally settled in was called Little Hall, located in the picturesque village of Lavenham, Suffolk. Despite its very Englishness, Little Hall is strangely enough somewhat reminiscent of his house (now museum) in Cairo not only architecturally, as it too is riddled with secret passageways and hidden doors, but in its eclectic dcor, with beautiful objects from around the world. Gayer-Andersons retirement was devoted to his collections. He was known for being able to ferret out beautiful and striking items, not just grand objects, but smaller things, often quite prosaic. People came to him with their acquisitions to have them authenticatedor not! He also had a reputation for being a skilled restorer, and many pieces that he acquired left his studio far more beautiful and complete than when they first entered it.8 He associated with the archaeologists who worked in Egypt, and even consulted with them on pieces, as well as questions concerning restoration. Gayer-Andersons collections ranged in date from the Predynastic Period onward, and included many objects that would be termed ethnographic by museums. He regularly arranged small exhibitions at his various homes, and augmented his governmental pension (often quite significantly) by dealing (it was legal at that time) in antiquities. A letter that he wrote in 1925 to Albert
7 The Ashmolean felt that an insufficient number of objects had been given to it, as is made clear by D. G. Hogarth in a report of 1925, where he complains that the returns of long-term storage are limited and that the museum should perhaps charge a fee for such a service, or curtail it altogether. My thanks to Drs. Helen Whitehouse and Tom Hardwick for making this information available to me. 8 He writes about keeping spare fragments around so that he could complete broken statues, particularly bronzes, one


Lythgoe of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, who was obviously a close acquaintance, provides a catalogue and suggested prices for a selection of these objects. Some of the objects made their way to the Brooklyn Museum, the Portland Museum of Art (1350 objects),9 and the Medelhavsmuseet of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm, to name but a few. This last museum has the largest collection of Gayer-Anderson material outside of the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge, which has the majority of his personal collection of Pharaonic art. During his retirement, he also contributed regular columns on art, archaeology, and local customs to two journals, the Sphinx and the Egyptian Gazette. The subject matter ranged from How to Buy a Scarab to How to Care for Your Oriental Carpet. In 1939, the Sphinx also published a series of stories that he recorded regarding the house that later became his, which were posthumously collected by his brother Thomas and published as Legends of the Bait Al-kretliya as Told by Sheikh Sulaiman al-Kretli in 1951 by Luzac and Co. of London. These have been republished in 2001 with revised drawings and a new foreword by Theo Gayer-Anderson, and an essay on the house by Nicholas Warner. These tales reflect Gayer-Andersons involvement in his neighborhood, its history and people, and underscore his devotion to his adopted land. Over the years artists, writers, travelers, archaeologists, antiquarians, and resident Cairenes passed through the doors of his different abodes, first in downtown Cairo, then Zamalek, and finally the Beit al-Kretliya (see below), making for a lively salon atmosphere. Many of Gayer-Andersons diverse group of friends rather literally left their impressions with him: he used to make plaster life masks as mementos and display them in his home. Today, the likenesses of the intrepid traveler Freya Stark and the notable scholar of Islamic architecture K.A.C. Creswell are on display, amongst others, in the museum. Gayer-Anderson clearly enjoyed sharing not only his knowledge, but parts of his collection: he also very generously made
of his early passions. Recently, a Roman mummy portrait of a girl (EA: 74719) that came to the British Museum via GayerAnderson was analyzed, and it was found to be enhanced in certain areas. Improving original pieces to raise their value was a common practice among dealers, and one that GayerAnderson was no doubt familiar with and adept at. 9 This collection of scarabs and other objects was sold to Albert E. Doyle, a president of the museums Board of Trustees, and passed to the museum upon his death.


salima ikram Beit al-Kretliya, a house that had taken his fancy as early as 1906, when he had first set foot in Egypt and had visited the area with a guide.13 The house is actually a pair of Ottoman houses (one sixteenth and the other seventeenth century) that are linked together by a bridge (fig. 2). One belonged to a man called Abdel-Qadir al-Haddad, possibly a blacksmith or the descendant of one, and the other first to a rich butcher, and then to a Muslim lady from Crete, who is responsible for the current name of the house, Beit al-Kretliya, or House of the Cretan Woman.14 Gayer-Anderson triumphantly took occupancy of his house on 16th October 1935, fancifully furnishing it with his collections of oriental, occidental, and ancient objects, with the understanding that during his tenure it would be accessible to visitors, and upon his death it would pass to the Egyptian state as a museum.15 The Egyptian government obviously regarded him with respect and admiration to permit such an unusual arrangement. Their regard was further expressed by awarding Gayer-Ander the title Lewa or General in 1941, which is inscribed on a metal plaque that is proudly set into one of the houses courtyards, and making him a Pasha in 1943, a title that made him justly proud.16 Gayer-Anderson left his beloved house late in 1943 due to ill health, returning briefly to sort out bureaucratic matters in 1944, before leaving for good in 1945. Gayer-Anderson died on 16 June of that year and was buried in Lavenham, and the House of the Cretan Woman officially reverted to the Egyptian government and was named the Gayer-Anderson Pasha Museum of Oriental Arts and Crafts.

presents of things that guests had particularly liked, admired, or interested them.10 Objects from the collections that Gayer-Anderson made, particularly during this time, are now spread throughout the world. Virtually nothing was inherited by the family. Some items were just given or sold by John, others by Thomas, and the majority by both twins. British museums such as the Fitzwilliam Museum, the British Museum, the Liverpool Museum, the Museum of London, the Ipswich Museum, the Hull and East Riding Museum, the Ashmolean Museum, University College Londons Classical Museum, and the Victoria and Albert Museum all contain objects from the Gayer-Anderson collections, as do several museums in the United States, Europe, and as far afield as Australia,11 as well as the Beit al-Kretliya (see below), and the Coptic, Islamic, and Egyptian Museums in Cairo. Clearly Gayer-Anderson was obsessed with perpetuating his name and making a mark for posterity.12

The Cairo Collection One of Gayer-Andersons most famous acquisitions was what became his final home in Egypt, the Beit al-Kretliya. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, John became obsessed by a desire to live in an old Arab house and investigated several possibilities with little success. He became so discouraged that he almost invested in an island in Aswan instead, which would have left us all the poorer. However, in 1935, a twist of fate and friends in the Egyptian government provided him with the opportunity to live in the newly restored
One example of this is when the anatomist D. E. Derry visited Gayer-Anderson and consulted him about the use of fossil bones in artifacts. John produced an 18th Dynasty mirror handle in such a bone and presented it to Derry, a fact that Derry duly recorded in an article: D. E. Derry, An Egyptian Mirror Handle in Fossil Bone, Man 37 (July 1937), 109-110. 11 Near the time of his death, Gayer-Anderson started giving away the residue of his collection that had not remained in Cairo. The largest gift went to the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge in 1943, to be designated in memory of himself and his twin. In addition to Pharaonic objects, all sorts of objects were sold or gifted, including Coptic textiles, Indian and Persian paintings and minor arts, icons, and Classical pieces. 12 Neither of the Gayer-Anderson brothers was keen to marry, but for reasons of perpetuating the name, John did marry and fathered a child. For the most part, his wife and son, John, remained in Lavenham, together with his wifes children from an earlier alliance. Initially Gayer-Anderson had hoped to bring his son to live with him in Cairo. To

test this out, young John came out at different intervals to spend time with his father, but on the whole, these visits proved to be infelicitous and trying meetings between father and son, and the idea of their living together in Egypt was abandoned. 13 R.G. Gayer-Anderson Pasha, Introduction, in Legends of the House of the Cretan Woman, by R.G. GayerAnderson Pasha et al. (Cairo, 2001), 5-11. 14 N.J. Warner, Guide to the Gayer-Anderson Museum, Cairo (Cairo, 2003); N.J. Warner, The House of the Cretan Woman, in Gayer-Anderson Pasha et al., Legends, 17-26. 15 Its charms are such that it is not only used as a museum, but also is a favored venue for filming period dramas. It has also appeared in Western films, the most notable being The Spy Who Loved Me. 16 Egypt was not the only country to shower awards upon Gayer-Anderson. King Hussain Bin Ali of the Kingdom of the Hijaz bestowed the Order of the Al Nahda (Renaissance) Third Class to him in 1922, for military and medical services rendered during the Arab Revolt.

r.g. gayer-anderson and his pharaonic collection in cairo


Fig. 2. A photograph of the Beit al-Kretliya during Gayer-Andersons tenure (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

The Gayer-Anderson Museum in Cairo contains all that Gayer-Anderson left behind when he finally returned to England, with objects to feed every interest and excite even the most jaded of palates.17 Until recently, the Pharaonic component of the museum was thought to be relatively small, limited to some coffin boards, a replica of the famous Gayer-Anderson cat that was bequeathed to the British Museum,18 and a few reliefs inserted into the walls in the Museum Room and in a corridor adjacent to it. However, when Nicholas Warner and Theo Gayer-Anderson started a project to restore the house to its former glory, they happened upon a treasure trove of artifacts that had been long forgotten. These are now being recorded, and the majority have been reinstalled in the rediscovered and refurbished Pharaonic Room,19 formerly called Room F, located on the third floor of the house, near the Museum Room. Chronologically, the collection spans the length of ancient Egyptian civilization, containing objects dating from the Archaic through the Graeco-Roman Periods. A majority of the relief fragments and funerary objects date from the New Kingdom and slightly later. The collection contains objects from diverse contexts: tombs, temples, and dwellings. Although there are a few
17 A museum register was compiled in 1943, but sadly in the ensuing years has been misplaced. 18 The original is one of the most visited objects in the British Museum. For the most recent publication see N. Spencer, The Gayer-Anderson Cat (London, 2007).

large pieces, mainly reliefs, the majority are small. Indeed, many objects are fragments of statuettes: arms, ears, feet, horns, uraei, and beards. These are made of stone, wood, and metal. Perhaps many of these were the extras that Gayer-Anderson hoarded for his restorations, although some are quite beautiful pieces in and of themselves, and their very isolation from a larger piece allows one to appreciate them better, and focus on the fineness of carving of the part, rather than be distracted by the entire object. The objects are of uneven quality, and it is possible that not all of the larger pieces are ancient. Despite Gayer-Andersons boasts that he had significant knowledge and a considerable flair for spotting the authentic, some of the relief fragments, as well as small statuettes that were hidden away in drawers, are dubious in their authenticity, to say the least. This is particularly the case for the relief fragments that were originally embedded in the walls of Room F, and have been extracted and mounted properly now (fig. 3). Perhaps some of these were Gayer-Andersons own work or that of copyists, similar to what can be purchased today in Thebes. One such piece shows a figure of Re with a rams head standing in a red oval. This is something that one might expect to find in a Ramesside royal tomb, but it does not come from
19 This author is hoping to eventually publish a full catalogue.


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Fig. 3. One of the painted relief fragments before it was released from the wall and put into a new vitrine (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

Fig. 5. A terracotta figurine of Bes, one of many Bes images that Gayer-Anderson collected and kept (photograph Timothy Loveless).

Fig. 4. A limestone fragment from a Memphite tomb that has been embedded into the wall (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

the Valley of the Kings and is of the type of relief that can still be purchased today by local copyists. This would explain why these pieces were embedded into the walls in such a cavalier manner. One relief shows evidence that it was worked on, or at least designed by, Gayer-Anderson himself. The recto shows a couple that is carved in a way that does not quite ring true, while the verso shows two carefully laid out vertical columns of hieroglyphs in pencil, with scribbled notes in English that are clearly the work of Gayer-Anderson. Were stone cutters following his drawings to fabricate pieces for sale, or was this for his own amusement? The latter is more probable, as these never seem to have appeared on the market, and might be related to his restoration activities.
20 This might belong to a set of three, two of which are now in the Brooklyn Museum. See S. Ikram, A Fragment from a Lost Monument of Amenirdis I in the Gayer-Anderson

A few pieces that were embedded in the walls are more carefully situated within wooden frames. Two such are clearly fragments of Memphite tombs of late 18th Dynasty or very early 19th Dynasty date. One shows the heads and torsos of a richly attired man and his wife, and is situated beneath the window seat in the Museum Room. The other shows part of the head of a woman and is in a corridor leading away from the Museum Room (fig. 4). The remainders are all in the Museum Room and are unique casts of wall reliefs from the tomb of Ramose in Thebes (TT55). Gayer-Anderson made these painstakingly and illegally in 1919, when he was staying at Chicago House. At the time, he held the position of Inspector of Upper Egypt for the Government, and was thus relatively safe from official reprimand, if not moral censuresomething that he mentions in his autobiography. Some of the relief fragments are clearly originals that were set into the walls of Room F, and others that were stored there are clearly originals and date from a variety of periods. Two fragments of monumental inscription that retain their vivid color might originate from the Rameses II temple
Museum, Cairo, in Servant of Mut: Studies in Honor of Richard Fazzini, ed. S. DAuria (Leiden and Boston, 2008), 126-129.

r.g. gayer-anderson and his pharaonic collection in cairo


Fig. 7. Images of terracotta Harpocrates figurines (photograph Timothy Loveless).

Fig. 6. A terracotta statue of a woman or goddess (photograph Timothy Loveless).

at Abydos. A particularly fine piece of sandstone relief dating to the 25th Dynasty and featuring Amenirdis has been cleaned and restored and is now on display.20 Another notable object is an unfinished stela of Ptolemaic date with offerings being made to Khnum, or possibly Amunthe absence of details makes it difficult to determine which. The groups of smaller complete objects that are now on display include several molded terracotta figurines from the Graeco-Roman Period, particularly images of Harpocrates and Bes. Gayer21 Due to his friendship with the Danish ambassador to Egypt, and as the museum had purchased several objects from him in the past, Gayer-Anderson made a significant bequest to this museum upon his death in 1945. These are published by B.E.J. Peterson, Zeichnungen aus einer Totenstadt: Bildostraka aus Theben-West, ihre Fundpltze, Themata und

Anderson was clearly very fond of Bes, as stone, faience, metal, and wooden images of that god are in abundance, with many other gifted by him to the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge (fig. 5). Other terracotta objects from that period include several lamps and a splendid large molded female figure, perhaps of a goddess, who retains some vestiges of the paint that no doubt once covered her. The womans hair lies in ringlets upon her shoulder and she is bedecked with jewels: bracelets, armlets, a necklace, and little else (fig. 6). During the course of rediscovering the collection, Warner and Gayer-Anderson found drawers discreetly stuffed with a large group of erotic male terracotta figurines that had no doubt been secreted here when the house first became a public governmental museum (fig. 7). Despite Gayer-Andersons vast collection of ostraca, few are found in this museum; the majority made their way to the Fitzwilliam and to the Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm.21 One that remains is particularly enchanting, as the artist has used the natural shape of the stone to advantage, and painted a hand on it.22 Other ostraca include an erotic scene and a lengthy account text. Funerary objects feature amongst the larger items now on display. Two yellow coffin lids of the 21st Dynasty, one belonging to a man, and the other to a woman, that were once mounted in the window embrasure of the Museum Room have been conserved23 and moved to flank the doorway of Room F. Fragments of a Middle Kingdom
Zweckbereiche mitsamt einem Katalog der Gayer-AndersonSammlung in Stockholm (Stockholm, 1973). 22 F. Haikal, An Unusual Ostracon from the Beit el Kretleya Museum, in Hommages Jean-Claude Goyon, ed. L. Gabolde (Cairo, 2008). 23 This work was carried out by Bianca Madden.


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Fig. 10. Gayer-Anderson in the guise of the enigmatic Great Sphinx of Giza (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

Fig. 8. A painted cartonnage coffin from Thebes that is coated with black resinous oils (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

coffin from Asyut are also on display, together with an almost complete, albeit disarticulated, Ptolemaic Period rectangular wooden coffin. The collection also boasts a fine Roman Period (probably second century AD) plaster head from

a womans mummy, with an elaborate hairstyle. A cartonnage coffin of the 21st Dynasty with a gilded face and inlaid eyes that is covered in a black substance, probably a combination of oil, resin, and possibly bitumen, is also on display in the Museum Room. An inscription on the interior of the case records the date when Gayer-Anderson purchased it in Luxor: 20.2.21 (fig. 8). Aside from the Amenirdis relief, the gems of the collection are, without a doubt, an inscribed statue fragment of the Amarna Period, and a

Fig. 9. Gilded protective images of goddesses and amulets from a coffin of the Graeco-Roman Period (photograph Francis Dzikowski).

r.g. gayer-anderson and his pharaonic collection in cairo female torso wearing a broad collar dating to the reign of Tutankhamun or slightly later. Both are of quartzite and must have been part of the large Amarna collections that Gayer-Anderson assembled. It is surprising that these did not make their way to the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge, although one cannot help but be glad that they remained in Egypt and are part of the GayerAnderson legacy in Egypt. One further sculptural fragment deserves mention here: a portion of the head and mouth of a monumental black granite scarab. Doubtless this dates to the reign of Amenhotep III and might have been a companion piece to the one at Karnak. It is highly polished and exquisitely modeled. Other objects also jostle for attention: enormous granite toes, offering tables with Demotic


inscriptions where the liquid offerings cunningly run from one level to the next, an offering basin with the kneeling devotee peering into it from the side, cartonnage mummy cases with gilded faces, charming ceramic canopics, and cartonnage and wood bed-coffin decorations (fig. 9). Despite the fact that these are the least of Gayer-Andersons acquisitions, this collection remains a vibrant testament to the taste and skill of Gayer-Anderson as collector and his legacy to the country that he loved above all others. As he wrote, Egypt, the land of my hearts desire, where meet the crossroads of civilization, has possessed mehas become the land of my adoptionIn and around ithas my lot been cast, and there, surely, he has left his mark24 (fig. 10).

Fateful Attractions, 7.


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merenptahs confrontations in the western desert and the delta



It is a great pleasure and honor to participate in this publication dedicated to Jack Josephson, and I wish him life, prosperity, and health! There is a general agreement among scholars that during the reign of Merenptah (1212-1202 BC) the Libyans and the Sea Peoples formed an alliance and attacked Egypt from the Western Desert.1 This joint incursion is seen to have been thwarted in one decisive battle in the Western Desert, where the Egyptians defeated the allied forces in a mere six hours. These conclusions, over a century old, derive mainly from early Egyptologists such as Chabas and Maspero.2 My concern in this article is to address certain inconsistencies in Merenptahs texts on which the above conclusions are based.3 Specifically, I will argue that the texts refer to major military operations with the Libyans in the Western Desert, and perhaps minor skirmishes with the Sea Peoples in the Delta,4 and further, that the evidence for an alliance between these two enemies is open to question. Instead, the Sea Peoples most likely came to Egypt as a result of repeated skirmishes and counter-attacks with the Egyptians dating back to the time of Rameses II, after which they took up residence in some parts of the Delta. It appears that the texts conflated the clashes with the Libyans and the Sea Peoples in order to give

the impression of one large battle in which the victorious Merenptah won a major and sweeping victory against scores of enemies. References to the commemorations of Merenptahs great victory occur in all of his surviving six texts, the Karnak text from the Karnak temple, the Kom el-Ahmar text from the Delta, the Cairo and Heliopolis texts from Memphis, the Victory text from Thebes, and the Amada inscriptions.5 Three of the six texts (the Karnak, Kom el-Ahmar, and Heliopolis) contain a Plunder List, rxt HAqw. The data in the Plunder Lists, enumerating the number of combatants captured or killed and the weapons seized, have played a significant role in the interpretation of Merenptahs confrontations.6 However, close examination of the texts, independent of the Plunder Lists, conveys quite a different impression of the role of these two enemies. Several scholars have argued that the data from the Plunder Lists should be treated with caution and not taken at face value. In his examination of the texts of Thutmose III, Martin Noth suggested that a differentiation be made between the military texts and their Plunder Lists and that the two should be examined separately; that is, the latter should not be taken as a continuation of the narrative accounts, as these two segments of the text constitute two different textual genres.7

1 For a sampling of sources, see J.H. Breasted, A History of Egypt (New York, 1909; reprint, 1937), 466-469; A.H. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (London, 1961), 270-272; W. Helck, Die Beziehungen gyptens und Vorderasiens zur gis bis ins 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Darmstadt, 1979); C. Aldred, The Egyptians (New York, 1987), 152; D.B. OConnor, The Nature of Tjemhu (Libyan) Society in the Later New Kingdom, in Libya and Egypt c1300-750 BC, ed. A. Leahy (London, 1990), 29-113; K.A. Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant (Cairo, 1990), 215; N. Grimal, A History of Ancient Egypt (Cambridge, MA, 1992), 268-269; D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton, 1992), 24850; C. Vandersleyen, Lgypte et la valle du Nil 2 (Paris, 1995), 561-567; and C. Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription of Merenptah: Grand Strategy in the 13th Century BC (New Haven, 2003), 81 and 94-107. 2 F. Chabas, tudes sur lantiquit historique daprs les sources gyptiennes et les monuments rputes prhistorique (Paris, 1873), 292 ff.; G. Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations:

Egypt, Syria and Assyria (New York, 1897), 432. 3 OConnor notes that the demands of temple symbolism and royal ideology may render Merenptah and Rameses III historical narratives suspect, but adds, explicit Egyptian statements must be accepted at face value, at least for now; see D.B. OConnor, The Mystery of the Sea Peoples, in Mysterious Lands, ed. D.B. OConnor and S. Quirke (London, 2003), 120. 4 Merenptahs military confrontations with the Asiatics and Nubians are excluded from the present discussion. 5 Karnak text, K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions (KRI) IV (Oxford, 1982), 2-15; Kom el-Ahmar text, KRI IV, 20-22; Heliopolis text, KRI IV, 38; Cairo text, KRI IV, 23; Victory Hymn text, KRI IV, 13-18; and Amada text, KRI IV, 33-36. 6 The three Plunder Lists appear in three of the texts listed above: the Karnak text, KRI IV, 8-9; Kom el-Ahmar text, KRI IV, 22; and the Heliopolis text, KRI IV, 38. 7 M. Noth, Die Annalen Thutmoses III. als Geschichts-


sameh iskander employed in a list format, but not in a narrative format.13 James Allen agrees, but notes that the verb iw may also be taken as stative, which would render the passage narrative.14 Spalinger, on the other hand, posits that the restored report later in the text (line 13) rules out the restoration as an introduction, a view disputed by Manassa.15 As the Karnak text is a mixture of various literary genres, the opening passage cannot be ruled out as an introduction, and in this case, it is possible that these ethnonyms represent a list of all the enemies that Merenptah encountered on more than one confrontation. The first confrontation begins with a description of conditions in the Delta, where an unidentified enemy is present (lines 7 through 12).16
[20-24 groups lost ...] tents in front of PerBarset; on the edge of the Ita canal they made a watering place.17 [20-24 groups lost ...] which was not cared for; it was abandoned as pasture for cattle because of the Nine Bows; it was lying waste from the time of the ancestors, (when) every king dwelt in their (sic) pyra[mids 20-24 groups lost] the []s of the kings of Lower Egypt opposite their city quarter, shut up in SeshemuTawy for lack of army forces, having no troops to respond for them.

Indeed, in the Karnak inscription, there are certain linguistic differences between the text and the Plunder Lists, as noted by Anthony Spalinger and Colleen Manassa.8 For instance, in the composition of the Plunder Lists, there is a heavier use of the Late Egyptian possessive adjective, as well as the employment of specialized Late Egyptian vocabulary rarely encountered elsewhere in the text.9 Moreover, there are slight differences in the spelling of the names of the Libyans and Sea Peoples as they appear in the two segments of the texts.10 Bearing this caution in mind, it is useful to examine Merenptahs texts and their Plunder Lists separately. Let us start with the texts, where most of the narrative accounts are drawn from the Karnak inscription. In the Karnak text, the names of the five groups of Sea Peoples appear at the opening of the text.11
[...20-24 groups lost (3 courses of masonry lost)..] Mariyu, [son of Didi], the Aqawasha, the Tursha, the Luku, the Sherden, and the Sheklesh and the northerners of all lands who came.

One may argue that the reference to the various groups of the Libyans and the Sea Peoples together at the opening of the text is a proof of their alliance in one battle. This argument is open to question. James Breasted has correctly noted that these ethnonyms represent with great probability an opening intended as a list of the enemies of Merenptah.12 This opening is similar to the well-known Qadesh poem of Rameses II, which enumerates the kings enemies, and is not part of the narrative. Alan Shulman reinforced Breasteds argument on linguistic grounds: the verb form iw (the walking legs) used with the Sea Peoples, is followed by three strokes, thereby rendering it a participalthat is, an adjectivewhich is usually
quelle, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 66 (1950), 156 ff; A.R. Schulman, The Great Historical Inscription of Merenptah at Karnak: A Partial Reapraisal, JARCE 24 (1987), 22. Redford, however, disagrees with this view; see D.B. Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books (Mississauga, 1986), 124-125; for doubts about the amounts reported in Thutmose IIIs Plunder Lists, see Redford, The Northern Wars of Thutmose III, in Thutmose III: A New Biography, ed. E.H. Cline and D.B. OConnor (Ann Arbor, 2006), 326; see also further discussion below. 8 A. Spalinger, Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians (New Haven, 1982), 141; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 57. 9 Examples of the appearance of Late Egyptian elements in the Plunder Lists are the use of the irm (instead of Hna) and constructions such as KRI IV, 8:4-9:8.

The text continues with the kings reaction to these conditions and his rising up to protect the people:
(Now) it happened that [20-24 groups lost ...]. He [occupied] the throne of Horus, he was appointed to sustain the elite, and had risen as king to protect the ordinary folk, (for) there was strength in him to do it, saying, One is [20-24 groups lost ...] Mabir. (He is one who) musters his choicest troops and his chariotry on every road, his scouts active, and his instructions in [20-24 groups lost ...] his []. He does not (even) scrutinize the myriads on the day of marshalling (the troops).
Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 57. Karnak stela line 1, KRI IV, 2: 12. 12 See J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt 3 (Chicago, 1906-07), 241, nt. a; Qadesh Poem, KRI II, 5.1ff; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 5-6. 13 Schulman, The Great Historical Inscription, 26. 14 J. P. Allen in a personal communication; see A.H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar (Oxford, 1982), 235. 15 Spalinger, Aspects, 212-213; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 5-6. 16 Karnak stela lines 7-12: KRI IV, 3:5-6 through 3:13-15 and K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated. Translations (RITA), vol. IV (Oxford, 2003), 2-3. 17 For SkunA as watering place, see J.E. Hoch, Semitic Words (Princeton, 1994), 289, no. 414. .
11 10

merenptahs confrontations in the western desert and the delta The text does not identify the enemy camped at Per-Barset in the Delta before the great battle in the Western Desert. Despite the lacunae, there are tantalizing clues that can be extracted upon close examination. The location of Per-Barset has been much debated among scholars. Alan Gardiner, Labib Habachi, Spalinger, Manfred Bietak, and Manassa place it in the eastern Delta.18 Habachi, for instance, equates it with Bubastis, whereas Bietak equates it with the modern town Bilbeis to the east of the eastern branch of the Nile.19 Henri Gauthier follows Breasted in placing Per-Barset in the western Delta.20 Outside the Karnak text, this toponym appears only once in Papyrus Harris I dated to the reign of Ramses III,21 which seems to indicate an eastern Delta location because of the association of Per-Barset with the domain of Bastet. The latter encompasses the cities of Bubastis and Belbeis. It is likely that Per-Barset is linked with a place in the eastern Delta. The text employs the Semitic term ihrw for the tents of the enemy at Per-Barset.22 In Egyptian texts, this term is attested only once outside the Karnak inscriptions in Papyrus Harris I, where ihrw refers to the tents of nomads who penetrated Egypt from Canaan during the reign of Rameses III.23 Merenptahs texts otherwise employ a different term for the tents of the Libyans camped in the Western Desert, ihw.24 This familiar term appears frequently in Egyptian texts since Thutmose III, and three times in Merenptahs texts in reference to the tents of the Libyans.25 By employing two different designations for the tents, the Egyptian scribes seem to distinguish between two enemies: the Libyans in the Western Desert, and another enemy in the eastern Delta at Per-Barset. This latter enemy in the eastern Delta was not the Libyans because: (1) the king was informed of
A.H. Gardiner, The Delta Residence of the Ramessides, JEA 5 (1918), 258; L. Habachi, Tell Basta (Cairo, 1957), 123-125; Spalinger, Aspects, 208, n. 53; M. Bietak, Respondents, Biblical Archaeology Today: Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology (Jerusalem, 1984), 216. 19 Bietak, Respondents, 216. 20 H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms gographiques contenus dans les texts hiroglyphiques (Cairo, 1925), 75-76; Breasted, Ancient Records, 242; Schulman, The Great Historical Inscription, 21-46. 21 Papyrus Harris I, 62a, line 2 mentions that Per Barset was on the Water of Re; see P. Grandet, Le Papyrus Harris I: BM9999, vol. 1 (Cairo, 1994-99), 337. 22 Wb. 1, 119: Zelt der Nomaden; J.E. Hoch, Semitic Words, 31, no. 24. 23 Papyrus Harris I, 76, line 10; Grandet, Le Papyrus Harris I, 337.


the Libyan attack afterwards (line 13 of the Karnak text);26 and (2) geographically, the eastern Delta is not where the Libyans were expected to attack or roam. Manassa has argued that the Libyan forces had crossed the Nile in Middle Egypt and turned north to the eastern Delta, a view doubted by Spalinger.27 There is no data to support this strategy. More likely, the enemy confronted in the eastern Delta was one of two foes: the Sea Peoples or some elements of nomadic foreign groups such as the Shasu. The latter, however, do not seem to be mentioned in the list of enemies at the opening of the Karnak text, and there are no references to the Shasu in any of Merenptahs royal texts. Furthermore, a border officials report indicates that the Egyptians had permitted the Shasu and their flocks access to water in Egypt, a sign of relatively peaceful relations.28 The evidence weighs more heavily in favor of the conclusion that the Sea Peoples were the enemy camped in the eastern Delta. The presence of enemies, presumably the Sea peoples, camped in the Delta during the reign of Merenptah following three centuries of victorious military campaigns beyond the borders of Egypt was undoubtedly viewed at the time as painful. The times of troubles theme, a literary genre known in ancient Egyptian texts from as early as the Middle Kingdom, generally echoes certain historical conditions of the past.29 Thus, the reference in the Karnak text (line 8) to the presence of the Nine Bows inside Egypt from the time the ancestors may refer to historical accounts about the presence of the Sea Peoples in the Delta for a considerable length of time since the early years of the reign of Rameses II.30 This can be gleaned from two texts dated to the early reign of Rameses III. A stela from Tanis mentions that the Sherden
Karnak stela line 15; KRI IV, 4: 3; Wb. 1, 118: Feldlager.For a discussion of tents in general in ancient Egypt and the terms ihrw and ihw, see J. Hoffmeier, Tents in Egypt and the Ancient Near East, SSEAJ 7 (1977), 3-28, esp. 23. 25 Victory Hymn stela line 7; KRI IV, 14:14, Kom elAhmer stela recto line 7, KRI IV, 20:14; and Karnak stela line 15, KRI IV, 4: 3. 26 KRI IV, 3: 15-16. 27 Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 94-103; A.J. Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2005) 245, n. 2. 28 Papyrus Anastasi VI in R.A. Caminos, Late Egyptian Miscellanies (London, 1954), 293-300; J. ern, A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside Period (Cairo, 1973), 293-296. 29 For the topo times of troubles in various texts, see Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 258-275, and 266-267 for the topo in the Karnak text specifically. 30 KRI IV, 35: 13, 36: 1.


sameh iskander Let us now turn to the Western Desert confrontation in the Karnak text, which begins with the kings receipt of a report of the Libyan attack in line 13.37 As correctly restored by Spalinger and Manassa, this line includes an construction within the lacuna of 24 groups.38 In restoring the long-missing portion beginning in line 14, we must visualize the impact of the length of the lacuna, which is approximately three courses of masonry. Broad parallels can be drawn from a passage in Merenptahs Amada text of a report delivered to Merenptah (employing construction) about the revolt in Nubia while he was engaged in the north combating the Libyans.39 Line 14 in Merenptahs Karnak text may be restored as a continuation of the report in line 13, somewhat along the lines of the Amada stela line 4, as follows:
[One came to say to his Majesty in Year 5, second month of] Shemu: the vile enemy chief of Ribu, Mariyu, son of Didi, has descended upon the land of Tehenu together with his archers, [when the brave troops of his Majesty had arisen to defeat the Sher]den, Sheklesh, Aqawasha, Luku, Turshaby taking every single warrior and every runner of his foreign land. He has (even) brought his wife and his children.

came in warships from the sea and were defeated by Rameses II.31 Another stela, from Aswan, states that Rameses II, in his Regnal Year 2, defeated the warriors of the Great Green in the Delta.32 Returning to the Karnak text, the praise of the king in line 12 mentioned above is followed by the phrase:
His soldiers march(ed) forth to return with plunder. (He is) kind while leading the troops against every land.33

Schulman, Kenneth Kitchen, Benedict Davis and Manassa seem to render the passage as historical, a view indicating that there were actual confrontations before the Western Desert battle.34 Since this activity follows the reference to the enemy in PerBarset, it is not unreasonable to assume that the confrontation was in the Delta (although, admittedly, one may argue that the missing sections in this part of the text may refer to a completely different context.) Afterward according to the text, Merenptahs troops returned victorious, bearing plunder, kf a.35 It seems that this was a minor campaign or a series of small skirmishes, because the reference to the confrontation and the troops return with plunder merit only brief mention, about one line. Moreover, the plunder from this skirmish is not tallied, in contrast to the detailed Plunder List of the Western Desert battle mentioned later in the text. Allen sees the historicity of this passage is by no means certain, as it may be a continuation of the preceding praise of the king, and does not refer to a historical battle. 36 In this case, the non-historical character of this passage casts further doubts on any significant confrontations between Merenptah and the enemy camped in the eastern Delta, and may support the argument of small-scale skirmishes in the Delta.

The restored portion above would approximately fit the missing 24 groups in line 14. The Sea Peoples would thus be part of an adverbial clause: when the brave troops of his Majesty had risen to defeat the Sherden, Sheklesh, Aqawasha, Luku, Tursha. This clause is followed by the continuation of the narrative: by taking the best of every warrior. The restoration is admittedly somewhat hypothetical, but a certain measure of speculation is inevitable in interpreting this highly fragmentary

Rameses IIs rhetorical stela, Cairo Museum, CGC 34510; PM IV, 21 (196); KRI II, 290:1-5; RITA II, 120; K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated. Notes and Comments (RITANC), vol. II (Oxford, 1993-99), 174. 32 Rameses IIs Aswan stela, Year 2, PM V, 245; KRI II, 345:7-9; RITA II, 182 (121); RITANC II, 207-208. 33 Karnak stela line 12; KRI, IV, 3: 13-15. 34 A.R. Schulman, Military Rank, Title, and Organization in the Egyptian New Kingdom (Berlin, 1964), 117; Kitchen, RITA, IV, 3; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 22, where she interprets the source of this plunder as Merenptahs campaign in Syria-Palestine. Breasted and Davies translations are somewhat different, but also render the passage historical, his soldiers set forth with the mercenary troops, fair of face, sending the troops against every land; Breasted, Ancient Records, 242; B.D. Davies, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of


the Nineteenth Dynasty (Jonsered, Sweden, 1997), 155. 35 Wb. 5, 121; for a discussion of the term kfa, see Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 22, n. 111. 36 In a personal communication, J. P. Allen argues that while most of the verbs in lines 11 and 12 may be interpreted as narrative, the form bw Darw.n.f in line 12 is the Ramesside counterpart of the Middle Egyptian n sdm.n.f and the Late Egyptian bw sDm.f or bw jr.f sDm is an atemporal statement, not a narrative one. This, together with the following epithet nfr Hr (which means kind or merciful, not fair of face), indicates that the other verb forms are participles praising the king. 37 Karnak stela line 13, KRI IV, 3:13-15; Spalinger, Aspects 14-15; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 25-27. 38 Spalinger, Aspects, 14-15; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 23. 39 Amada stela line 4, KRI IV, 34: 5-9; RITA IV, 1-2.

merenptahs confrontations in the western desert and the delta text.40 The use of the masculine single pronoun (his) to refer to the warriors of Mariyu confirms that all warriors were Libyans.41 In the next line (14), the same pronoun is employed in reference to the warriors and runners. Once more the use of the masculine singular pronoun demonstrates that every warrior and runner was from Mariyus foreign land, that is, Libya, suggesting that no Sea Peoples were included. The preparation for the Western Desert battle follows two accounts of divine concern: an oracle and a divine dream. In the former, Amun nodded and turned his back against the Meshwesh, and he does not even look at the land of Tjemeh.42 The absence of Sea Peoples from the oracle adds additional support to the reservations about their participation in the Western Desert. The only direct reference to an alliance between the Sea Peoples and the Libyans in all of Merenptahs texts (excluding the Plunder Lists) occurs once in each of the Heliopolis and Cairo inscriptions. This reference to alliance is contrasted by the absence of the Sea Peoples from the Plunder List of the Heliopolis inscriptionsthe Cairo text does not contain a Plunder List. Of the Sea Peoples mentioned in the Heliopolis and Cairo columns, only one group, the Sheklesh, is mentioned. The exclusion of the other four groups of the Sea Peoples in these two texts is perplexing, as it contradicts the references in the Karnak text to their participation in the confrontations. Lack of space may have been the reason for the omission in the Cairo column, but this is not the case in the Heliopolis column, where there is ample space to inscribe all five groups.43 These inconsistencies further cloud the argument for the participation of the Sea Peoples in the Western Desert battle. The evidence discussed so far points in favor of the conclusion that the main thrust of Merenptahs texts (excluding the Plunder Lists) is the victory over the Libyans in the Western Desert battle. The amount of space in all of Merenptahs texts accorded to the Sea Peoples outside the Plunder Lists is sparse and significantly less than that allocated to the Libyans; the former occur only


four times (as a group), whereas the latter appear thirty-eight times.44 Turning to the data of the Plunder Lists, we find that the tallies clearly express a different impression than the rest of the texts about the participation of the Sea Peoples in the battle. In terms of the number of enemy captured or slain, the Sea Peoples represent about one-third of the total. The data can be appreciated better when laid out in diagrammatic form, as in table 1:
Table 1. Occurrences of Sea Peoples and Libyans in Merenptahs texts Text Plunder Lists Sea Peoples Victory Karnak No list Libyans No list Text, excluding Plunder Lists Sea Peoples 0 Libyans 11 13

1/3 of 2/3 of 2 combatants combatants 1/3 of 2/3 of 0 combatants combatants None

Kom el-Ahmar Heliopolis

All 1 3 combatants Sheklesh only No list 1 Sheklesh 2 only 0 3


No list


No list

No list

It is remarkable how few are the occurrences of the Sea Peoples outside the Plunder Lists (fourth column) compared to those of the Libyans (fifth column.) It is the appearance of the Sea Peoples in sizable numbers in the Karnak and Kom elAhmar Plunder Lists that gives the impression that these groups participated in the Western Desert battle. There are also certain discrepancies within these lists. According to the Heliopolis Plunder List, 9,376 Libyans were slain or captured in the battle, while no Sea Peoples are mentioned in the list. The same number appears

40 The challenges of interpreting Merenptahs fragmentary texts are noted by OConnor, The Nature of Tjemhu (Libyan) Society, 109. 41 Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 25 and n. 127. 42 Karnak stela line 26, KRI IV, 5:6-7.

43 OConnor, The Mystery of the Sea Peoples, 120; for photographs of the columns, discussion of their functions, and relevant references, see S. Iskander, The Reign of Merenptah (PhD diss., New York University, 2002), 158161. 44 Each collective appearance in the texts of groups of the Sea Peoples or the Libyans is counted as an occurrence.


sameh iskander Such distortions illustrate the unreliability of the figures reported in the Plunder Lists accompanying royal inscriptions. Thus, the number of Sea Peoples enumerated in Merenptahs Plunder List should be used with the greatest of caution in the reconstruction of historical narratives. The data of the Plunder Lists, however, provides indirect clues that point to the absence of the Sea Peoples from the Western Desert battle. According to the lists, the weapons seized were bows, quivers, and arrows (weapons usually associated with the Libyans), as well as swords. The Karnak list includes 9,111 copper (Hmt) swords of the Meshwesh (a term that does not appear elsewhere in any text). The Heliopolis text lists 9,268 swords.49 Despite the small discrepancy of 57 items, it is reasonable to conclude that the two lists refer to the same plunder of swords. As the translation of the term Hmt as copper is certain,50 it is more likely that the Meshwesh copper swords mentioned in the lists belonged to the Libyans rather than to the Sea Peoples. In the Late Bronze Agethe date of this confrontationit is reasonable to assume that the Sea Peoples used bronze swords, rather than copper, as gleaned from the archaeologically known weapons of the eastern Mediterranean peoples at the time.51 About thirty years later, the Libyans appear in relief scenes in Medinet Habus Rameses III Libyan war Year 11 brandishing long swords, an indication that they used their swords in battles without the participation of the Sea Peoples.52 Furthermore, the absence of spears or shields in the Plunder Lists indicates that the weapons of the Sea Peoples were not included in the plunder.53 On the other hand, as OConnor has noted, the Sea Peoples may of course have used the Libyans weapons (Meshwesh swords, or arrows); however, there is no data elsewhere to support this.54

in the Karnak and Kom el-Ahmer Plunder Lists as a total, which included Libyans as well as Sea Peoples.45 Noteworthy also is the inclusion of the Sea Peoples in the Kom el-Ahmar Plunder List, although they are absent from the main text. This absence is, however, not certain, as one may argue that the text is highly fragmentary (about half of the inscription is lost). Several scholars have raised doubts about the accuracy of the figures in the Plunder Lists, since these records are written by the victor and therefore liable to great distortion. For instance, Schulman has argued that the Plunder Lists in general present a problem for the historian because the disparate figures of the enemy contained are often not recorded for historical purpose but are rather intended to emphasize the prowess of the king.46 Furthermore, Jac. J. Janssen, Elmar Edel, and Peter Der Maneulian have noted clear discrepancies in the Plunder Lists of Amenhotep IIs two campaigns in Asia.47 In the first campaign (Year 7) he went north as far as Nukhasse, and in the second campaign (Year 9) he went only as far as the area around Megiddo. The Plunder List of the second campaign shows clearly exaggerated items and figures in that it includes plunder from the first campaign. Pictorially, the conflation of plunder from various confrontations is to be found in various wall-relief battle scenes in tombs and temples of ancient Egypt. One example is the Memphite tomb of Horemheb,48 where the Libyan, Asiatic, and Nubian prisoners are shown being presented to the king as a group, while a military scribe records the plunder. The impression is that of a single major military event against scores of enemies, though it is highly unlikely that Horemheb campaigned on all these fronts at the same time.

45 For a discussion of the figure of 9,376 casualties in the Merenptah Plunder Lists, see OConnor, The Nature of Tjemhu (Libyan) Society, 41; Manassa, The Great Karnak Inscription, 59. 46 Schulman, The Great Historical Inscription, 22. 47 J. J. Janssen, Eine Beuteliste von Amenophis II. und das Problem der Sklaverei im alten gypten, JEOL 17 (1963), 141-147; E. Edel, Die Stelen Amenophis II. aus Karnak und Memphis mit dem Bericht ber die asiatischen Feldzge des Knigs, ZDPV 69 (1953), 97-176, and ZDPV 70 (1954), 87; P. Der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II (Hildesheim, 1987), 76 ff. 48 G.T. Martin, The Hidden Tombs of Memphis (London, 1991), 70-71. 49 Heliopolis text line 4; KRI IV, 38: 5. 50 Wb. 3, 99; Breasted, Ancient Records, 250; J.R. Harris,

Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals (Berlin, 1961), 50 and 55-56; Davies, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions, 165; RITA IV, 9; Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt, 238. 51 Spalinger also doubts that the copper swords belonged to the Sea Peoples; see Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt, 238; for swords in the Late Bronze Age, see Drews, The End of the Bronze Age, 192-208; N.K. Sandars, The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Ancient Mediterranean (London, 1978), 72-77, and 91-110. 52 W.F. Edgerton and J.A. Wilson, Historical Records of Ramses III. The Texts in Medinet Habu 2 (Chicago, 1936), pls. 68, 70, 71, 72. 53 R. Stadelmann, Seevlker, in L 5 (1975), 814-822; OConnor, The Nature of Tjemhu Society, 56. 54 OConnor, The Nature of Tjemhu (Libyan) Society, 56-57.

merenptahs confrontations in the western desert and the delta One interpretation of the absence of the Sea Peoples weapons from the Plunder List of the Western Desert battle is that they did not carry weapons. However, there is no reasonable explanation for a large number of unarmed combatants to have joined the Libyans in the Western Desert. Another interpretation based on the possible historicity of line 12 of the Karnak text (discussed above) suggests that the Sea Peoples in the Plunder Lists may have been those captured or slain in the earlier Delta campaign and incorporated in the Plunder List of the Western Desert battle. The absence of their weapons indicates that they were unarmed or lightly armed squatters overtaken by Merenptah in the earlier campaign in the Delta. This argument echoes Drews conclusion that the Sea Peoples depicted in Medinet Habu in the campaign of Rameses III in Year 8 were nomadic squatters or fugitive villagers.55 Each of the above arguments may not be entirely conclusive by itself, but taken together, they allow us to derive a general impression of the role of the Libyans and Sea Peoples. The texts, in their totality, appear to have been written primarily in commemoration of a great victory over the Libyans in the Western Desert. This battle may have been preceded by minor confrontations, presumably in the Delta, with the Sea Peoples, who had come steadily to Egypt over a long period, from the time of Rameses II, although no battle with them is
Drews, Medinet Habu, 166. For the nature of the alliance of the Sea Peoples during the reign of Ramses III, see B. Cifola, Ramses III and the Sea Peoples: A Structural Analysis of the Medinet Habu
56 55


specifically mentioned in Merenptahs texts. They were likely unarmed squatters roaming the Delta, as evidenced by the absence of their weapons from the Plunder Lists. Because they had traveled long distances and came from a variety of places, it is inconceivable that they, as a group of five loosely related peoples, had managed to unite, let alone with five additional Libyan tribes from far away with a different language and culture.56 The logistics of coordinating a coalition comprised of five groups from the eastern Mediterranean together with another five groups from Libya may not be a great challenge to present-day invaders, equipped with advanced electronic communications, but would seem to overtax the capacities of the people of the thirteenth century BC. In order to convey the impression of a larger battle with a multitude of enemies, the texts conflated the Libyan battle with the separate confrontations with the Sea Peoples. The texts thus serve to portray the king as the ultimate victor over both the Libyans and Sea Peoples depicted as numerous enemies (ten enemies, five components each of the Libyans and Sea Peoples) converging on Egypt as a manifestation of the Nine Bows. This ideological motif appears pictorially throughout the Egyptian history in the image of the pharaoh smiting a band of enemies of Egypt while holding them by the hair.

Inscriptions, Orientalia 57 (1988), 275-306. Cifola concludes that the Sea Peoples cannot have represented a coherent force or body and that they were not united in a true alliance.


sameh iskander

a contemplation of the late period


A CONTEMPLATION OF THE LATE PERIOD T.G.H. James The British Museum (emeritus)

When William Stevenson Smiths The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt was published in 1958, I complained in a review that the author had devoted such a small part of his book to the Late Period. Of the 254 pages of his main text, 24 only were devoted to this period, in which he included everything after the end of the 20th Dynasty; further, as a generous part of those 24 pages considered Kushite and Meroitic art, it needs no special argument to convince that in that otherwise most admirable book, the last 700 years of Egyptian art got rather short shrift. It provides an indication of how recently have the interest in and appreciation of the art of the Late Period developed. In 1958 most Egyptologists tended to concentrate interest in the art of earlier periods of Egyptian history, and believed that after the early 20th Dynasty it was downhill all the way. A handful of well-known pieces of sculpture might have been invokedMentuemhat, perhaps, and the Berlin green head. My own negative attitude to the last dynasties was most surely modified by the annual visits to the British Museum by Bernard Bothmer. I cannot remember precisely when they began, but the pattern was well established by the mid-1950s; then, year after year the galleries and reserves of the museum were ransacked for late sculptures. My own view of Late Period sculpture was modified, and I am sure that my criticism of Bill Smiths treatment of this period was based on a heightened understanding that the later dynasties had more to offer than was generally believed. Fuller understanding came with the Brooklyn Museum exhibition in 1960-61, Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period. In a review of the exhibition catalogue, I drew attention to the period covered by the exhibition, 700 BC to AD 100, and noted that this was a definition of the Late Period that some Egyptologists might wish to contest. I remain somewhat troubled by the chronological definition of the Late Period. It has, I suspect, always been something of an elastic term. Bill Smith included everything

from the end of the 20th Dynasty down to the conquest of Alexander in 332 BC, incorporating what is now commonly called the Third Intermediate Perioda term I am given to dislike. So there seems to be the possibility of including within the Late Period the whole stretch of time from the beginning of the 21st Dynasty down to the end of the first century AD, well over a millennium. Let us, therefore, for this paper, think of it as a somewhat flexible term; perhaps not so flexible as to stretch from about 1070 BC down to about AD 100, but encompassing at least the 25th to 30th Dynasties. The period may seem to consist of four parts which in general correspond with dynastic divisions: 1. The Kushite 25th Dynasty. 2. The 26th Dynasty with native Egyptian kings. 3. The Persian 27th Dynasty. 4. The final native dynasties, 28th to 30th, followed by a brief second Persian domination, abruptly concluded by the arrival of Alexander the Great. These divisions do not represent a time of regular progression in the political sense. Yet in very general terms, Egypt operated throughout the period as a single political entity. When Egypt was united politically, it maintained cultural and artistic standards that allowed the production of work that may be characterized as being Egyptian in the best sense. From the artistic point of view, this aspect of Egypt in the Late Period has often been ascribed to archaizing, to a conscious return to ancient forms, stimulated perhaps by a desire to find inspiration in the past. It is worth considering how the undulating course of Egyptian history, with its attendant cultural developments, displays an often-interrupted but surprisingly regular advance from the primitive to the developed. The thread that keeps the sequence on a proper path is one that remains to be satisfactorily analyzed and explained; it may be called Egyptianismthe quality of being Egyp-


t.g.h. james over the whole country. Again it would seem that a central administration was able to organize itself and secure a stability and confidence that enabled life in all its Egyptian richness to be reconstituted throughout the land. Again, however, a severe lack of good evidence prevents a proper estimation to be made of what precisely happened in the towns and villages of Egypt. By good evidence, I here mean in particular written evidence. We may rightly admire the burning compulsion of the ancient Egyptians to put things down in writing on papyrus, and ostraca, but it is a sad fact that for many periods of Egyptian history, the surviving bodies of written secular material are woefully small. When texts survive in quantity from a single site, we are properly excited and tend to over-interpret their contents, as from Kahun for the late 12th and early 13th Dynasties, or Deir el-Medina for Thebes in the New Kingdom. Such texts tell us much about very specialized communities that were in no way typical of Egyptian communities in general. The almost complete absence of non-religious, nonliterary, non-monumental texts for the early 12th and the early 18th Dynasties prevents the student of Egyptian history and culture from obtaining more than a very superficial idea of how ordinary Egyptians managed their daily lives. But there is enough evidence of other kinds to establish that those two periods were times of great cultural efflorescence. With these examples, even precedents, in mind, let us turn to the 25th Dynasty and to its preceding period, the 300 years known as the Late New Kingdom, or the Third Intermediate Period. Strict parallels cannot be drawn between the usurpation of the Egyptian dual kingship by rulers from Kush and the domestic Egyptian movements that led to the establishment of the Middle and New Kingdoms. But some strikingly similar elements may be detected in the later and earlier movements. The progression of events preceding the confirmation of Kushite supremacy in Egypt cannot be represented as a clean-cut sequence. The start of the so-called Third Intermediate Period, set conventionally at the beginning of the 21st Dynasty in about 1070 BC, is marked by no general deterioration in the internal circumstances in Egypt. It is true that power was effectively divided between the royal line, with its new capital in Tanis in the northeastern Delta, and the High Priests of Amun, established at Thebes. This situation was not new; Thebes had not significantly been capital

tian. How tiresome it is to be told that Egyptian art looks the same whether it is of the Old Kingdom or of the Ptolemaic Period! One does not need much knowledge and perception to be able to distinguish between, shall we say, a relief in a mastaba at Saqqara and a relief in the temple of Edfu, a funerary sculpture of the 18th Dynasty and a votive piece of the Late Period. Nevertheless, we may all recognize the quality of being Egyptian that characterizes most things Egyptian, which in sculptural terms is not just a matter of the canon or of an undefined quality to be discerned in a face or an attitude. In considering what happened in Egypt to spark off the extraordinary flowering of the socalled renaissance in the 25th and 26th Dynasties, it may be profitable to glance briefly at earlier times when comparable revivals took place, in particular the periods of reunification of Upper and Lower Egypt after the First and Second Intermediate Periods. On both occasions, the process of reunification seems to have been accompanied by a return to normality of life in all its aspects, which apparently required little conscious effort on the part of the ruling houses. It is as if the people of Egypt, from Elephantine to the Delta, were all standing in the wings waiting to resume a way of life that had been suppressed in the meanwhile. Egyptianism bounces back. There is still much to learn about what actually happened in Egypt, both in the important political centers and in the countryside, during the two early Intermediate Periods. For the First Intermediate Period there are some documents, including tomb texts, which suggest that the times were hard throughout the land. A few literary texts reinforce this impression, and there is further evidence from religious texts and practices that a kind of turmoil had overtaken Egypt. Yet much of what was best of the past had been kept alive, so that from the moment of reunification in the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, political institutions were quickly made normalin strict Egyptian termsand, for example, royal reliefs began to be executed in the fine style and with a competence of craftsmanship that could be associated not with the Theban region of the Old Kingdom, but with Memphis. How was it done? We do not know. Equally we do not know how things returned to normal after the upsetting events of the Second Intermediate Period. There are interesting texts that tell something of the political moves that enabled the Theban rulers to re-establish control

a contemplation of the late period of Egypt for hundreds of years. From early in the 19th Dynasty, the Delta Residence of Piramesse had been the royal seat, and the principal center of administration had been Memphis. Thebes remained the most important religious center of Egypt, and along with most of Upper Egypt operated virtually as an independent state. Yet the royal status of the Tanite rulers was recognized within the Theban principality and remained so for much of the subsequent period down to the time of the Kushite conquest, and even thereafter. The Theban administration was dominated at first by the High Priest of Amun, and later by the remarkable figure of the Gods Wife of Amun with her adopted daughter and crown-princess the Adorer of the God, supported by a civil administration of almost hereditary character. The kings of the 22nd and 23rd Dynasties stemming from Bubastis, but of ultimate Libyan origin, continued the dual nature of control in Egypt down to the time of King Osorkon III towards the end of the ninth century BC. The dynastic feuds, which included disputes involving the appointments of High Priests of Amun at Thebes, led to a virtual disintegration of political cohesion in northern Upper Egypt and the Delta. In a sense, Egypt had finally relapsed into an Intermediate Period state of affairs with an archaic character, and not entirely dissimilar to that which obtained, at least in the Delta, during the Second Intermediate Period. The intervention of the Kushite kings from the middle of the eighth century BC should have ended this confused political situation; but matters did not turn out as neatly as might have been the case if the intervention had been led by a native Egyptian with a determination to become King of Upper and Lower Egypt. No serious effort seems to have been made by the Kushite kings to secure a proper reunification of the whole of Egypt. In fact they behaved politically with a strange navet, failing to understand that unity in Egypt could not be simply a titular matter. In spite of the overall weakness of political control throughout the 25th Dynasty, its rulers and their officers and agents, most of whom were undoubtedly Egyptian, not Nubian, succeeded in stimulating a cultural shift in Thebes and the Memphite region, which expressed itself in many ways. New building was encouraged; religious institutions and purposes were fostered; there was a remarkable revival in private-tomb construction, especially for senior officials. There


was also a significant advance in scribal activity, which was marked in particular by the proliferation of legal documents, notable from the time of the reign of Shabaqo. It was to take an even more significant step forward from the time of the early 26th Dynasty, when the distinctive demotic script began to be used in Lower Egypt. It is difficult to account satisfactorily for much of what resulted from this cultural shift. Temple buildings are easily explained; the concern shown by Shabaqo for the preservation of the ancient text known as the Memphite Theology, by having it transcribed on a great basalt slab, may indicate true royal piety; it may, however, have been a more calculated political act. Nevertheless some concatenation of circumstances produced, with the right stimulus, the remarkable renaissanceit is scarcely improper in this case to use this heavily loaded wordin the late eighth and seventh centuries BC. Let us consider sculpture as a relatively concrete field in which to test ideas of new purpose, renaissance, general stimulation. It becomes clear from the outset that we may be treading on very shaky ground. Who may have gone into the sculptors workshops and announced the arrival of a new age? Did Harwa or Mentuemhat issue specific instructions to craftsmen to produce series of personal pieces in very different styles? Let some of them be rather conservative. Use different kinds of stone. Try your hand at something new and special. See what you can do to breathe new life into some of the old, admired, forms of the past. We may further ask: how did Egyptian sculptors know about good early pieces, worthy of copying and adapting? It is known that tombs of the Old and Middle Kingdoms in particular were selectively examined and used to provide exemplars for reliefs in Late Period burials. The best straight plagiarismif that is the right word, rather than pious reproductionis shown by the scenes in the tomb of Ibi in the Theban necropolis (no. 36), where the source of much of the decoration is the tomb of Ibi of the early 6th Dynasty at Deir-elGabrawi. Here the intention to invoke something from the past is wholly explicable. Still we have little idea of how precisely it was carried out. Ancient Egyptian craftsmen could work artistic miracles in stone, producing conventional forms, variants on well-established forms, and remarkable and unparalleled new inspirations. But nothing much would have been done without orders and directions. It seems unlikely that an ancient


t.g.h. james Egypt, particularly in the Delta, but even as far south as Elephantine. The city of Memphis was probably as cosmopolitan a place as could be found anywhere in the ancient world before the foundation of Alexandria. There is not a great deal of evidence to show how welcoming the indigenous inhabitants of Egypt were to the arrival of foreigners. Egypt has always shown itself to be accommodating to individual foreigners. Integration for small numbers was always possible; but the satisfactory and acceptable movement was always towards the Egyptianizing of the foreigner, to absorption rather than to the continuance of a non-Egyptian identity. As the Late Period advanced, however, the scale of immigration outpaced the capacity to assimilate. It was in a place like Memphis, the largest metropolitan district in Egypt, that tensions were greatest. But again, it was in places like Memphis that the presence of foreign communities not only brought new influences to Egyptian life and culture, but also stimulated what might now be described as cultural backlash. Egyptianism needed to be maintained and sustained in spite of relentless pressures from external influences. Positive steps were needed to perpetuate, as far as possible, things Egyptian in all areas. One form taken by this desire to extend the Egyptian past into an uncertain future was the demonstration of family tradition and history by the placing of genealogies on votive statues and other inscribed objects. It may also account for the development of animal cults and the accompanying practice of animal mummification. The last was particularly Egyptian. In the distressing time of Persian occupation, some comfort could be found in parading Egyptianism; it had been displayed culturally in abundant manner during the 26th Dynasty, and the practices of craftsmanship and artistic skills developed during that exceptionally lively period were still in good shape for further exploitation when sadder times arrived. The return to earlier forms, especially in sculpture, was a characteristic of Egyptianism from early times. Any national setback was countered by a searching for a kind of cultural security in conservatism and in wellestablished forms. The retrospective tendency of the Late Period was one aspect only of the vigorous cultural drive of the times. Even more striking were the technical skills of the craftsmen of the period. Nothing seemed to be too difficult; no form too complicated; no stone too hard; no

carver in stone would have sat down and conceived and carved a fine piece unless someone had told him to do so. I do not suggest by this comment that the ancient craftsman was devoid of artistic purpose, sensibility, and even initiative. No good, well-trained, run-of-the-mill carver could have made pieces that so strikingly demonstrate the artistic feeling and loving care in execution that transcend simple, but good, craftsmanship. A very good sculpture, however, is not invariably a masterpiece. Nevertheless, like the great earlier periods, which produced undoubted masterpieces, the Late Period can be credited with many outstanding works that give the lie to the belief that it was a time just of pastiche and derivative work. My intention in this paper has been to suggest reasons why Egypt, in its last great period of essentially domestic rule, did succeed in retrieving much of its ancient purpose and consequent achievement. The thread runs right through from the 25th Dynasty, by way of the stable, although often politically inept, 26th Dynasty, to the foreign-dominated time of the 27th Dynasty, to the last years of native rule. The changes that took place in Egypt subsequent to Alexanders conquest are much more clearly distinguishable in artistic, cultural, and political terms, than those of the Late Period. They are entirely understandable in the context of the radical change in the kind of royal house that had then assumed authority. The Macedonian Greeks were firmly established in Egypt. They had nowhere else to retire to, and in consequence had every reason to settle down and make the best of life in Egypt on their own Hellenizing terms. To the contrary, the Kushites soon enough withdrew to their heartland when the going became tough in the land they had chosen to rule over. Similarly the Persians, whose base was far from Egypt, never attempted to make Egypt more than a satellite satrapy of their empire. The absence of cultural domination by an external power before the Ptolemaic Period allowed Egypt to enjoy and promote within its indigenous population the spirit of Egyptianism which I have already mentioned. There were, of course, many areas of life that became affected by foreign influences. The introduction of new ideas from abroad was nothing new for Egypt, especially in matters technological. But the immigration of foreigners of different nationalities and races had much intensified from the seventh century onwards. Foreign enclaves almost true colonieswere established throughout

a contemplation of the late period detail too fine for expression in an intransigent medium. This paper has become, as its title suggests, a contemplation on the Late Period. Much remains to be done on its study. Demotic scholars have already accomplished wonders in deepening our understanding of the period. Art historically, the pioneering work of Bernard Bothmer made


Egyptologists aware of the importance and high achievement of the period. Among his students none has more seriously advanced his work than Jack Josephson, who even in Bothmers lifetime had the temerity and confidence to question the conclusions of the master. His independence of spirit and true connoisseurship continue most admirably the good work.


t.g.h. james

the offering table of the kings mother nefret (mma 22.1.21)


HE IS THE SON OF A WOMAN OF TASETY . . . THE OFFERING TABLE OF THE KINGS MOTHER NEFRET MMA 22.1.21 Peter Jnosi Institute of Egyptology, University of Vienna
Neferti, the fictitious sage living under King Snefru, not only predicted the advent of a successful rulerAmenemhat Iwho would restore peace and order in the land, but also openly admitted the kings humble origin. Without mentioning her name, Neferti simply stated that the kings mother was a woman from the first Upper Egyptian nome (tA-sty).1 Historians are in general agreement concerning Amenemhat Is descent from that part of Egypt as well his plebeian origin.2 While no contemporary monuments referencing Amenemhat Is father have survived, the mother, Nefret, is recorded on an offering table discovered in the pyramid precinct of her son at Lisht-North (figs. 1, 2).3 Despite the recognition by archaeologists4 of its historical implications and repeated mention in scholarly literature since its discovery,5 the
1 W. Helck, Die Prophezeihung des (Wiesbaden, 1970), 49, XIIIb; W. K. Simpson, ed., The Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven and London, 1972), 239. The text goes on to say of Amenemhat I that he is a child of Khen-Nekhen (i.e., Upper Egypt). Consequently, a supposed Nubian origin, absent the kings mummy, remains doubtful, since neither the peculiar facial features noted in Amenemhat Is reliefssee H. Junker, The First Appearance of the Negroes in History, JEA 7 (1921), 124 n. 2nor his mothers origin necessarily allow us to infer African roots. See G. Posener, Littrature et politique dans lgypte de la XIIe dynastie (Paris, 1956), 47f.; T. Sve-Sderbergh, gypten und Nubien: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte altgyptischer Aussenpolitik (Lund, 1941), 64; L.M. Berman, Amenemhat I (PhD diss., Yale University, 1985), 10. 2 As the kings father, a Gods Father (jtj nTr) Senwosret is postulated, of whom nothing is known. His name and title appear after those of Kings Mentuhotep-Nebhepetre and Mentuhotep-Seankhkare in an incomplete list dating to the time of Amenhotep I. See H. Chevrier, Rapport sur les travaux de Karnak (1937-1938), ASAE 38 (1938), 601, pl. 4; L. Habachi, Gods Fathers and the Role They Played in the History of the First Intermediate Period, ASAE 55 (1958), 185-190; E. Blumenthal, Die Gottesvter des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, ZS 114 (1987), 22f. Neferti also does not mention the fathers name, simply calling the king the son of a [distinguished] man and thereby cleverly disguising the fathers status and origin. See Posener, Littrature, 49f.; E. Blumenthal, Untersuchungen zum gyptischen Knigtum des Mittleren Reiches I, Die Phraseologie (Berlin, 1970), 151 (D 1. 10); Blumenthal, Die Prophezeihung des Neferti, ZS 109 (1982), 11 n. 89. 3 I thank Dr. Dorothea Arnold, Lila Acheson Wallace Chairman, Department of Egyptian Art of The Metropolitan

object has never received the proper discussion it deserves. It is my great pleasure to dedicate this essay on the offering table to Jack A. Josephson in appreciation for his tremendous connoisseurship in Egyptian art and his abiding friendship. The offering table was found in secondary position in one of the houses of the later settlement period (Second Intermediate Period or New Kingdom) at the southwest corner of Amenemhat Is pyramid.6 Because of the altars later reuse, the surface shows considerable wear in certain parts. The upper-left corner is lost, and on the left side, heavy abrasion obscures the line of text. Numerous holes and grooves in the limestone indicate that the piece was exposed to water or was used for holding liquids for a considerable period of time. The overall current condition of the object is
Museum of Art, New York, for very kindly giving me permission to publish this piece and to make extensive use of the Departments archive. My thanks are also due to Liza Majerus, who skillfully prepared the line drawing (fig. 2), and Bill Garret, for his professionally produced photographs (figs. 1, 3-4). For corrections of the English text, I am indebted to Elizabeth Powers. 4 A.C. Mace, Excavations at Lisht, BMMA 17, no. 12 (Dec. 1922), pt. II, 12, fig. 11. 5 PM IV, 1934, 81; W. K. Simpson, The Pyramid of Amenem-het I at Lisht: The Twelfth Dynasty Pyramid Complex and Mastabehs (PhD diss., Yale University, 1954), 91f., pl. 56c; W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, Part I: From the Earliest Times to the End of the Old Kingdom (New York, 1990), 177; Berman, Amenemhat I, 11; H. G. Fischer, Some Early Monuments from Busiris in the Egyptian Delta, MMJ 11 (1976), 14 n. 43; D. Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, SAGA 9 (1994), 8 n. 1; S. Roth, Die Knigsmtter des Alten gypten von der Frhzeit bis zum Ende der 12. Dynastie, UAT 46 (2001), 218-220, 432, fig. 99. 6 This was during the Museums last (7th) season at LishtNorth (1921-22). See Mace, Excavations at Lisht, 4-18. The exact findspot of the piece was not recorded, and the tomb cards reveal only radim, S.W. corner of Pyramid. The archaeological map of that area shows a dense cluster of small mud-brick buildings and compounds completely covering the area between the pyramids southwest corner and the mastaba of Rehuerdjersen. As to the houses and different settlement layers at the pyramid site, see F. Arnold, Settlement Remains at Lisht-North, in House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, ed. M. Bietak, International Symposium in Cairo, April 8. to 11. 1992, Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des sterreichischen Archologischen Institutes 14 (Vienna, 1996), 13-21.


peter jnosi


Fig. 1. The offering table of the Kings Mother Nefret (MMA 22.1.21)(Photo: Bill Garret).

Fig. 2. The offering table of the Kings Mother Nefret (MMA 22.1.21) (Drawing: Liza Majerus).

the offering table of the kings mother nefret (mma 22.1.21) fair, but enough remains to appreciate its original appearance (figs. 1-2). The shape of the offering tablea rectangular block with four tanks and a spout on one side conforms to a characteristic type of altar widely known during the Middle Kingdom.7 The piece was made of fine limestone and measures 48 x 39.5 cm. The thickness varies between 7.5 and 8.2 cm. The 8-cm-wide spout protrudes for 7.5 cm. The sides of the altar are not straight but slant inward, and their crudely dressed surfaces indicate a later workmanship. The underside shows a projection of 39 x 35 cm, which was originally at least 2 cm high and most likely fitted into a corresponding groove of a base. While the surface of the surrounding ledge has been carefully smoothed, the irregular workmanship of the projections surface suggests later reuse, probably when the block was installed in one of the settlement houses. Faint traces, still visible in some parts of the better-preserved surface area, show that the offering table, or at least its upper side, was once painted red8most probably to imitate red granite. The upper side of the altar shows a symmetrical pattern consisting of four tanks of varying sizes and depths. While two tanks arranged in the middle are connected by a channel leading through the spout, the two tanks at both sides have no connection with the other. The panel at the top shows a loaf of bread carved in low relief. The peculiar form of the bread, with its corners connected to the text panel above, thus enclosing two half-moon-shaped depressions within, is


encountered on only a few altars of that period.9 Although badly eroded, the surface of the bread still shows traces of its former decoration in low relief: an offering table with short and stylized reeds arranged symmetrically (figs. 2-3).10 Below the table, the heads of a fowl and an ox are shown, conforming to the old pattern of this genre.11 Above the reeds are depicted a goose and the foreleg of an ox. Filling the space to the left are the faint outlines of a piece of meat or ribs. As is characteristic of many Middle Kingdom offering tables,12 a narrow text panel forms a frame around the edges of this altar and contains the offering formula for the benefit of the kings mother. The text, in symmetrically arranged sunken hieroglyphs, starts in the center opposite the spout. The inscription gives the conventional offering formula addressed to Osiris (left) and Anubis (right).13 Despite the similarities of the two sides, a few details in the text call for further scrutiny. Text right: Htp dj nswt Inpw tpy Dw=f jmj wt nb tA Dsr dj=f Hnot t snTr n jrj pat.t mwt-nswt Nfrt mAa-xrw Text left: Htp dj nswt Wsir nb dw [prt-xrw] Apdw kAw [Ssr?] mnxt xt nb[.t] n jrj pat.t mwt-nswt Nfrt mAa-xrw nb.t jmAx Text right: An offering which the king has given and Anubis, he who is on his mountain, he who is in the mummy-wrappings, lord of the Sacred Land: may he give beer, bread, and incense to the

7 As to this form, see R. Hlzl, gyptische Opfertafeln und Kultbecken: Eine Form- und Funktionsanalyse fr das Alte, Mittlere und Neue Reich, HB 45 (2002), 16, 24 (Old Kingdom: Typ B+C, Varianten), 27-30, 34-37 (Middle Kingdom: Typ B+C), 71-73. Concerning the date of appearance of altars with spouts already at the end of the Old Kingdom, see the review remarks by K. Martin in JEA 91 (2005), 217. 8 According to the Metropolitan Museum of Art Objects Conservation Department and Research Laboratory Examination and Treatment Report by C. Cleveland, from March 1982, the pigment found was of red and brown earth color. 9 For example: BM EA 990, CG 23067, CG 23068, Hlzl, Opfertafeln, 36; A. Bey Kamal, Tables doffrandes 1, Catalogue gnral des antiquits gyptiennes du Muse du Caire, nos. 23001-23256 (Cairo, 1909), 57f. 10 This form of stylized representation is known from the 5th Dynasty onward, L. Klebs, Die Reliefs des Alten Reiches (2980-2475 v. Chr.): Materialien zur gyptischen Kulturgeschichte (Heidelberg, 1915), 131-134; Ch. E. Worsham, A Reinterpretation of the So-called Bread Loaves in Egyptian Offering Scenes, JARCE 16 (1979), 7-10, M. Brta, Archaeology and Iconography: bDA and aprt bread moulds

and Speisetischszene development in the Old Kingdom, SAK 22 (1995), 21-35. 11 Klebs, Reliefs, 128-132; P. Der Manuelian, Slab Stelae of the Giza Necropolis (New Haven and Philadelphia, 2003), 147-153, 227-236. The depiction of offering tables on the bread sign of Middle Kingdom altars is rare and in most cases omits the loaves of bread; see CG 23007 (MentuhotepNebhepetre, Karnak), Karlsruhe Museum H416 (late 11thearly 12th Dynasty, provenance unknown), and CG 23.016 (12th Dynasty, provenance unknown). Even rarer are the cases with the deceased sitting next to the offering table, usually seen on the panels of false doors; see M. Mostafa, Eine Opfertafel aus dem Museum Leiden, GM 69 (1983), 63-67. 12 Hlzl, Opfertafeln, 81f. 13 The text will be be dealt with by James P. Allen in his forthcoming volume II of the Funerary Texts from Lisht. I thank Dr. Allen for kindly sharing his information concerning this object with me and, in particular, pointing out D. Frankes recent article on the offering formula, The Middle Kingdom Offering FormulasA Challenge, JEA 89 (2003), 39-57.


peter jnosi

Fig. 3. Detail of the offering table (MMA 22.1.21) showing the interior design of the bread loaf (Photo: Bill Garret).

Hereditary Princess, the Kings Mother Nefret, justified. Text left: An offering which the king has given and Osiris, lord of Busiris: [an invocation offering consisting of] fowl, cattle, [linen] and clothing, all good things to the Kings Mother Nefret, justified, the possessor of honor. Despite the worn condition of the altars surface, a close inspection of the signs reveals that the text displays excellent craftsmanship. The interior design of some signs shows detailed carving and delicate treatment of the outlines (figs. 2, 4a-b). It is clear that the artist who accomplished this work was well aware of the owners status, which is also exemplified in the determinative of Nefrets name. The image of the seated woman is adorned with
14 Mycerinus mother, Khamerernebti I, is the first royal woman exhibiting this garment. See Roth, Knigsmtter, 86, 279-83. 15 On the problem of the orientation of texts near the

the vulture headdress. This particular headgear, exemplifying the status of the owner as the mother of a king, is attested since the 4th Dynasty.14 Apart from the fine workmanship, the text displays another remarkable feature that concerns the orientation of some of the signs within the text. Arranged symmetrically and conforming to the usual pattern of texts on Middle Kingdom altars, and in keeping with the logic of reading the text, the signs for the most part face toward the center. In the right panel and in the panels on either side of the spout, however, some curious reversals occur.15 In the line to the right of the spout (fig. 4a), in which the signs are oriented to the right, the second word mother (mwt) faces in the wrong direction, i.e., toward the owners name. Thus, the
spout on Middle Kingdom altars, see H. G. Fischer, Lcriture et lart de lgypte ancienne: Quatre leons sur la palographie et lpigraphie pharaonique, Essais et Confrences, Collge de France (Paris, 1986), 121-124.

the offering table of the kings mother nefret (mma 22.1.21)


Fig. 4a-b. Details of the inscription on the offering table (MMA 22.1.21) (Photo: Bill Garret).

expression the kings mother (mwt-nswt) was divided, allowing a disproportionate gap between the two words. As there is no obvious reason for this separation of Nefrets most important title, it seems likely that the artist tried to maintain the symmetry of the left side (fig. 4b), where the word for mother is at the bottom of the vertical panel. It faces the beginning of the horizontal line that starts with the mothers name. Thus, the words face each other because of the corner. Another reversal occurs at the end of both horizontal lines: the sickle-sign (mA, Gardiner Sign List U1) faces in each case in the wrong direction.

This form of reversal can be traced back into the Old Kingdom16 and was probably a simple and common error by the artists due to the ambiguous form of the sign.17 The text in the right vertical panel exhibits a more serious reversal based on an actual error. As can be gathered from the orientation of the signs nTr, s, and T, the word for incense (snTr)18 is reversed and faces the opposite direction for no apparent reason. A probable explanation might be found in the expression above it. In the dj=f Hnot phrase, the two commodities usually mentioned in a fixed arrangement are bread and beer (t and

16 See H. G. Fischer, Rechts und Links, in L 5, 189; Fischer, Varia Nova, Egyptian Studies III (New York, 1996), 33. 17 It could also be argued that the artist, following the arrangement of signs in the left-hand panel, simply copied

the wrong orientation of the sign on the right side. 18 The writing of snTr with the folded cloth (Gardiner Sign List S 29) is rare in the Middle Kingdom, but does occur occasionally. The sign commonly used in that period is the two-barbed spear head (sn, Gardiner Sign List T 22).


peter jnosi build up his claim to the throne and secure his new dynasty through more practical methods.24 Nefrets offering table not only provides a glimpse into a period lacking in historical records, but also offers some insight into burial customs of the time. It testifies to the fact that, within Amenemhat Is royal precinct, a tomb, or at least a place of veneration of the kings mother, has to be looked for. Under normal circumstances, i.e., during uninterrupted successions within a dynasty, kings mothers were usually buried near their royal husbands.25 Since there was no royal husband in Nefrets case, her son must have felt it necessary to have her buried near his tomb rather than in a remote location (as far as Elephantine ?) not in accord with her status.26 Thus far no tomb structurespyramids, mastabas, or shafts have been found or positively identified as belonging to Amenemhat Is female entourage at Lisht-North. In fact, the kings pyramid complex is so unique in many respects that it is hazardous to rely on Old Kingdom concepts in searching for the burials of the female members.27 Generally, it has been assumed that the double row of 22 shafts flanking the western side of the royal pyramid were the tombs of princesses and their households.28 Alas, this identification rests on feeble ground. The only object providing support for this assumption is the upper part of a weight made of red granite displaying the title and name of a Princess Nefru[-sheri?], which was found in the debris near those shafts.29 No remains of any architecture related to the shafts

Hnot). Probably due to their small size and similar shapes, the two signs were interchanged,19 and the artistaccustomed to the normal orientation of Egyptian writingfollowed this arrangement by continuing to write the signs facing to the right. Only at the bottom of the line did he realize his mistake and give the a-sign (Gardiner Sign List D 36) the correct orientation. Since the altars discovery, it has been correctly concluded that its inscription must refer to the mother of Amenemhat I, thus corroborating her common origin as predicted by Nefertis prophecy.20 The two titles Princess (sA.t nswt) and Kings Wife (Hm.t nswt) are missing, an omission that cannot be explained by a simple mistake on the artists part; an offering table was a too-important item for the afterlife. Apart from Kings Mother, the inscription records only the title jrj pat.t. Signifying a certain rank within the Egyptian hierarchy, jrj pat.t has no bearing on the origin of the owner, since the titleusually translated as hereditary princess or noblewomanwas bestowed upon queens, princesses, and non-royal ladies alike.21 Strange as it may seem, Nefrets situation was not unique in Egyptian history. A number of royal women were commoners on entering the royal household and becoming queens.22 More unusual is the fact that Nefret was obviously not married to a king, thus clearly making Amenemhat I an outsider with no hereditary rights to the throne. Being affiliated with the 11th Dynasty only through office,23 Amenemhat I from the beginning was forced to

19 This mistake was not uncommon with similar groups of signs, as H. G. Fischer has pointed out, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs, Egyptian Studies II, Part I: Reversals (New York, 1977), 112. 20 Mace, Excavations at Lisht, 12; Hayes, Scepter I, 177; Berman, Amenemhat I, 11. 21 Roth, Knigsmtter, 204f. 22 The mothers of Amenemhat Is predecessors, Mentuhotep II and Mentuhotep IV, are known only as kings mothers, albeit one has to bear in mind that our records of those persons are as scanty as those from the beginning of the 12th Dynasty; see Roth, Knigsmtter, 426, 432. 23 It is generally assumed that the founder of the 12th Dynasty was identical with the vizier of the last ruler, Mentuhotep IV, of the previous dynasty. See D. Franke, Amenemhet I, in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt 1, ed. D. B. Redford (Oxford, 2001), 68. 24 Strictly speaking, this holds true already for the 11th (Theban) Dynasty whose founder, King Intef I, assumed the royal titulary without any hereditary or mythical background. Even some of the most celebrated periods of the Old Kingdom have obscure origins, thus rendering as fictional myth at best the idea of the ideal succession in Egyptian kingship.

25 R. Stadelmann, Kniginnengrab und Pyramidenbezirk im Alten Reich, ASAE 71 (1987), 251-260; P. Jnosi, The Queens of the Old Kingdom and Their Tombs, BACE 3 (1992), 51-57; Jnosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen der Kniginnen. Untersuchungen zu einem Grabtyp des Alten und Mittleren Reiches (Vienna, 1996), 72-76; Roth, Knigsmtter, 315-320, 372. 26 Considering the kings long reign of thirty years, it is not impossible, but probably unlikely, that Nefret was still alive when Amenemhat I started building his pyramid complex at Lisht-North. 27 A. Dodson, The Tombs of Queens of the Middle Kingdom, ZS 115 (1988), 126-130; cf. Jnosi, Pyramidenanlagen, 52-54. On the many private tombs within the kings pyramid precinct, see Dieter Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, PMMA 28 (New York, 2007), 63-88. 28 A.C. Mace, Excavations at Lisht, BMMA 16, no. 11 (Nov. 1921), pt. II, 4-19, 15f., fig. 8; Mace, BMMA 17, 12; Hayes, Scepter I, 177; Simpson, Amen-em-hat I, 83-94. 29 MMA 22.1.785 (measurements: 5[+x] x 5.9 x 0.3 cm). The exact findspot was not recorded. Mace, BMMA 17, 1922, 1, states only that the object was found loose in the debris above. Hayes seems to have been misled by the uncertain reading of the weights inscription and erroneously stated

the offering table of the kings mother nefret (mma 22.1.21) were detected at the time of discovery, and the re-investigation of three of them by The Metropolitan Museum of Art in 1991 did not provide further evidence of their original use.30
that there were two stones, coming from different pits, both bearing the name of Neferu. See Scepter I, 176f. Two more fragments with inscriptions found in the precinctone belonging to an offering stand, the other a re-carved relief provide queens titles (both are unpublished). 30 Some of them were obviously reused during the 13th


In summation, the tomb of Amenemhat Is mother, as well as that of his wife,31 must be considered as not yet discovered or identified and offer a goal for future research at Lisht-North.
Dynasty (personal communication, Dieter Arnold). See J. Leclant and G. Clerc, Fouilles et Travaux, Or 62 (1993), 212f. 31 Neferitatjenenet (?), according to an inscription of a statue formerly housed in the Louvre, is believed to have been Senwosret Is mother. Roth, Knigsmtter, 220-224.


peter jnosi

theban tomb 46 and its owner, ramose


THEBAN TOMB 46 AND ITS OWNER, RAMOSE1 Nozomu Kawai Waseda University, Tokyo

I. Debate on the Date of TT46 In the Topographical Bibliography, TT46 is described as the tomb of Ramose, dating to the time of Amenhotep III (?).2 This was first recorded by John Gardiner Wilkinson,3 and his manuscript is the most comprehensive document concerning this tomb. Later, Alan Gardiner4 and Arthur Weigall visited TT46 and dated it to the time of Amenhotep III with a query.5 Porter and Moss supported this.6 Wolfgang Helck dated the tomb to the early part of the reign of Amenhotep IV, and he noted some of Ramoses titles in his Urkunden.7 In Norman de Garis Daviess unpublished manuscript, he dated TT46 to the time somewhere between Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV.8 The reason for this dating was that Ramose held titles associated with both the cults of Amun and Aten at the same time.9 In 1979, Erhart Graefe discussed the title containing the reference to the mansion of the Aten, and also studied Wilkinsons manuscript and the titles attributed to Ramose by Helck and Porter and Moss.10 Graefe refrained from speculating about the date of the tomb, but was inclined to
1 A version of this paper was originally read at the Annual Meeting of the American Research Center in Egypt in Baltimore in 2001. I would especially like to express deep gratitude to former Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities, Prof. Dr. Gaballa Ali Gaballa, for granting me permission to work at Theban Tomb 46. I am grateful to Professors Betsy M. Bryan and Richard Jasnow for their invaluable suggestions. I am also indebted to Dr. W. Raymond Johnson, Dr. Briant Bohleke, Dr. Richard Fazzini, and Dr. Jacobus van Dijk for providing me invaluable information. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the American Research Center in Egypt for my research grant-in-aid by the Samuel H. Kress Fellowship in Egyptian Art and Architecture. I wish to dedicate this article to honor Jack Josephson, who has always encouraged my study in Egyptology since I was a graduate student at the Johns Hopkins University. 2 PM I2, 86-87. 3 J.G. Wilkinson, MS V, 74-75. (Griffith Institute, Oxford). I would like to acknowledge Dr. Jaromr Mlek for permission to examine the archive at the Griffith Institute, Oxford. 4 I would like to thank Professor Betsy M. Bryan for allowing me to see her copy of Gardiners manuscript.

regard Ramose as identical with an official mentioned on a stela from Giza from the reign of King Ay. However, he believed that the identification of the royal cartouche was the key to the date of the tomb owner. In 1991, Briant Bohleke assumed that Ramoses career and tomb should date to the reigns of Tutankhamun and Ay, and perhaps the first year of Horemheb.11 In 1998, Friedericke Kampp described the history of the tomb and its architecture in her comprehensive study, Die Thebanische Nekropole.12 She dates TT46 to the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, with Ramose as the usurper of a tomb originally constructed for someone who lived from the end of the 17th Dynasty to the beginning of the 18th Dynasty. This article aims to discuss the date of the tomb and its owner on the basis of my own first-hand research within the tomb.

II. Theban Tomb 46 TT46 is situated approximately in the middle of the hill of Sheikh abd al-Qurna (fig. 1). The tomb
5 S.R.K. Glanville, Some Notes on Material for the Reign of Amenophis III, JEA 15 (1929), 6, n.1. 6 PM I2, 86-87. 7 Urk. IV, 1995, 10-14; W. Helck, Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reiches, P 3 (Leiden, 1958), 390-391, 500. Helck, however, noted that the same Ramose is identified on the year 3 stela of Ay from Giza. 8 Davies, MSS 11, 1. I would like to thank Dr. Jaromr Mlek for permission to read Daviess archive at the Griffith Institute, Oxford. 9 This was probably assumed to be the time of the coregency of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV by the scholars who believe in the coregency. 10 E. Graefe, Bemerkungen zu Ramose, dem Besitzer von TT 46, GM 33 (1979), 13-15. 11 B. Bohleke, The Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt in the Egyptian New Kingdom, 15701085 B.C., PhD diss., Yale University (Ann Arbor, 1991), 244249. 12 F. Kampp, Die thebanische Nekropole, zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie, Theben 13 (Mainz am Rhein, 1996), 244-247.


nozomu kawai

Fig. 1. TT 46 and its vicinity (After F. Kampp, Die Thebanische Nekropole, Plan III: Sh. Abd el-Qurna, Teil II [Upper enclosure]).

of the vizier Useramun, who served Thutmose III, is nearby. The tomb entrance of TT46 consists of a portico with six pillars and two half-cut pillars hewn into the bedrock, but the entrance portico was later sealed by mud brick and mud plaster. The tomb has a transverse hall on a north-south axis and an inner hall in the center. The inner hall possesses eight pillars, one of which is unfinished. There is a niche in the center of the back wall of the inner hall, and the shaft is cut at the southwest corner of this hall. There still remain some heaps of debris inside the tomb, and the tomb has not been excavated. As Kampp has rightly pointed out, TT46 was probably originally executed in the late 17th or early 18th Dynasty, and the original plan was composed of the portico with six pillars and two

half-cut pillars, transverse hall, and inner hall without pillars (fig. 2).13 The second phase of the tomb is the time when Ramose reused and enlarged it. The inner hall was extended, with an attempt to construct eight pillars on both sides of the hall. Ultimately, seven pillars were cut, but the eighth pillar was left unfinished in the middle. Kampp suggested that the inner hall with pillars is common in the Ramesside Period and categorized it as Type VIIc.14 TT46 belongs to this category, which starts from the time of Amenhotep III, continuing throughout the Ramesside Period.15 The decoration of TT46 is badly preserved. In the portico, only the north face of the westernmost pillar retains painted decoration, and there are remains of a relief scene on the west wall of the

13 14

Ibid., 244-246. Ibid., 21-23, 111-116. 15 This type is early represented by such tombs as that of

the vizier Ramose (TT55), the tomb of Amenhotep Surero (TT48) and the tomb of Kheruef (TT192).

theban tomb 46 and its owner, ramose


Fig. 2. The plan of TT46 (Slightly modified from F. Kampp, Die Thebanische Nekropole, Teil I, Fig. 143).

southern edge of the transverse hall. Very close to the ceiling of the center of the transverse hall, there survives a kheker frieze surmounted with the sun disk, and zigzag patterns can be seen on the ceiling.16 Each pillar of the inner hall is generally decorated on three sides, leaving undecorated the side facing the wall of the hall. On the niche, there are partial remains of painting, and it shows some kind of decorative pattern that usually can be found in the canopy of a bed or shrine. As for the wall of the inner hall, only the west wall on the right side of the niche is decorated with the motif of Ramose offering to Osiris. The wall paintings in the tomb maintain a tradition from the early 18th Dynasty, represented
16 This type of frieze and the ceiling pattern can be seen in the tomb of Neferhotep (TT 49), dating to the reign of Ay. See N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes (New York, 1933), vol. 1, pl. L, vol. 2, pl. VII. 17 Cf. E. Dziobek and M. Abdel Raziq, Das Grab des Sobekhotep: Theben Nr. 63 (Mainz am Rhein, 1990), pls, 5, 6, and 14. 18 Cf. Dziobek, Das Grab des Ineni: Theben Nr. 81 (Mainz

by either a white background with blue-colored inscriptions or white background with polychrome inscriptions.17 The ceiling of the inner hall between the pillars has a yellow background with blue inscriptions.18 However, the sun-disk kheker frieze near the ceiling can be seen in the late 18th Dynasty and afterwards in such tombs as that of the vizier Ramose (TT55)19 and the tomb of Horemheb in the Valley of the Kings.20 The images of Ramose and his family display features of Amarna art. Ramose has a long head and bears two characteristic lines on his neck. He is dressed in an elaborate pleated kilt, and his belly is exaggerated with some wrinkles. When compared to the human figures in the tombs of
am Rhein, 1992); Dziobek and Raziq, Das Grab des Sobekhotep, pl. 15-b. 19 N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose (London, 1941), pl. LII. 20 Cf. T.M. Davis et al., The Tombs of Harmhabi and Touatnkhamanou. Theodore M. Davis Excavations, Bibn el Molk 6 (London, 1912), pl. XXXVI.


nozomu kawai 1. sS nsw mAa mry.f 2. sS nsw 3. TAy xw Hr wnm nsw 4. imy-r pr 5. imy-r pr m tA Hwt pA Itn 6. Hm-nTr tpy n Imn m Mn-st True royal scribe whom he loves Royal Scribe Fanbearer on the Right of the King Steward Steward of the Temple of Aten

Kheruef (TT192),21 Ramose (TT55), and Parennefer (TT188),22 dated to the early part of Amenhotep IVs reign, the figures of these tombs appear to have maintained the style of Amenhotep III. However, these tombs are decorated in relief, and it is not easy to compare them with painted decoration. Among the few post-Amarna decorated tombs, the paintings of the tombs of Amenhotep Huy (TT40) and Neferhotep (TT49), dated to the time of Tutankhamun and Ay respectively, are similar to those of TT46. For example, each of the three daughters of Ramose shown on one side of the pillars has a diadem on her head, wears a pleated dress, holds a sistrum in her right hand, and prays with her left upraised hand. The girl who seems the eldest is depicted as largest, then the height of the daughters is gradually decreased. This strongly corresponds to the way in which the daughters of Akhenaten are depicted in the rock tombs at elAmarna.23 The stylistic features of these daughters are quite similar to those of the ladies shown in the tomb of Neferhotep (TT49) as well.24 The scene of Ramose presenting offerings to Osiris (fig. 3) also implies a post-Amarna date. Nigel Strudwick noted that Osiris became prominent immediately after the Amarna Period, probably due to the reaction against Akhenatens cult, which rejected or preferably ignored most deities, Osiris among them.25 The offering piles in front of Osiris increased in their complexity and embellishment. Burnt offerings shown in front of Osiris in TT46 are an influence of the Amarna Period, exemplified in the tomb of Meryre I at el-Amarna.26

High Priest of Amun in Menset (Mortuary temple of Ahmose Nefertari)27 7. imy-r ssmwt n nb tAwy Overseer of the Horses of the Lord of the Two Lands 8. imy-r Snwty Overseer of Granary 9. imy-r Snwty nw rsy Overseer of Double mHw Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt Epithet Hsy n Hmt-nTr Iah-ms Nfrt-iry

Praised of Gods Wife Ahmose Nefertari

1. The Career of Ramose Here I list all his titles and epithets identified in TT46, in order to clarify when Ramose was living.

Notably, Ramose held the titles of the Steward of the Temple of Aten, as well as the High Priest of Amun in Menset simultaneously. It is evident that he was an official when veneration of both deities coexisted peacefully. Norman de Garis Davies left a note in his manuscript that a title of Ramose imy-r pr m tA Hwt pA Imn nb-nTrw (Steward in the Temple of Amun, Lord of the Gods) was changed to imy-r pr m tA Hwt pA Itn (Steward in the Temple of Aten).28 The inscription in question, however, does not show any remains of an alteration to the title. My observations of this title revealed that in fact the name of Amun was not even inscribed. To the contrary, the name of

21 Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192, OIP 102 (Chicago, 1980). 22 N. de G. Davies, Akhenaten at Thebes, JEA 9 (1923), 132-152. 23 Cf. N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna 2 (London, 1905), pl. V; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna 4 (London, 1906), pl. XXXI. 24 Davies, Tomb of Neferhotep 1, pls. III, XXXVI, XXXVII, L, LII. 25 N. Strudwick, Change and Continuity at Thebes: The Private Tomb after Akhenaten, in The Unbroken Reed:

Studies in the Culture and Heritage of Ancient Egypt in Honour of A.F. Shore, eds. C. Eyre, A. Leahy, and L.M. Leahy (London, 1994), 326, 328-330. This phenomenon can be seen not only in the Theban necropolis, but also in the New Kingdom Memphite necropolis; see J. van Dijk, The New Kingdom Necropolis of Memphis (Groningen, 1993), 196, 202. 26 Davies, The Rock Tombs at El-Amarna 1, pl. XXII. 27 Cf. M. Gitton, Lpouse du dieu Ahmes Nfertary (Paris, 1975), 18-19, 76-73. 28 Kampp, Die thebanische Nekropole, 31-32.

theban tomb 46 and its owner, ramose


Fig. 3. Ramose presenting offerings to Osiris on the right rear wall of the chapel. Photo by Nozomu Kawai.

Aten was expunged. This inscription is located on the west wall of the southern part of the transverse hall. This reads Hsy n nTr nfr n kA n sS nsw mAa mry.f imy-r pr m tA Hwt pA Itn, Ra-ms, mAa-xrw, Hsyt @wt-Hr, SmAyt n (Imn Nfrt-xaw), praised of the perfect god for the ka of the true royal scribe whom he loves, the Steward of the Temple of Aten, Ramose, the justified; praised of Hathor, Chantress of Amun (Nefertkhau) (fig. 4). If Ramose was an official associated with the new religion as the steward of the temple of Aten, why was not Amuns name expunged? Another inscription painted on the north wall of the eastern edge shows imy-r pr m tA Hwt pA/////// (fig. 5). Here the name of the god is completely chiseled out. On the left of this inscription, the High Priest of Amun in Menset follows. However, the name of Amun
Cf. P. Der Manuelian, Semi-Literacy in Egypt: Some erasures from the Amarna Period, in Gold of Praise: Studies in Honor of Edward F. Wente, ed. E. Teeter and J. Larsen (Chicago, 1999), 285-298. 30 Aten is worshiped in the Hymn to the Sun God in the tomb of Pay, dating to the reign of Tutankhamun. See M. J. Raven, The tomb of Pay and Raia at Saqqara (Leiden and London, 2005), 44, pls. 73-74. 31 The temple of Aten (tA Hwt pA Itn) in Memphis was mentioned in the Papyrus Rollin 213. See G. Lhr,Ahanjati in Memphis, SAK (1975), 146-147.

was not damaged at all. Thus, it is most likely that the name of the god coming after imy-r pr m tA Hwt pA was Itn (Aten). Amuns name, of course, was erased throughout Egypt and Nubia during the reign of Akhenaten. Many Theban tombs bear the standard erasures of Amuns name.29 After the reign of Akhenaten, Atens cult seems to have functioned at least until the early 19th Dynasty.30 It is known that the temple of Aten in Memphis existed until the reign of Sety I.31 Recently discovered New Kingdom tombs at Saqqara provide evidence that there were some officials who held titles associated with the temple of Aten after the reign of Akhenaten.32 If Ramose was an official who served after the reign of Akhenaten, Amuns name did not need to be erased. Instead Atens name had to be expunged when the destruction
Cf. H.D. Schneider, The Tomb of Iniuia: Preliminary Report on the Saqqara Excavations, 1993, JEA 79 (1993), 7-8. Iniuia, Overseer of the Cattle of Amun under Tutankhamun, has two sons who held the title Scribe in the Treasury of the temple of Aten. The tomb of Meryre/Meryneith, the High Priest of Aten from the time of Akhenaten to Tutankhamun, has been discovered in Saqqara by a Dutch expedition. See M. Raven, The Tomb of Meryneith at Saqqara, EA 20 (2002), 26-28.


nozomu kawai

Fig. 4. Relief decoration of Ramose and his inscriptions on the north wall of the western part of the transverse hall. Photo by Nozomu Kawai.

of Atens cult started. Therefore, I would suggest that the erasure of Atens name was carried out from the time of Horemheb onward. This implies that Ramose was not the official under Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, but the person in the post-Amarna Period. Furthermore, it is impossible that this Ramose held the title Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt in the later reign of Amenhotep III. In fact, this position was held by Khaemhat, the owner of TT57 in Sheikh abd al-Qurna. Khaemhat participated in Amenhotep IIIs second sed festival in year 34, and in the third sed festival in year 37.33 It has been suggested that Amenhotep III died in year 38 or 39.34 Khaemhat must have served until the end of Amenhotep IIIs reign. Instead, a certain Ramose, who bears the title Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt on a stela from Ays reign, which was originally erected at the chapel of the temple

of Isis, located in front of the southernmost queens pyramid at the Giza pyramid of Khufu,35 seems to have been the same person as the owner of TT46.

2. Family of Ramose The wife of Ramose is Nefertkhau (Nfrt-xaw), and she held the titles Chantress of Amun and Mistress of the House. She also had the epithet praised of Hathor. She must have been his only wife, since there is no mention of other wives in the tomb. There were two sons and three daughters of Ramose and Nefertkhau. The (Iw) and his titles first son is named Iu are the True Royal Scribe, whom he loves (sS nsw mAa, mry.f ) and General of the Lord of the Two Lands (imy-r mSa n nb tAwy).36 The second son is

33 Hieratic dockets bearing the name of the Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khaemhat, with the year dates 34 and 37, were found in the palace of Amenhotep III at Malkata. See W.C. Hayes, Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III, JNES 10 (1951), fig. 12, nos. 160-161; fig. 11, no. 140.

34 Cf. L. Berman in A. Kozloff and B.M. Bryan, Egypts Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and His World (Cleveland, 1992), 59. 35 C.M. Zivie, Giza au deuxime millnaire (Cairo, 1976), 177-182, pl. 13.

theban tomb 46 and its owner, ramose


Fig. 5. Painting on the north side of the easternmost pillar of the transverse hall. Photo by Nozomu Kawai.

(Iy). His titles are the True named Ay Royal Scribe, whom he loves (sS nsw mAa, mry.f ) and the Hm-nTr Priest of Amun (Hm-nTr n Imn).37 He is depicted as a priest dressed in a leopardskin garment decorated with star patterns. This garment is usually worn by the second prophet of Amun.38 It should also be noted that Amuns name in his title is not expunged at all. If his father Ramose was an official under Amenhotep IV, it seems curious that the son Ay served the god who was rejected. Thus, the fact that one of the sons of Ramose held a priestly title of Amun supports the theory that Ramose was an official after the Amarna Period. Only two names of Ramoses daughters can be identified. The clearest name is (&y), the third daughter. She held the Tiy titles Mistress of the House and the Chantress of Amun (Smayt n Imn). The second daughter was named Tuy be read. (&wy), but the title cannot

The faces of Ramose and his family are intentionally erased throughout the entire tomb. This suggests that they suffered a damnatio memoriae, probably due to Ramoses association with the Aten temple.

3. Conclusion Ramose, the owner of TT46, was an official in the post-Amarna Period, most probably under Tutankhamun and Ay, and served as the Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Steward of the Temple of Aten, and High Priest of Amun in Menset. Therefore, his title provides the evidence from Thebes that the temple of Aten was still functioning even after the Amarna Period, supplementing the contemporary evidence from the Memphite necropolis. Ramose and his family seem to have suffered a damnatio memoriae, probably because of Ramoses connection to the Aten temple.

36 According to Rankes PN, there are only two references of this name in the Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom respectively. See PN 1, 16, no. 8. 37 There is a certain Ay who was the Second Prophet of Amun under Tutankhamun and Ay. This person is not identical with our Ay, son of Ramose, since his parents are different. See T.G.H. James, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in

the Brooklyn Museum: From Dynasty I to the End of Dynasty XVIII (New York, 1974), 172, no. 425, pl. LXXXIV. 38 Cf. a statue of Aanen, the Second Prophet of Amun under Amenhotep III, who wears the same garment. Turin 1377. J. Vandier, Manuel darchologie gyptienne 3 (Paris, 1958), pl. 168, no. 1.


nozomu kawai

a unique sphinx of amenhotep ii


A UNIQUE SPHINX OF AMENHOTEP II Peter Lacovara Michael C. Carlos Museum

This article is dedicated to Jack Josephson, a unique scholar who is a master at deciphering the riddles of Egyptian sculpture. The great temple complex at Gebel Barkal yielded many Egyptian statues and fragments of sculpture. Many of these monuments seem to have been transported from elsewhere in Nubia, such as the temple of Amenhotep III at Soleb.1 However, some may have been designed specifically for the temple, as was the case with the famous Gebel Barkal stela.2 Sculpture, of course, can be just as propagandistic as a bombastic royal text, as is graphically shown by the piece considered here. Unlike the earlier excavators who worked at Gebel Barkal, George Reisner and the Harvard University-Museum of Fine Arts Expedition to the Sudan employed painstaking methods of recording and collection, which allow us still to make exciting discoveries even after nearly a century. The expedition was careful to gather together all fragments of worked stone from throughout the site, no matter how unprepossessing they may have appeared. One small, inscribed fragment published by Dows Dunham in Barkal Temples3 provided a clue to the restoration of a unique sculpture.4 The fragment was described as Granite fragment: left paw of a sphinx (or lion) with part of an incised cartouche of Amenhotep II. L. 0.210 m(eters). From the debris in Area 502 Ex.2. Not in Boston.5 In fact, the fragment was in Boston, along with a great many other sculpture fragments from the site.6
1 Cf. E. Russmann, Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum (London and New York, 2001), 130-131. 2 G.A. Reisner, Inscribed Monuments from Gebel Barkal, Part II: The Granite Stela of Thutmosis III, ZS 69 (1933), 35-133. 3 D. Dunham, The Barkal Temples (Boston, 1970), 25, no. 3, and 26, fig. 18. 4 I would like to thank Dr. Rita E. Freed, John F. Cogan, Jr. and Mary L. Cornille Chair, Art of the Ancient World, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston for permission to publish this piece, and particular thanks also to Jean-Louis Lachevre for

In studying the black granite fragment, one could plainly see the cartouche running parallel to the outstretched legs of the creature, as one would expect on a couchant sphinx or lion (fig. 1). However, under the paw was an irregular area with what appeared to be a wig of the

Fig. 1. The inscribed fragment of a sphinx, 16-3-314, from Barkal Temples, fig. 18.

his insights and suggestions on the restoration and generous assistance in preparing this article. I am most grateful to Nina West for her drafting and correcting the illustration of the reconstruction of the sphinx and to Joyce Haynes for her help in checking the accession numbers of the fragments. 5 Dunham, Barkal Temples, 25, no. 3, and also published in G.A. Reisner, Inscribed Monuments from Gebel Barkal, Part I, ZS 66 (1933), 81, no. 4. 6 Dunham, Barkal Temples, 25. In fact, it was in Boston but had never been catalogued; it was rediscovered by the author in doing an inventory of fragments in storage.


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b a Figs. 2a-b. Leg and paw fragment of sphinx, Egyptian, reign of Amenhotep II, 14271400 BC, Findspot: Nubia (Sudan), Gebel Barkal, Debris between 600-1000, Granodiorite, 24.5 x 11.8 x 14.5 cm (9 5/8 x 4 5/8 x 5 11/16 in.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard University-MFA Expedition, 16-3314. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

b a Figs. 3a-b. Sculpture fragment, Egyptian, reign of Amenhotep II, 14271400 BC, Findspot: Nubia (Sudan), Gebel Barkal, between D500 and curtain wall 1000, Black granodiorite with sparkly inclusions, 13.8 x 17.8 x 9 cm (5 7/16 x 7 x 3 9/16 in.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard University-MFA Expedition, 16-4-275b. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

a unique sphinx of amenhotep ii


b Figs. 4a-b. Head fragment of sphinx, Egyptian, reign of Amenhotep II, 14271400 BC, Findspot: Nubia (Sudan), Gebel Barkal, D-500 2 and circular wall B1000, Granodiorite, 23.5 x 25 x 16.5 cm (9 x 9 13/16 x 6 in.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard University-MFA Expedition, 16-4-275a. Photograph 2009, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.


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Fig. 5. Reconstructed side view of sphinx and Nubian prisoners (drawing by Nina West).

Nubian type (figs. 2a-b). The author, noting this, began to search for pieces amongst the black granite fragments recovered from the 1919 campaign that might join this fragment. Soon a number of bits of similar stone turned up, which, when put together, formed a sphinx, not couchant, but rearing, and with three bound Nubians under its front paws. These included a fragment of the chest of a captive Nubian with hands upraised and cuffed and wearing a necklace with a heart pendant flanked by two flies, and beside it another raised, cuffed hand from another prisoner (figs. 3a-b).7 There was another fragment of a hand and shoulder, possibly from the third figure.8 In addition, the proper-right side of a face of one of the Nubian captives was also preserved,9 and the nemes headdress of the king, the face battered away (figs. 4a-b).10 The shoulder and end of the nemes lappet, which joined the inscribed fragment with the paw, were also recovered,11 along with the other paw12 and the pigtail from the back of the nemes.13 A number of other fragments were discovered that must also belong to the bodies
MFA no. 16-4-275b. MFA no. 19-1-357. 9 MFA no. 19-12-70a. 10 MFA no. 16-4-275. 11 MFA no. 16-3-314. 12 Eg. Inv. 11803. 13 MFA 20-1-35. 14 These include MFA nos. 19-12-162, perhaps part of the costume of one of the prisoners; 16-3-186; 16-4-122; 16-4223.1; 20-1-225; 16-4-263.4; and Eg. Inv. 11804.
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of the Nubian captives and of the sphinx, but no direct joins were evident.14 Undoubtedly, there are other unidentified fragments in the Museum of Fine Arts storerooms, and perhaps more in storage at the site. In attempting to reconstruct this sculpture, Jean-Louis Lachevre noted that the angle of the back must have been oblique in order for the fragments to properly join. This would give the sphinx the appearance of rearing up and holding the prisoners under its paws (fig. 5). Given the fragmentary nature of the sculpture, it is difficult to determine what its overall dimensions would have been, but it could have stood well over one meter in height. While such subjugated groups of captives crushed under the paws of a sphinx are well known from relief sculpture and painted representations, and rearing, squatting, or couchant lions are sometimes found in sculpture,15 this would appear to be a unique example of a threedimensional sphinx in this attitude.16

15 Cf. U. Schweitzer, Lwe und Sphinx im Alten gypten (Glckstadt and Hamburg, 1948), pl. 22. 16 A related type of sculpture showing a king with a subjugated prisoner is seen in the depiction of Ramesses IV and a Libyan from the Karnak cachette; M. Saleh and H. Sourouzian, The Egyptian Museum Cairo: Official Catalogue (Mainz, 1987), cat. no. 227. Fragments of another statue similar to this, but depicting a Nubian captive, were also recovered from Gebel Barkal.

a unique sphinx of amenhotep ii Given the awkwardness of the composition, as is shown in the reconstruction, it is not a surprise that this invention was probably never repeated. Nevertheless, the finished piece would have made a powerful political statement of Egyptian dominance over the south. The Nubians are identified not only by their hairstyles and facial characteristics but also by the fly pendants they wear about their necks. One might have expected a Nubian and an Asiatic or posited the existence of a companion piece, with the king dominating the northern foes of Egypt, as would be expected in the standard Egyptian thematic program. However, there is no evidence of a companion piece, and


one might suggest that this sphinx stood alone as a testament to Egypts dominance over its southern boundary. The fact that the faces of the Nubians are intact, while the features of Amenhotep II are completely and deliberately obliterated, might suggest how the later Nubian overlords of the temple regarded this expression of Egyptian occupation. The main fragment was found just to the local north outside the inner court of B 500, the great New Kingdom Temple of Amun. The court was later extensively remodeled in the 25th Dynasty, so it may have been that it was at this time that the sphinx was destroyed.


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the international campaign to preserve the monuments of nubia, 1959-68


RAMESES RECROWNED: THE INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN TO PRESERVE THE MONUMENTS OF NUBIA, 195968 Sarwat Okasha Former Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Culture, Member of the British Academy, Cairo, Egypt
It gives me sincere pleasure to offer this contribution to the Festschrift honoring my friend Jack Josephson. His erudite scholarly dedication to the art of Egypts ancient civilization has provided many absorbing topics for discussion, from which I have derived both knowledge and enjoyment. His keen insights regarding many diverse subjects of interest in our world, past and present, have enlivened and enriched our wide-ranging conversations over the past decade and a half of our acquaintance, since his marriage to Egypts Ballerina, Magda Saleh.
1 S. Okasha, Insan al Asr Yutawig Ramsis (Cairo, 1971), subsequently published in 1974 by UNESCO in a French translation as Ramss Recouronn: Hommage Vivant au Pharaon Mort; and Okasha, Mudhakirati fi al siyasa wa al thaqafa (Cairo, 1990), 7-97, and rev. ed., Insan al Asr Yutawig Ramsis. Massirat al-hamla al-dawliyya liinqadh aathar al-Nuba (Cairo, 2008); Mankind Crowns Ramses. The International Campaign for the Safeguard of the Monuments of Nubia, trans. Aida al Bahgoury (forthcoming). 2 I have in this essay endeavored to render the full scope and extent of our daring undertaking. I must not omit mention here of some of the many without whose unshakable faith in the project and its inestimable value to the cause of human culture, to the preservation of the icons of civilization and its common heritage, and to the noble ideal of international cooperation and mutual understanding, the impossible dream could never have become reality. First among these are the three UNESCO Directors General, foremost among them Ren Maheu, that great human being with whom I stood side by side for 13 years, who was devoted to the principles of the international organization. He never wavered, despite the often vicious attacks to which he was subjected. Next is his predecessor Vittorino Veronese, who unhesitatingly embraced the project in 1959 and ushered it through its initial steps, going where another might have feared to tread. And finally is their successor, Amadou-Mokhtar MBow, who saw the final phase of the projectthe rescue of Philae through to its completion. Brazilian Ambassador Paulo de Berrdo Carneiro, who chaired both the International Action Committee and the Executive Committee for the International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia, was a loyal ally and devoted supporter. He instantly adopted the project and was steadfast in his support thereafter. Nor can I forget Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, who worked on our behalf his worldwide network of influential connections; or Mme Christiane Desroches-Noblecourt, the UNESCO consultant, with her passionate love of Egypt and its antiquities, her enthusiasm and boundless energy. She was a prime mover in the documentation endeavor, the salvage of Amada

I recollect his delighted response to my tale of the fateful encounter with the American Ambassador and the Director of the Metropolitan Museum. This meeting proved the catalyst so urgently needed to set in motion a train of events, more fully recounted elsewhere,1 leading to the unprecedented international campaign to preserve the monuments of Nubia. I present this abbreviated English-language version to my friend Mr. Josephson, knowing he will appreciate learning how matters unfolded to their happy outcome.2
Temple, and the organizer of the exhibition of Tutankhamun in Paris. A stellar contingent of Egyptian archaeologists, engineers, and administrators have earned the gratitude of the nation: the capable engineer Dr. Hassan Zaki, former Minister of Irrigation and chairman of the Advisory Council for the Abu Simbel project; Dr. Anwar Shukri, earlier Undersecretary of State for Antiquities; Mr. Abdel Moneim el Sawi, Deputy Chairman of the Fund for the Rescue of the Monuments of Nubia from September 1962 to September 1966 during my absence from the ministry; Dr. Abdel Moneim Abu Bakr, former Professor of Egyptology at Cairo University; Dr. Gamal Moukhtar, the senior Egyptologist at the Center of Documentation, then Undersecretary of State for Antiquities and the first Chairman of the EAO; engineer Mohammed Mahdi, earlier Director of the EAO; the chemist Dr. Zaki Iskander; engineer Taha el Shaltawi, former Deputy of the EAO; engineer Mohammed Abdel Moti Amer, the Director of the Engineering Bureau; Dr. Ahmed Qadri, General Director of the Nubia Fund; and Dr. Shehata Adam Mohammed, Director of the General Administration for the Rescue of the Monuments of Nubia. Before all these, and to the legions of anonymous foot soldiers, workmen, engineers, archaeologists, restorers, technicians, and artists who tirelessly participated in this endeavor, civilization itself must bow in respect and gratitude. Nor do we forget the High Dam Ministry for its aid, for out of its services budget came Egypts contribution to the fund for the salvage of Abu Simbel, to the amount of L.E. 5,000,000, with another L.E. 1,000,000 for the salvage of the other temples. Then there are the myriad institutions; universities; archaeological, scientific and cultural institutes and centers; the scholars and experts; the projects international committees; the engineering firms and companies; all our partners in the endeavor. To them Egypt was but the birthplace of civilization, a name they yearned for in dreams, exalting her in their noblest thoughts. What better reward for all than the survival of the monuments that they strove to save, speaking to future generations of the genius of those past?


sarwat okasha the Report on the Monuments of Nubia Likely to be Submerged by Sudd-el-Ali Water (June 1955). It included engineer Osman Rostems proposal to erect three cofferdams encircling Philae. Recommendations were limited to undertaking a comprehensive documentation of endangered monuments and sites, and preservation of two handily relocatable temples. Copies were distributed to scientific institutions abroad with an invitation to participate in excavations; it elicited scant response. A significant event took place in May 1955, with the signing of a protocol of cooperation between UNESCO and Husseins Ministry of Education, establishing the Center of Documentation and Study on the History and Art of Ancient Egypt4 (usually referred to simply as the Center of Documentation). The impetus for this important step proceeded from growing anxiety at home and abroad over the increasingly deleterious impact of climate and human activity on the monuments, notably in Upper Egypt, where a rising water table was leading to flooding, erosion, and irretrievable loss. Documentation as a meticulous permanent record and future resource for researchers was perceived as the only realistically feasible response. In 1958, the newly minted Ministry of Culture and National Guidance, which I established at the behest of the President, was assigned the task of oversight of national heritage, a symbol of the Revolutions powerful emphasis on a vigorous national cultural policy. A mere eight months later, in November 1958, I received a visit from the Ambassador of the United States in Cairo, Raymond A. Hare, accompanied by the Director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Mr. James Rorimer. Without preamble, this gentleman announced that he had come to negotiate the purchase of one or two temples threatened with submersion under the waters of the projected High Dam at Aswan. The vast man-made lake that would form behind this massive structure, foreseen to extend southward approximately 300 km within Egypt and another 187 km in the Sudan, would flood Egyptian and Sudanese Nubia and all its monuments forever. I was frankly affronted by this casual offer to purchase our ancestral
then Director of the Center of Documentation, and the doyen of Egyptologists, Dr. Gamal Moukhtar, and Mme Desroches-Noblecourt, chief curator of Egyptian art at the Louvre Museum and UNESCO consultant to the Center of Documentation.

September 22, 1968, dawned upon Egypt, a day of joy and celebration, the joy of daunting challenges overcome and an impossible dream come true, the successful culmination of a decade of unwavering endeavor to preserve the monuments of our ancient civilization from oblivion. Five hundred guests of Egypt gathered before the magnificent temples of Abu Simbelmyself as host representing President Gamal Abdel Nasser, with the Director General of UNESCO Ren Maheu, the organizations former head Vittorino Veronese, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, a throng of UNESCO representatives, the ministers charged with the organizations affairs from the 50 nations participating in the Abu Simbel project and their ambassadors in Cairo, together with their counterparts from the Arab world, the Egyptian ministers involved in the rescue of the Nubian antiquities, a number of eminent Egyptian personalities, and a cluster of intellectual and literary figures, artists, and members of the media. The international campaign to salvage the imperiled monuments of Nubia in Egypt and the Sudan, during which many hands had joined the world over, united in a spirit of true cooperation and a profound faith in the timeless value of the achievements of human culture, was brought to a triumphant conclusion. Decades earlier, in his impassioned book The Death of Philae, the French writer Pierre Loti had decried the drowning of that splendid temple by the waters of the first Aswan Dam (built in 1902), bewailing this symbolic death of ancient Egypt and calling upon Egyptians to rally in defense of their immortal patrimony. He vividly imagined a bemused Isis staring at her reflection in the inexorable rising tide. Lotis anguished, despairing cry was movingly echoed by our Prince of Poets, Ahmed Shawqi, in eloquent verse. After the July 23, 1952 revolution, concern over the fate of the monuments surfaced in a report submitted by the Director of the Egyptian Antiquities Service,3 Mostafa Amer, to the Minister of Education, Kamal el Din Hussein, and a fact-finding mission was dispatched to Nubia for ten days in December 1954. A detailed study of the endangered sites and proposals for solutions was published in Arabic, French, and English in
3 Later the Egyptian Antiquities Organization and now the Supreme Council of Antiquities; abbreviated EAO hereafter. 4 Markaz Tasjil el-Athar al-Misriyah. I must here pause to pay tribute to the dedicated efforts of Dr. Ahmed Badawi,

the international campaign to preserve the monuments of nubia, 1959-68


Fig. 1. Transferring the head of Rameses II during the synthesis of the main temple at Abu Simbel.

Fig. 2. Dr. Okasha (at left) with Mrs. Kennedy during the opening of the exhibition in Washington in 1961.


sarwat okasha

Fig. 3. Dr. Okasha, President Nasser, and UNESCO head Vittorino Veronese.

Fig. 4. Synthesis of the main temple of Abu Simbel in the new site.

the international campaign to preserve the monuments of nubia, 1959-68 heritage, rather than a proposal of scientific and technical aid in preserving it for Egypt. The High Dam confronted the Egyptian leadership with a bewildering quandary: it represented both crucial hope of prosperity for Egypts people and the threat of obliteration for a cherished patrimony. But should future economic success be purchased at the cost of the legacy of the past? Plans for the construction of the High Dam were advancing apace, and the urgency of our plight became ever more acute. Haunted by the threat of appalling loss, I deemed it the duty of the Ministry of Culture to plan the salvation of the threatened monuments. History would never forgive a failure to protect this charge. I had explored all means and venues available to a heavily burdened government to forestall a day when we must bid our past farewell, only to be confronted with frustrating obstacles at every turn. The brief meeting with the visiting Americans spurred my determination to act. As an initial step, to acquaint myself with the threatened monuments, I flew to Wadi Halfa on Egypts southern border, accompanied by the Director of the Center of Documentation, Dr. Ahmed Badawi, and engineer Mohammed Mahdi, then Director of the Engineering Department at the EAO. Proceeding north by boat on a two-week trip to Aswan, we visited all the temples and other monuments of the area between Wadi Halfa and Aswan, and inspected the excavations underway. To my dismay, the only work being undertaken was the recording and documentation of temples, and some site survey. I stood before the temples of Abu Simbel and Philae, contemplating the unthinkable. In a torment of distress I imagined, as in a vision, a gigantic hand scooping the magnificent edifices off their foundations and depositing them on the nearby summits, leaving those drowning waters to lap where they would. Preserving our treasures for posterity became the imperative, and I determined then that the impossible should be possible. Casting about for inspiration, I recalled that during my three-year service as military attach in Paris I had intently followed reports of activities at the newly established UNESCO, that organization born of the United Nations whose charter sanctions the protection of monuments of historical significance to humanitys cultural heritage. I soon became convinced that this was the only door open to us, and resolved to initiate contact with the Director General. A chance visit brought


to my office the UNESCO consultant to the Center of Documentation, Mme Christiane DesrochesNoblecourt. I surprised her with my decision to discuss with the Director General of UNESCO the project to save the temples of Nubia, intending to ask him about the possibility of cooperation between UNESCO and the Egyptian Ministry of Culture to save those great monuments. She then suggested a meeting with the UNESCO Deputy Director General, Ren Maheu, who was about to finish his mission in Addis Ababa in early January 1959, so I invited him to pass by Cairo on his way back to Paris. I duly met M. Maheu at the Cairo airport and escorted him to my office in Abdin Palace. During our three-hour meeting, I found in M. Maheu a man of sincere goodwill coupled with a piercing intellect. Convinced that I had found an ally in my quest, I pressed into his hands as a parting gift the 1907 copy of Lotis Death of Philae that had accompanied me on my trip to Nubia, expressing the hope that together we might write an epilogue, the Resurrection of Philae. M. Maheu departed at 1 a.m., and my trust was vindicated when, only 12 hours later, he called from Paris to put the Director General, M. Vittorino Veronese, on the line. Expressing full support, M. Veronese promised to present the project to the UNESCO Executive Board upon receipt of an official request by the Egyptian government! In a formal communication at the end of January 1959, Ren Maheu informed me of UNESCOs consent to a feasibility study and requested further detailed, specific information on the required aid. My actions thus far had been undertaken on my personal initiative and at the prompting of my conscience, but I must now obtain the sanction of the President of the Republic, to whom I hastened with my proposal. Nasser listened at length to my arguments. Citing my absolute faith in an unwavering UNESCO, I eventually overcame his concern that the stormy international political currents swirling around Egypt might become a potential deterrent to international cooperation. I then suggested a one-third contribution to costs by Egypt, to underscore the seriousness of our governments intentions. His approval was followed in short order by that of the EAO. In a letter dated April 6, 1959 (which was a holiday), composed with the assistance of the Director of the EAO, Dr. Mohammed Anwar Shukri, I formally requested UNESCO aid, financial, scientific and technical, for the project, outlining its


sarwat okasha joined Dr. Shukri, Dr. Shehata Adam, and legal counselor Mr. Mohammed Salem Gomaa to prepare the unprecedented memorandum that was to establish the blueprint and historic basis for future such endeavors. It incorporated four proposals an international appeal addressed by UNESCO for participation by nations and institutions, an official declaration by Egypt reiterating our request and defining the concessions to participating organizations, an invitation to an international conference of experts to outline a plan in October 1959, and a UNESCO-sponsored aerial survey of Nubia. UNESCO immediately proceeded with implementation of its obligations. A team from the French Institut gographique national duly arrived in August of that year to undertake the aerial survey, accompanied by officers of the Egyptian air force, while in August-September, teams of geologists, engineers, and architects prepared reports on the condition of the temples and the feasibility of salvage. Meanwhile, experts at the EAO and the Center of Documentation readied exploratory studies on excavations and documentation programs. Despite the searing temperatures and initial missteps, the experts were afforded some measure of comfort and pursued their arduous work in a spirit of cooperation. The resulting reports predicted success in the preservation of Nubias monuments, whether by relocating them or protecting them in situ. While these reports were being readied for the forthcoming international conference, I met twice that summer with the EAO to review the steps taken during this stage. Qualms, doubts, or reservations expressed by several members with regard to some wording in the government declaration at the opening of the forthcoming conference of experts were soon overcome by the unanimous resolve that drove us in our quest. The international conference of experts convened on October 1, 1959, at the Center of Documentation, with 13 experts in archaeology, geology, and engineering from various nations participating. I delivered the prepared declaration and revealed a previously unannounced incentive to nations providing significant contributions to the rescue of important monuments (in particular the two temples of Abu Simbel, for which no sacrifice was deemed too great): the gift of the Nubian temples of Taffa, Dabud, Dendur, Ellessya, and El Derr, making them ambassadors extraordinary for our cause abroad.

three-part objective: (1) sweeping excavation in Nubia; (2) moving or protecting the temples; and (3) complete documentation of sites. Since it was evening by the time we completed this task, and my office staff had been absent, I asked Mme Desroches-Noblecourt, who arrived suddenly to bid me farewell as she was leaving for Paris the same night, to type out this missive on my small portable French typewriterhow it rang to our hopes! and hand carry it herself to Paris that same night. This letter included an offer by the Egyptian government to award expeditions participating in Nubian excavation a 50% share of finds, with the exception of unique artifacts, and the opportunity to resume excavation at other sites in Egypt after completion of their work in Nubia. Such activities had long been suspended, terminated, or redirected to other areas of the Middle East, and there was pressing need to resume them. In June of 1959, I received an invitation to present Egypts case to the UNESCO Executive Board in Paris. Despite the then-severed diplomatic relations with France, I accepted. My two-hour presentation was greeted by such enthusiastic applause and expressions of unanimous support that I wept for sheer joy and relief. A Board decree authorized the Director General to draw up a complete plan for the enterprise in consultation with the Egyptian government, and to expedite experts to Nubia to study all aspects of the operation. An international conference to debate the issues would then be convened. The preliminary findings were to be submitted to the Board in time for the November 1959 UNESCO General Conference session. I felt confident that we were on the right path at last. This decree, announced by me at a press conference, was heartily welcomed by media and public alike, and resounded in foreign scholarly and scientific circles. Our first steps were taken with UNESCO on a long and arduous journey to rescue Nubias monuments, but before the organization could launch its appeal for global participation, scientific and technical resources must first be guaranteed to persuade nations and institutions to join the endeavor. The date of January 9, 1960, was set for beginning construction of the High Dam, and the race was on with the encroaching waters. The time had come to determine the principles of cooperation between the Ministry of Culture and the world organization. In July 1959, the Director of the Department of Museums at UNESCO, M. Van der Haagen, and Mme Desroches-Noblecourt

the international campaign to preserve the monuments of nubia, 1959-68 Sailing the Nile between hill and vale, the participants spent ten days in Nubia, visiting sites and holding daily meetings. Flying by military helicopter from Aswan, I joined them at Abu Simbel, to announce that Egypt would give priority to the rescue of the two great temples. We engaged in objective, serious discussions that led to a detailed report on the means of the execution of the operation. The recommendations included forming expeditions to perform an archaeological survey of the entire area with special attention to prehistoric sites, undertaking excavation in all the archaeological sites, completion of antiquities documentation, and, connecting past to future, transfer of the temples to locations safe from future agrarian land reclamation in Nubia proper. Temples impossible to relocate, such as Abu Simbel, would be protected by the creation of rock/earth dams. Philae would be coffered according to the project earlier proposed by engineer Osman Rostem. The report, which concluded by calling upon the Director General to launch the international appeal, was of particular import to the Ministry of Culture as it strove to implement projects that would be of relevance to the life of contemporary Egyptians. The government of the Sudan, which had been closely observing our actions, decided to follow our lead, and on October 24, 1959, applied to UNESCO for assistance in saving the Nubian patrimony within its borders. The Executive Board responded by allotting $15,0005 to underwrite preliminary steps to be taken to save the monuments of Sudanese Nubia. In order to prepare international public opinion for the appeal, UNESCO issued an invitation to a large contingent of members of the international media to visit Nubia as guests of Egypt. The ministry further extended its invitation to several ambassadors and members of the diplomatic corps from countries deemed essential to the execution of our plan. In February 1960, a special charter flew them to Aswan, whence they proceeded by boat to Nubia for a ten-day visit. This was the ideal means to transmit worldwide a visually dramatic alert to the imminent dangers faced by our monAll dollar amounts are given in US dollars. The dinner hosted by our ambassador, Saleh Khalil, to mark the occasion was attended by the Queen Mother Elizabeth, who promised her full support for the campaign. I took questions at a press conference after the opening, and met with King Baudoin, who expressed great interest in all the particulars. The exhibition subsequently toured the capitals of
6 5


uments, and soon the press abroad, particularly in Europe and the United States, was filled with reports overflowing with enthusiastic support for the project. After consultation with UNESCO legal counsel Hanna Saba, March 8, 1960, was the date agreed upon for launching the international appeal. An honorary Committee of Patrons would be chaired by His Majesty King Gustav VI of Sweden, and a Consultative Committee would be made up of twelve members, eight foreign nationals and four Egyptians. The decision to exhibit our national treasures abroad for the first time was our second important, but infinitely more complex and challenging, step in revealing to the world our heritage and civilization. Here opposition was contentious and obstinate, and overcoming it was truly difficult, but was achieved at last. Belgium, a nation in the forefront of our supporters, was selected as the first venue for the exhibition 5000 Years of Egyptian Art, scheduled to open in Brussels immediately following the launching of the historic international appeal by UNESCO, proclaimed by Director General Veronese in Paris in the vast assembly hall of the organizations headquarters. He declared that just like the writings of Socrates, the Ajanta frescoes, the walls of Uxmal, or Beethovens symphonies, the monuments of Nubia belonged to a common human heritage, and the Nile must not enfold in its bosom the glories bequeathed us by generations long gone to dust. Egypts permanent representative to UNESCO, Dr. Abdel Aziz elQusi, then delivered President Nassers greeting and message of thanks to the assembly. The resounding success of the exhibition, which opened in the Belgian capital on March 25 to a rapturous welcome by the media and a huge public turnout, was such that many countries sent requests to host the exhibition.6 Returning to France on March 30, 1960, I attended the UNESCO Executive Board meeting, strengthening ties with members. I noted with satisfaction their solid support, as well as that of the media, for the project. On May 22, 1960, I convened the Consultative Committee at the Center
Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, Federal Republic of Germany, and the United Kingdom for three years. This success encouraged us to follow up with exhibitions of masterpieces of Islamic and Coptic art the world over, and the Treasures of Tutankhamun were displayed in the United States, Canada, Japan, Paris, and London; all paved the way for the rescue of our Nubian heritage.


sarwat okasha economists. UNESCO issued a special Nubian edition of its magazine Courier, soon followed by a sequel. Finally, a striking installation of huge photographic enlargements displayed in the lobby of UNESCO headquarters and highlighting the temples of Abu Simbel and Philae greeted arriving delegates when the General Conference convened in November 1960. For the first time, I headed the Egyptian delegation. The Conferences decisions would be of particular importance, since it represented all member states upon whom we counted for approval, participation, and contribution to the project. Here it became apparent that our diplomatic lobbying at home and abroad had borne fruit, as had the efforts of UNESCO. On November 24, 1960, I laid before the Conference the full array of our efforts and activities to date. The Nubian campaign project was discussed by the International Action Committee, with 24 member states represented and chaired by the prominent Brazilian delegate, Ambassador Paulo de Berrdo Carneiro, a seasoned, consummate and brilliant diplomat, gifted orator, and physicist, who was steadfast in his support of the project from its beginning. The role of UNESCO had not yet been clarified. Previously, after intensive discussions at the EAO and consultation with expert scholars, it had been decided not to surrender our sovereignty to any authority, our appreciation and gratitude notwithstanding. With this full assumption of responsibility, the salvage would be undertaken under the laws of our state and its flag, with international cooperation and support. UNESCO would act as intermediary between Egypt and the participating nations, ensuring that work proceeded within sound international parameters, defined by the organizations charter and the recommendations of the General Conference, the Executive Board, and the established committees. At the 1960 General Conference, however, the International Action Committee recommended that UNESCO should bear full responsibility for the project to its conclusion. It was a most intricate, complex problem, with many thorny issues raised. After intensive discussion, it was agreed that UNESCO would play the role of intermediary between Egypt and the Sudan and the participating nations. The Director also confirmed the sovereign rights of Egypt and the Sudan in decision making at every

of Documentation to discuss the response to the many requests for concessions in Nubia submitted by various scholarly and scientific institutions and other organizations. The summer of 1960 was a time of intensive activity as we prepared to face the UNESCO General Conference in November 1960, armed with voluminous documentation of preliminary research and studies. Expeditions soon began to arrive in Nubia, with work on the fleet of river boats to accommodate their members underway in Cairo at Bulaq. The frenetic activity in Nubia that summer provided the momentum for the revival of Egyptian archaeology, moribund since 1934.7 In the fierce summer heat, the engineering team from the French consultative engineers Coyne et Bellier toiled at Abu Simbel; another team, headed by the renowned Italian architect Piero Gazzola, examined the other temple sites; and a Dutch expedition investigated Philaeall formulating and developing salvage plans. The Ministry of Culture, with the cooperation of the Ministry of Irrigation, dismantled the low-lying temples of Taffa and Dabud, and the blocks were stored on Elephantine Island at Aswan. A number of Egyptian artists, writers, and poets, headed by the great architect Hassan Fathi, the artists Hamed Saeed, Gazibeyya Sirry, Salah Taher, Seif and Adam Wanli, among others, were invited to visit Nubia aboard the Dakka. Their Nubia-inspired output was published in a single volume by the ministry, which also produced a color documentary film on the life and customs of the Nubians, as well as a photographic record of the land, its history, and its people in Arabic, French, and English. On another front, I launched a diplomatic offensive, meeting with ambassadors accredited to our government, while our ambassadors abroad lobbied governments to support the project when it came up for debate at the General Conference. The Director General of UNESCO and his Deputy, for their part, targeted contacts with various countries. Choosing Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan as special advisor for Nubia, M. Veronese dispatched him to the United States and the United Kingdom. Other high officials traveled to Italy, Holland, and Scandinavia. The Director himself visited the Federal Republic of Germany, contacting industrialists and
7 The program of documentation was redirected to Nubia from Thebes, and the eventual fruit of this effort was a massive

archive, an invaluable resource for study and research of this rich period of human history.

the international campaign to preserve the monuments of nubia, 1959-68


Fig. 5. The temple of Nefertari at Abu Simbel: salvage of the temple, re-erection of the faade on the new site, Oct. 1966. SCA Archives.

Fig. 6. Dr. Okasha with President De Gaulle in Paris, 1967.


sarwat okasha project for the remaining temples, the Dutch Philae projectfor presentation at UNESCO. Upon arrival in Paris, I was unexpectedly presented with an alternate project for Abu Simbel, based on an earlier, schematic proposal by Gazzola to raise both temples in monolithic blocks, which was rejected by the experts at the international conference of October 1959. I decided that the thorough and meticulously detailed plan now submitted by the company Italconsult SpA should not be turned down without serious review. The International Action Committee concurred with our opinion that both Abu Simbel projects be given equal consideration. Within days of the General Conference, the Director General and I had agreed to form an international five-member committee (Egypt, The Soviet Union, the United States, Switzerland, and the Federal Republic of Germany) to review the two Abu Simbel plans, known as the French and the Italian (or Gazzola) projects. The former involved the construction of a semicircular dam before the temples attached to the mountain on either side, rising above the projected water level, and provided with pumping stations to suction out the seepage. The drawbacks to this plan were its enormous initial expense, a costly and permanent yearly maintenance budget for dam and machinery, and the grave risk to the monuments in the event of a pump malfunction. The latter plan envisaged removing the summit of the hill above the temples, cutting both out of their rock matrix, and encasing them in concrete boxes, then raising them with thousands of electronically powered hydraulic jacks, recreating their original appearance within their mountain frame and the surrounding area at a higher elevation. Wonderful as this modern technological feat might appear, it seemed fantastical and unachievable to many. At its first meeting in Cairo in January 1961, the five-member committee opted for the Italian project. The weight of the great temple was estimated at 250,000 tons and that of the encasing concrete box at 50,000 tons. It was feared that the slightest mishap would severely damage or doom the monument, and a fierce debate ensued within the Consultative Committee for the Monuments of Nubia. Expert specialists from Norway and Sweden were allotted the task of studying and resolving certain technical queries, including

stage of the project, according to the UNESCO constitution.8 I linked the Nubian rescue project to the main topic of concern at the General Conference: the continent of Africa, African liberation, and the promotion of education on the continent, arguing that the Nubian monuments were a part of Africas heritage, and saving them became a part of UNESCOs obligations towards Africa and the world. I further disclosed that the Egyptian government had budgeted L.E. 3,500,000 over seven years for the Abu Simbel project, an allocation for which I had just received the acquiescence of the President, thus proving our serious commitment to the cause. This announcement elicited a most favorable response. A potential crisis caused by the American delegates attempt to establish a choice of priority between African education versus the Nubian campaign was calmly defused through debate and persuasion. Expressing appreciation of the Egyptian sacrifices and efforts towards implementing the project, the International Action Committee recommended that states and their governments should contribute through budget allocations, and encourage organizational and institutional participation. The committee further acceded to the wish of the Director General to create an Executive Committee for the International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia attached to the organization, composed of important personalities and representatives of the Egyptian and Sudanese governments. Members would work with him in an advisory capacity in matters concerning the disbursement of funds contributed by participating countries and organizations, and in the coordination and execution of work agendas. The International Action Committees decisions and recommendations were reviewed by the plenary Programs Committee, and then passed to the General Conference for ratification. After more than a year of struggle, the Egyptian delegation had achieved its objective, and the issue of the Nubian campaign, elevated to the international level, now came within the realm of feasibility. Basking in the glow of this sincere goodwill and communal support, we returned to Egypt to gird ourselves for the labor ahead. We had prepared the various projectsthe Coyne et Bellier plan for Abu Simbel, the Gazzola

I note here the positive expressions of support voiced by many members, prominent among them the representatives

of Brazil, Belgium, Holland, Yugoslavia, Italy, France, and Poland.

the international campaign to preserve the monuments of nubia, 1959-68 foundation reinforcement and calculating the e