Montavius Choy
F-22 Index
F-22 Trade Off 1NC.....................................................................................................................................................................................2
F-22 Trade Off 1NC.....................................................................................................................................................................................3
Budget Tight.................................................................................................................................................................................................4
F-22 Chopping Block...................................................................................................................................................................................5
F-22 Chopping Block...................................................................................................................................................................................6
F-22 Chopping Block...................................................................................................................................................................................7
Funding Trade Off........................................................................................................................................................................................8
Space Trades Off..........................................................................................................................................................................................9
Funding Key to F-22..................................................................................................................................................................................10
Funding Key To Air Force.........................................................................................................................................................................11
F-22 Good – Security.................................................................................................................................................................................12
F-22 Good – China ....................................................................................................................................................................................13
F-22 Good – Terror....................................................................................................................................................................................14
F-22 Good – Air Power..............................................................................................................................................................................15
F-22 Good – Air Power..............................................................................................................................................................................16
Air Power Good – Hegemony ...................................................................................................................................................................17
Air Power Good – Military........................................................................................................................................................................18
Air Power Good – Terror...........................................................................................................................................................................19
Air Power Good – Middle East..................................................................................................................................................................20
Air Power Good – Koreas..........................................................................................................................................................................21
Air Power Good – Deterrence ...................................................................................................................................................................22
F-22 Funding Low.....................................................................................................................................................................................23
Trade Off Now...........................................................................................................................................................................................24
Trade Off Inevitable...................................................................................................................................................................................25
Funding Irrelevant......................................................................................................................................................................................26
F-22 Fail – Air Power................................................................................................................................................................................27
F-22 Fail – Timeframe ..............................................................................................................................................................................28
F-22 Fail – Engineering ............................................................................................................................................................................29
F-22 Fail – Software..................................................................................................................................................................................30
AT: Air Power............................................................................................................................................................................................31
AT: Air Power............................................................................................................................................................................................32
AT: Overseas Threats.................................................................................................................................................................................33
AT: Middle East.........................................................................................................................................................................................34
AT: China...................................................................................................................................................................................................35
AT: Terror...................................................................................................................................................................................................36
F-22 Bad – Iraq War...................................................................................................................................................................................37
FCS Trade Off 1NC...................................................................................................................................................................................38
FCS Trade Off 1NC...................................................................................................................................................................................39
FCS Chopping Block.................................................................................................................................................................................40
FCS Funding High.....................................................................................................................................................................................41
Funding Key To FCS.................................................................................................................................................................................42
FCS Coming...............................................................................................................................................................................................43
FCS Coming...............................................................................................................................................................................................44
FCS Good – Heg........................................................................................................................................................................................45
FCS Good – Heg .......................................................................................................................................................................................46
FCS Good – Readiness .............................................................................................................................................................................47
FCS Funding Cut Now...............................................................................................................................................................................48
FCS Cuts Inevitable...................................................................................................................................................................................49
FCS Fails – Tech........................................................................................................................................................................................50
FCS Fails – Insufficient ............................................................................................................................................................................51
FCS Fails – Timeframe .............................................................................................................................................................................52
AT: Terror...................................................................................................................................................................................................53
[“TACTICAL AIRCRAFT Air Force Still Needs Business Case to Support F/A-22 Quantities and Increased Capabilities,” 3/1/05,
http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d05304.pdf]
DOD has been pushing to transform its military operations and capabilities to acquire revolutionary weapon systems and meet
evolving post-Cold War threats. Undertaking this transformational effort requires significant funding and competes with other
DOD and national priorities. When DOD’s weapon systems, such as the F/A-22, require more time and money than originally
anticipated, the extra investment needed to solve problems takes funding away from other priorities, slows DOD’s overall
modernization effort, delays capabilities for the warfighter, and forces unplanned—and possibly unnecessary—trade-offs among
DOD’s many priorities. Our past work has shown that problems, such as cost overruns, arise when weapon programs do not have a
sound business case2 or capture the knowledge needed to efficiently and effectively manage program risks. The end result is a
reduction in quantities and ultimately in DOD’s overall buying power.
Hegemony is beautiful
Zalmay Khalilizad, Director of the Strategy and Doctrine Program @ RAND and current US Ambassador to Iraq, "Losing the
Moment? The United States and the World After the Cold War," The Washington Quarterly, Spring 1995, p. Lexis
Under the third option, the United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a global rival or a return to
multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long-term guiding principle and vision. Such a vision is desirable not
as an end in itself, but because a world in which the United States exercises leadership would have tremendous advantages. First, the
global environment would be more open and more receptive to American values -- democracy, free markets, and the rule of law.
Second, such a world would have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world's major problems, such as nuclear
proliferation, threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low-level conflicts. Finally, U.S. leadership would help preclude
the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the United States and the world to avoid another global cold or hot war and all the
attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange. U.S. leadership would therefore be more conducive to global stability than a
bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system.
Budget Tight
Military spending is expected to be tight despite the need for funding
Thom Shanker ‘8, Staff Writer @ New York Times
Lockheed’s F-22 Jets have been cut back because of spending restraints
Elizabeth Becker, staff writer, 7/23/1999, New York Times, “Critics Catch up to a 21st – Century Jet”,
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9401EFD9153EF930A15754C0A96F958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all
This picture of outsized industrial self-confidence survived years of questioning from Congress about cost overruns and
delays in the $70 billion project intended to build the Air Force's state-of-the-art fighter jet. Throughout those years, the
program enjoyed the powerful protection of Georgia politicians like Newt Gingrich, the former Speaker of the House
whose district included this Lockheed plant, and Sam Nunn, the former head of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
Without them, Lockheed finds itself on the defensive with Congress, with the House yesterday approving the deletion of
$1.8 billion earmarked to manufacture the first six jets to be used in combat as it went ahead and overwhelmingly
approved the military spending bill for the next fiscal year. It was a defeat for the Pentagon and the manufacturer,
which rarely had encountered a Congress opposed to a military program on the verge of production.
Rifes within the DOD makes F-22’s a vulnerable target for cuts
Bob Cox, staff writer, 6/17/08, Star-Telegram, “What’s up next for F-35, F-22?”, http://www.star-
telegram.com/business/story/704902.html
Clear air, politically speaking, appears to lie ahead for the F-35 joint strike fighter program in the wake of Lockheed Martin’s
successful flight test last week of the first redesigned version of the aircraft.
The same probably can’t be said for Lockheed’s F-22 jet after its most vocal proponents in the U.S. Air Force leadership were
sacked recently by Defense Secretary Robert Gates. The successful test flight of the F-35B Lightning II short takeoff-vertical
landing model on Wednesday prompted a vote of confidence from one senior civilian Pentagon official. John Young,
undersecretary of defense for weapons development and acquisition, said in a statement that the flight “makes a strong
statement” about the progress on the F-35 program despite well publicized delays and technical issues. Young said “the JSF
program is ahead of similar programs in terms of quality, software, testing, and manufacturing readiness. The JSF program has
many more steps ahead, but today’s flight demonstrates the maturity and progress being made on JSF.” The F-35B is the short
takeoff-vertical landing, or “STOVL,” model of the three versions and is the most challenging technically. In April, Young had
approved funds to produce six F-35A conventional-takeoff-and-landing models, but withheld funds for six STOVL models
until after the first flight. Young will receive a further briefing by program and Lockheed officials, probably within the next
month, including a review of plans for resolving problems discovered in tests of F-35B engines. But barring any new technical
issues with the engine, Young is expected to release funds for the other six aircraft approved in the 2008 budget. Politically,
“the joint strike fighter is in very good shape,” said Loren Thompson, defense analyst with the Lexington Institute and a
consultant to several aerospace and defense companies, including Lockheed. The same can’t be said for the F-22. The June 5
firings of Air Force Secretary Michael Wynne and Chief of Staff Gen. Michael Moseley, Thompson said, were in large part due
to the increasingly angry debate between the Air Force and senior Pentagon leaders over whether to buy more F-22s. The tone
of the discussions between Moseley and, particularly, Deputy Secretary of Defense Gordon England over the F-22 had grown
increasingly tense. “The absence of any strong advocates for the F-22, with Moseley and Wynne gone, will be detrimental for
the program,” Thompson said. Both programs are important to Lockheed’s Fort Worth operation. About 1,800 workers
assemble the mid-fuselage of the F-22, while about 4,000 are working on the F-35 with production work just beginning to have
an impact on staffing. The F-22 still has strong supporters in Congress who will probably maintain some funding for additional
planes beyond the 183 now on order in the 2009 budget, but the likelihood of long-term production is dim. Both Gates and
England are firmly opposed to future orders. And Thompson said it is unlikely, given their past positions, that either Sen. John
McCain or Sen. Barack Obama will be champion of the program if elected president.
[“The Department of Defense: Reducing Its Reliance on Fossil-Based Aviation Fuel- Issues for Congress,” June 15th 2007,
http://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL34062.pdf]
There are several ways in which DOD can reduce its use of fossil-based aviation fuel. Each has advantages and disadvantages
and no single option provides the perfect solution. Advanced technologies, such as synthetic fuels, offer potential alternatives
but further development and study are required before DOD can employ them on a large scale. DOD can also take measures to
decrease its use of fuel. Possible options include upgrading aircraft engines and modifying operational procedures. Many of
these measures, however, are costly and must compete for funding with other operational priorities.
[“Air Force's request for more money at center of debate over country's needs,” 2/29/08, l/n]
However, Selva's concerns about aging aircraft were confirmed by last November's midair disintegration of a 27 year-old F-15
fighter, which literally came apart during a high-G maneuver. Despite injuries, the pilot managed to safely eject. As a result, the
entire fleet of F-15s was grounded. The cause of the accident was found to be a cracked longeron (a longitudinal support
member). Nine other aircraft were found to have similar fatigue cracks. But the service's perceived needs could encounter
multiple obstacles. During the next few years, fears about recession, the winding down of the Iraq conflict and rising federal
deficits might substantially affect the overall military budget. Any substantial decrease in the Air Force's budget, or any
diminution or dilution of its role in America's Armed Forces, might be bad news for Colorado Springs. With multiple Air Force
installations, as well as the service's crown jewel, the U.S. Air Force Academy, the city's economy is intimately linked to the
fortunes of the junior service. But Mike Kazmierski, a retired Army colonel who now heads the Colorado Springs Economic
Development Corp., said that prospective budget changes might conceivably benefit the Springs. "If it's budget shifting, for
example, with more funding to space and cyberspace operations, that could be beneficial," he said. "But if the overall budget
decreases, and we see downsizing, that could dramatically affect us, and our local economy. "
[“Service wants more money — a lot more — for coveted planes,” 2/18/08, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23223286/]
Air Force officials are warning that unless their budget is increased dramatically, and soon, the military's high-flying branch
won't dominate the skies as it has for decades. After more than seven years of war in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Air Force's
aging jet fighters, bombers, cargo aircraft and gunships are at the breaking point, they say, and expensive, ultramodern
replacements are needed fast. "What we've done is put the requirement on the table that says, 'If we're going to do the missions
you're going to ask us to do, it will require this kind of investment,'" Maj. Gen. Paul Selva, the Air Force's director of strategic
planning, said in an interview "Failing that, we take what is already a geriatric Air Force," Selva said, "and we drive it for
another 20 years into an area of uncertainty." An extra $20 billion each year over the next five — beginning with an Air Force
budget of about $137 billion in 2009 instead of the $117 billion proposed by the Bush administration — would solve that
problem, according to Selva and other senior Air Force officers. Yet the prospects for huge infusions of cash seem dim.
Congress is expected to boost the 2009 budget, but not to the level urged by the Air Force. In the years that follow, a possible
recession, a rising federal deficit and a distaste for higher taxes all portend a decline in defense spending regardless of which
party wins the White House in November. "The Air Force is going to be confronting a major procurement crisis because it can't
buy all the things that it absolutely needs," said Dov Zakheim, a former Pentagon comptroller. "It's going to force us to rethink,
yet again, what is the strategy we want? What can we give up?"
[“Airmen vs. Modernization: The Air Force Budget Dilemma,” 5/18/07, http://www.heritage.org/Research/NationalSecurity/bg2037.cfm]
Choosing between aircraft modernization and force sizing is not occurring in a vacuum as airframes are wearing out quicker
than anticipated. Declining readiness combined with an aging fleet and reduced buying power is causing a tradeoff in long-term
modernization programs. If the Air Force continues modernization at the expense of its personnel under the current budgetary
constraints, both will continue to suffer. Replacing older aircraft with new ones is yet another challenge facing the Air Force
today. The Air Force has approximately 6,000 aircraft and is buying about 60 new airplanes per year--a 100-year rate of
recapitalization. The Air Force is "now the oldest of all the services."[31]The Air Force also needs to purchase next-generation
aircraft because the next war will not look like the last war. General Moseley remarked that U.S. aircraft "will face threats"
from "increasingly lethal anti-access systems, weapons, sophisticated integrated air defense systems, enhanced surface-to-air
missiles, advanced fighters, avionics, and air-to-air missiles." He offered a stark assessment of the future if procurement does
not occur in greater numbers, noting that the U.S. air fleet is "at a point of obsolescence vis-à-vis these emerging threats."
THE F-22 IS KEY TO U.S AIR POWER – THE ONE THING THAT MAINTAINS US MILITARY SUPREMACY
Washington Times, 8-8-99, p. L/N
Scanning the troops and materiel stretched across the Normandy beaches in 1944, Gen. Dwight Eisenhower, according to Air Force
historian Richard Hallion, remarked, "If I didn't have air supremacy, I wouldn't be here." Lexington Institute analyst Loren Thompson,
who teaches in Georgetown's National Security Studies Program, recently observed, "Not a single U.S. soldier has been killed by
enemy aircraft since the Korean War." The reason? The United States has always maintained air superiority. Whether such air
dominance will continue well into the next century is now an open question. The House of Representatives recently diverted $1.8
billion in production funds from the Air Force's F-22 fighter program to other areas in the defense budget, some of which,
coincidentally, would benefit the districts of several representatives who led the charge against the F-22. The funds would have
financed the first six F-22 Raptor aircraft. Secretary of Defense William Cohen objected to the diversion, noting, "This decision, if
enacted, would for all practical purposes kill the F-22 program, the cornerstone of our nation's air power in the 21st century."
The reconstitution of the stateside Air Force as a large-scale, warfighting force will complicate the service’s plans to reconfigure itself
for the purposes of expeditionary operations. But the proliferation of overseas bases should reduce many, if not all, of the burdens of
rotational contingency operations. Because of its inherent mobility and flexibility, the Air Force will be the first U.S. military force to
arrive in a theater during times of crisis; as such, the Air Force must retain its ability to deploy and sustain sufficient numbers of
aircraft to deter wars and shape any conflict in its earliest stages. Indeed, it is the Air Force, along with the Army, that remains the core
of America’s ability to apply decisive military power when its pleases. To dissipate this ability to deliver a rapid hammer blow is to
lose the key component of American military preeminence.
[“Airmen vs. Modernization: The Air Force Budget Dilemma,” 5/18/07, http://www.heritage.org/Research/NationalSecurity/bg2037.cfm]
In this tightening fiscal environment, the Air Force continues to reduce various programs while the other services are increasingly
relying on additional airlift capacity. Demands for airlift include helping to remove convoys from dangerous routes in Iraq, providing
forces with extended logistics reach, and penetrating deeper into terrorist havens in Afghanistan. General Norton Schwartz,
commander of U.S. Transportation Command, recently highlighted the importance of airlift, stating that a "distributed fight," such as
in Afghanistan, requires airlift because missions often "cannot be effectively prosecuted from main operating bases."[8] General
Moseley recently said that the need for strategic airlift is expected to increase, which means that the C-5 modernization program
"makes more sense now than ever."[9]The demand for airlift goes well beyond current military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Admiral William J. Fallon, commander of U.S. Pacific Command from February 2005 to March 2007, noted that the command's
posture is affected by the "shortage of responsive strategic air and ship lift to support force sustainment and deployment to operating
areas."[10]While the airlift requirements continue unabated, the Air Force is dramatically cutting endstrength to free funding for
competing priorities. Secretary Wynne said that the 2008 budget is "so delicately balanced" that there is no room to free an extra $2
billion for strategic airlift even as senior Air Force officials acknowledge that current plans for airlift will not meet the needs of the
U.S. Army and Marine Corps.[11]
Air Power has an amazing deterrence effect due to its capabilities of quick mission accomplishment and minimal casualties
Martin Anderburg ‘2k, Captain of the 2nd Division of F-10 Skane Wing in the Swedish Air Force,
[“The FY 2009 Defense Budget Request: The Growing Gap in Defense Spending,” 2/25/08, http://www.heritage.org/Research/NationalSecurity/bg2110.cfm]
In the 1980s, procurement consumed more than 70 percent of the modernization budget. The core defense budget for FY 2009
would still leave procurement at only slightly more than 60 percent. (See Chart 6.) As a result, essential new weapons programs
must be stretched out, which increases unit costs, reduces the numbers of new weapons available to the military, and prevents
their timely delivery. For example: Although Congress is seeking to remedy this problem, the Navy has been forced to reduce
construction of Virginia-class submarines to one per year even though constructing two per year would reduce the unit cost to
$2 billion per boat.[13] The Air Force has been forced to scale back its purchasing of F-22 Raptor tactical fighters
dramatically. It is now slated to obtain just 183 F-22s despite its requirement for 381.[14] The Army has been forced to extend
the production time for its Future Combat System by four years.[15]
Funding Irrelevant
Air force wastes majority of money that would tradeoff
John Hazlehurst ‘8, writer for Colorado Springs Business Journal
[“Air Force's request for more money at center of debate over country's needs,” 2/29/08, l/n]
With the release of the proposed 2009 defense budget, the three branches of the armed services are already clamoring for more
money. But of the three, the Air Force's list is particularly long - and particularly pricey. President George W. Bush's proposed
budget calls for $144 billion in funding for the Air Force, but that's not enough, say Air Force planners. They're asking for an
additional $18.75 billion, more than double the combined unfunded requests of the Army and the Marines. The bulk of the
requests are driven by the Air Force's fleet - what Maj. Gen Paul Selva, the Air Force's director of strategic planning, calls "a
geriatric air force. " The Air Force Association, an independent nonprofit organization that promotes "public understanding of
aerospace power and the pivotal role it plays in the security of the nation," has called for allocating an extra $20 billion
annually to the Air Force during the next 20 years. But critics argue that the Air Force squanders vast amounts of money on
advanced weapons systems of limited utility. They say that new weapons systems such as the F-22 and the F-35 are built to
combat a threat that no longer exists in a post-Cold War world.
[“Service wants more money — a lot more — for coveted planes,” 2/19/08, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23223286/]
The Air Force's distress is partly self-inflicted, says Steve Kosiak of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments in
Washington. The F-22 Raptor and F-35 Lightning, the new jet fighters that will supplant the F-15 Eagle and F-16 Falcon, have
drastically higher price tags than their predecessors and require a bigger chunk of the defense budget. "One of the reasons their
equipment has aged so much is because they continue to move ahead with the development and presumed acquisition of new
weapon systems that cost two to three times as much as the systems they are replacing," Kosiak said. "It's like replacing a
Toyota with a Mercedes."It's not as if the Air Force has gone without any new airplanes. The B-2 Spirit stealth bomber, the C-
17 Globemaster airlifter and the CV-22 tilt-rotor, which flies like a helicopter or an airplane, have all been added since the mid-
1990s.The Air Force also is planning to spend between $30 billion and $40 billion over the next 15 years for new refueling
tankers. A contract is expected to be awarded soon. Those new tankers, however, won't be flying until 2013.The Air Force isn't
alone in wanting more money, but its appetite is far greater than the other military branches. Shortly after President Bush
submitted his defense plan for the 2009 budget year, which begins Oct. 1, each service outlined for Congress what it felt was
left out. The Air Force's "wish list" totaled $18.8 billion, almost twice as much as the other three services combined."There's no
justification for it. Period. End of story," said Gordon Adams, a former Clinton administration budget official who specializes
in defense issues. "Until someone constrains these budget requests, the hunger for more will charge ahead unchecked."
The Air Force originally planned to field the enhanced F-22A capabilities in three development increments to be completed in
2010. However, due to numerous funding decreases, schedule slips, and changes in requirements and work content in each
increment, the last increment will not be integrated on the F-22A until 2013, 3 years later than planned. The program has
achieved less than 30 percent design maturity for its first major increment. The Air Force also plans to integrate additional
capabilities beyond the current three planned increments in a separate Acquisition Category I program.
Military purchases must be made in light of longevity of the weapons, F-22s are not strategic buys
Sydney J. Freedberg Jr., staff writer, 3/20/2008, National Journal, “On the sea and in the air, military bills come due”,
http://www.govexec.com/dailyfed/0308/032008nj1.htm
The air and sea services certainly make the case for their own relevance. Besides an increasing number of air strikes since the
beginning of the 2007 "surge" of troops into Iraq, "what you see is Air Force airplanes providing intelligence, surveillance, and
reconnaissance in direct support of ground forces," said Maj. Gen. Paul Selva, the service's director of strategic planning. With
land vehicles vulnerable to roadside bombs, Selva added, Air Force transports shuttle an average of 2,000 troops a day around
Iraq and Afghanistan. But even Selva puts the case for high-tech, high-cost systems in terms of future conflicts, not the
current low-tech war."The question with the F-22 is the long-term strategic horizon," Selva said, "because whatever
number we end up [buying] with the F-22, that's the number we're going to have for the next 20 years." The Navy,
likewise, emphasizes that the ships it builds today must last for decades in a world where lethal technologies are proliferating
rapidly. Whether these long-term arguments will shake an extra $40 billion out of Congress is an open question. And whether
the services' planned purchases are the right investments for the future is another question altogether."My main
concern is readiness for the unexpected, for what's around the corner," said Rep. Ike Skelton, D-Mo., chairman of the
House Armed Services Committee. "You do your best to have high-technology systems to deter and prevail in the
unexpected [future] -- but the need to bolster the ground forces is highly important today. We have to do our very best
to balance them out."
Unfortunately, we can expect that same tiny F-22 force to attrite all too rapidly in combat for the simple reason that the Air Force no
longer adequately supports pilot training. F-22 pilots get only ten to twelve hours of flight training per month. When we provided 20
to 25 hours per month to train pilots for Vietnam, our pilots complained - rightly - it was inadequate. At the height of their prowess in
the 1960s and '70s, the Israelis gave their fighter pilots 40 to 50 hours of flight training per month.
The history of air warfare shows all too clearly that the most important determinant of who wins and who dies in an aerial dogfight is
pilot skill, not aircraft performance. Because they have raided pilot training accounts to feed increasingly voracious procurement
programs (such as the F-22), Congress and the Air Force have virtually guaranteed high pilot losses for us in any hypothesized, large
scale air war. If the advocates of more air power for the U.S. were serious about winning and saving American pilots lives, they would
double, then triple, the amount of money available for pilot flight training before spending a single penny on new aircraft. Revealing
its real priorities, in help pay for the pork it added to the 2008 DOD appropriations act, Congress cut air force training by $400
million.
In what may long be remembered as a turning point in the Pentagon’s approach to investing in technology, U.S. Defense Secretary
Robert Gates earlier this year publicly questioned the Air Force’s commitment to its F-22 Raptor, a stealthy fighter that was built to
win dogfights against a Soviet adversary. “The reality is we are fighting two wars, in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the F-22 has not
performed a single mission in either theater. So it is principally for use against a near peer in a conflict, and I think we all know
who that is,” Gates told a congressional committee. “And looking at what I regard as the level of risk of conflict with one of those
near peers over the next four or five years until the Joint Strike Fighter comes along, I think that something along the lines of 183
[planes] is a reasonable buy.” Although Gates’s comments constituted a rare public rebuke from the Pentagon’s civilian leadership,
he was simply stating the obvious: The Air Force was betting billions on a future risk while simultaneously underinvesting in
technologies necessary to combat a current threat. Equally remarkable, it was perhaps the first time in memory that a senior
Pentagon official had uttered the phrase “level of risk” with respect to the department’s research and development portfolio. The
Pentagon in years past has suffered from a form of compulsive gambling, making bets on long-shot odds, without regard to risk.
Indeed, military planners dream up all kinds of doomsday scenarios: a high-altitude nuclear detonation’s wiping out our low-Earth
satellites; a nuclear-tipped intercontinental ballistic missile destroying an entire city; or more frighteningly, an asteroid that ends
life as we know it. To counter these threats, they come up with all sorts of high-risk technologies (one of my current favorites is a
proposal to beam radio waves into the atmosphere to clean out radiation from a high-altitude nuclear blast). Herein lies the
dilemma. All of these scenarios are theoretically possible, so shouldn’t the Pentagon invest in mitigating all of these potential
threats? The Pentagon, for its part, frequently speaks about investing in “high-risk, high-payoff” efforts—research that might well
fail, but could lead to significant breakthroughs if it pays off. The Pentagon counts stealth aircraft, unmanned aircraft, and the
Internet as successful examples of this strategy. Defense officials often employ a similar justification when addressing threats that
may have a low probability of occurring, but pose a devastating consequence if they occur. The problem with this approach to risk
is not the underlying philosophy, but the frequent lack of willingness to either qualitatively or quantitatively address the actual
risks. At the extreme, we know an attack by aliens from outer space is theoretically possible, but improbable. On the more
conventional side, we know that a terrorist attack on the U.S. homeland is more likely than another country’s sudden development
of a fighter that can match the F-22.
AT: China
China isn’t a threat – F-22’s are useless
Fred Kaplan ‘8, Slate's "War Stories" columnist and Author
[“China Canard: The Air Force doesn't need any more F-22s,” 2/14/08, http://www.slate.com/id/2184481/pagenum/all/#page_start]
On Feb. 13, according to today's issue of Aerospace Daily & Defense Report, Gen. Bruce Carlson, chief of the Air Force's
materiel command, told a group of reporters, "We think that [187 planes] is the wrong number" and that the Air Force would
find some way to build 380 before the program's done. He joked that 380 is a "compromise," since the original plan calls for
381. Gen. Carlson's rationale for this expansion: "Most people say in the future there will be a China element to whatever we
do." In plainer words: He says we need more than twice as many F-22s than the secretary of defense says we need because of
the future military threat from China. Two things should be noted about this claim. First, by the Pentagon's own measure, the
Chinese military has a long way to go before it constitutes a threat to U.S. forces. Second, even if it does become a threat, it's
not at all clear that the F-22 would be the best weapon to deal with it.
[“China Canard: The Air Force doesn't need any more F-22s,” 2/14/08, http://www.slate.com/id/2184481/pagenum/all/#page_start]
And so, the China threat is dragged out of the cellar once again, as it has been to justify troubled weapons systems for 40 years
now. (For an example from, yes, as far back as the mid-1960s, click here.) Is this threat real, though? In each of the last five
years, Congress has required the Defense Department to issue a report titled "Military Power of the People's Republic of
China." The latest edition, released last spring—like the one released in the spring of 2006—provides little basis for losing
sleep (or building more F-22s). China's military is actively building up its strength. In March 2007, it announced a 17.8
percent increase in its military budget—larger than the increase of the country's gross domestic product. The Pentagon report
notes that China is "pursuing long-term comprehensive transformation of its military forces to improve its capabilities for
power projection." It's learning lessons about information warfare from our battles in Iraq and Afghanistan. It's building more
short-range ballistic missiles across from the Taiwan Strait. And its leaders are expressing interest in building an aircraft carrier.
This last point tells the tale, though: they're expressing interest in building an aircraft carrier—they're not building one. China
did buy two used aircraft carriers from Russia, the Minsk in 1998 and the Kiev in 2000. But, in the words of the Pentagon
report, "Neither carrier was made operational; instead, they were used as floating military theme parks."
[“China Canard: The Air Force doesn't need any more F-22s,” 2/14/08, http://www.slate.com/id/2184481/pagenum/all/#page_start]
They're "indispensable" to "protect" China's maritime interests, much less to project China's power outside its peripheries. Yet
China has no aircraft carriers. Wang is quoted as saying it can't build any "within three or five years." The Pentagon report
notes that some U.S. intelligence analysts think China might have an aircraft carrier by 2011-15, while others don't think that
day will come until "2020 or later." As for China's attempts to modernize its military, the Pentagon report notes that it is
"untested in modern warfare" and that its senior officers "lack direct military experience" while also facing "deficiencies in
inter-service cooperation and actual experience in joint operations." The U.S. intelligence community "estimates that China
will take until the end of this decade or later to produce a modern force capable of defeating a moderate-sized adversary."
AT: Terror
F-22’s don’t effect the War on Terror
Russ Feingold ‘8, U.S. Senator
[“Remarks of U.S. Senator Russ Feingold: Confronting Foreign Intelligence and Information Gaps,” 6/23/08, l/n]
It is well past time to shift our strategic thinking - and our corresponding expenditures and actions - beyond outdated military
tools and solutions. Let me quote Secretary Gates' budgetary views from his Kansas State University speech: "We need," he
said, "a dramatic increase in spending on the civilian instruments of national security - diplomacy, strategic communications,
foreign assistance, civic action and economic reconstruction and development." One way to increase this much- needed
investment in the civilian instruments of national security is to cut wasteful spending on weapons programs that will not help
us address our most pressing national security concerns. These include, for example, the F-22 Raptor, which Secretary Gates
has specifically identified as a weapons system with limited relevance in counterterrorism operations. It has never flown in Iraq
or Afghanistan yet the Air Force continues to ask for more.
The Air Force wanted to send the F-22 to the Middle East and Defense Secretary Robert Gates nixed the plans, citing the
strategic danger from the deployment if it were misread by Iran, among other factors. This comes from a single usually reliable
source with knowledge of Air Force policy and operations. Then-Air Force Secretary Mike Wynne sent a memo to Gates last
December in which he made the recommendation, as well as laying out several major arguments for Air Force budget requests
for the F-22 and bomber research and development, according to our source. Central Command had approved the deployment
request and we understand several Arab governments were also supportive of the Air Force effort. The main opposition to the
request, we hear, came from Ryan Henry, principal deputy to the undersecretary of Defense for policy, who worried that Iran
would interpret the deployment of the country’s most capable fighter as a regional escalation at a time when rumors were
sweeping the region that the US was planning strikes against Iran’s nuclear facilities.
[“2009 Review of Future Combat System Is Critical to Program's Direction,” 4/10/08, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d08638t.pdf]
The Army’s $160.9 billion cost estimate for the FCS program is largely unchanged from last year’s estimate despite a program
adjustment that reduced the number of systems from 18 to 14. This may mean a reduction in capabilities of the FCS program
and thus represents a reduction in the Army’s buying power on FCS. Further, two independent cost estimates—from DOD’s
Cost Analysis Improvement Group (CAIG) and the other from the Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA), a federally funded
research and development center—are significantly higher than the Army’s estimate. Both assessments estimate higher costs
for software development, to which a recent increase in lines of code adds credence. The Army has not accepted either of the
independent estimates on the grounds that they each include additional work scope, particularly in the later years of the
development phase. Also, the CAIG and IDA both use historical growth factors in their estimates, based on the results of
previous programs. It is reasonable to include such growth factors, based on our own analysis of weapon systems and the low
level of knowledge attained on the FCS program at this time. Given the program’s relative immaturity in terms of technology
and requirements definition and demonstrations of capabilities to date, there is not a firm foundation for a confident cost
estimate. The Army has not calculated confidence levels on its estimates, though this is a best practice and could reduce the
probability of unbudgeted cost growth. Under its current structure, the Army will make substantial investments in the FCS
program before key knowledge is gained on requirements, technologies, system designs, and system performance, leaving less
than half its development budget to complete significantly expensive work, such as building and testing prototypes, after its
preliminary design review. The Army maintains that if it becomes necessary, FCS content will be further reduced, by trading
away requirements or changing the concept of operations, to keep development costs within available funding levels. As the
Army begins a steep ramp-up of FCS production, FCS costs will compete with other Army funding priorities, such as the
transition to modular organizations and recapitalizing the weapons and other assets that return from current operations.
Together, the program’s uncertain cost estimate and competing Army priorities make additional reductions in FCS scope and
increases in cost likely.
[“DEFENSE ACQUISITIONS A Knowledge-Based Funding Approach Could Improve Major Weapon System Program Outcomes,” 7/2/08,
http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d08619.pdf]
DOD often does not commit full funding to its major weapon system acquisitions when they are initiated, despite the department’s
policy to do so. For a majority of the programs we reviewed, costs exceeded the funding levels initially planned for and reflected in
the FYDP. To make up for these funding shortfalls, DOD often shifts funds from one program to pay for another, reduces system
capabilities, cuts procurement quantities, extends development and procurement schedules, or in rare cases terminates programs. Such
actions not only create instability in DOD’s weapon system portfolio, they also obscure the true future costs of current commitments,
making it difficult to make informed investment decisions.
[“2009 Review of Future Combat System Is Critical to Program's Direction,” 4/10/08, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d08638t.pdf]
I am pleased to be here today to discuss the Department of the Army’s Future Combat System (FCS), a networked family of
weapons and other integrated systems. FCS is in the forefront of efforts to help the Army transform itself into a lighter, more
agile, and more capable combat force by using a new concept of operations, new technologies, and a new information network
linking whole brigades together in a system of systems. In 2009, FCS faces a congressionally mandated go/no-go decision
review to determine the program’s future. This review is crucial, as production funding and commitments will build rapidly
after that point, limiting the government’s ability to alter course.
FCS Coming
Parts of FCS will be implemented
Wired ‘8, technology magazine
Although the Army will not equip the first FCS Brigade Combat Team until 2015, FCS forerunners are already playing important roles
on the battlefield. The Army has already installed a stripped-down FCS-like network in some combat vehicles, which improves on the
Army's Blue Force Tracker (BFT). In 2003, the Army equipped units heading into Iraq with BFT, enabling soldiers to track friendly
"blue" units on screen. According to Captain Sam Donnelly, a battalion command staff officer during the invasion, before BTF, the
"primary means of command-and-control was an FM radio, a map, and thumbtacks." By the end of the campaign, "the only real
contact we had with [other units] was through [network] text messaging."[17]
In addition, small unmanned ground vehicles (SUGV) such as the PACBOT have discovered over 1,000 IEDs in Iraq since 2003. The
Army has recently outfitted the 25th Infantry Division with micro air vehicles--precursors to the FCS Class I UAV--to perform
reconnaissance at the platoon level.[18] Finally, the latest armor upgrade kits for light vehicles, such as the Humvee, are based on
FCS armor technology. Yet, despite their utility, these technologies were developed without the overall network integration that FCS
will provide. Over the next decade, FCS technologies will spin out as the Army procures and equips the systems for soldiers in the
field. The first spin-out is scheduled to begin in FY 2008 and will include an early part of the network operating system; joint tactical
radio system; ground sensors; and the computer-integrated-system B-kits for ABRAMs, BRADLEYs, and Humvees. In FY 2008, the
B-kits will enable soldiers in these vehicles to obtain data directly from UAVs. FCS will also provide the first MGV prototype, the
non-line-of-sight launch system. Two additional spin-outs are scheduled to begin in FY 2010 (active protection system, vehicle
sensors, SUGV, and Class 1 UAV) and FY 2012 (FCS Battle Command, MULE, and Class IV UAV) before the first FCS combat
brigade arrives in 2015.
FCS Coming
The first part of FCS is coming this year.
Army News Service, news agency for the US Army, 6/12/08, “NLOS-C Unveiled on Capitol Hill”
http://www.military.com/news/article/army-news/nlosc-unveiled-on-capitol-hill.html?col=1186032369115
The very first of many Future Combat System vehicles was unveiled June 11 on Capitol Hill for viewing by lawmakers,
members of the press and taxpayers alike. Prototype 1 of the Non-Line of Sight Cannon, one of the eight manned ground
vehicles within Future Combat Systems, was displayed on the National Mall in front of the U.S. Capitol Building. A total of
eight such prototypes will eventually be delivered to Yuma Proving Ground, Ariz., by 2010. The first five of those will be
delivered by December 2008, the remaining three in early 2009. Chief of Staff of the Army Gen. George W. Casey Jr. said the
arrival of the vehicle was a significant milestone in the FCS timeline. "We've been talking and briefing and telling people
about the FCS for a long time," the general said. "Right here today, it is real. After a decade of hard work, planning and effort,
the FCS is real." The FCS is also relevant to Army operations today, the general said. The NLOS-C is manned by only two
Soldiers, half the number required for the M109A6 Paladin, the system it replaces. And the cannon is capable of precision
targeting, at a greater range than the Paladin, and from a more protected position. "That gives it relevance in both irregular and
regular warfare," he said.
[“Boeing, Lockheed May Lose as Obama, McCain Reject Big Weapons,” 6/29/08,
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601087&sid=adXiGrYSU5PA&refer=home]
Goldman Sachs Group Inc. warned its clients last month that Barack Obama would be ``a negative for defense stocks'' if he
became president, because he will cut weapons programs that generate the companies' biggest profits. Boeing Co., Lockheed
Martin Corp. and other military contractors may not fare any better under John McCain. While the two presidential candidates
are hammering each other over their differences on Iraq, they share a skepticism over big Pentagon programs such as Lockheed
Martin's F-22 fighter and the Army's $159 billion Future Combat Systems, a modernization plan jointly managed by Boeing
and SAIC Inc. ``When you get beyond the issue of the war in Iraq, Senator McCain and Senator Obama sound remarkably
similar on many defense issues,'' says Loren Thompson, a defense analyst at the Lexington Institute in Arlington, Virginia.
Both have signaled they will increase overall defense spending. Still, they say the military should invest in technologies best-
suited to fighting the unconventional wars of the post-Sept. 11 world -- and rethink those designed for the Cold War.
[“2009 Review of Future Combat System Is Critical to Program's Direction,” 4/10/08, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d08638t.pdf]
FCS’s critical technologies remain at low maturity levels. According to the Army’s latest technology assessment, only two of
FCS’s 44 critical technologies have reached a level of maturity that, based on best practice standards, should have been
demonstrated at program start. Even applying the Army’s less rigorous standards, only 73 percent can be considered mature
enough to begin system development today. The technological immaturity, coupled with incomplete requirements, is a
mismatch that has prevented the Army from reaching the first critical knowledge point for this program—a precursor for cost
growth. Many of these immature technologies may have an adverse cumulative impact on key FCS capabilities such as
survivability. In addition, the Army is struggling to synchronize the schedules and capabilities of numerous essential
complementary programs with the overall FCS program. The Army has identified problems that raise concerns about the
likelihood that many complementary systems will deliver the required capabilities when needed. In some cases,
complementary programs have been adversely affected by FCS demands, and in others, lack of coordination between FCS and
complementary program officials has stalled efforts aimed at synchronizing programs and resolving cost, schedule, and
technical issues.
Only 2 of the program’s 44 technologies are fully mature and 30 are nearing full maturity. Based on the Army’s assessment, 6
technologies have demonstrated higher maturity since last year, but 3 are now assessed as less mature. All critical technologies
may not be fully mature until the Army’s production decision in February 2013. The next independent verification of FCS
critical technologies should be available in early 2009 for the preliminary design review.
Beyond this current need for armor, experience in Iraq and Afghanistan also suggests that to win wars where the population is
the center of gravity, the use of air power and “precision” weapons must be carefully considered. One questions whether the
“just in time” FCS response to threats will be able to consider the strategic implications of strikes in a nonlinear environment
without risking the survivability of soldiers in FCS vehicles. In urban areas, complex structures and battle spaces mean enemies
can surround themselves with civilians or valuable infrastructure. The ability of even precision air power to engage enemy
forces in a way supporting the overall strategic objective will be difficult in urban terrain. For example, many key components
of FCS promoted as break-through capabilities are already present on current battlefields: UAVs, global communication
networks, linked sensor-to-shooter capabilities (both from UAV and ground-launched platforms), and distributed operations
facilitated by satellite communications.32 While these technologies have aided operations in important ways, the types of
capabilities they provide have proven completely insufficient to eliminate the “close” fight. Furthermore, in both Iraq and
Afghanistan, relying on air power resulted in numerable civilian casualties, which worked against the strategic goals of the
United States and NATO. Furthermore, mechanizing conflict, particularly in stability operations and population-centric
warfare, has the potential to remove soldiers even farther from the situation on the ground.
Additionally, there is the question of present versus future priorities and capabilities. The Army has preferred to idealize about
what technology it can build in 20 years that should hold its own against current threats, instead of considering rapid
prototyping of commercial products in order to integrate technologies quickly into the force structure. There is always merit in
looking ahead to the future, but in the case of FCS, the Army seems to have overshot, ensuring that brigades in the 2020s will
be prepared to counter more diverse threats, at the expense of solving current force problems in the present. An example is that
because procurement funds will be tied up with FCS development, it is uncertain if there will be funds available for
recapitalization of armored vehicles in the coming decades, some with technology from the 1960s. It will not be until the 2020s
that FCS vehicles can completely substitute for the current aging fleet. Until then, many of the vehicles used will be past their
programmed shelf life. It is estimated that $2 billion is needed annually 2010-2016 to maintain and upgrade the aging ground
combat systems, and it is uncertain this can be afforded, even assuming no further FCS cost overruns – which is extremely
optimistic, even unrealistic.25
It is unclear when or how it can be demonstrated that the FCS network will work as needed, especially at key program
junctures. For example, in 2009, network requirements, including software, may not be well defined nor designs completed at
the preliminary design review; and at the FCS milestone review later that year, network demonstration is expected to be very
limited. The Army and LSI have identified and need to address numerous areas of high risk such as network performance and
scalability. The first large scale FCS network demonstration—the limited user test in 2012—will take place at least a year after
the critical design review and only a year before the start of FCS production. That test will seek to identify the impact of the
contributions and limitations of the network on the ability to conduct missions. This test will be conducted after the designs
have been set for the FCS ground vehicles, a situation that poses risks because the designs depend on the network’s
performance. A full demonstration of the network with all of its software components will not be demonstrated until at least
2013 when the fully automated battle command system is expected to be ready.
The U.S. Army, seeking to demonstrate the relevance of its most expensive weapons program, Boeing Co.'s Future Combat
Systems, will give some of the new equipment first to infantry rather than armored units. The armored units haven't been
deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan as often as infantry brigades. The Army is under pressure from Congress and the Bush
administration to show that the $159 billion system of radios, ground sensors, manned vehicles and missile launch systems can
be effective in current conflicts. Some Army infantry brigades will get the equipment starting in 2011 instead of 2014, said
Lieutenant General Michael Vane, director of the Army's capabilities integration center. Heavy, mechanized units of M1A1
tanks and Bradley Fighting Vehicles that were scheduled to get the equipment in 2011 will now have to wait. Vane didn't say
how long.
AT: Terror
FCS is not suited to the war on terror.
Valerie Reed, Straus Military Reform Project Research Assistant, and Jessica Guiney, CDI Research Assistant, 5/30/08, “Future
Combat System: Is It Worth It?” http://www.cdi.org/pdfs/FCS.pdf
Given the realities of these future missions, the basic assumptions upon which FCS is built are cause for concern. The most
fundamental assumption FCS is predicated upon is the idea of “dominant battlefield knowledge.” Instead of equipping soldiers
with heavy armor to protect them from direct fire, FCS integrates a massive amount of information to show soldiers where an
enemy is before they are surprised. This light armor means the “survivability” of FCS depends upon soldiers using FCS getting
the first shot. In an open battlefield, the premise is that a lighter, faster and more aware brigade could prevail over enemy
vehicles. However, in Operation Iraqi Freedom the preferred method of engaging enemy forces was precision air strikes.27
Retired Army Col. Douglas Macgregor has emphasized that FCS incorrectly assumes technology has eliminated the “close
fight,” – something that is not readily apparent considering insurgent tactics in Iraq and Afghanistan.28 These wars suggest
asymmetric tactics utilizing surprise and deception will continue to be challenges.