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2012 UPDATE
Originally Published as: Albiez, Sean (2006) 'Chapter 9 - Print the Truth, Not the Legend: Sex Pistols, Lesser Free Trade Hall, Manchester, 4 June 1976 in Inglis, I. (ed.) Performance and Popular Music: History, Place and Time. Abingdon: Ashgate Publishing.
This is an updated version that includes new material that I have unearthed since I completed the original version of this chapter in 2003. Key additions are: - Information concerning the soundtrack of the 24HPP 4 June 1976 LFTH reconstruction see endnote 2. - Tony Wilsons non-attendance at the first LFTH gig on 4 June 1976. - Confirmation that the 1 October 1976 gig at Didsbury College was cancelled and never happened. Related to this, an investigation of Dave Goodmans claims about this non-gig and Sex Pistols relationship with the progressive rock band Gryphon see Afterword. - Attendance of Martin Hannett (gig 2) and Martin Fry (ABC) (gig 1 or 2). Sean Albiez Sunday 4 March 2012
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Print the Truth, Not the Legend: Sex Pistols: Lesser Free Trade Hall. 4 June 1976
Sean Albiez
Introduction The Sex Pistols first performance at Manchesters Lesser Free Trade Hall (LFTH) on 4 June 1976 has become widely accredited as year zero in the history of Mancunian rock music. It is claimed those in attendance experienced a personal epiphany and proceeded to change the fortunes of both the local music scene, and eventually the future development of Anglo-American rock. Perhaps more than any other performance in this collection, the gig is understood to have had an immediate and profound local impact. This study will propose that it may indeed have contributed something to the development of broad based alliances between twenty-something Mancunian musical activists, disaffected musicians and young music fans in a small but vibrant scene. But it will also suggest that the LFTH gig on the 4 June 1976 may have been only been one of several Sex Pistols related events in Manchester that acted as a catalyst to kick-start the scene. The reason this study will question the significance of the 4 June 1976 is due to fundamental problems with previous representations of the gig, and their dubious status as history. To exemplify why this is a necessary concern, I will briefly examine the most recent, widely known and problematic reconstruction of the LFTH performance in the film 24 Hour Party People (24HPP) (2002). The film tells the story of Factory Records and surrounding events in the Manchester music scene from 1976 to 1992. The narrative of the film is hinged upon the premise that this Sex Pistols performance is a central moment in Manchesters musical and cultural history. It suggests that many who attended formed bands and labels, became cultural commentators and activists, and contributed to future developments in popular music. The film self1 consciously and explicitly denies its basis in truth , while simultaneously and implicitly promising historical veracity through the often handheld, DV, docudrama qualities of its photography and production (Gilbey 2002, pp. 21-22). The 24HPP LFTH reconstruction additionally incorporates inter-cut 8mm footage of the original performance which underpins its claims to authenticity. The soundtrack to the scene is not a bootleg of the 4 June gig, but incorporates a seemingly contemporary version of the song No Fun taken from a recording of a 17 September 1976 2 performance at Chelmsford Maximum Security Prison . For those in the films audience without any previous knowledge of the gig, 24HPP plausibly stands-in for history, and this substitution is more than a little problematic. This is not to condemn the film's self-proclaimed inaccuracies, but simply to point out its shortcomings if taken as history.

2 Many of the details of the event as shown in the film are wildly inaccurate. In attempting to gauge the gigs significance for the Manchester music scene, we need to know who actually attended, but 24HPP only serves to confuse matters. The attendees with reasonable corroboration are: Pete Shelley, Howard Devoto and Steve Diggle of the proto-Buzzcocks; Bernard Sumner and Peter Hook (later of Joy Division/New Order); Paul Morley (later an author, music journalist and cultural commentator); Morrissey (later of The Smiths); Sex Pistols and their entourage (including Malcolm McLaren and Jordan); the support band Solstice. Several others attended (somewhere between 30-100) including Eddie Garrity (later of Ed Banger & the Nosebleeds), Ian Moss (later of the Frantic Elevators with Mick Hucknall - who wasnt there (Stokes 2003, p.16)) and Jon the Postman, a committed and omnipresent figure on the punk and post-punk scene in Manchester. David Nolans (2001a/b) documentary and book I Swear I Was There goes to heroic lengths to set the record straight using a fact based, journalistic technique, and yet there is still much confusion. As Nolan suggests, the reason for this uncertainty is the deliberate or accidental confusion of the Sex Pistols LFTH performance on 4 June with a later one on 20 July 1976, and the flawed nature of memory and oral history as historical evidence. This has resulted in ambiguity over who actually attended, as opposed to those who swore they were there. For example, based on inconsistencies found across many of the published accounts of the gigs, it appears that there are doubts over Mark E. Smith (and the early Falls) attendance at the first LFTH gig (though they attended at 3 least one of them) , Martin Fry (2005) claimed he attended a Sex Pistols LFTH gig but it is unclear which one, and Martin Hannett clearly stated in 1988 that he attended the second gig (Savage 2008). However, perhaps the most important revelation among all this confusion is that Tony Wilson (Granada TV and later Factory Records) did not attend the first gig. Richard Witts who was a friend and Granada TV colleague has made clear that he went with Tony to see the Sex Pistols. It was the second one in July. (Nolan 2009, p.40) and when asked why he felt Wilson sustained his claim of attendance at the first gig for so many years, Witts suggested that: Well, Tony wanted to be first with everything, an avant-gardist. It was only recently that the business about 2 gigs came up, and in the early days it would have been too finicky to point out this difference. When I went to the second gig, I didn't think of it as the second gig (and the hall wasn't full on either occasion). Anyway, if you went to one of the gigs, it might be said that you were there for 'both'. (Witts 2009) In support of this testimony, Shelley and Devoto who organised the 4 June and 20 July gigs, Steve Diggle who would that night hook-up with Shelley and Devoto in the Buzzcocks, Jon the Postman and Penetration fanzine writer Paul Welsh (Nolan 2009, p. 38), have no recollection of Wilson being there despite knowing him from his local television appearances (Nolan, 2001a/b). Rogan (1993, p. 82) suggests Wilson was sent a Sex Pistols demo tape by Devoto after the first LFTH gig inviting him to the second performance on 20 July. This casts doubt on any slim claims 24HPP has to historical veracity, particularly as Wilson is portrayed as the filmic narrator of the LFTH gig that he did not attend. The significance of this fact sifting and myth busting is that though we can suggest the direct consequences of the 4 June 1976 performance were perhaps important for some, no single performance makes a music scene. It is arguably the case, as Nolan and Haslam (2000) suggest, that it was a combination of the two LFTH gigs that kick started the Manchester scene. I would go further by arguing that it was a combination of many local and national factors. These at least include national music press coverage in the NME, Sounds and Melody Maker throughout 1976, the LFTH gigs and the Granada TV So it Goes performance (1 September) (Nolan, 2001a/b), the 1 December Grundy incident on local London TV (widely covered in the Manchester Evening News due to Grundys north-west connections (Haslam, 2000, p.112)) and finally, the post-Grundy Anarchy tour gigs at the Electric Circus in Collyhurst, Manchester on 9 and 19 December. A critical punk mass developed in Manchester, culminating in the Buzzcocks DIY release of the Spiral Scratch EP in February 1977. In total, these events all contributed to the development and establishment of a Manchester punk scene. This study will, however, focus on the context and events of 4 June 1976 (and briefly, 20 July 1976) at the LFTH, and then consider how the Sex Pistols longitudinal influence over the development of the Manchester scene in 1976/77 was, for some key players, primarily traceable to these performances. It will also examine the responses of those who attended the gig through their recent testimony. As these testimonies will have been coloured by subsequent punk memories, shifting personal perspectives, and self-conscious or inadvertent omission and embellishment, we should be wary of the claims of these memories to historical accuracy. However, we should also acknowledge the validity of these narratives in giving us an insight into the personal impact of the 4 June 1976 performance on the very few who attended.

3 1970s Manchester & Music pre-Pistols Manchesters 1960s vibrant music and club culture (Lee 2002, pp. 17-86) had become increasingly impoverished by the early 1970s. Major rock acts such as David Bowie, Lou Reed and Led Zeppelin appeared at major venues in the area, but only acted to reaffirm the gulf between the aspirations of local musicians and the opportunities to hand. The confidence and musical successes of the 1960s (e.g. The Hollies, Hermans Hermits, Freddie and the Dreamers), bolstered by the triumphs of the neighbouring Liverpudlian Mersey sound, had diminished. Successful artists such as Barclay James Harvest (from nearby Oldham) or 10cc were both local and far removed from the everyday experience of musicians and fans alike. Middles encapsulates the situation in the mid-70s by arguing that For so long, there had been no real reason to actually physically start playing in a band as the gap between local halls and dizzy success just wasnt expected to happen. Rock stars, it had long since been concluded, were hallowed beings who hailed from somewhere else - America or the south of England and owned fish farms in Hertfordshire (Middles 1996, p.13) Equally significant and damaging were national attitudes to the north west. Urry describes the region, up until the 1970s, as being perceived as a cultural no mans land. He argues there was a general, southern consensus that the north west of England as a whole possessed little of interest either historically or culturally. Writing in 1995, Urry states It was a place on the margin of British life The culture of the area was not thought of as worth knowing about. It was up there, well away from the supposed centres of British public and artistic life which have for some centuries been based in the south east of the country ... (p. 158) This reads as a caricature of southern attitudes of the time, but within Urrys terms of reference, the pre-history of cultural tourism and the heritage industry, is a valid perspective. It can also be suggested that the attitudes of London based record companies (apart from RCA and CBS who had small promotional offices in Manchester in the 1970s (Middles 1996, p. 75-79)) were actually not dissimilar to those he describes. Apart from sending successful British and international artists to perform at the Manchester Apollo, why would A&R or any other record company staff wish to travel there?. Lee demonstrates that there was more than just a perceived impossibility of opportunity. Alongside the geographical prejudices in British cultural life, there were very real impediments to the success and exposure that bands needed to prosper in post-1960s Manchester. Even though universities and colleges in the city potentially provided local musicians with opportunities to perform, there was in effect a closed shop operated by London based booking agencies. As Lee argues The major problem was one of celebrity status, the groups that the Social Secretaries were booking into their college venues were the ones promoted by the big London agencies, Chrysalis, Virgin etc, and these bands tended to be ones who had record contracts with the majors There was simply no space in the scheme of things for a local band (Lee 2002, pp. 90-91) However, it would be unfair to suggest that music fans in the north west responded to this southern hegemony with resignation and cultural compliance. The Northern Soul scene, originating in Manchesters Twisted Wheel club in the 1960s, was an example of fierce northern self-sufficiency which would later be central to the punk and postpunk Manchester scene. Hollows and Milestone argued Northern Soul rejected the authority of the south of England, [with participants allying themselves with] the American North, in particular Detroit [N]orthern soul is [an] example of the ways in which British working class culture has produced an imaginary identification with America as an escape from native cultural traditions. (qtd. in Connell and Gibson 2003, p. 107) Northern Soul fans can therefore be viewed as (hyper)active consumers, who created a semi-autonomous regional scene with its own distinct consumption practices (not least in obsessively seeking out obscure Detroit soul releases), styles of dance and dress and a network of venues. As such this DIY ethic was arguably a precursor of the Manchester punk and post-punk scene. Furthermore, key figures in Manchesters post-punk club and dance

4 music culture such as Rob Gretton, (Joy Division/New Order's manager and whose idea the Hacienda would be), and Mike Pickering (Quando Quango, T-Coy, M People and Hacienda DJ), were involved in and inspired by the Northern Soul scene (Haslam p. 116). In Manchester itself, Music Force, a socialist-based musicians co-operative, was perhaps more than any other pre-punk phenomenon, pivotal to the future trajectory of music making in Manchester (Lee, p. 92). Fundamentally, Music Force bridged 1960s pop and rock in the city and the emergence of punk. Their central aims were to support local musicians by developing a network of low-key venues, and to promote local bands on a regional and national basis. As a result of their success Music Force not only prepared the way for punk by establishing access to venues in a collective framework, but also by proselytising about the meagreness of rock music in this period using remarkably punk-like rhetoric. Music Forces in-house magazine in 1975 polemically stated: ROCK MUSIC has lost a lot of the cultural dynamism that steam -hammered the 60s and early 70s Now, far too often, the music squeaks in falsetto for a decaying aristocracy of greasy management and gilded superstars, or mumbles incoherently to cloistered coteries of musicians (Lee, p. 111). It seems Manchester was not only primed for change, but had created the conditions for the renewal that would be set in motion by punk. Paradoxically, it was a London based catalyst, the Sex Pistols, that provided the final push, resulting in a renewed and reinvigorated Manchester music scene. Sex Pistols: Lesser Free Trade Hall 4 June 1976 Many writers and commentators on punk and Manchester music (e.g. Nolan, Lee, Middles, Haslam, Savage (1991)) have written about the first LFTH Sex Pistols performance. Two bootlegs of the gig exist demonstrating that far from being musically inept, the Pistols were a powerful and accomplished rock band. There is also film and photographic evidence that can be used to back up eye-witness testimony, which Nolan utilises in his book and documentary. Based on the recollections of those attending the performance, the immediate response was actually a mixture of utter shock, bemusement, admiration, perceptible disdain and disinterest. So we need to consider how, what sounds on tape as a competent and powerful rock performance, was perceived as such a paradigm shift by some of those attending, and how the physical performance and presence of the band created such an effect. The Sex Pistols came to Manchester in June 1976 due to the efforts of Salford-based Bolton students Peter McNeish (Shelley) and Howard Trafford (Devoto). Like others who would attend the first LFTH gig, they were struck by Neil Spencers 18 February 1976 NME review of a Pistols London gig at the Marquee. The review described the band as a musical experience with the emphasis on Experience, that they played an Iggy and the Stooges item, countered a heckler shouting You cant play! with the response So what, and that there were two scantily clad (plastic thigh boots and bodices) pieces dancing up front. Spencer notes that one of the Pistols confided in him Actually, were not into music Were into chaos. The review promised the Pistols Experience was about sex, violence, insolence and anarchy. Devoto later said about the review, Well it clicked with me and it just so happened that I could borrow a car that weekend It was the weekend that changed our lives (Nolan p. 23). Devoto and Shelley decided to go to London th to see the Sex Pistols and attended gigs at High Wycombe College of Higher Education on 20 and Welwyn st Garden City on 21 February. After being impressed by the band, they spoke to Pistols manager Malcolm McLaren, and offered to organise a gig in Manchester. For the proto-Buzzcocks it was the February gigs, or even the Neil Spencer NME article, that marks the point of their musical awakening. Devoto and Shelley clearly felt the Pistols Experience was something they wished to share, and booked the LFTH for 32 on the night of 4 June 1976. The Free Trade Hall was the main venue in Manchester for classical music (the Hall orchestra), and one of the central venues for major rock bands. On 4 June, in the upstairs lesser venue, the Buzzcocks were unprepared and unable to support the Sex Pistols. Instead, they arranged for local band Solstice to fill in. Hook described them as a complete dyed-in-the-wool, Deep Purple / Led Zeppelin-type rock band (Nolan 51). They conformed to mid1970s expectations of dress and hair-length for bands on the rock circuit, as did the audience. Solstice provided an illuminating backdrop for the drama to follow. They validated contemporary expectations of rock performances, and their interpretation of Mountains Nantucket Sleighride confirmed the obligation for aspiring rock musicians to play exceptionally well. For many in the audience, it was probably easier to imagine joining the string section of the Hall orchestra, than envisaging themselves competent enough to join even the low-key college rock circuit. The Sex Pistols performance, by comparison, was fundamentally shocking, with the audience open-mouthed, though generally appreciative. However, some in the audience are convinced that the response was more

5 restrained (everyone was just sort of very polite (Morley in Nolan p. 52); People didnt get up and dance it was very sedate (Hook in From the Factory Floor, 24HPP DVD2). The 8mm film footage of the Sex Pistols used in 24HPP and I Swear I Was There shows Rotten clearly wearing roughly assembled and customized second hand clothing (including what can only be described as an sleeveless cream jacket/cardigan), not McLaren and Westwoods Sex shop chic. Morrissey, who was at the most intrigued, but largely unimpressed by the Sex Pistols at this and a subsequent Electric Circus performance on 9 December, commented sarcastically on the bands ramshackle appearance by writing, Id love to see the Pistols make it. Maybe then theyll be able to afford some clothes which dont look as though theyve been slept in (NME (27 June 1976) qtd. Rogan, p.82). In September 1976, in defending the integrity of his beloved New York Dolls in Sounds, Morrissey stated I consider it something of a joke that the Dolls should be compared to such notoriously no-talents as The Ramones and the Sex Pistols (Rogan, p. 84). His doubts about the Pistols were also shared by Hook and Sumner, though Hook later revised his opinion of the ineptitude of the Pistols when hearing a bootleg of the 4 June 1976. Hook suggests the immediate audience reaction was astonishment, only half-jokingly saying: It was just shock really [because] they sounded so awful, it was just so shit [but] it wasnt the band, it was the sound it was terrible, and it was the sound guy, I think, that inspired all those people. (Hook From the Factory Floor, 24HPP DVD2) The bootleg reveals the Sex Pistols played a set including their own songs (Pretty Vacant, Problems, Seventeen, Did You No Wrong) and covers of late 1960s rock and pop tracks by The Monkees (Stepping Stone), The Stooges (No Fun), The Who (Substitute) and The Small Faces (Whatcha Gonna Do About It?). For a band pointing the way to the future, they markedly relied heavily on material from a more innocent time before the romanticist decadence of the early 1970s had beset rock music. Nevertheless, the Pistols performance of these tracks was far from reverential both revisiting and subverting the spirit of American proto-punk and bubblegum, and the energy of British 1960s beat music. With Rotten up front, it was clear that nostalgia had no part to play in these references to the past. His confrontational stage persona over-rode rather than hid behind the music. It was as if the Pistols had opened a door on to another way of being a rock band, and the audience had no clear criteria through which to make sense of the spectacle before them. Rotten was at the centre of this general bemusement. Audience member Iain Grey affirms that Johnny Rotten ambled on and that was just like a shock. He was one of the most frightening people Id ever seen at that time this lad with a thousand yard stare, just stood there. And then he started playing and it was just as though he was staring at me (Nolan, p. 54) Another attendee, Ian Moss indicates the audiences expectations, largely due to the NME Spencer review, were heightened. They were geared up for what they assumed would be an inevitably outrageous gig. However, they perhaps underestimated the astonishing, not to say disturbing nature of Rottens physical and vocal performance. Moss suggests I think the audience were sat there waiting to be impressed or disappointed. So the attitude was coming from the stage and almost exclusively from Johnny Rotten just the way he moved, the way he sounded, the little asides between songs. It was just not the same preening rock star, it was a completely different performance to any Id ever seen and Id seen hundreds of bands. Completely different. (Moss qtd. in Nolan, p. 55) The customary relationship between band and audience seemed shattered. The sense that rock performance had to self-consciously put on a show, partly derived from the post-1960s valorisation of formidable musicianly virtuousity, (Clapton is God) and the self-conscious theatricality of the performances of Bowie, seemed immediately irrelevant. The expectation that the audience should look on from afar, with a clear demarcation between the space of stage and space of reception (with the only exchange either appreciative or derogatory depending on the quality of the band and performance), was unmistakably challenged. Rotten made the audience aware that he was alert to their presence, demanding a reaction, challenging them, communicating, as Moss suggests, directly to each and every one of them. It was an affront, an assault and dared the audience to take a stand. The message had little to do with showbusiness. It was a call to arms and was suffused with realism and tangible authenticity.

6 And yet meanwhile, Pistols guitarist Steve Jones was unreservedly aping the stage moves and look (boiler suit) of The Whos Pete Townshend (Nolan 57). The performance contained elements of both the familiar and strange, creating a kind of cultural noise or interference. The Pistols performed a clear message about the here and now, breaching a path through an intransigent musical terrain, showing the way for others wanting to express their disaffection with rock music and society at large. They were accessible and rooted in Britain in 1976, not an inaccessible, mid-Atlantic, rock Never-Never (ever) land disconnected from provincial imaginations. Morley contends that, The kind of rock music that youd loved over the years, like Led Zeppelin and The Who seemed a little before your time. The Pistols brought everything bang up to date; it was absolutely for you. It was about the times (Nolan, p. 59) Therefore, the assaultive noise of the performance, due to a badly mixed live sound rather than the Pistols assumed incompetence, was itself an eloquent message, above and beyond the fleetingly heard lyrical slogans a state of the nation address (and what a state!). It was about anger and a kind of hatred of the rock music of the present, through its deconstruction of rock conventions. It seemed a socially located music dramatising (Hebdige 1979) the changes and discontent felt in British society. In thinking about the Pistols performance we need to emphasise its embeddedness in these changes and this discontent. Kahn Harris suggests that Music should be seen as inextricably a social production, the product of human desires as expressed in a particular space and time. The value of music does not lie therefore in its ability to escape its social character, but in its ability to reflect, discuss, contest, reshape or reimagine what it means to be a human at a particular time and place. (Kahn Harris, 2003) The significance of the embeddedness, authenticity and perceived realism of the Pistols performance was in Morleys view crucial (He meant it man and you felt that more than anything else you had come across before (Nolan, p. 54)). This was particularly noted in Rottens authenticity (or novel performance of it) after years of seeming rock complacency, and performative atrophy. However, we should be wary of suggesting the Pistols performance was about truth per se about dole queue rock speaking for a disenfranchised working class. The drama of the performance was partly considered and conceptual, prompted perhaps by McLaren and Westwoods cultural-political interests. Frith argues that The pioneering punk rockers themselves were a self-conscious [my emphasis] artful lot with a good understanding of both rock tradition and populist clich; the music no more reflected directly back onto conditions in the dole queue than it emerged spontaneously from them. (Frith 1980, 167) Therefore claims to working-class realism and authenticity seem partly misplaced with the Pistols, but their performance of these qualities (including in their performances at the LFTH) can be read in conjunction with the historical context within which they were made. Lee goes so far as to argue that the majority of punk musicians were middle class, adopting a working class pose for the duration of their involvement in the movement and agrees with Home (1995) that the self-conscious adoption of a class stance by punks was a rejection of a middle class world incarnate (Lee, 133-134). I would also add that this adoption was a performance of an idealised working classness that used clothes and accent as tools of both alienation (from middle-class values) and solidarity 4 (creating a hierarchical flatness within the punk scene ). As such the Pistols appealed to youth-like impatience with the perceived impotency of provincial life, across classes and age groups. Within this impatience with defeat, a strong emotional investment in cultural phenomena that expressed the malaise of post-industrial northern life was paradoxically a release from it. The extreme performance of the Pistols that night was important for the few who attended, but I would argue became increasingly important when repeated in three further performances in Manchester in 1976. Perhaps the performances expressed something the audience had half-consciously recognised - that bitterness and resignation needs strong medicine to incite action. Whatever the previous social or cultural experiences of the few attending, there was a shared moment of revelation, repeated in subsequent performances, that would go on to change Manchester music and impact upon the future of rock. But who were the audience that night, and why is this gig still viewed as so significant for the Manchester punk and post-punk music scene?

7 The aftermath As previously stated, the audience on 4 June 1976 included the impressed proto-Buzzcocks, the shocked Hook and Sumner, the astonished Paul Morley, and the underwhelmed Morrissey. Martin Hannett (of Music Force and later an influential record producer), Rob Gretton (associate of Slaughter and the Dogs, and later Joy Divisions manager) and Alan Erasmus (Factory Records co-founder) certainly werent at the 4 June 1976 performance, despite 24HPPs portrayal of the gig. Mark E. Smith and the fledgling Fall in all likelihood attended the second gig, as did Mick Hucknall (later Simply Red). However, it is important to mention that there were also at least 30 other people who attended, and who seemingly got on with their lives regardless. It may well also be argued that at the much better attended 20 July 1976 return gig, many in the audience were from Wythenshawe (south Manchester) and attended to see Slaughter and the Dogs rather than the Pistols or Buzzcocks. Many of these had little interest, or any future involvement, in punk. In valorising the stars to be, we shouldnt forget that there was also a normality of experience at the core of these gigs, as well as the experiences of the exceptional. As Vanessa Corley, a Wythenshawe Slaughter and the Dogs fan says of the gig, It was rubbish [a]t the time I probably thought it was a waste of money, Id rather be somewhere else, while Lorraine Joyce states, Id never heard of punk, nobody knew what punk was I mean I actually dont like punk rock. (Nolan, p. 97/86) Despite the confusion engendered by 24HPP, the future roles of Hannett, Gretton and Erasmus were crucial. Alongside Wilson at Granada TV, a middle generation too young to have fully participated in the counter cultural events of the 1960s, and an older disaffected generation disillusioned after the defeated promise of 1960s rock, were crucial to developments in Manchester in the post-punk period. They would also all be inspired by the Sex Pistols later forays into Manchester in 1976, whether these were first or second-hand experiences. They started labels (Factory and Rabid Records) and set up or commandeered venues such as the Electric Circus, The Squat and the Factory Club that were important in creating a live infrastructure for new bands. Furthermore, Richard Witts and Trevor Wisharts Manchester Musicians Collective MMC) at Manchesters Band on the Wall was important in providing a creative space for a diverse range of musicians to grow up in public, including Joy Division, A Certain Ratio and most particularly, The Fall. (Middles and Smith pp. 77-80). The collective was a ramshackle, cross-class alliance of local musicians working in jazz, blues, rock, funk and punk, with Witts and Wishart fascinated by the range of musics developing outside their closed contemporary music circles. At the very least, the collective provided space for the new Mancunian bands to perform and experiment in a relatively supportive context. At the most, it provided non-traditional musicians such as Hook, Sumner, Ian Curtis and Mark E Smith with a sense of the wider experimental possibilities of avant-garde music making, and conceivably encouraged them to stray from the confines of mainstream punk. In one way or another, the four key Manchester bands to develop in the wake of the Pistols performances, the Buzzcocks, Magazine, Joy Division and The Fall matured into idiosyncratic bands who more immediately got Rottens message than many punks. The irony of Rottens novel appeal was that his performance persona was soon systematised by both himself and many punk bands that followed. Rotten felt that central to his message was an absolute belief in individual expression, honesty and integrity that was widely missed by those adopting a punk uniform, and copying the Sex Pistols power-chord musical template (Albiez 2003). However, it can be argued that more than any other centre of post-Pistols activity, Manchester listened long and hard to Rotten, producing in several cases idiosyncratic new music. In producing these sounds the bands perhaps looked to the Pistols more for philosophical rather than musical inspiration often invoking the Velvet Undergound and Lou Reed, the Stooges and Iggy Pop, Can, Kraftwerk, Roxy Music, Bowie and Eno as the sources of their sound. This therefore resulted not in faithful reproductions of the Pistols, but innovative new ways of constructing and arranging rock music. Listening to the Buzzcocks early demos on Times Up (2000) and those of Warsaw/Joy Division (1999) there is a Pistols-like speed and urgency in the music which is clearly an initial response to the Sex Pistols, but both the Buzzcocks and Joy Division eventually matured with distinctive sounds. The Fall, on the other hand, though inspired by the Pistols, immediately perceived they had very little connection with early British punk, and arguably little they produced from 1976 onwards has parallels with it. The Manchester punk and post-punk scene included several other bands such as The Worst, The Distractions, Ed Banger and the Nosebleeds, Slaughter and the Dogs and the Drones who were more immediately popular and successful locally than The Fall and Warsaw/Joy Division. However, they arguably created a very Pistols-like punk sound that quickly dated. The local Manchester punk scene had musical similarities to London, but perhaps with more underlying musical diversity. It may well be that the bands in the Manchester scene who lacked longevity were those who allied themselves too closely to the language and modes of the national punk scene, and those that thrived emphasised a certain local idiosyncracy in their music. I will briefly examine the impact of the Sex

8 Pistols LFTH performances on these more individually expressive bands, and how this was manifested in their music. The Buzzcocks and Magazine My life changed the moment I saw the Sex Pistols. I immediately got caught up in trying to make things happen (Devoto on the February 1976 Pistols gigs qtd. in Savage p. 174) There was Rotten with bright yellow teeth. Straightaway, hes spitting, and fuck this and fuck that [and] forget all those stories about the Pistols not being able to play. I hadnt seen or heard anything like this in my life ... England was indeed fucking dreaming at that time and this was its wake-up call. (Diggle on 4 June 1976, 2003, p.42) The Buzzcocks were at the zenith of the Manchester punk hierarchy as they were responsible for bringing the Sex Pistols to Manchester, and were the only non-London band at the Sex Pistols and Clash Islington Screen on the Green gigs (29 August 1976). The bands Spiral Scratch EP released in early 1977 on their New Hormones label is widely acknowledged as instigating the DIY discourse of punk in Britain. Devoto left the band soon after its release, and Pete Shelley took over on vocals. Post-Devoto, the Buzzcocks built on their original sound, creating fast and insolent love songs and tales of everyday life that were melodic and tightly structured. Buzzcocks and New Hormones manager Richard Boon (who also attended the February 1976 Pistols gigs) and Shelley nurtured other bands in the area, touring with The Fall and Joy Division, and attempted to support and establish a strong Mancunian scene. The Buzzcocks early success was crucial in actively injecting the scene with a new vitality and the legacy of the band can be found in the bands they helped, and musically in commercial US punk in the present. The bands entrepreneurial efforts with Spiral Scratch, though due to necessity rather than a political, anti-major label stand, arguably contributed something to the DIY philosophy of American punk outlined by OHara (1999). The widely adopted DIY discourse in the UK did not reflect the fact that many British punk bands seemed only too pleased to sign to major labels, though The Fall and Joy Division resisted this trend. Magazine, Devotos post Buzzcocks project, more clearly drew from British and German art rock influences and relied on a broader range of musical textures than punk, deploying synthesisers and more complex arrangements. Morley characterises Magazine as: embracing the idea that punk went beyond the guitar and the anger the group played cover versions of songs by John Barry Beefheart and Sly Stone and they reacted not only to Iggy and punk but to other things from Soft Machine [to] King Crimson. (2000, p. 73) Magazine are less celebrated in the present than the Buzzcocks, but their progressive post-punk legacy may well be in the more cerebral areas of contemporary post-rock and bands such as Radiohead, and demonstrate that the Pistols instigated much more than a revival of three-chord garage rock. The Fall Yeah, it was crap the LFTH and anyone who says different is lying. But what it did do was to break things down We came away certain we do a lot better than that. I mean, I loved the Pistols, really. I loved Johnny Rottens vocals [but] the Pistols were a pretty bad heavy metal band. (Smith qtd. in Smith and Middles 2003, p. 70) Wed heard about [the Sex Pistols] already through the music press. There was a photo of a guy with short hair [Lydon] and I was wondering what theseskinheads were doing covering Stooges songs I went along thinking I could heckle or something but I was really bowled over. (Martin Bramah qtd. in Ford 2003, p.16) The Fall had already musically experimented as a hobby at home in Prestwich, north Manchester, but had no clear idea that what they were doing would have the possibility of being publicly performed. After seeing the Sex

9 Pistols, they realised that such assumptions were redundant. Mark E. Smith, Martin Bramah, Una Baines and Tony Friel were friends adrift in a mid-Seventies city that was, itself, unhinged from any kind of cultural intensity (Smith and Middles, p. 64). The Fall subsequently changed personnel, with Mark E. Smith the only constant over the years. In Johnny Rotten, Smith recognised a kindred spirit even though they occupied different social backgrounds. Smiths strong working-class identification is not necessarily founded on a working class experience (he is Grammar School educated and was brought up in a Manchester suburb), but more on a post-working class cultural and generational desire for groundedness that resisted the mores of English, southern, middle-classness. Smith perhaps appreciated Rotten was grappling with class as both mode of performance and identification, and as a valid position from which to critique society at large. Rotten also recognised this quality in Smiths work saying, I may never have been a huge Fall fan but I always liked reading Marks interviews He always seemed to voice the things that I was thinking. There was some kind of link. We were both working class and more intelligent than people gave us credit for. (Lydon qtd. in Smith and Middles, p. 63) Smiths literary imagination, fed by an organic, auto-didactic intellectualism resulted in early albums on London based indie Step Forward, that represented Smiths post-punk poetry in a musical environment drawing from Can, Faust, 60s garage rock, rockabilly, reggae, jazz, Lou Reed and the Doors (Smith and Middles, p. 65), but sounded unlike any of these musical markers. Songs such as Repetition and Bingo Masters Breakout drew from Smiths local environment (Prestwich psychiatric hospital, a Bury New Road Bingo hall and local pubs, Sedgley Park police college) and had an eccentric quality that also encompassed other popular cultural phenomena and historical contexts (e.g. Belsen, Rumpole of the Bailey, the M5). The ostensibly ramshackle, lo-fi musical production and performances of The Fall alongside the literate and sur/realistic declamatory vocal style of Smith was later adopted by some in the American lo-fi scene including Pavement and Sebadoh. Due to The Falls longevity and productivity, there is little space here to expand on the developments within The Falls prolific output, except to assert that it was arguably one of the Sex Pistols LFTH gigs (possibly the first, but probably the second) that set in motion The Falls and Mark E. Smiths lifelong creative quest. Joy Division They were terrible. I thought they were great. I wanted to get up and be terrible too. (Sumner on 4 June 1976 qtd. in Rimmer 2003, p.29) Four small waifs strutted across the stage dressed like cronies of Oliver Twist Ian was ecstatic. Seeing the Sex Pistols reaffirmed Ians belief that anyone could become a rock star. After the performance everyone seemed to move quickly to the door. It seemed as if we had all been issued with instructions and now we were set to embark on a mission. (on the Sex Pistols 20 July 1976 LFTH, Curtis 1995, p.37) The day after Sumner and Hook attended the LFTH gig, Hook bought a bass guitar without any clear idea what he was to do with it, while Sumner had previously started learning guitar. Together they went about putting together a band that eventually became Joy Division. Perhaps more than any other band in the period, Joy Divisions legacy has been picked over, mythologised and continually misunderstood due to the continued claim that Joy Divisions music was both morose and prescient a public vehicle through which singer Ian Curtis annotated his personal struggles with inner demons, before his suicide in May 1980. Joy Division often created dark music that arguably psycho-geographically performed the changes taking place in Manchester in an era of post-industrial decline, and which provided a fitting introduction to the Thatcher years in the north of England. It is however too simplistic to assume audience responses to the band were purely to do with an appreciation of the introspection and angst of the music alone. When listening to the singles Transmission, Love Will Tear Us Apart, and New Orders Ceremony (written just before Curtis death), we hear music that energises rather than enervates. The music can be heard as both a soundtrack to personal despair and as euphoric emotional catharsis. With the support of a fiercely independent and Mancunian Factory Records, Joy Division created two albums, Unknown Pleasures and Closer that had an immediate impact on post-punk music making. Joy Divisions sound was spacious and deceptively simple. Measured through any pre-punk criteria, the band played uncomplicated, repetitive music whose main structural emphasis is on the dynamic shift between highs and lows of intensity. But

10 the old rock criteria were irrelevant in the post-punk milieu, and remain so in many ways through to contemporary alternative music making. The music the band created, produced by Martin Hannett, has to be considered through the qualities of its sonic experimentation and use of aural space, and the sometimes powerful, but often fragile voice of Ian Curtis. The constant, restless, emotional movement between a kind of resignation and anger is persistently revisited on the albums, and in recorded performances. Whatever way we try to understand Joy Divisions music, again we can return to the LFTH gigs in summer 1976, and the 9 December Electric Circus gig where Curtis first met Hook and Sumner. Curtis, obsessed with Bowie, Lou Reed and Iggy Pop, felt the Sex Pistols represented the common becoming the uncommon, and that he had every right, given the opportunity, to stand alongside his personal heroes. Without these gigs, Sumner, Hook and Curtis along with Steve Morris would not have formed Joy Division, we would have had no New Order or Hacienda, and a very different Mancunian and Anglo-American musical terrain. Joy Division at the turn of the 1980s became a template for U2, a touchstone for indie music makers worldwide, and embodied the LFTH message that anybody can do it. This led to a tangible democratisation of popular music making. At its base was an implicit challenge to the hegemony of received standards of musicality in popular music, derived from high culture (progressive rock) or from the closed shop mentality of professionalized musicians. Ironically, it was Hook and Sumner mistakenly believing the Pistols to be musically inept that started them and others on this road. Conclusion The Sex Pistols incursions into Manchester in 1976, beginning at the LFTH, were an important factor for some of the musicians who would go on to have international success in the 1980s and beyond, and therefore had perceptible repercussions on the development of Anglo-American alternative rock. However, it is apparent that the mediations of the Pistols, whether in the music press, regional and national newspapers, or in television coverage all contributed much more to a broader awareness of the Sex Pistols in Manchester and elsewhere in Britain. The performances of the Pistols in Manchester in 1976 were attended by members of Joy Division, The Fall, the Buzzcocks and The Smiths, but their reactions were diverse and the inspiration taken from the Pistols was differently constituted. Due to the problems of reconstructing the events of 4 June 1976, it is doubtful we can ever gauge the full importance of this particular performance, but we can undoubtedly suggest that the gig contributed to the musical awakening of some of the future participants in the rebirth of Manchester music. With the support of other crucial agents who were primed for musical and cultural change, a Manchester post-Pistols scene developed that had far reaching musical and cultural implications. No matter what the diverse personal opinions of those who witnessed the initial LFTH Sex Pistols performances are concerning the quality, status or significance of the gigs, they had an affect on and shaped the future trajectory of Manchester music, and the aftershocks are still felt into the present. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Afterword 2012 In the first version of this chapter I mentioned a mystery Sex Pistols gig at Didsbury College, Manchester on 1 October 1976. At the time I wrote in an endnote that this gig is an enigma not one writer on the Manchester punk scene has acknowledged this gig, the first post-LFTH Manchester performance. This could be as it was possibly low-key and poorly attended, and therefore does not fit in with the notion that the LFTH gigs launched punk on the Manchester scene. Further research on this gig is necessary, but I would argue that it is possible that there was a lull in punk activity in Manchester, and that it was the Sex Pistols appearance on local London TV with Bill Grundy and further music press coverage that ignited a wider participation in the punk scene in late 1976. The gig is listed in The Sex Pistols Diary: Sex Pistols Day by Day (Wood 1988) and is also included in many lists of Sex Pistols gigs online and elsewhere. I sent an e-mail that was published in the Manchester Evening News in November 2005 asking for any information about or memories of this gig. Though I had a few responses, these related to Manchester punk in general or the well documented LFTH and Electric Circus gigs. However, I subsequently discovered that the Sex Pistols gig did not take place, and though they were booked to play a gig that day at the Didsbury College of Education on Wilmslow Road, Manchester, they pulled out leaving many Mancunian punk fans disappointed. Also in November 2005, Steve Shy Burke of Manchester punk fanzine Shytalk told me, via a discussion on the Talk Punk forum, that the gig went ahead without the Sex Pistols and another band, possibly called The Undead, filled in for the night Steve also remembered the band in question had a car accident on the way home, and he has no recollection of hearing about them again. He also indicated that only around 50100 people turned up suggesting those in the know found out Sex Pistols werent playing some time before the gig.
st

11 However, my investigation into this gig led me down a fascinating line of inquiry due to Dave Goodmans (2006) claims about the gig that never happened. In his book My Amazing Adventures with the Sex Pistols (containing material he previously made available online) he says of the gig that As contrasts go Sex Pistols and folk group Griffin (sic.) were pretty extreme, but tonight they complemented each other superbly. To see the stage littered with electrified harmoniums, tubas and bassoons next to the Pistols graffitied amps was hilarious, but it worked a treat. I guess Griffin were a kinda 'punk/folk/rock' band anyway, just posing as hippies with their long hair and colourful rags. Both bands seemed to respect each other's music and when Griffin played, after witnessing the Sex Pistols' sound-check, they had a new-found gusto to their performance and I'm sure I heard some feedback from that harmonium. Anyway, backstage it was all rather friendly between the two bands and I even heard several intellectual conversations about music developing between them. I reckon Griffin would have made a better support band for the 'Anarchy Tour' than say The Heartbreakers, but wot do I know? When I first came across Goodmans claims online, I was more than intrigued but also deeply sceptical about the assertions made. However as I had met and worked with Goodman on a WMTID album The Electric Church at his home in 1989, I also knew he buried many truths within his mischievous post-Sex Pistols activities. He had an intense but perhaps overly romanticised view of Sex Pistols and what he felt was their lost potential. During WMTID recording sessions we often discussed possible Sex Pistols pasts and futures when not working on music. At times, as in the Chelmsford Top Security Prison recording released in 1990 (see endnote 2.) Sex Pistols fans felt Goodman meddled far too much with the bands legacy. However, due to my belief that fact was often buried within outrageous fiction, I felt it important to treat Goodmans claims with a certain amount of credulity. However, as I knew that the Manchester Didsbury College gig had never happened, and as Dave Goodman sadly died in 2005, I felt my only line of immediate inquiry was to consult Gryphon band members to hear what they had to say about these claims. In November 2005 I contacted Graeme Taylor, Dave Oberl and Jon Davie of Gryphon by phone and e-mail, and some fascinating insights into the relationship between Sex Pistols and Gryphon emerged, though as is to be expected some memories and details were hazy to say the least. On the Didsbury College gig and performing live alongside Sex Pistols, all agreed that this did not happen at any time, though Dave Oberl did remember a gig in Manchester on their last U.K. tour (which I have ascertained was probably in mid-1977). However, what emerged was that due to Gryphon and Sex Pistols (from October 1976 to January 1977) both being signed to EMI, and briefly sharing a producer (Mike Thorne), there was a shortlived friendship of sorts between the bands. When asked about Goodmans claims, Oberl indicated that I remember conversations with them in the pub at the rear of Manchester Square and having long, heated and sometimes hysterically funny discussions about music but a gig?! He then interestingly added But maybe [the gig] did happen and I just dont remember it. Not the sort of you would forget really though! The real trouble is that after reading [Goodmans account] it does somehow sound a bit familiar. Its like a forgotten dream or a misty memory. Jon Davie confirmed by phone that he had no recollection of a Pistols/Gryphon gig, however he remembered that Gryphon did perform alongside new wave band XTC at Barbarellas in Birmingham around this time [I confirmed th via the Birmingham Music Archive that this gig took place on Saturday 14 May 1977] which Dave later suggested might be the gig he has a vague recollection of as a misty memory. Davie also indicated that Gryphon th were in the EMI building on the day that Sex Pistols signed to the label (8 October 1976) and were dumbstruck by their arrival, but he has no memory of meeting with the band socially at the time. And that might well have been that until I discovered that Gryphon members Richard Harvey (as Rick Mansworth) and Jon Davie (as John Thomas) had been members of The Banned who had a punk hit in 1977 with Little Girl originally self-released on Cant Eat Records, and eventually Harvest (EMI). According to Jon Davie, The Banned came about after Little Girl was recorded at the tail end of a (Gryphon?) recording session in 1977, and a management company subsequently put together a band to front the project. Interestingly, Harvest was the imprint EMI first suggested to Malcolm McLaren in 1976 for Sex Pistols releases. As it was renowned as a progressive rock label, McLaren refused point blank. In Alex Oggs (2006) No More Heroes: a Complete History of UK Punk from 1976 to 1980 The Banned band member Paul Aitken (Paul Sordid) claimed that the band were an

12 attempt to work a scam to do this punk thing (p. 78). Furthermore, I also discovered that Dave Oberl provided backing vocals on Wires seminal punk/post-punk album Pink Flag. By researching the truth behind a non-existent Manchester gig that had been faithfully included in several Sex Pistols histories, I began to unravel and reveal something about the historical complexities that can be opened up by simply following the facts, asking a few questions and doing a little research. The long pub conversations mentioned by Dave Oberl between the bands are probably what lies behind Dave Goodmans memories of backstage discussions. It may well be that in these discussions various band members demonstrated respect for each others music as Goodman also claims. In an earlier article (2003) I discussed the relationship between punk and progressive rock, raised questions about the too neat dialectic posited between punk and prog, and how John Lydon had eclectic musical tastes that encompassed progressive rock including Van Der Graaf Generator and Peter Hammill. Jon Davie and Richard Harveys brief punk careers may have been simple exploitation or a ruse, but they could also be demonstrative of an attempt to regrasp a youthful garage rock energy in a similar way to Peter Hammills beefy punk songs on 1975s Nadirs Big Chance played by members of Van Der Graaf Generator in an enthusiastic garage punk-like style. Finally, I recently came across a very interesting claim concerning Van Der Graaf Generator (who, incidentally, were formed in Manchester in 1967) made by Richard Witts (2010). In a discussion of The Fall and Manchester in the 1970s, he suggests that The short mid-1970s punk scene was definitely a cartoon-like negation of groups like [Van Der Graaf Generator] But in reaction to that the effervescent post-punk scene was in general more integrative, tending to mesh convention such as song form with experimentation, and to link punks gestural Luddism with a progressive curiosity for technology and sound production (on stage and in the studio). In the end it might be claimed that Van Der Graaf Generators appearance at University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology on 8 May 1976 was more influential to local post-punk aesthetics than the Sex Pistols two gigs at the Lesser Free Trade Hall and there begins another potentially fascinating line of inquiry. Popular music truths often hang by a thread and associated historical narratives usually take the course of least resistance. My advice? Well, anybody who believes in the power and significance of popular music owes it to themselves and others to ask what is the truth?, rather than to seek solace in comforting stories with the veracity of fairy tales. Between the truth and the legend, print the truth or at least take nothing for granted and everything as conjecture until you know better.

Acknowledgements
Many thanks to David Nolan whose research for the book and documentary I Swear I Was There was inspirational. Also thanks to Iestyn George for providing the impetus for me to finally get around to updating this study after.

Endnotes
1. In fact, in Wilsons (2002) foreword to his novelisation of 24HPPs screenplay, he explicitly states a lot of what follows is pure bloody fiction and never actually happened (p. 5) and goes on to reaffirm this in the text, quoting a fictionalised version of himself saying to camera Although theres a whole bunch of lies in this book between the truth and the legend, print the legend (p.13). This leads to an entertaining, complex and inter-textual comedic narrative in the film and novelisation however, it is fundamentally useless an historically accurate account. Furthermore, the assumption of many of my students and friends who saw the film was that the LFTH reconstruction was historically accurate. 2. According to Karl Backman of the Summer of Hate Punk Rock Zine Index, the Live at Chelmsford Top Security Prison recording is highly controversial and deeply inauthentic. Sex Pistols soundman Dave Goodman is said to have taken his soundboard recording of the Sept 17 1976 gig at the Chelmsford Maximum Security Prison and completely ruined it with overdubs. There's a non-Steve Jones guitar and Goodman's own extra basslines added to the songs and a very bad John sound-alike (sometimes on top of the real John!) pretending to sing parts of the songs, insult the audience and incite a prison riot. To top things off Goodman used the sound from a Sean Penn prison film to illustrate this ''riot'' between the songs. The fact 24HPP uses this highly dubious recording to underpin the supposed authenticity promised by other aspects of the LFTH reconstruction adds yet a further level of fiction to the scene.

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3. Smith is certain he attended the 4 June 1976 gig, but in Haslams (2000, p.110) account of the LFTH gigs, he quotes Smith as saying I saw the Buzzcocks and I thought Id better form a group, I can do better than that! I actually remember coming out of the gig at the LFTH and thinking that. He is actually referring here to the 20 July 1976 gig where the Buzzcocks did indeed support the Sex Pistols, but they did not play on 4 June 1976. 4. How far this solidarity was felt among ruthlessly ambitious punk musicians in the Manchester scene who were intent on trying to reach the top of the music industry heap is very debatable. (Smith and Middles, p. 67) The scene as a whole did not pull together in punkish camaraderie and was often riven with jealous inter-band feuds.

Bibliography
Albiez, S. (2003), Know History!: John Lydon, cultural capital and the prog/punk dialectic, Popular Music. Volume 22/3, pp. 357-374 Backman, K (Date Unknown), Not the Sex Pistols Recordings, Summer of Hate Punk Rock Zine Index. http://www.acc.umu.se/~samhain/summerofhate/notpistols.html 4 March 2012 Connell, J. and Gibson, C. (2003) Sound Tracks: Popular Music, Identity and Place. Routledge: London Curtis, D. (1995/2001), Touching from a Distance: Ian Curtis and Joy Division. Faber and Faber: London Davie, J. (2005), phone conversation with the author, 8 November Ford, S. (2003), Hip Priest: The Story of Mark E Smith and The Fall. Quartet: London Frith, S. (1980), Formalism, Realism and Leisure: the Case of Punk in K. Gelder and S. Thornton (eds.), The Subcultures Reader. Routledge: London, pp. 163-174 Gilbey, R. (2002), Kinky bio, Sight and Sound, April 2002, Vol. 12, Issue 4, pp. 21-22 Goodman, D. (2006), My Amazing Adventures with the Sex Pistols. Bluecoat Press: Liverpool Haslam, D. (2000), Manchester, England: the Story of the Pop Cult City. Fourth Estate: London Hebdige, D. (1979/1989), Subculture: the Meaning of Style. Routledge: London Home, S. (1995), Cranked Up Really High: Genre Theory and Punk Rock. Codex: Hove Kahn-Harris, K. (2003), The Aesthetics of Hate Music http://www.axt.org.uk/HateMusic/KahnHarris.htm 4 March 2012 Lee, C. P. (2002), Shake, Rattle and Rain: Popular Music Making in Manchester 1955-1995. Hardinge Simpole: Ottery St. Mary, Devon Middles, M. (1996), From Joy Division to New Order: the Factory Story. Virgin: London Morley, P. (2000), Shot By Both Sides, Uncut, November 2000, Issue 42, pp. 72-75 Nolan, D. (2001a), I Swear I Was There: Sex Pistols and the Shape of Rock. Milo: Bury, Lancs Nolan, D. (2009), Youre Entitled to an Opinion: The High Times and Many Lives of Tony Wilson, Factory Records and the Hacienda. John Blake: London Oberl, D. (2005), e-mail correspondence, 8 November Ogg, Alex (2006), No More Heroes: a Complete History of UK Punk from 1976 to 1980. Cherry Red Books: London OHara, C. (1999), The Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise!. AK Press: London Rawlings, T. (2003), Harmony in My Head: Steve Diggles Rock and Roll Odyssey. Helter Skelter: London Rimmer, D. (2003), The Look: New Romantics. Omnibus: London Rogan, J. (1993), Morrissey and Marr: the Severed Alliance. Omnibus: London Savage, J. (1991), Englands Dreaming: Sex Pistols and Punk Rock. Faber and Faber: London Savage, J. (1988/2008) Martin Hannett interview http://www.jonsavage.com/film/martin-hannett/ 4 March 2012
th th

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Secher, B. (2005), Gig of a Lifetime: Martin Fry, The Telegraph, 13 October 2005 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/music/rockandjazzmusic/3647172/Gig-of-a-lifetime-Martin-Fry.html 4 March 2012 Smith, M.E. and Middles, M. (2003), The Fall, Omnibus, London Spencer, N. (1976), Dont look over your shoulder, but the Sex Pistols are coming (18 February 1976), in NME Originals - Punk 1975-1979, Vol. 1, Issue 2, 2002, p. 38 Stokes, P. (2003), Cash for Questions Mick Hucknall, Q, May 2003, Issue 202, pp. 13-16 Urry, J. (1995), Consuming Places, Routledge, London Wilson, A. H. (2002), 24 Hour Party People: What the Sleeve Notes Never Tell You. Channel 4 Books: London Witts, R. (2009), e-mail conversation with the author 12 September 2009 Witts, R. (2010), Building Up a Band: Music for a Second City in M. Goddard and B. Halligan (eds.), Mark E. Smith and The Fall: Art, Music and Politics. Ashgate: Aldershot, pp. 19-32 Wood, L. (1988), The Sex Pistols Diary: Sex Pistols Day by Day. Omnibus Press: London
th

Filmography/Videography
Nolan, D. (Prod.) (2001b) I Swear I Was There, Granada TV Winterbottom, M. (Dir.) (2002) 24 Hour Party People, Michael Winterbottom, 2002, FACDVD424 and From the Factory Floor, 24HPP, FACDVD424, DVD Disc 2

Discography
Buzzcocks Inventory 14 x CD Box Set (2003) EMI Records Ltd. (includes CD reproductions of all single releases including the Spiral Scratch EP) Product 3 x CD Box Set (1995) EMI Records Ltd. (includes the albums Another Music in a Different Kitchen (1978) Love Bites (1978), A Different Kind of Tension (1979), Singles Going Steady (1981)) Times Up CD Album (1978 (Bootleg)/2000) The Grey Area/Mute Records (the first studio recordings by the Devoto fronted Buzzcocks pre-Spiral Scratch) The Fall Early Fall 77-79 (1999) Cog Sinister Live At the Witch Trials 2 x CD Album (1979/2004) Sanctuary Records Group Ltd. Dragnet CD Album (1979/2004) Sanctuary Records Group Ltd. Joy Division Heart and Soul - 4xCD Box Set (1997) London Records 90 Ltd. (includes the albums Unknown Pleasures (1979) and Closer (1980) and singles Transmission, Love Will Tear Us Apart and a demo of Ceremony) Real Life / Secondhand Daylight 2 x CD Box Set (1978 &1979/2003) Virgin Records Ltd. The Correct Use of Soap CD Album (1980) Virgin Records Ltd. Magic, Murder and the Weather CD Album (1981) Virgin Records Ltd. Maybe Its Right to be Nervous Now 3 x CD Box Set (2000) Virgin Records Ltd. Sex Pistols Warsaw There is no official release of the live recordings of the LFTH 4 June 1976 performance Warsaw CD Album (1999) MPG Records (pre-Joy Division aborted RCA album and other early studio recordings)

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