Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
TOC
TOC..............................................................................................................................................................................................................1
RPS Topical..................................................................................................................................................................................................2
Regulations Topical......................................................................................................................................................................................3
Negative Incentives Topical.........................................................................................................................................................................4
Mandatory Untopical...................................................................................................................................................................................6
Mandatory Untopical...................................................................................................................................................................................7
Limits...........................................................................................................................................................................................................8
USFG Can’t Incentivize Itself...................................................................................................................................................................10
Mandatory =/= Voluntary...........................................................................................................................................................................12
Only Cash is Topical..................................................................................................................................................................................13
Taxes Are Topical.......................................................................................................................................................................................14
Incentives Are Economic...........................................................................................................................................................................15
Cap And Trade not Topical........................................................................................................................................................................16
Command and Control not Topical............................................................................................................................................................18
Cap and Trade Topical...............................................................................................................................................................................19
Cap and Trade Topical...............................................................................................................................................................................20
Incentives are Positive and Negative.........................................................................................................................................................21
Incentives are Vague..................................................................................................................................................................................22
AT: It’s Logical..........................................................................................................................................................................................23
Incentives =/= Tax Credits.........................................................................................................................................................................24
Regulation =/= Bans..................................................................................................................................................................................25
Alternatives Exclude Nuclear....................................................................................................................................................................26
Alternatives Exclude Nuclear....................................................................................................................................................................27
Alternatives = Nontraditional (list)............................................................................................................................................................28
Alternatives Include Nuclear.....................................................................................................................................................................29
Alt =/= Renewable.....................................................................................................................................................................................30
Alternative..................................................................................................................................................................................................31
Energy........................................................................................................................................................................................................38
Incentives...................................................................................................................................................................................................39
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
RPS Topical
RPS is an alternative energy incentive
Joshua Fershee, Assistant Professor of Law at the University of North Dakota School of Law, 2008, Energy
Law Journal, “Changing Resources, Changing Market: The Impact of a National Renewable Portfolio
Standard on the U.S. Energy Industry” L/N
As might be expected, the retail electric suppliers in states with an RPS are expected to account for the bulk of the renewable energy
generating capacity in the United States. n97 It is clear that RPS states have built, and are building, more renewable energy generation
facilities than non-RPS states, but it is not clear to what extent this is the result of an RPS policy. That is, an RPS policy provides
incentives for building new renewable generation capacity, but other factors, especially the availability of renewable energy resources,
also play a significant role. n98
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William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Regulations Topical
Incentives are either financial incentives or regulations
Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency, North Carolina State University, 2007,
http://www.dsireusa.org/faq/faq.cfm?&CurrentPageID=9&EE=1&RE=1
What types of renewable energy incentives does DSIRE track?
The DSIRE project tracks information on state, utility, local, and selected federal incentives that promote the use of renewable energy
technologies. For more information on federal incentives, see What federal incentives does DSIRE track. On the DSIRE website,
incentives are grouped into two categories as follows:
(1)Financial Incentives: tax incentives, grants, loans, rebates, industry recruitment, bond programs, and production incentives.
(2) Rules, Regulations, & Policies: public benefits funds, renewables portfolio standards, net metering, interconnection, extension
analysis, generation disclosure, contractor licensing, equipment certification, solar/wind access laws, and construction & design
standards (including building energy codes and energy standards for public buildings), required utility green power options, and green
power purchasing/aggregation policies.
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Kernoff/Olney
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actually emitted during a reporting period. If the polluter implemented measures to reduce pollutant emissions by at least 5 per cent
from the maximum allowable, it would be exempted from the charge on the pollutants. Exemptions were valid for the period of
implementation of the air pollution abatement measures, but not more than 3 years.
60. In Switzerland, two taxes were introduced in 2000. One was applied to VOCs whereby CHF 3 (approximately 2 euros) per kg of
VOC was to be paid on imports of solvents. The second was on fuel with a sulphur content higher than 0.1%. Another dissuasive
economic tool applied in Switzerland was the distance-related heavy-duty fee introduced in 2000. This followed the European norms
(EURO 1, 2 or 3) according to the emission category. In Slovenia, taxes were applied to waste, depending on the level of methane
emissions.
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Mandatory Untopical
Incentive are positive inducements – this excludes requirements
Ann Turnbull et al, professor of Special Education and Courtesy Professor of Law, Co-Director of the Beach
Center on Families and Disability, University of Kansas, 2001
The term "incentive" is different from the term "requirement." An incentive is a positive reason for acting; a requirement is a legal
duty to act. The differ-ence in meaning is consistent with our argument above that the PBS provisions do create a presumption in favor
of that technology.
Negative ground – they make the topic bidirectional, including “disincentives” means we need an entire
new category of negative arguments because the stick approach is radically distinct from the carrot
Fred Harris, 1989, professor of law at the University of Illinois, “Automobile Emissions Control Inspection
and Maintenance Program: Making It More Palatable to Coerced Participants”
53. The term "incentives," for purposes of this Article, means those devices that induce one into doing something because of the
prospect of reward and, therefore, engender a positive feeling within the actor. An example of incentives in this sense would be tax
incentives like credits and/or deductions. But it appears that Congress, some courts and a few commentators have taken a broader view
of incentives and have categorized items such as extensions to compliance deadlines and, most notably, sanctions in the Act-denials of
federal grants and bans on construction in the event of noncompliance-as incentives to compliance. To be sure, these latter items may
induce compliance but surely not because of the extension of a "carrot." Instead,they epitomize the "stick" or "disincentive" approach
to behavioral modification.
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William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Mandatory Untopical
Incentives are an offer of value meant to alter a course of action
Ruth Grant, professor of political science at Duke, 2002, “The ethics of incentives: Historical Origins and
contemporary understandings”, Economics and Philosophy, Proquest
Increasingly in the modern world, incentives are becoming the tool we reach for when we wish to bring about change. In government,
in education, in health care, between and within institutions of all sorts, incentives are offered to steer people's choices in certain
directions. But despite the increasing interest in ethics and economics, the ethics of the use of incentives has raised very little
concern. From a certain point of view, this is not surprising. When incentives are viewed from the perspective of market economics,
they appear to be entirely unproble-matic. An incentive is an offer of something of value, sometimes with a cash equivalent and
sometimes not, meant to influence the payoff structure of a utility calculation so as to alter a person's course of action. In other
words, the person offering the incentive means to make one choice more attractive to the person responding to the incentive than any
other alternative. Both parties stand to gain from the resulting choice. In effect, it is a form of trade, and as such, it meets certain
ethical requirements by definition. A trade involves voluntary action by all parties concerned to bring about a result that is beneficial to
all parties concerned. If these conditions were not met, the trade would simply not occur. And as inducements in a voluntary
transaction, incentives certainly have the moral high ground over coercion as an alternative.
A. Taxes The government may tax pollution* to create an economic incentive to reduce pollution.6 In order for a tax to encourage
innovation and superior environmental performance, it must have several characteristics.*' First, the tax must apply to activities of
firms that already comply with all applicable emission limitations, or that have no applicable limitations. Second, the tax must exceed
the marginal costs of making additional reductions.zzs A tax that lacks these features creates insufficient incentives to reduce
emissions below current levels.29
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DDI ‘08
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Limits
Defining incentives broadly creates conceptual confusion and makes anything an incentive
Ruth Grant, professor of political science at Duke, 2002, “The ethics of incentives: Historical Origins and
contemporary understandings”, Economics and Philosophy, Proquest
This history also allows us to define more clearly what `incentives' means. Currently, the term is used so broadly that it is often almost
synonymous with motivation altogether. But, despite its current quite general usage, a distinctive specific meaning of the term
remains, one that is easier to identify after taking this historical journey. The specific meaning can be illustrated by identifying those
situations where only the word `incentive' will do. Very often, the term is now used where another would do equally well. For
example, `incentive' is sometimes used as if it were a synonym for `reward', but they do not mean exactly the same thing. A reward or
punishment, unlike an incentive or disincentive, is understood to be merited or deserved. Offering a reward may serve as a motivator
or incentive to action, but the two are quite distinct in principle. People can win awards, for example, without even knowing in
advance that they were eligible. They deserve the reward, and there is no element of motivation involved at all.
Similarly, `incentive' is sometimes used as if it were synonymous with `motivation' generally speaking. But there are several important
sorts of motivation that are not suggested by the term. When we speak in this way, we implicitly deny the phenomena of habitual
behavior, or action motivated by a sense of responsibility or of the reasonableness of a course of action (with reasonableness here
understood as something other than individual utility maximization), or the way in which a role model or ideal can serve as
motivator. Action which is initiated by the individual or understood as internally motivated is not really compre-hended in the concept
of motivation as incentive. Incentives are external prompts to which the individual responds.
The use of `incentives' to speak of market forces is also problematic, though it is easy to see the logic of this development within the
language of economics. If one company lowers the price of its product, we might readily say that other companies now have an
incentive to lower theirs. But we would not say that the first company offered all other companies an incentive to lower their
prices.55 Market forces are not conscious and intentional, and their rationale is intrinsic to the economic process itself. We might just
as well say in this situation that the first company's lower price is a good reason for other companies to lower theirs given that they
need to remain competitive. The term `incentive' says nothing that `reason' cannot say as well in this case. A similar logic applies to
speaking of loan conditions as incentives. The International Monetary Fund may make a loan to a nation only on condition that it alter
its inflationary policies. If the reason for the condition is intrinsic to the IMF's own financial aims, `incentive' may be a misnomer.
The situation is like that of requiring a certain training as a condition for the practice of medicine; we would be unlikely to refer to
this as an `incentive' to go to medical school for people who wish to become doctors.56 When the IMF is criticized for using
financial incentives unethically to control the internal policies of borrowing nations, it is because the critics suspect that its real
purposes are political rather than strictly limited to the legitimate concern to secure the financial health of the Fund.
The distinction between market forces and incentives can be illustrated further by considering the difference between wages as
compensation and incentives as bonuses in employment. Compensation means `rendering equal', a `recompense or equivalent',
`payment for value received or service rendered', or something which `makes up for a loss' ± as in the term `unemployment
compensation'. Compensation equalizes or redresses a balance, and so, to speak of `fair compensation' is entirely sensible. But to
speak of a `fair incentive' is not. An incentive is a bonus, which is defined as something more than usually expected, that is,
something that exceeds normal compensation. It is an amount intentionally added to the amount that would be set by the automatic
and unintentional forces of the market. An incentive is also a motive or incitement to action, and so an economic incentive offered to
an employee is a bonus designed to motivate the employee to produce beyond the usual expectation. It should be obvious then, that
compensa- tion and incentives are by no means identical. The per diem received for jury service, for example, is a clear case of
compensation which is not an incentive in any sense.
It is not difficult to see how it might have happened that the boundaries were blurred between the specific conception of incentives
and conceptions of the automatic price and wage-setting forces of the market. Both can be subsumed under very general notions of
the factors that influence our choices or motivate action, and `incentives' carries this general meaning as well. Nonetheless, the
blurring of that boundary creates a great deal of confusion. Incentives, in fact, are understood better in contradistinction to market
forces than as identical to them. It is only by maintaining a clear view of their distinctive character that the ethical and political
dimensions of their use are brought to light. Moreover, conceptual clarity and historical understanding go hand in hand in this case. It
should no longer be surprising to find that the term `incentives' is not used by Adam Smith in first describing the operation of the
market, but appears instead at a time when the market seemed inadequate in certain respects to the demands presented by changing
economic circumstances. Other eighteenth and nineteenth- century ideas, often taken as simple precursors of contemporary analyses
of incentives, can now be seen in their distinctive character as well. For example, Hume and Madison offer an analysis of institutional
design which differs significantly from `institutional incentives', though the two are often confused. These thinkers were concerned
with preventing abuses of power. They sought to tie interest to duty through institutional mechanisms to thwart destructive, self-
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serving passions and to secure the public good. Contemporary institutional analyses, by contrast, proceed without the vocabulary of
duty or public good and without the exclusively preventive aim. Institutional incentives are viewed as a means of harnessing
individual interests in pursuit of positive goals.57 Similarly, early utilitarian discussions, Bentham's in particular, differ markedly
from twentieth century discussions of incentives despite what might appear to be a shared interest in problems of social control.
Again, Bentham is interested entirely in prevention of abuses or infractions of the rules. The rationale for his panopticon is based on
the observation that prevention of infractions depends upon a combination of the severity of punishment and the likelihood of
detection.58 If the latter could be increased to one hundred per cent, through constant super- vision and inspection, punishment
would become virtually unnecessary. This is a logic that has nothing whatever to do with the logic of incentives as a means of
motivating positive choices or of encouraging adaptive behavior.
Their interpretation unlimits – deviating from the federal definition of alternative energy means alternative
types of oil and natural gas use are also topical
Russell Hasan, President of the Altenews Company, no date, “Introduction to Alternative Energy”,
http://www.altenews.com/Alternative%20Energy%20Overview.pdf
Aside from renewable energy, there are also alternative energy areas in oil and natural gas, which consists of alternative oil and gas
exploration. The traditional reserves of oil and natural gas are becoming depleted, and the global economy’s insatiable demand for
energy will make previously untapped reserves of oil and natural gas highly profitable. Alternative oil and gas exploration will find
and exploit deposits of oil and gas that will help serve to supply energy to the global demand as resources become scarce. The
various forms of alternative oil and gas exploration include oil sand, shale oil, basin centered gas accumulation, tight gas, and coal bed
methane, as well as other areas.
Two kinds of alternative oil exploration are oil sand, which is also called tar sand, and shale oil. Oil sand is a kind of sand from which
oil can be extracted. There are large oil sand reserves in western Canada, centered in the Alberta region, so much so that it makes
Canada a major potential source of oil on equal footing with the Middle East, and the exploration of oil sand is a very hot area. A
growing oil extraction infrastructure has grown up around the Canadian oil sands, and there are many opportunities in that area.
Shale oil is another kind of energy consisting of oil pressed from shale. There are shale oil reserves in Utah and elsewhere, and this is
a very interesting field. Companies are competing for the rights to develop shale oil, and as the infrastructure comes on line shale oil
could produce a lot of oil. Oil sand and shale oil represent sources of oil that have not been previously tapped, and if the oil can be
extracted through cost effective methods then oil sand and shale oil could become highly profitable, as they will produce oil from
nontraditional reserves that have not been depleted in a future when most traditional resources will have run out. This area is very
exciting for energy companies as the traditional sources of oil dry up, and there are many companies currently working to exploit oil
sand and shale oil reserves.
Methods of alternative natural gas exploration include basin centered gas accumulation, in which gas in a basin is extracted, tight gas,
in which the gas is difficult to get to, coal bed methane, in which natural gas is extracted from coal beds, and gas to liquid
technology, in which natural gas from distant locations is converted to a liquid for the purpose of transportation. It should be noted
that natural gas is the cleanest of all the fossil fuels in terms of the toxic emissions released when it is burned, and it can be useful for
electricity generation and home heating. These technologies should be closely watched as traditional oil and gas reserves become
depleted.
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would become virtually unnecessary. This is a logic that has nothing whatever to do with the logic of incentives as a means of
motivating positive choices or of encouraging adaptive behavior.
We are now in a position to identify a core understanding or a distinctive meaning of the concept of incentives; what we might call
incentives `strictly speaking'. Incentives are employed in a particular form of negotiation. An offer is made which is an extrinsic
benefit or a bonus, neither the natural or automatic consequence of an action nor a deserved reward or compensation. The offer is
usually made in the context of an authority relationship - for example, adult/child, employer/employee, government/citizen or
government/organization. The offer is a discrete prompt expected to elicit a particular response. Finally and most importantly, the
offer is intentionally designed to alter the status quo by motivating a person to choose differently than he or she would in its absence.
If the desired action would result naturally or automatically, no incentive would be necessary. An incentive is the added element
without which the desired action would not occur. For this reason, it makes sense to speak of `institutional incentives' when referring
to arrangements designed to encourage certain sorts of responses. `Perverse incentives' is also an expression that implies that
incentives are meant to direct people's behavior in particular ways. Central to the core meaning of incentives is that they are an
instrument of government in the most general sense. The emergence of the term historically within discourses of social control is
illustrative of this point.
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A tax, unlike emissions trading, may offer a continuous incentive for environmental improvement. The operator can always reduce the
tax by making additional innovations until the taxed pollution reaches the zero level, at least in theory.244 A significant tax may be
necessary to secure management work on developing and implementing innovation.2' But the tax may provide an adequate incentive
to implement further control anytime an innovation shifts the marginal cost of control to a level less than that of the tax.246 If the
government adopts pollution taxes, it must enhance monitoring of emissions and enforcement activities." Otherwise, it may allow
taxable pollution to remain untaxed.24 Hence, an enforcement difficulty remains. In sum, taxes may provide a greater incentive for
continuous innovation than traditional regulations or emissions trading. They do not require governments to set emission levels. Like
emissions trading and traditional regulation, they rely upon difficult government decision making as the stimulant for emission
reductions.2A9
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IV. True Economic Incentives This Part develops a theory of true economic incentives as an alternative to reliance upon repeated
governmental decisions concerning the scale of emission reductions. Emissions trading does not provide a meaningful alternative to
traditional programs, because it relies upon government decisions about the scale of reductions instead of decentralized responses to
continuous incentives to reduce pollution. Hence, it makes sense to distinguish true economic incentive programs, programs that rely
solely on positive and negative economic inducements to secure reductions, from mixed programs like emissions trading and
traditional regulation, that rely on a combination of negative economic inducements, in the form of monetary penalties for
noncompliance, and government commands.' This Part discusses economic incentive programs that use economic incentives to
overcome traditional regulation 's weak stimulation of innovation and continuous improvement. It discusses the classic economic
incentive of a pollution tax.u4 While this incentive does create an incentive for continuous improvement, unlike emissions trading, it
still relies largely on government decision making, which may weaken the incentive's ability to stimulate innovation. This Part also
discusses the creation of more dynamic economic incentives that rely upon private initiative, rather than government decision making,
to drive innovation.
IV. True Economic Incentives This Part develops a theory of true economic incentives as an alternative to reliance upon repeated
governmental decisions concerning the scale of emission reductions. Emissions trading does not provide a meaningful alternative to
traditional programs, because it relies upon government decisions about the scale of reductions instead of decentralized responses to
continuous incentives to reduce pollution. Hence, it makes sense to distinguish true economic incentive programs, programs that rely
solely on positive and negative economic inducements to secure reductions, from mixed programs like emissions trading and
traditional regulation, that rely on a combination of negative economic inducements, in the form of monetary penalties for
noncompliance, and government commands.' This Part discusses economic incentive programs that use economic incentives to
overcome traditional regulation 's weak stimulation of innovation and continuous improvement. It discusses the classic economic
incentive of a pollution tax.u4 While this incentive does create an incentive for continuous improvement, unlike emissions trading, it
still relies largely on government decision making, which may weaken the incentive's ability to stimulate innovation. This Part also
discusses the creation of more dynamic economic incentives that rely upon private initiative, rather than government decision making,
to drive innovation.
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DDI ‘08
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In theory, emissions trading probably weakens net incentives for innovation.2"' If a regulation allows facilities to use trading to meet
standards, the low-cost facilities tend to provide more of the total reductions than they would provide under a comparable traditional
regulation. Conversely, the high-cost facilities will provide less of the total required reductions than they would have under a
comparable traditional regulation. The low-cost facilities probably have a greater ability to provide reductions without substantial
innovation than high-cost facilities. A high-cost facility may need to innovate to escape the high costs of routine compliance; the low-
cost facility does not have this same motivation. Hence, emissions trading, by shifting reductions from highcost to low-cost facilities,
may lessen the incentives for innovation.
These observations are not meant to suggest that emissions trading is bad. Lowering short-term costs is desirable. But, short-term
savings do not necessarily coincide with the encouragement of technological advancement or long-term savings.220 Significant up-
front investment and stringent technical demands often play an important role in stimulating technological advances. C. Theoretical
Lessons From Emissions Trading Emissions trading, traditionally considered an "economic incentive" program, may provide a less
potent economic incentive to reduce pollution and innovate than a comparable traditional regulation.' An understanding of the reasons
for this may contribute to a theory that would help guide design of better environmental programs. Analyzing a program's ability to
provide economic incentives for pollution reduction requires an evaluation of all potentially relevant monetary flows. In simpler
terms, "follow the money." Emissions trading programs are often characterized as economic incentives because they use positive
economic inducements. The lower cost source can increase revenue by reducing pollution below regulatory limits and selling credits
to the higher cost source. The money to provide a positive inducement, however, must come from somewhere. An emissions trading
program produces no net incentive to do better than traditional regulation in any way because emission increases finance emission
decreases. High-cost sources decrease costs by exceeding a regulatory limit. The savings the high-cost source realizes by exceeding a
regulatory limit on pollution finance the low-cost source's "additional" pollution reductions. The emissions trading example teaches
that mimicking free market features that do not coincide with desired policy outcomes proves counterproductive. Emissions trading
programs, although they create no special net incentives to reduce emissions, encourage trade in emission reduction credits. As
mentioned above, one can always motivate trading by allowing pollution sources to avoid real reduction obligations by purchasing
paper credits or allowing poorly monitored emissions reduction claims to become creditable. While this may create a robust market, it
produces cost savings through inferior performance.222 A theory focusing on developing robust markets leads to investment of scarce
public resources in programs that fail to use economic incentives to motivate at least equivalent environmental achievement at lower
cost. The emissions trading example reveals that the term "economic incentive" has very little meaning if defined to include
everything that relies on some kind of monetary penalty or benefit. Indeed, to the extent the term "economic incentive" should not
apply to traditional regulation, it also should not apply to emissions trading. Both types of programs rely on monetary penalties to
induce compliance with government set limits. Neither creates incentives for sources to continuously realize net reductions
substantially surpassing the specifically mandated reductions. The emissions trading example shows that one must carefully analyze
programs to see which free market-like advantages they might offer. While emissions trading may have the capacity to use private
sector compliance resources efficiently, it may use government resources for program design and enforcement inefficiently.
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Emissions trading may provide no more incentive for continual improvement or innovation than traditional regulation. Emissions
trading does not stimulate competition to maximize environmental performance. It simply authorizes some trading around of
obligations the government has created.
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The trading mechanism creates additional incentives for some polluters within the trading program, specifically where large
differences in marginal control costs exist. It creates an economic incentive for polluters facing high marginal control costs to increase
emissions above the otherwise applicable limit, at least to the extent that the high-cost polluters plans to purchase relatively cheap
credits from other sources.2" It also creates an incentive for polluters facing low marginal control costs to decrease emissions, at least
to the extent the polluter plans to sell credits to sources with high costs.20' If the market functions smoothly, then trading occurs, the
incentives cancel each other out, and the net economic incentive mirrors that of a comparable traditional regulation (except for
weakened enforcement's tendency to increase emissions). Because a well designed trading program may induce pollution sources with
low marginal control costs to go beyond regulatory limits to a greater degree than they would under a traditional regulation,
commentators focusing only on the low-cost sources have argued that emissions trading creates greater incentives for technological
innovation than traditional regulation.208 As some economists have realized, this argument ignores the incentive for high-cost sources
to avoid pollution reduction activities.209 Trading reduces the incentive for high-costs sources to apply new technology.
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The trading mechanism creates additional incentives for some polluters within the trading program, specifically where large
differences in marginal control costs exist. It creates an economic incentive for polluters facing high marginal control costs to increase
emissions above the otherwise applicable limit, at least to the extent that the high-cost polluters plans to purchase relatively cheap
credits from other sources.2" It also creates an incentive for polluters facing low marginal control costs to decrease emissions, at least
to the extent the polluter plans to sell credits to sources with high costs.20' If the market functions smoothly, then trading occurs, the
incentives cancel each other out, and the net economic incentive mirrors that of a comparable traditional regulation (except for
weakened enforcement's tendency to increase emissions). Because a well designed trading program may induce pollution sources with
low marginal control costs to go beyond regulatory limits to a greater degree than they would under a traditional regulation,
commentators focusing only on the low-cost sources have argued that emissions trading creates greater incentives for technological
innovation than traditional regulation.208 As some economists have realized, this argument ignores the incentive for high-cost sources
to avoid pollution reduction activities.209 Trading reduces the incentive for high-costs sources to apply new technology.
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An economic incentive program can be defined as any program that provides an economic benefit for pollution reductions or an
economic penalty for pollution. Defining economic incentives to include both positive and negative incentives includes pollution taxes
in the definition.' Does command and control regulation qualify as an economic incentive program under this definition? Imagine a
pure command and control law. The law commands polluters to perform specific pollution reducing acts, but provides no penalties for
non-compliance. This law would probably motivate little or no pollution reduction, because polluters could violate the commands
without consequence.156 Command and control regulation only works when an enforcement mechanism exists.'57 Traditional
regulation relies upon a negative economic incentive - a monetary penalty for non-compliance - as the principle inducement to comply
with regulatory requirements, true command and control requirements, such as work practice standards, and the more common
performance standards.lss Indeed, a traditional regulation's success depends heavily upon the adequacy of these monetary
penalties.l59
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Incentive is superbly vague word, even government actions confirm it can be regulations or deregulation.
David Driesen, Assistant Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, J.D., Yale University Spring
1998, “Is emissions trading an economic incentive program?: Replacing the command and
control/economic incentive dichotomy”, Washington and Lee Law review
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3655/is_199804/ai_n8791954/print
A few days prior to Clinton's speech on climate change, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) released its proposal to address
interstate pollution, an important impediment to delivering healthful air under the 1990 Amendments to the Clean Air Act.'3 The EPA,
predictably, called for an interstate emissions trading program.'4 This Article develops a theory of economic incentives. Any program
to regulate or to deregulate creates economic incentives.'5 The programs referred to as "economic incentive" programs all envision a
substantial governmental role of some kind. That is why lawyers, experts in law, write about them.'6
This T is stupid
David Driesen, Assistant Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, J.D., Yale University Spring
1998, “Is emissions trading an economic incentive program?: Replacing the command and
control/economic incentive dichotomy”, Washington and Lee Law review
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3655/is_199804/ai_n8791954/print
We should replace the command and control/economic incentive dichotomy with a more nuanced analytical approach to both
traditional regulation and economic incentive programs. Quasi-religious faith in programs labeled economic incentives and
demonization of traditional regulation will not suffice. II. The Command and Control/Economic Incentive Dichotomy This Part
evaluates the conventional critique of traditional regulation as command and control regulation." An account of the claims made for
emissions trading and some of its history follow. A. Traditional Regulation: Commanding and Controlling? Below, several
conventional criticisms of traditional regulation are examined. First, critics claim that traditional regulation is excessively rigid and
consequently discourages innovation.36 Second, critics argue that traditional regulation provides no incentive for continuous
environmental improvement.3' Third, critics argue that the process of establishing technology-based regulations involves inordinate
complexity and delay.38 Fourth, critics state that uniform standards are inefficient." These criticisms contain some truths, but they also
include distortions that unfairly disparage traditional regulation and misinform discussion of economic incentives. 1. The Rigidity
Critique: The Myth of Pervasive "Command and Control"Regulation
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William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Alternative energy is renewable energy – excludes uranium because it’s a single use resource
ABS Alaskan, 2008 (“Alternative Energy Information”, http://www.absak.com/library/alternative-renewable-
energy)
The term "alternative energy" (also: renewable energy) encompasses a variety of power generation sources. Generally, it refers to
electrical power derived from "renewable" resources such as solar or wind energy, as opposed to "single-use" resources such as coal or
uranium. The most common forms of alternative energy available for homeowner use today are solar power, wind power and "micro-
hydro" power.
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
- 27 -
Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
- 29 -
Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Alternative
Alternative can mean many things.
Dictionary.com Unabridged, no date, http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/alternative
1. a choice limited to one of two or more possibilities, as of things, propositions, or courses of action, the selection of which precludes
any other possibility: You have the alternative of riding or walking.
2. one of the things, propositions, or courses of action that can be chosen: The alternative to riding is walking.
3. a possible or remaining course or choice: There was no alternative but to walk.
–adjective
4. affording a choice of two or more things, propositions, or courses of action.
5. (of two things, propositions, or courses) mutually exclusive so that if one is chosen the other must be rejected: The alternative
possibilities are neutrality and war.
6. employing or following nontraditional or unconventional ideas, methods, etc.; existing outside the establishment: an alternative
newspaper; alternative lifestyles.
7. Logic. (of a proposition) asserting two or more choices, at least one of which is true.
adj.
Allowing or necessitating a choice between two or more things.
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
- 32 -
Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Arabic: Japanese:
بَدِيل 代りの
Czech: Lithuanian:
jiný alternatyvus
Danish: Norwegian:
alternativ alternativ
Dutch: Polish:
alternatief alternatywny
French: Romanian:
autre alt
German: Russian:
alternativ альтернативный
Greek: Slovak:
εναλλακτικός alternatívny
Hungarian: Slovenian:
alternatív drugačen
Icelandic: Spanish:
sem um er að velja, alternativo
annar (kostur)
Swedish:
Indonesian: annan, alternativ-
alternatif
Turkish:
Italian: başka, öbür, alternatif
alternativo
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Arabic: Japanese:
خَيار بَيْن إ ْثنَين 二者択一
Czech: Lithuanian:
jiná možnost alternatyva, kitas
pasirinkimas
Danish:
alternativ; valg Norwegian:
valg, alternativ
Dutch:
alternatief Polish:
alternatywa, inna
Estonian: możliwość
valikuvõimalus
Portuguese (Brazil):
Finnish: alternativa
vaihtoehto
Portuguese (Portugal):
French: alternativa
alternative
Romanian:
German: alternativă
die Alternative
Russian:
Greek: альтернатива
εναλλακτική λύση
Slovak:
Hungarian: iná možnosť
választás(i lehetőség)
Slovenian:
Icelandic: (druga) izbira
valkostur
Spanish:
Indonesian: alternativa
alternatif
Swedish:
Italian: alternativ, val
alternativa
Turkish:
*
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Lol.
Webster’s Revised Unabridged Dictionary, no date
Alternative
Al*ter"na*tive\, a. [Cf. F. alternatif.]
1. Offering a choice of two things.
2. Disjunctive; as, an alternative conjunction.
3. Alternate; reciprocal. [Obs.] --Holland.
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Energy
Lolcrabs.
Online Etymology Dictionary, no date
1599, from M.Fr. energie, from L.L. energia, from Gk. energeia "activity, operation," from energos "active, working," from en- "at" +
ergon "work" (see urge (v.)). Used by Aristotle with a sense of "force of expression;" broader meaning of "power" is first recorded in
Eng. 1665. Energize "rouse to activity" is from 1753; energetic of persons, institutions, etc., is from 1796. Energy crisis first attested
1970.
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Topicality
William Huang
DDI ‘08
Kernoff/Olney
Incentives
zomgz
American Heritage Dictionary, no date
n. Something, such as the fear of punishment or the expectation of reward, that induces action or motivates effort.
adj. Serving to induce or motivate: an incentive bonus for high productivity.
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