Running head: Iraq Culture, Politics and Economics

Iraq Culture, Political System and Economic Potential A Research Proposal Calvin E. Amos Florida Institute of Technology (Florida Tech Online)

Iraq Culture, Politics and Economics

Introduction: Background and Summary In March 2003, war begin begin Iraq, that would topple a dicator form of government, and later lay the ground work for a democracy form of government. This war was lead by President George W. Bush and the United States. At the beginning of the short war in 2003, President Bush often said the Iraq war would pay for itself, because of the economic growth and trade of the Iraq oil that would occur in the near future. Viewed from the the United States political and economic culture, perhaps President Bushs optimism seemed likely, and even probable. However, eight years after the war began, and the replacement of a dictator political system with a democratic political framework, Iraq still is not paying for the war, or utilizing its enormous potential, as expected. According to the 2011 report of the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), "Iraq holds more than 115 billion barrels of oil - the world's fourth largest proven reserves and also contains over 110 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Both of these provide enormous economical potential for Iraq, but both of which are also the focal point of where culture effects the manifestation of economical potential. Perhaps one of the reasons can be traced to President Bush and the United States government not understanding the cultural differences between the two countries as identified by Hofstedes culture dimension scores (Hofstede, 2012).

Iraq Culture, Politics and Economics

From Hofstedes culture dimensions, chart above, it can be seen that the United States has a high individualism score (IDV=91) and a low power distance score (PDI=40). In contrast, Iraq scores low on individualism (IDV-30) and high on power distance score (PDI=95) (Bing, 2004). Based on the Hofstedes culture dimensions score Iraq scores high in the area of In-Group Collectivism, as defined by the GLOBE project ((Ivancevich, Konopaske & Matteson, 2011, p. 38). This proposal attempts to frame a potential study of Federalism as a political-economic

system that allows Iraq to reach its full economic potential, despite its deeply sectarian In Group Collectivism culture. Research question The proposal is narrowed to answer a specific question: Is Federalism the answer to Iraqs Cultural and Economical Conflicts? Three major identity groups are present in Iraq with a long history of strife among them. These groups are divided along ethnic and religious lines. Arabs are Iraqs largest ethnic group, comprising about 75 percent of Iraqs population and living primarily in the central and southern parts of the country, while Kurds comprise about 20 percent, living

Iraq Culture, Politics and Economics

primarily in the north. Most Arabs are Muslims although they belong to two different sects of Islam: 5565 percent of Iraqis are Shia Muslims, and 3040 percent are Sunni Muslims (Brancati ,2004, p. 8). The two sects views of the Muslim leadership distinguish them from one another. Shias believe in the doctrine of the Imamate whereby leaders of the Muslim community should be descendants of the Prophet Muhammad and, thus, Ali ibn Abi Taleb, the son-in-law of the Prophet, should be the historical leader of the Muslim community. In contrast, Sunnis believe Muslims should choose their leaders based on their own attributes and do not support Abi Taleb. Although many other differences distinguish these two sects of Islam, they are rooted primarily in this basic disagreement. Kurds are the second-largest ethnic group in Iraq and live primarily in the northern part of the country. In Iraq, ethnic and religious lines crosscut each other because both Arabs and Kurds are Muslims. Relations between Arabs and Kurds have historically provided the greatest source of tension in Iraq (Brancati ,2004, p. 8-9). As can be seen from the summary discussion of the primary sectarin dividing lines, the make up of underlying forces that prevent significant compromises runs deep and is somewhat complex. Therefore, given the acute and deep rooted sectarin differences, any political-economic system that will allow Iraq to reach its full economic potential will inevitably have to accept these sectarin differences as fundamental to its existence. According to Merriam-Websters online dictionary the definition of FEDERALISM is the distribution of power in an organization (as a government) between a central authority and the constituent units. In the contemporary world, the moment ripe for federalism seems as often as not
to arrive towards the end of acute civil conflict, when a grudging realization emerges among the combatants that the old regime cannot stand, but that the utter collapse of the state is not tolerable either. Federalism, then, appeals to a country or an international order that is struggling with ethnocultural conflict, separatist movements and terrorism (Cameron, 2006, p. 2). While, Iraq first dictator

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regime was destroyed by a external force of war, rather than a natural collapse from civil unrest

between the sectarin groups, the newly formed democratic government, very well may collapse from civil unrest if the sectarian culture of Iraq and a economic potential that is shared by all, does not find a way to peacefully co-exist. Federalism, in such melancholy situations as these, often presents itself as each groups reluctant second choice a system designed to make an unsatisfactory situation habitable. Therefore, the proposal study would not only study Federalism and In-Group Collectivism cultures like Iraq, but would include surveys of both Iraq government and civilian people from all the various sectarian groups, with the goal of presenting the pro and cons of a Federalist solution to the people, while simultaneously asking questions, that would determine the climate for Federalist solution among the Iraq people.

Current Analysis and Opinion A couple of papers have been written addressing or asking similar questions regarding Federalism and Iraq. One such paper (Brancati, 2004) asks the question, Can Federalism Stabalize Iraq? It goes to state, that by dividing power between two levels of governmentgiving groups greater control over their own political, social, and economic affairs while making them feel less exploited as well as more securefederalism offers the only viable possibility for preventing ethnic conflict and secessionism as well as establishing a stable democracy in Iraq. Yet, not just any kind of federal system can accomplish this. Rather, a federal system granting regional governments extensive political and financial powers with borders drawn along ethnic and religious lines that utilize institutionalized measures to prevent identity-based and regional parties from dominating the government is required. Equally critical to ensuring stability and sustainable democracy in Iraq,

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the new federal system of government must secure the city of Kirkuk, coveted for its vast oil reserves and pipelines, in the Kurdish-controlled northern region to assure that the Kurds do not secede from Iraq altogether (Brancati, 2004, p. 7-8). Brancati thoughts seem to indicate the premise that the physical and ethnic/religious divinding lines are so definitive and run so deep that regional automous governing along these lines may be the optimal solution. Another paper (Cameron, 2006), discusses Making Federalism Work in Iraq, The paper goes on to state , Given the pluralistic composition of Iraqi society and the goal of introducing a legitimate political order, it is evident that the successful reconstitution of Iraq will necessarily involve a kind of double consent: the consent of individual Iraqi citizens; and the consent of the diverse ethno-religious communities that compose Iraqi society (Cameron, 2006). Despite the hurdles that need to be overcome, the good thing about the current democracy system of Iraq is that the framework of it constitution contains the framework that allows for developing a Federalist political system. The bigger question to be answered with time, is will the sectarian culture allow for devloping a Federalist political system. Indeed the paper by Cameron suggests brings up one question the study will attempt to give insight on: Will Iraqi federalism (de-centralization) moderate or deepen the divisions currently plaguing Iraqi society? (Cameron, 2006) While the study may indicate that Federalism is the right political-economical system, the fact that any type of political and economic system that is based on a democratic system by its very nature will evolve. For example, the United States began as a decentralized federal system, and is now heavily centralized; Canada, on the other hand, started its federal life with a highly centralized constitution, and it is now one of the most decentralized federations in the world or the second

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most decentralized, after Switzerland. Of one thing we can be certain, then: things will happen in the future in federal Iraq that no one will have predicted today (Cameron 2006). Method and Study Design The method and study design will be through basic research on company performance, surveys of government and civilian personnel. The surveys will be carried out in the regions indicated by the chart below.

Iraq Culture, Politics and Economics

Data Analysis The data will be analyzed to reveal the common and different responses from the various ethnic and religious regions that will give insight to the common ground for Federalism to work in Iraq. Conclusions Unlike the United States culture, where the economic potential and gain for everybody will usually lead to comprise of conflicting groups, in the Iraq culture, loyalty to ethnic or religious affiliation is generally put above economic gain for the greater body of all. Thus political groups aligned by ethinc and religious lines have disagreed on who gets what share of the oil proceeds and who has the power over it, even though a reasonable agreement of all implies a great economic gain for all. It appears, the United States government did not seem to understand this cultural aspect of the Iraq people, when it was being optimistic about the fast economic growth and domestic product output of Iraq. So the question becomes, is there any political and economical framework within Iraqs In-Group Collectivism culture (filled with each groups distrust and dislike for one another) that will allow Iraq to fullfill its economical potential without sectarian conflicts that are common in the current political and social culture of Iraq ?

References: Geert Hofstede, Gert Jan Hofstede and Michael Minkov, Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind. Revised and Expanded 3rd Edition. McGraw-Hill 2010. Retrieved from: http://geerthofstede.com/iraq.html

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Bing, John W. (2004 Feb). Hofstede's consequences: The impact of his work on consulting and business practices. Academy of Management Executive, February 2004, Vol. 18, No. 1. Retrieved from: http://www.itapintl.com/facultyandresources/articlelibrarymain/hofstedes-consequences-theimpact-of-his-work-on-consulting-and-business-practices.html

Ivancevich, J. Konopaske, R. Matteson, M. (2011). Organizational Behavior and Management (9th ed.). New York NY: McGraw-Hill Company US Energy Information Administration (2011). Retrieved from:

http://www.eia.gov/cfapps/ipdbproject/IEDIndex3.cfm?tid=5&pid=57&aid=6

Brancati, Dawn (2004 Spring). Can Federalism Stabalize Iraq?. The Washington Quarterly 27:2 pp. 721. The Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Massachusetts. Retrieved from: www.federalism.ch/files/documents/04spring_brancati.pdf

Cameron, David (2006). Making Federalism Work in Iraq. Publish byForum of Federations. Retrieved from: www.forumfed.org/pubs/iraqfed-dc.pdf

Merrriam

Webster

Dictionary

2012.

Retrieved

from:

http://www.merriam-

webster.com/dictionary/federalism