King's Quillca

Colonial Latin American Review, Vol. 7, No.
1, 1998
Between Images and Writing: The Ritual of the King s Quillca*

Joanne Rappapo rt
Georgetown University
T om Cummins
University of Chicago
In the late eighteenth century, in a dispute over maize lands in the warm country of Puntal, the caciques of Tusa presented a series of notebooks com prising a range of docum ents produc ed over the course of two and a half centuries, bound roughl y together by thread (ANE/Q 1792) .1 Carefully stored in hom e archives by generations of hereditary chiefs, this documentation legitim ized strategies of expansion by Pasto rulers into produc tive warm -country territory (cf. Powers 1995, 12427). In addition to the rich ethnohistorical inform ation contained in these pages, the Tusa notebooks can also be approached in term s of their form and materiality: the ways in which such docum ents are written, com piled, kept; how they are related to one another and to nonwritten referents in an intertextual series (Hanks 1986) ; and how they appear as objects in a phenom enological sense. In other words, they can be read with an eye to com prehending how alphabetic literacy and the objects in which it was manifested came to occupy a multivalent position in native northern Andean institutions and form s of m emory. Just as colonial alphabetic docum ents can be appreciated in their quality as objects, they can also be interpreted as visual representations. European literate forms were deeply entangled with pictorial representation in the colonial Andean world. The most celebrated example of native Andean literacy, Guam an Pom a s Nueva Coro nica i Buen Gobierno, is itself an object of representation within the pictorial realm : in his illustrations, Guaman Pom a includes the image of his book, whose bound folios are presented to the king ([1615 ] 1980, f. 961). This suggests that writing is som ething to be seen, handled and exchanged rather than being just a text to be read. At the sam e tim e, the text supplem ents the black and white drawings by describing color, sound , and movem ent. In the larger context of colonial cultural interaction, text and image are interwoven visually in religious images, such as the m urals in the native church of Sutatausa, Colombia (Figure 1), where written names and the painted faces of patrons interact with the Biblical subject matter represented in the pictorial narrative, so as to establish a perm anent record of the relationship between speci c individuals and sacred, universal iconography. All of these examples the collected papers of the hereditary chiefs of Tusa, Guam an Pom a s illustrations depicting books, and the m arriage of alphabetic
1060-9164/98/010007-26
1998 Carfax Publishing Ltd on behalf of CLAR
JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS
F IGURE 1. Detail from m ural of Last Judgment, depicting dono r portrait and inscription, Sutatausa, Colom bia, ca. 1630 .
text and portrait on the walls of the Sutatausa tabernacle suggest that we would do well to expand the notion of literacy beyond the alphabetic (cf. Mignolo 1995), and even beyond writing, to consider the impact of visual literacy in colonial Latin Am erica. In the colonial Andes, alphabetic literacy was introduced sim ultaneously with new form s of visual representation and different ways of viewing a visual image, bound together within a com plex ideological system that structured the didactic, religious, and legal practices of Spaniards and indigenous people alike. This article analyzes the produc tion of literacy in a colonial context as a m ultifaceted phenom enon, at once alphabetic and visual, and as a process deeply embedded in social, political, and econom ic realities that impacted upon the ways that literate skills and technologies were distributed and employed in the colonial era (cf. Gee 1988; Graff 1987; Street 1984; Goody 1977; 1987) . W e concentrate our analysis on the native peoples of northern Ecuador and southern Colombia during the colonial period, particularly on the ideological substratum within which alphabetic and visual literacy were entangled in the Spanish worldview and implem ented in the civil and religious adm inistration of native peoples. 2 Given its character as an ideological system and a constellation of adm inistrative and didactic practices, the spread of literacy served as an agent in the constitution and reconstitution of European institutions in native northern Andean society. The precise nature of the relationship between text and image has always been unstable in W estern though t and practice, and the two have been articulated in various form s (Mitchell 1986; Marin 1988; Derrida 1987; Bedoz-Rezak 1993). The sim ultaneous introduction in the Americas of both m odes and their relationship as the preferred m eans of symbolic com munication for legal, social, historical and religious knowledge has never been fully addressed, particularly in 8
BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA
the Andes, where literacy as both a different cognitive and visual system supplemented and supplanted pre-Columbian m nem onic system s that depended upon different chains of historical referents and visual cues than those articulated in written or visual European texts. The pre-Columbian northern Andes knew no alphabetic or hieroglyphic literacy, nor did pictorial representation take a narrative form .3 Thus, Andeans had to com e to terms with m ore than a new technology of inscription and a novel set of literary genres. Because theirs was a nonliterate society before the Spanish invasion, they had to learn to recognize the surface-groun d relationship between paper and graphic mark as a concrete m anifestation of language. The introduction of this new technology was embedded within European administrative and philosophical systems that redrew the contours of Andean social and topographic space, as well as native hearts and m inds (Cum mins and Rappaport n.d.). The encounter of Andean and Spanish technological and ideological system s under conditions of European dom ination produc ed a distinctly colonial culture of comm unication, which we will explore in the pages that follow. In order to trace the connection between new forms of literacy and the implantation of a colonial ideology based upon writing and vision, it is necessary to consider diverse form s of literacy within their broader ethnographic contexts, and to com prehend what m ediates the produc tion of different forms of literate com m unication, including the impact of language of transmission, 4 the institutions and m ethods by which literacy was taught, and the nature of m ediators at the grass roots (scribes, artists, town criers, interpreters, m issionaries and catechum ens). In the alphabetic sphere, we are concerned primarily with analyzing administrative documents, given that it was throug h legal writing that native northern Andean peoples com m unicated with the colonial state; the lengthy chronicles and relaciones written by native authors in colonial Peru and Mexico are nonexistent in this region. But beyond interpreting docum ents in terms of their written contents, we must exam ine them in their nonliterary aspect as objects and as visual images, turning our attention toward signatures and their deployment, to waterm arks, to seals, to m arks, to the layout of the page (Goody 1977; Messick 1993; Street 1984), all of which acquire contrasting and contradictory m eanings within the dual cultural lters throug h which native peoples and Europeans interpreted arrangements in topographic space and on the written page (Adorno 1986) . This approach provid es a deeper understanding of how both native Andeans and Spaniards with varying degrees of literacy confro nted, grasped and transform ed the m eaning of these docum ents. 5 The sam e legal papers can also be apprehended as objects, as tangible things which can be stored, exhibited, forged , copied, kissed, associated with a variety of other things in a m eaningful series (Clanchy 1989, 1993) ; by taking this direction, we are further able to enhance our com prehension of the ethnographic context in which literacy is produc ed and maintained. W e also need to appreciate alphabetic docum ents as form s of orality, in which both native peoples (Goody , et al. 1988; Hanks 1986) and Europeans (Neuschel 1989, 13031; Bedos-Rezak 1993) embedded oral conventions. At the sam e tim e, we need to comprehend visuality throug h alphabetic docum entation. The visual world becom es the subject not only of experience 9
and exegesis, but the object of textual description. That is, the use of gural language to paint an image throug h words is crucial for Christian religion, legal inheritance, land transactions, and history. The colonial process of ekphrasis can be exam ined through catechism s and sermons that explain how people should see and react to narrative biblical representations, devotional images, and m iraculous icons as well as how they could com e to understand Christian dogma throug h analogies drawn from visual representational practices. 6 From other ecclesiastical docum ents, one can understand how European images becom e problem atic in the accounts of visions by native Christians. In regard to the m undane world, the issue can be studied in the language of wills, loans, and sales contracts that describe objects and places. In other words, the visual and the alphabetic are intimately associated at m ultiple levels in the colonial Andean world. W e also need to look at the intertextuality and intervisuality of these different forms of docum entation to com prehend how both Spaniards and Andeans understood visual and alphabetic literacy as working in fundamentally the same way in the formation and characterization of the world. This interaction can be seen at the level in which writing and pictorial images were didactic colonial strategies for conversion and acculturation. It is no accident that many catechism s begin with a syllabary (silabario), as they were used sim ultaneously to teach doctrine throug h sermons keyed to visual representations, as well as reading. 7 A similar set of relationships between colonial image and text exists in the colonial legal structure, where the portrait of an individual, a historical scene of som e colonial event, or a map, denote their subject just as the written document does, and could be presented by the litigant to the authorities. For example, in his sixteenth-century bid to retain his cacicazgo, Muisca hereditary chief Diego de Torres subm itted m aps of the territories and indigenous towns of Santafe de Bogota and Tunja as evidence accompanying his volum inous com pendium of written petitions, now contained in m ultiple legajos at the Archivo General de Indias (Rojas 1965). Torres maps are the earliest cartographic documentation we know of for what is today Colom bia. That all form s could be presented together in a court of law as evidence underscores the relationship between text (testimony/speech) and image (portrait/person, map/territory). They are equally traces of things not present, although they are incomm ensurate: ekphrasis cannot reprod uce the plentitude of the pictorial image, nor can the pictorial image reprod uce the tem poral nature of the narrative. For this very reason both form s are necessary. 8 The connection between different form s of docum entation, the intertextuality of the visual with the alphabetic, can also be traced through nonliterate form s of activity. Following Connerton s (1989 ) analysis of the prim acy of ritual and bodily habit in the construction of m emory, linked to Foucault s (1979 ) theory of the role of bodily discipline in the constitution of power, we would like to focus our attention on a colonial ceremony that con rms secular and divine authority throug h the physical m anipulation of the written word. The m ultiple understandings and possible interpretations of colonial Andean literate and visual conventions were profou ndly in uenced by Spanish-derived ritual uses of 10
images and the written word (Seed 1995) . W e will examine the varied m eanings attached to the bodily exercises embedded in the ritual af rmation of writing. The sam e attitudes, postures, and gestures associated with the acknowledgm ent of the authority of secular rule conveyed throug h alphabetic writing are employed in the af rmation of divine suprem acy conveyed in the visual realm ; when people are conducted into the imaginary through religious paintings that serve a didactic function, their bodily activities m ust be scrutinized in relation to the conventions of pictorial signs, just as their ritual gestures can be interpreted in connection to alphabetic docum ents. 9 In other words, the intertextuality of alphabetic and visual literacy in the colonial Andean world can be sough t within the nonliterate m edium of ritual.
The King s Signature W e will focus on a single ritual in the remainder of this article: the cerem onial acceptance of documents containing the king s seal (the king s image) and the signature of his royal court by colonial of cials (Figure 2), which took place repeatedly in the course of disputes and was witnessed by indigenous spectators, recorded in the docum entary record, and subsequently singled out as signi cant by future generations of indigenous readers. The document which was the focus of this ceremony, the real provisio n or royal decree, was a form ality in a series of legal interactions between two parties in con ict. By acquiring a real provisio n in a dispute over lands or chie y succession, a party to a suit was able to ensure that the king s orders would be obeyed and that the case would be procedurally suitable for consideration before the Real Audiencia or Royal Court (D Rementer 1977, 137). In order to obtain com pliance, however, the az a docum ent had to be presented to the of cial responsible for the case, who would then continue the process. The real provisio n carried an image of the royal coat of arm s embossed in wax onto a separate piece of paper, which was added to the end of the document (Recopilacio n 1973, Libro II, Titu lo XXI. Ley iii, f. 243v) . It therefore appears as something apart from the speci c document, yet integral to conveying its author s suprem e authority. Moreover, it is the visual nature of the seal, the coat of arm s literally pressed into the material of the document, rather than any written words it contained, that was rst recognized as conveying this authority: Mirando el sello dijo: Estas son las armas del Rey mi sen or (Cabello Balboa [1589] 1945, 37). Just above this image cam e the signatures of the royal of cials of the Audiencia. The almost undecipherable ourish of these marks provides a kind of visual transition between the imagery of the seal itself and the scribal text of the docum ent; even som eone who could not read could, at the very least, recognize the different elem ents of the docum ent by their form . Inscribed repeatedly in the record each tim e a royal decree was presented, an act that could occur at num erous points in a dispute, was a ceremony involving the ritual kissing of the document, which was placed on the head of the colonial authority to sym bolize his intent to obey the orders inscribed therein: 10 11
F IGURE 2. Real provisio n, with royal seal and Audiencia signatures, Archivo Nacional del Ecuador, Quito, Fondo Popaya n (ANE/Q 1695 : f. 3r).
En el pueblo de Cum bal a terminos y jurizdicion de la ciudad de Pasto a veinte y ocho dias del mes de abril an o de m il y seiscientos y cinquenta y seis an os ante el maese de campo M iguel de Caizedo teniente de gobernador justicia m ayor corregidor de naturales y alcalde m ayor de minas de la dicha ciudad de Pasto sus term inos y jurizdicion por su magestad prezentaron esta rreal prouision con peticion los contenidos en ella y pidieron su complimiento y bista por el dicho teniente de gobernador rreciuio en sus manos la dicha rreal prouision y la bezo y puzo sobre su cauesa teniendola destocada y la obedecio con el acatam iento deuido a carta y prouicion rreal de su rrey y sen or natural la quien la diuina m agestad guarde muchos an os con aumento de mayores rreinos y sen orios como la cristiandad desea y m ando que se cumpla y guarde com o en ella se contiene y que esta puesto de uer perssonalmente a cum plir con el tenor de la dicha rreal prouicion luego y sin dilacion y lo rm o ante si
12
por no auer al presente en este dicho pueblo escribano publico ni rreal: Miguel Caizedo. (ANE/Q 1656 , 9v-10r)
This act of placing a docum ent on the head, probably a ritual of Moorish origin, is m ade more intelligible when we consider that in Arabic, the best term for obedience is, On m y eye and on m y head , and when we note that in twentieth-century Iran, receipt of writing issuing from the Shah was acknowledged by placing the document on the eyes and on the head (Mehdi Abedi, personal comm unication). 11 W hat sort of meaning m ight this European and Islam ic ritual have had for native Andean peoples? In Incaic ritual conventions, practicants made kissing sounds at huacas (shrines), an act com m unicated by the Quechua word muchana. 12 Andean observers, then, m ight have read the act of kissing the real provisio n ambiguou sly, from both Andean and European perspectives. W e know, however, that by the beginning of the seventeenth century, muchana acquired new m eanings. In Gonza lez Holgu s Quechua dictionary, muchay n cupuni is translated as follows: Tornarse a sujetar, a dar la obediencia el ren ido o alc ado, o, pedir perdon al m ayor, o reconciliarse con su m ayor, o con Dios ([1608 ] 1989, 246). In other words, by this tim e muchana acquired the m eaning of subordi nation to both secular and Christian authority.13 It is in such ritual acts, situated at the interstices of the two cultures, that we can begin to decipher a speci cally colonial iconology, captured in writing and image. For m any native observers, especially those living in the rst century after the Spanish invasion and those who were not m embers of chie y fam ilies or of ceholders, the act of obeying the royal decree was one of the few encounters they would have with alphabetic and visual literacy and its relation to ultim ate authority.14 Whether they could read the docum ents in question is immaterial, because the royal decrees were inspected by participants and then read aloud (in Spanish) to the spectators (ANE/Q 1771, 5v; Cabello Balboa [1589 ] 1945, 3637). More importantly, while they m ay not have conveyed the content of the particular decree in question, such engagem ents with image and writing imparted the system of values attached to literacy and language, which was a founda tion of the Castilian adm inistrative apparatus (Mignolo 1995) . Once comm itted to paper, the memory of this ritual was transferred from the space and time of perform ance to the space of the inscribed page. The orality (and rituality) captured by colonial scribes would acquire signi cance over tim e, as indigenous readers from later periods perused the docum entary record for legal purposes, such as land claim s, observing the presence of annotations describing such rituals, appended to the end of copies (or som etimes originals) of royal decrees, usually in a different handwr iting. The best exam ple we have of the assignation of m eaning to this ritual by contem porary people com es from Cum bal, Colom bia, where the m id-twentieth-century descendants of the Pastos use the m etaphor of a crown to refer to their land title (itself a real provisio n), to the lands it encom passes, as well as to the rings on the staffs of of ce that sym bolize the authority of com m unal of ceholders (Rappaport 1994, 8083). In a 1950 letter from the elected authorities of Cum bal to the Ministry of Mines, author Agust Colimba, secretary of the reservation council, invokes a colonial n 13
m om ent at which the Spanish authority of ciating in the land transfer, Mauricio Mun o z de Ayala, bestowed title upon Cumbal s forebears:
hecho lo cual pacientemente de la linderacio n a que fueron llam ados los dem a s pueblos, el Capita n de Infanter espan ola se puso de rodilla en la pampa y a luego, cin ie ndose la corona de oro de su rey, su sen or natural, en alta voz hizo entrega de la tierra en su tenencia, en su posesio n, en su m ism o dom inio a los caciques, representantes genuinos de sus pueblos de CUMBAL. (ACIGC/N 1950, 5)
Em bedded in this brief narrative is a very clear reference to the act of obeying a royal decree, when that docum ent (here, represented by a crown) is placed on the head of the authority named to obey it (here, throug h the bestowal of land rights). Essential for constituting the authority of the real provisio n are the seal and signatures it bears, which authenticate on a supreme level the contents of the decree and ensure its juridical force in perpetuity (Fraenkel 1992, 88). The royal signature like its counterpart, the seal, and its m edieval antecedent, the subscription, connected a monarch s individual and corporate bodies (Aram 1996, 5), endowing the page with strength ( rmeza) (ibid. 24). 15 It is both the royal seal and the signature of the royal court that was the object of the brief ritual recorded in the documents. 16 But what m ight a signature be for colonial-era native peoples, many of whom could not sign their nam es, as is repeatedly noted in the docum entary record, or if they could write, were not necessarily schooled in the intricacies of notarial rhetoric? Hereditary chiefs, who were educated in special schools (ANE /Q 1695, 67r; Hartmann and Oberem 1981; Jaram illo Uribe 1989; W ood 1986; for Peru see Ca rdenas 197576; Galdo 1970) , com prehended the rationale behind signa tures, as did native scribes, who perform ed of cial functions throug hout the Andes (Mannheim 1991, 14344; Murra n.d.; Spalding 1984, 217), including the Pasto area, where their signatures appear in the docum entary record (ABC/I 1654, 3rv; ANE/Q 1588, 105v; ANE/Q 1634, 125v; ANE/Q 1653) . An eighteenth-century cacica from the town of Pastas, for instance, pointed out speci cally in her argum ents in favor of granting the chie y succession to her son, that a will she had submitted as proof that the title ran in her family was legitimate because it contained the signatures of seven witnesses (ABC/Q 1748, 214r). 17 Other parties to docum ented disputes, however, did not necessarily view signatures as connected to speci c individuals (cf. Fraenkel 1992, 9). This is evident in the confusion of the signatures of Pasto hereditary chiefs, who m ight sign their nam es at one point in a document, while in another document, they m ight swear that they did not know how to make a signature (ANE/Q 1695, ff. 98rv; ANE/Q 1760, 1v, 4v). In other cases, signatures and rubrics of m ultiple signatories are so sim ilar as to suggest that they were created by a single hand (ANE/Q 1634, ff. 136rv; ANE/Q 1716, f. 2v), contrary to Spanish legal usage which required that witnesses con rm in writing their act of signing for an illiterate. A real provisio n was invalidated when it was proven that the caciques (from Cum bal) who had requested it and af xed their signatures on their 14
petition, had never signed it at all because they could not afford to accom pany the only real signatory to Quito to m ake the request (ANE/Q 1656, 12v, 13v14r). In a society that had been without writing until the advent of the Spaniards, it is not clear that a signature would have carried the sam e m eaning for the Pastos as it did for Europeans.18 The ambiguity of native signatures within Spanish documents attests to an anxiety about proper meaning and suggests that the meaning of other acts, such as the ritual elevation of a document bearing bureaucratic signatures and the royal seal above the head of a European of cial, were sim ilarly ambivalent. But if we look at the signature as a trace left by an activity, as opposed to the sign of an individual, as graphic ceremonial space replacing physical cerem onial space (Fraenkel 1992, 9), the ceremonial acquiescence to a royal decree can becom e m ore com prehensible. What com prehension required, therefore, were forms of com m ensurabilty (indigenous and Spanish) that worked by analogy based on ritual practices, to suggest that actions and m arks could be m utually interpreted. Signature, Seal, and Im age That the ceremony and the signature sustaining it were relevant to native northern Andean peoples is clear from Spanish references that emphasize the importance of visual literacy and its relationship with alphabetic literacy. This is especially true in regard to painting and drawing in sixteenth-century colonial culture. Although pictorial images were often termed books of the illiterate (Acosta [1590 ] 1940), we tend to forget how much writing intersects with pictorial images (Figure 3). Writing often appears in the painting itself and thereby calls forth the notion of docum ent. And while the vast m ajority of viewers m ay have not been able to read the words nor fully understand the intricacies of European iconography, the relationship between alphabetic text and pictorial image was continually on display. Paintings form ed a site of dialogue between priest and catechumen, or native inform ants and colonial of cials (Cumm ins 1995) . Moreover, as docum ents of Biblical or secular history, their arti ce was sometim es marked in the sam e way as a written docum ent, throug h the signature of whoever produc ed it (Figure 4). This follows from European developm ents in the late fteenth and early sixteenth centuries, where personal style, as well as signatures, m onogra m s, or initials, functioned to guard against artistic forgery, hence equating artist with scribe (W ood 1993). Pictorial images, especially prints, carried signatures in the form of initials, just as the document carried the rubric of the notary or author. It is here that the m eaning of signature could be expanded in unexpected ways. The introduction and copying of prints from northern Europe in the Am ericas was extrem ely important; they served as models for paintings and drawings m ade by both creole and native artists. It is easy to identify the native artist s dif culties in reprod ucing correctly many of the conventions used in these m odels. The m isinterpretation of the rules of perspective are immediately recognizable, as, for exam ple, in the paintings of Spanish kings by Sa nchez Gallque, a native artist working in Quito at the end of the sixteenth century. But it is also clear that the 15
F IGURE 3. Portrait of King Sancho of Castile by Andre s Sa nchez Gallque, oil on canvas, ca 1600 , Museo del Conven to de San Francisco, Quito.
division between the written and the pictorial was not always apprehended when European m odels were copied. For exam ple, in Bernadino de Sahagu n s Floren tine Codex, a native artist depicts the art of Aztec goldworking within a European architectural setting (Figure 5). The source for the European elem ents cam e from an architectural treatise, probab ly by Serlio, in which the pictorial architectural form s are keyed to the text by letters. In the Sahagu n image, the indigenous artist copies not only the image, but also the letter A of the European prototype, which appears at the base of the depicted column (Ellen Baird, personal com munication). Here, however, the letter is no longer an index of something exterior to the image, but becomes a virtual part of it. It therefore becom es the trace of som ething other than what it was originally intended to 16
F IGURE 4. The Passion of Christ, 1668 , signed and dated in lower right-hand corner by Francisco Quispe, oil on canvas, 1.25m x 1.46m , Museo del Conven to de San Francisco, Quito.
signify, suggesting that Spaniard and native understood such conventions differently. In this sense, the signature and the pictorial image m ight not always be so easily distinguished. This becomes even m ore disconcerting in the sense that over time a signature could acquire alm ost the sam e status as a pictorial portrait. Alberti had already written in the fteenth century that painting possess a truly divine power in that not only does it m ake the absent present (as they say of friendship) but it also represents the dead to the living m any centuries later, so that they are recognized by the spectators with great pleasure (Alberti 1991, 60). This sentiment is invoked in the eighth serm on of the 1585 Catechismo to be preached to native Andeans in which the role of saints is explained:
Y ahora todos estos santos que son innumerables esta n en el cielo gozando de ver a Dios, y ruegan por nosotros y son nuestros abogado s. Y por eso los honram os y llam amos sus nombres y tenemos sus ima genes en las Iglesias, para que nos recuerden estos padres y maestros. (Lima, Concilio de 1990 , 690, our italics)
17
F IGURE 5. Goldworkers, Florentine Codex, com piled by Bernardino de Sahagu n, ca. 1579 , f. 361r, Biblioteca Laur, Florence.
Signatures also cam e to provide the sam e pleasure, especially in relation to painting. Fray Pedro Bedo n was, among other things, one of the principal founde rs of the Quiten o school of painting. In fact, the earliest extant signed portrait from South America was painted by one of his students, Sa nchez Gallque. Bedo n s own signed work survives in the form of both docum ents and paintings (Figure 6). It is the signature on both that cam e to stand for his continued, almost saintly, presence in the eighteenth century:
M uy a los principios del Provinciato de Rm . P. M ro. fray Pedro M artyr tuvo esta provincia el Venerable P.M . fray Pedro Bedo n, cuyas rm as se veneran en sus libros com o reliquias. En ellos se hallan, com o Depositario en estos an os, y en el Refectorio en el an o 1594 , cuya pintura se debe a sus manos. (Zamora 1701, 143)
Bedo n s signature is transform ed, nearly taking on the proper ties of a holy relic, and the object (book or painting) on which it appears, a reliquary. His signature therefore becom es disem bodied from the sense of the written word and takes on the materiality of the body. It no longer m erely testi es to the authenticity of the docum ent of which it is a part. It manifests visually the presence of som eone who cannot be physically present, but whose trace transcends tim e and space, just as a painted image might, or even m ore so, since it becomes alm ost incarnate in the sense of a relic. 18
F IGURE 6. Detail of the initials of Fray Pedro Bedo n, in an illum inated letter from a choral painted by Bedo n, 1613, Biblioteca del Convento de Santo Dom ingo, Quito.
This m ingling of signature and painting as a trace of something is a crucial aspect in the indoctrination of Andeans, as enunciated in the nineteenth sermon from the Tercer Catechismo published in Lima in 1585:
Y assu corazo n po nenlo en el cielo dond e esta Jesucristo y sus Santos; y en Jesucristo ponen su esperanza y su voluntad. Y si reverencian las ima genes, y las besan y se descubren delante de ellas, e hincan las rodillas y hieren los pechos, es por lo que aquellas im a genes representan, y no por lo que en sson. Com o el corregidor besa la provisio n y sello real, y lo pone sobre su cabeza, no por aquella cera ni el papel, sino porque es quillca del rey. (Lima, Concilio de 1990 , 653)
Invoki ng the secular ritual pertaining to a real provisio n, the identity of writing and image in the colonial Andes is most clearly expressed in the use of the term quillca, which is represented as a ritual object, the royal seal. 19 A Quechua word, quillca refers to writing and the recording of statistics, on the one hand, and to sculpting and painting, on the other (Gonza lez Holgu 1989, 301, 513; Santo n Tom a s 1951, 357), indicating the am biguities of alphabetic script in a society that did not know alphabetic writing, but whose system of recording (the khipu, or knot record) was transm itted as m uch throug h the tactile, as the visual channel. 20 In northern A ndean languages, this com m on identi cation 19
of alphabetic and visual literacy is also the rule: in M uisca, bchihisqua m eans both to write (Anonym ous 1987, 260) and to paint (ibid. 295); 21 in Pa ez, s m eans both to read and to paint (Castillo y O rozco 1877, 50), although the Quechua borro wing quilca is used for paper , book , and letter (ibid. 76). In Gonza lez Holgu s Quechua dictionary, there is yet another m eaning of n quillca: Quellcar payachispa yachachim i. Ensen ar la theologia dictandola (1989, 301). An English translation of the Quechua m ight be: To teach by having som ething written dow n continuously , or possibly, to teach by dictation, suggesting, as is implicit in the passage from the Third Catechism , that quillca is m ore than sim ply w riting or painting, but also refers to a particular pedagogical technique for conveying a body of knowledge and practice. This acknowledgem ent of the ideological m atrix within w hich colonial literacy was understood and practiced can also be seen in yet another m eaning of s (to read or to paint, in Pa ez): persignarse to m ake the sign of the cross (Castillo y O rozco 1877, 50). The w riting on one s body of the Christian doctrine (cf. de Certeau 1984) conjoins literacy as writing w ith literacy as depiction in an ef cacious and ritualized m ovem ent.22 The serm ons of the Third Catechism w ere highly explicit in their teaching of this sym bolic gesture:
Y tam b ie n o s sen alad m u c h as v eces co n la sen al d e la cru z, e sp ecia l m e n te cu a n d o o s le v an ta is, cu a n d o sal d e la ca sa, cu an d o el d em o n io s o s trae m a las te n tacio n e s, cu a n d o o s v e is en alg u n p elig ro o trab ajo , p o rq u e p o r la sen al d e cru z es v e n cid o e l en em ig o y h u y e d e lo s c ristian o s. E sta sen al h ace m o s cu an d o n o s p e rsig n am o s en la fren te y e n la b o ca y en el p e ch o , p ara q u e D io s n u estro S e n o r lib re n u estro e n ten d im ien to d e m alo s p en sa m ien to s, n u e stra b o ca d e m alas p ala b ra s, n u estro co ra zo n d e m alo s d eseo s y d e m alas o b ra s. C u an d o n o s san tig u am o s, h acem o s la sen al d e la san ta cru z en to d o e l cu erp o , d esd e la fren te h asta la cin ta y d e sd e e l u n h o m b ro al o tro , in v o can d o y llam an d o y co n fesa n d o el n o m b re d e la S an t a sim T rin id ad , P ad re e H ijo y E sp ritu S an to , q u e es u n so lo D io s, p ara q u e n o s d e su b e n d icio n y g racia y n o s lib re d e to d o m al. (L im a , C o n cilio d e 1 9 9 0 , 7 2 9 3 0 )
A slightly earlier colonial catechism written in Bogota is even m ore speci c so as enforce strict uniform ity:
S e m an d a q u e e l m o d o d e p ersig n ar sea y se g u a rd e en esta fo rm a: q u e h e ch a u n a cru z co n el d ed o p u lg ar d e la m an o d erec h a so b re el d ex n traig an el p u lg ar d esd e la fren te h asta la p u n ta d e la n a riz d icien d o p o r la sen al ; y lu eg o cru zan d o d e sd e la sien izq u ierd a a la d erech a d ig a d e la cru z , y tray en d o e l d ich o d ed o p u lg ar d esd e la p u n ta d e la n ariz a la b a rb a d ig a d e n u estro s : y c ru zan d o p o r la b o c a d el lad o iz q u ierd o al d erech o , d ig a , en em ig o s ; y c ru zan d o e l d ed o d ich o h asta e n m ed io d el v ien tre d esd e la b arb a , d ig a l ran o s S en o r ; y cru z an d o b p o r el p ech o d el lad o iz q u ierd o al d erech o , d ig a D io s n u estro . Y a sim ism o en e l san tig u ar se g u ard ara la u n ifo rm id ad , ju n ta n d o el d ed o p u lg ar c o n lo s o tro s d o s d e e l v ecin o s d e la m an o d erech a, y en c o g id o s lo s o tro s d o s, y p o n ie n d o la p u n ta d e lo s e x ten d id o s en la fren te
20
de plano, dira n En el nom bre del Padre ; y descendiendo hasta en m edio del vientre, dira n y del hijo ; y levantando la m ano y ponie ndola en el hombro izquierdo y traye ndola hasta ponerla en el derecho, dira n y del Esp ritu Santo ; y juntando las m anos y cruzando los dedos pulgares y besando la cruz con estos pulgares hecha, dira n, Ame n, Jesu s . (Zapata [1576] 1990 , 261)
The sign of the cross, traced upon the body, was more than the act of the Christian faithful. It was linked to speech acts transcribed into m undane docum ents as a m nemonic for the gesture and its m eaning ( juram os a dios nuestro sen or y vna sen al de cruz 1 no c er de m alic ia etc .), or on the landscape, as a bounda ry m arker (ANE/Q 1767, f. 11r; Pen a 1995, 470). Just as impor tantly, the relationship between text and image is form ed in this part of most docum ents. The words en sen al de cruz are interpolated with the graphic image of the cross, similar to the relation between the gesture of m aking the cross while reciting the prayer. This text/image relationship and its bodily ritual enactment is crucial in the passage from the nineteenth serm on of the Third Lima Council cited above. The ritual act of receiving a royal provision is evoked so as to con ate alphabetic and visual literacy, calling both of them quillca: what is raised over the head of the corregidor is the king s quillca, while images are God s quillca. 23 The analogy arises m ost directly from the Catholic doctrine on images articulated in the Council of Trent and re-articulated in the Third Council of Lima to give Andean speci city to its interpretation of the rst com mandm ent and the distinction between idolatry (adoration) and representation (veneration). If an image is taken to be in and of itself that which is worshipped, then this is idolatry, but if an image is understood to refer throug h its form to that which is adored (the Holy Family and the saints), then it is proper ly venerated. Thus, reference is always directed to that which is represented, rather than the representation itself. Im age can never be in and of itself what it refers to, and this is true for both writing and picture; both are termed quillca in Quechua. This relationship is based, in part, upon a pedagogical analogy between writing and the pictorial that can only be m ade concrete by the Quechua word quillca, as it encom passes both without really signifying either in a traditional Andean sense. So even in the Spanish version of the bilingual serm on from Third Council of Lima, the Quechua term quillca is used. It is one of the very few Quechua term s that appears in the Spanish version of the sermons, other than nam es that identify certain Andean titles such as curaca and Andean idols such as huaca. But quillca is deployed differently than these terms. Quillca is necessary because only by using Quechua can the idea be so explicitly expressed that the king s seal stands for the absent king, just as the image of Christ stands for Him while not actually being Him.24 Yet honor s and rituals are accorded to the image as if it were the king or Christ. The ceremony of kissing the king s quillca (with its accompanying seal) and raising it above the head was preceded by the ritual entrance of the sello itself into the Real Audiencia as stipulated by a royal decree in 1559:
Es justo y conveniente, que cuando nuestro sello Real entrare en alguna de nuestras Reales Audiencias, sea recevido con la autoridad, que si entrasse
21
nuestra real persona, com o se haze en las de estos Reynos de Castilla. Por tanto mandam os, que llegando nuestro Real a qualquiera de las Audiencias de las Indias, nuestros Presidentes y Oidores, y la justica y Regimiento de la Ciudad salgan un buen trecho fuera de ella a recevirle, y desde dond e estuviere, hasta el Pueblo sea llevado encima de un cavallo, o mula, con aderec os muy decentes, y el Presidente y Oidor m as antiguo le llevan en m edio, con toda la veneracion, que se requiere, segun y como se acostum bra en las Audiencias Reales de estos Reynos de Castillo, por esta orden vayan hasta ponerle en la casa de la Real Audiencia Real, donde este , para que en ella le tenga a cargo la persona que sirviere el o cio de Chanciller del sello, y de sellar las provisiones, que en las Chancillerias se despacharen. (Recopilacio n 1973, Libro II, T tulo XXI, f. 243, our italics)
The entrance of the royal seal was to be treated just as if the royal person were entering the colonial city.25 This ceremony follows from m edieval political theology as analyzed by Kantorowicz (1957 ) and which, as Marin (1988 ) has dem onstrated, perm eated the discursive formation of royal absolutism in seventeenth-century France. But in the colonial Andes, royal representation takes a different turn as it passes throug h the gates of the city in the guise of the king s seal. Here, the seal appeared on docum ents distributed to and m anipulated by natives, an experience that was conjured by sermons, when the metaphysics of Catholicism was interpreted for Andeans. For example, serm ons implored Andeans to recall their personal experiences with administrative docum ents and the potential bene ts of such decrees, as a conceptual bridge to the explanation of the m ysteries of divine grace achieved throug h the sacraments:
Sacramentos llamamos unas sen ales y ceremonia ordenadas por Jesucristo con las cuales honram os a Dios y participam os de su gracia. Ascomo si el Virrey o la Audiencia os da una provisio n o quillca con que os hace libre de tributo, y m a s, os m anda dar de la caja del Rey cien pesos, tom a is la quillca y guarda isla, y por ella queda is libre del tributo y aun rico. Astambie n los sacramentos de la Santa Iglesia hacen que los que los tom an, quedan libre de pecado, au n queden ricos de gracia. (Lima, Concilio de 1990 , 657)
It is not through the sacram ent that the king s representation is understood; rather it is just the opposite, because it is the power of that representation in the form of a bureaucratic docum ent that is m ost imm ediate and real in the colonial interaction between Spaniards and natives. The king s written person in the form of his seal and the king s portrait are the same and at tim es they can be com bined in a single com position such that the corporeality of the gure and the authority of the word reinforce each other. For example, the royal ce dula of Charles V granting Corte s a coat-of-arm s in 1525 begins with the illuminated letter D initiating the title Don, followed by the other titles of the emperor (Figure 7). The D is lled with no less than a pro le portrait of the Em peror him self, such that Charles V appears both in nam e and gure.26 The king s portrait was, in fact, understood to m ark his presence, even though he was not corporeally present. One understands this meaning of the king s portrait most clearly by its close relation to the spiritual realm of colonial power in the series of Cuzquen o paintings of Corpus Christi completed around 1680, this festival 22
F IGURE 7. Patent of arms given by Charles V to Hernando Corte s, M arch 7, 1525 , vellum, Harkness Collection, manuscript 1: f. 1r, Library of Congress, W ashington, D.C.
being unique insofar as it celebrates the only Catholic symbol that is, in and of itself, what it represents: the Eucharistic wafer/Christ s body. Just as religious and secular images stand in for those they represent, alphabetic writing stands in for the physical presence of people as ritual participants and as the makers of docum ents. Som etim es, a document could stand for a ritual: in 1693 and 1735, docum entary evidence of the perform ance of a ritual granting possession of lands in Cum bal to the com munity s hereditary chiefs was presented in a dispute over chie y succession (ANE /Q 1735, 30r). Likewise, paper could replace a writer: when the mid-eighteenth-century witness Magdalena Mallam a could not appear in person to give testim ony in a dispute over the succession to the chiefdom of Pastas, she sent a written docum ent, stating Ante Vuesa Mersed paresco con este m emorial (ABC/Q 1748, 243v). 23
And in the late seventeenth century, when the new cacica of Guachucal was awarded the succession to her chiefdom , she ceremonially received census data from the Spanish of cials: Y Su Mersed la cogio por la mano y la entrego la num eracion deste dicho pueblo todos agtos que dijo hacia en sen al de posesion (ANE/Q 1695, f. 37r); in this case, a docum ent stood for an entire comm unity, which was itself present at the succession ritual. Similarly, a royal seal stood for the king (Fraenkel 1992, 83), as did his signature, which took the place of the king in the brief ritual of acceptance of a royal decree (Aram 1996).
Colonial Semiosis W hat we are dealing with here is the produc tion of culture, drawn from the conceptual realms of both native Andean and the Spanish worlds, what Mignolo (1989, 1995) calls colonial semiosis . Mignolo suggests that our com prehension of cultural produc ts from the colonial period m ust take into account a plurality of traditions reaching across cultural bounda ries. He would not have us isolate the cultural traits pertaining to each tradition and assign them to the m embers of that group , but instead, comprehend what he calls the locus of enunciation , the understanding subject s `positionality vis-a-vis the phenom ena to be understood and the com m unity to which the outcom e of the act of understanding will be comm unicated (1989 , 97). This concept, however, suggests that in the colonial period there still existed separate and pure cultural worlds. It might be better to think of the space in which literacy took place as a middle ground (W hite 1991) , a comm on colonial context that replaces the earlier realities in which natives and Spaniards had lived, a new colonial reality that is com prehended (albeit in different ways) and fashioned by the participants in it. In this sense, the literate practices of which we have been speaking are neither indigenous nor Spanish , but artifacts of the m iddle groun d which characterized the colonial period. W hat our small exam ple dem onstrates is that literacy is a strategy intrinsic to Spanish colonization in the Am ericas (as well as in other parts of the globe). W hat is to be found in its legacy, the m yriad of docum ents, is not a neutral gathering of data to be ordered and analyzed. Docum ents, visual as well as textual, and the technologies used to produc e them , are social and cultural form s that are variously enacted. To think of a signature as a relic or the king s seal as a quillca suggests that m uch m ore is at stake than the neutral transcription or rendering of som ething. Media and genre intersect in unexpected ways. Not only do they refer to each other in an intertextual series, but they socially overlap in the rituals of colonial religion and administration. They becom e things in the colonial world that operate at a variety of levels, and in so doing are both transform ed and transform ing. This gives docum ents a certain agency or ef cacy that exceeds the intentions of their authors. We therefore suggest that one of the key issues before us is to begin to think of the relationship between the visual and the written as a condition of colonial praxis that is never static nor stable. 24
Notes
* The research on which we base this paper was funded by a Senior Research Grant from the Getty Grant Program in 19951996, perm itting us to engage in interdisciplinary discussion and interpretation. The archival documentation used in our analysis was collected by Joanne Rappaport under a Grant-in-Aid from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research in 1989 and with Designated Research Initiative Funds from the University of Maryland Baltimore County in 1990. Thanks goes to the directors of the archives consulted, especially to Grecia Vasco de Escudero, director of the Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. Thanks also to Cristo bal Landazuri, director of MARKA-Instituto de Historia y Antropolog Andina a (Quito), and his students, for collaboration in the collection of archival materials and for the pleasure of a continuing dialogue over the past decade. Joanne Moran Cruz, Carolyn Dean, Alan Durston, Sarah Fentress, Frederick Luciani, Michael Gerli, Bruno Mazzoldi, Greg Spira, and the anonymous reviewers for Colonial Latin American Review provided us with astute criticisms and com mentaries that have made this a better article. 1 Located in the highlands of Carchi Province in northernmost Ecuador, Puntal is now called Bol var. Tusa, immediately to the north of Puntal, is now called San Gabriel. 2 Important historical works on the Pastos, whose literacy practices constitute the central focus of this article, include Calero (1997), Landazuri (1995), and Moreno Ruiz (1970). 3 On khipus (Incaic knot-records) see Ascher and Ascher (1981) and Urton (n.d.; 1994). On a general appreciation of mnem onic devices and their intertextuality in the Andes, see Cumm ins (1988). The singular differences between Andean and European modes of communication can be contrasted with the situation that the Spaniards encountered in Mesoamerica, where literate practice included forms of hieroglyphic and phonetic writing (Boone and Mignolo 1994; Gruzinski 1988), as well as systems of pictorial narrative expression (Cummins 1994; Leibsohn 1994), however distinct their genres were from European form s (Mignolo 1995). 4 In the Pasto case, there is a double overlay, since docum ents were frequently written in Spanish, based upon testimony collected in Quechua, am ong people whose native language was a member of the Macro-Chibchan family. Quechua was probably introduced among the Pasto under Spanish domination, given that only a small number of Pasto chiefdoms were brought under Incaic control, and then only for the space of a decade or so. The Pasto language has not been spoken since the early nineteenth century, and we know little of its gram mar or lexicon. In 1594, two Mercedarian fathers were directed to produce a Pasto catechism and confessionary (Lopez de Solis 1995, 473), but if this document was ever prepared, it has not been uncovered by historians. 5 The command of literacy skills eventually came to work both ways in the interaction between native peoples and Spaniards. A literate native could safeguard the community against all kinds of Spanish impostures, including false doctrine. For example, an inquisition record from Lim a in 1761 records that a literate native caught an impostor who was attempting to pass as a priest: Tercera Causa. Esta fue la de Mathias Ponce de Leon, alia Ioseph Zegarra, Natural de La Ciudad de Cordova del Tucuman, de edad de 24 a 25 an os, Novicio Lego que dijo haver sido del Convento de San Agustin de la ciudad de Guamanga; donde salio sin haver profesado, y abriendose cerquillo, y ngiendose Sacerdote de dicho orden, dijo dos missas, una en el Pueblo de Chinchero del Obispado de Guamanga, y otra en el pueblo de Abancay, del Obispado de Cuzco, sin saber leer, ni escribir: y en esta segundo haviendole notado el Indio Sacristan, que no sabia las ceremonias, y expresandole, que Missa havia dicho, que no estaba buena; le respondio este Reo, dandole un reves, diciendole: calla Bruto, que esta es Missa Chamberi, que se usa en Lima (Anonymous 1761). 6 For example, in attem pting to disprove the Andean belief that the sun and stars are animate beings that move under their own volition, Francisco de Avila wrote in his bilingual sermon for Epiphany that: Quando tu en el telar hazes una chuspa, no sucede, que alli formas una or, o una maripoza? Pues dim e a ora, aquella maripoza, o aquella or alli formada es viuiente, anda alli, o mueuese? No, de ninguna manera. Pues Mira de la misma suerte estan el Sol, las Estrellas, y Luna form ados, en una tela azul tirada, y estendida, al m odo que en una tabla, o en una madero esta n los n udos, y como en tu rostro, y en tu cuerpo esta el Lunar, y quando tu te m ueues se mueuen contigo. Sol, Luna, y estrellas, ellos mismos no se mueven, ni andan, tampoco sino con aquella tela azul que es el cielo (Avila 1648, 102).
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For example, in the Catecismo breve para los rudos y occupados printed in Lima in 1583, a syllabary appears on the rst page. For how syllabaries were used to teach reading and writing in relation to prayers see Valtion (1947). Two interconnected problems arose from the introduction of Western images, especially prints. One was the irreverent use of sacred images and the other was the spread of profane images that found their way into native com munities and that seemed to have been given the same status and understanding as sacred images (see the 1570 Constituciones para caciques de indios of the Synod of Quito [Pen a 1995, 471]). The relationship between religious images and sermons can be seen in Francisco de Avila s explanation of the meaning of Saint John s passage on the Baptism of Christ and the iconography of his image: Y a este Senor mostro Iuan diziendo este es el cordero de Dios y los sen alo con el dedo. Y por esta razon quando pintan a san Iuan o el entallador haze un bulto, le ponen teniendo un cordero, o lo ponen cerca del, y a san Iuan mostrandolo con el dedo primero, o indice (Avila 1648, 116). Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala presented both written and visual forms of evidence in his lawsuit over lands in Chupas: a map of the territory and two portraits of the ancestors through whom the lands were inherited appear as integral parts of the legal docum ent (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1991; cf. Adorno 1993). The concept of the portrait presupposes the existence of the individual on which it is based; the subsequent reappearance of the portraits in the map just above the contested territory condenses and summ arizes the historical narrative, which at the sam e time becom es inscribed within the legal testim ony. For example, in the thirtieth sermon published in the Tercero Catechismo (Sermonario) of 1585, the priest begins by describing the Christian psychostasia: Porque habe is de saber que en arranca ndose vuestra alm a y saliendo de ese cuerpo, luego es llevada por angeles ante el juicio de Jesucristo. Y allle relatan todo cuanto ha hecho bueno y m alo; y oye sentencia de aquel alto Juez de vida o muerte de gloria o de in erno como lo m erece sin que haya mas mudanza para siempre jam as. He then enforces his words through a reference to images known to the listener: Y por eso habeis visto pintado a San M iguel glorioso arca ngel con un peso que esta pesando las almas, que signi ca y quiere decir que en la otra vida mira el bien y el mal que han hecho las almas, y conforme a eso reciben sentencia (Lima, Concilio de 1990, 773, italics ours). The same cerem ony was enacted by ecclesiastical authorities in Spain at the close of the fteenth century. Investigators of the authenticity of miracles placed orders by the archbishop on their heads, just as secular authorities did in civil disputes (Christian 1981, 12526). Ecclesiastical judges or provisores, when handed an apostolic brief such as a papal pronouncement, rst kissed the roll, placed it over the head, and swore to obey and execute its contents. Then the document was read for the decision (Cook and Cook 1991, 11617). Sim ilarly, in Jewish ritual, the reading of the Torah is accompanied by the act of holding up the scrolls, which are also kissed. We thank Bruno Mazzoldi for alerting us to the connection between this practice and colonial ritual. In the modern Andes, loud and wet kisses between men indicate relationships of respect (Bruce Mannheim, personal communication). Implicit in the notion of subordination to royal authority was subordination to God, since the king was God s ordained and anointed ruler on earth (Michael Gerli, personal communication; Alfonso X [1555] 1992, Partida II, T tulo I, Leyes 110; Nieto Soria 1988, 5155; see also Kantorowicz 1957, 193272). While Teo lo Ruiz (1985) argues that the Spanish m onarchy was characterized by a paucity or absence of ritual, this does not m ean that the monarch himself was unsacred (see also Nieto Soria s [1993] critique of the Ruiz thesis). Another important example of native Andeans simplest experiences with the written word include the receipt of cedulas de confesio n, certi cates verifying that the bearer had confessed and was able to receive holy communion (AGCG /R 1605, 3v; AGCG /R 16081609, 46r); we do not know what these ce dulas looked like, however. Nonetheless, these cedulas refer not only to the sacramental act of confession, but also to communion, the only sacramental act in which a Christian ritual image the Host is what it represents and makes present the ultimate authority of Christianity (Marin 1988). In 1611 Covarrubias (1995, 548) de nes rma as la rubrica, inscripcio n y nombre escrito de propia mano, que haze rme todo lo contenido y escrito encima de la rma D xose del
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nombre rme, latine rmus, stabilis This sense of signature com es from the position of scribes as urban of cials who appear in documents on the basis of the strength of their testimonial capability (A. Thierry, Recuil de documents 1 ; 146 as cited in Bedos-Rezak 1993), so for example, the thirteenth-century customal of Amiens article 74 states: Ci parole de testm oinage d eskievins de le chite d Amiens. Derechief, tout quanque doi eskieven tesmoignent et recordant, est ferm et estable, et passe sans che que nus puist dire ne faire reins encontre, ne a loi bataille venir (ibid., italics ours). See also Bethany Aram s excellent interpretation of the struggle over Queen Juana s signature, which Juana withheld from all but her most trusted advisors, leading her to be known as Juana The Mad (Aram 1996). The real provisio n was not signed by the king even if it emanated from Spain (Recopliacion 1973, Libro II, t tulo VI, Ley 23, folio 163r). Today, Pastas is called Aldana (Narin o, Colom bia). However, the Quechua term for a signed document acknowledges the speci city of an individual s hand by employing the word maqui, or hand: Escriptura rmada y signada. Maqui yoc vnanchayoc qquellca (Gonzalez Holgu 1989, 514) (literally, quillca [writ] including a n hand, including a sign); the reference, however, may be to the notary (quellcaycamayoc) who validates the document, not to the signatories. Signatures acquired a sim ilar ambiguity in the Spanish-ruled Philippines. The pre-Spanish Tagalog script, baybayin, was not perceived by the Europeans as adequate for rendering sound in alphabetic writing, because they could not link one sound with one letter with any certainty (Rafael 1988, 4751). Signatures were accordingly am biguous; some groups of signatures appeared to have been inscribed by a single hand (ibid., 4950): The question then arises: What would a `signature be which perpetually postponed the de nitive location of name and person? In the case of baybayin, it was a series of marks that called forth sounds but whose referent had to be `guessed perhaps with a little help from God: `With respect to the inscriptions [letreros] [of the documents] we have transcribed them as God has given us to understand them , Santam ar explains (ibid.) . a The Doctrina Christiana, the Confessionario, and the Tercer Catechismo all resulted from the Third Lima Provincial Council (15821583) and remained in use until the Plenary Council of Latin Am erica in 1899 (Barnes 1992, 67). This material was intended to be used throughout the viceroyalty and Fray Pedro Bedo n was consulted on the translation and the variations with the Quechua of the Quito area (ibid., 71). The sermons were used in the northern Andes and there is a com plete copy in the Biblioteca del Colegio San Ignacio de Loyola, Cotocollao, Ecuador. It must be remem bered here that the use of a common word for these two, very different, practices, is a product of colonial language planning the institutionalized standardization of language through the creation of grammars, dictionaries, and educational policy and not necessarily a feature of pre-Columbian Quechua usage. The tactile aspect of Andean methods of inscription is clear in a 1602 annual letter from the Province of Peru, in which a blind man is described as basing his confession on a khipu: H zolo este indio de seis varas de cordel torcido y de trecho en trecho un hilo que lo atravesava y algunas sen ales de piedras o gu esos o plum as, conforme a la m ateria del peccado que av de confessar, sin que en quatro d que a as gasto en confesarse, dudasse en cosa alguna y por el tiento del quipo y de las sen ales puestas en e l, se confesso con tanta distincion y puntualidad como si tuviera ojos y muy grande entendimiento, llorando sus peccados y detestando las idolatrias con que el demonio le av a engan ado, satisfaciendo por todo con gran penitencia y dolor (Fernandez 1986, 21415). Interestingly, however, the Muisca translation of to read was ioquec zecubunsuca, or paper memory (Anonym ous 1987, 273, 287), whereas in Quechua, quillca was an integral com ponent of to read : according to Gonza lez Holgu (1989, 561), qquellccactam ricuni (I see the n quillca). The branding of slaves, both indigenous and African, with letters on their foreheads, breasts, and arms, might be considered the secular antithesis to the symbolic marking of the Christian body through the sign of the cross. That is, the physical marking of property by the slaveowner is the inverse of the symbolic self-m arking of Christian metaphysics. Moreover, a narrative of the history of the slave s owners was visually displayed on the slave s body by the sequence of brands which marked each new property owner . In addition to private marks of owners which were dutifully entered into any legal document of sale, African slaves in the seventeenth century were branded on the right breast with a royal brand using a capital R (for real),
27
23
24
25
26
surmounted by a crown to mark that they had been legally imported (Bowser 1974, 8283). For the branding of indigenous slaves with the letter C (probably standing for Caribe) in the sixteenth century see Forbes (1988, 34). In the Pasto territory and beyond to the north, Quechua was not spoken and hence, the term quillca could not be used in this sense in catechisms or sermons. Nevertheless, the identity between painting and writing is also evident in Spanish-language documents, as in the following excerpt from the 1570 Constituciones para caciques de indios of the Synod of Quito: Y si tuvieren cruci xos, ym agenes de nuestra Sen ora o de los sanctos, les den a entender que aquellas ymagenes es una manera de escriptura que rrepresenta y da a entender a quien representa (Pena 1995, 471). As we have already illustrated, moreover, the colonial meaning of quillca had its equivalents in various northern Andean languages. The use of the term quillca succinctly and economically links the role of the Catholic theology of the Corpus Mysticum with the theory of royalty and of the royal crown and dignity as outlined by Kantorowicz (1957; see also Marin 1988). The royal portrait was also often processed or displayed in colonial ceremonies in which oaths of fealty were given to the monarch through his image (cf. Mugaburu 1935, 106). Patents of nobility (cartas ejecutorias de hidalgu often carried the portrait of the king. The a) rst known printed example was granted to Juan de los Olivios in 1597, produced on vellum and painted with a portrait of Philip II on the penultimate folio. Such documents were stored in the private archives of Pasto caciques and were willed by them to their descendants (ANE/Q 1695, 38r).
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Colonial Latin American Review, Vol. 7, No.

Between Images and Writing: The Ritual of the King s Quillca*

1998 Carfax Publishing Ltd on behalf of CLAR

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING S QUILLCA

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

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