LEE 1 Alfred Lee Ping Yuk Professor Farris ARTH110 May 22 2011 Short Research Paper Throughout the

history of art, there have been studies made into the art of many different native tribal peoples belonging to different countries and continents such as African, Oceana, Mesoamerican, and Native North American. Each native tribal culture has its own very unique style of art, with its own set of values attached as well as reasoning behind each design. In this investigation of art, the Native North American tribe of the Chilkat Indians-a group of Indians that are part of the Tlingit language group on the Northwest coast of America-will be the native culture that will be studied. This culture has many different forms of artworks, and one relatively famous form of artwork is the Chilkat Dancing Blanket, of which one particular Dancing Blanket will form the basis of the investigation. However, the academic study of the Chilkat culture and its art forms in general is unfortunately very lacking. Thus, from an art historical viewpoint, where art must be viewed in context to its historical development in human society, this investigation of a particular Chilkat Blanket's woven designs will not only source information from articles related only to the blankets, but will also use information from a range of more anthropological or sociological studies of the Chilkat Indian culture and society in order to understand how the blanket art form fits into the culture. The Chilkat blanket, full of bold, geometric and abstracted designs of humans and animals is not simply a piece of artwork used for simple decorative purposes. It is a very important part of Chilkat Indian culture that not only serves as an important device for ceremonial purposes, it is also a significant marker of status and prestige within the culture. In order to better analyse how the Chilkat Dancing blanket fits into its Native Indian culture, its history must also be put in perspective to see the development of the blanket. The origin of the Chilkat blanket was supposedly from the Tsimshian peoples who, through trade and intermarriage eventually imported the knowledge of this type of textile weaving to the Tlingit Chilkat peoples. 1
1 Cheryl Samuel and Sara Porter, The Chilkat dancing blanket (University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 22

LEE 2 While many other Northwest coast tribes also engaged with the activity of making blankets, the reason that this type of weaving is now called the Chilkat blanket is due to the fact that Chilkat people were the most skilled and greatest producers of it.2 Many stories surround the blanket, and all emphasize how important the blanket is to their society. For example, one such story tells of how early Chilkat weavers laboriously reverse engineered the weaving process of a blanket obtained from the Tsimshian people in order to learn how it was made. 3 In fact, this myth is actually not too far off from reality, as each blanket can take up to six months to finish. The Chilkat blanket is actually not a blanket, and is actually more like a arge robe, but was only called so by the European and American traders in the 19 th century4. It is actually a large, five sided woven textile, made with wool and twisted cedar bark which is covered with wool, and a huge fringe on the bottom facing V-shaped edge5. On this surface will be large amount of bold geometric shapes and lines that all follow a set of rules, and all seek to represent animal figures which are actually representative of the family animal crest of the particular chief. The creation of the blanket is a joint production effort from a man and his wife, where the man would be in charge of painting the design on a wooden board which his wife would eventually follow in order to weave. 6 Finally, after the long process of weaving, the grand, finished product would be presented to the chiefs and nobility of the Chilkat people to wear. They would be worn by them during the extravagant Chilkat ceremonial events, known as potlatches. Chiefs would then perform ceremonial dances with them, hence the name dancing blanket. Another very crucial aspect of this investigation is the ceremonial culture that is extremely important to Chilkat society. This ceremonial culture is a very well developed one, and studies of their culture have established that they also somewhat act as a form of social stratification. The Chilkat
2 Ibid., 23. 3 Ibid., 9. 4 Saradell Ard, et al. "Native North American art." In Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online, <http://0www.oxfordartonline.com.library.scad.edu/subscriber/article/grove/art/T061112pg7> (accessedMay 23, 2011). 5 Virginia Crawford, Northwest Coast Indian Art, The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art,Vol. 65, No. 9 (Nov., 1978), 306, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25159603 (accessed May 20, 2011) 6 Ibid.,

LEE 3 blanket also helps to play a role in these displays of status and wealth. These large events, known as potlatches are held every year, and are held to celebrate a wide range of things, and also serve important social purposes7. Fundamentally, these potlatches are 'gift giving' events held by clan or high ranking figures, where they would try to improve their prestige by giving away as much of their wealth as possible. For example, a potlatch could be held for an entire clan simply to return the favour, or it could be used as payment for for funeral duties, completion of a lineage house, wiping off a "shame" such as a physical blemish or awkward accident, public consignment of an insult to oblivion, restoration of a redeemed slave to his former social standing, and maintaining or attaining full noble status for one's self, one's children or grandchildren8. To further emphasize the importance of these events, it is necessary to note that extravagant large scale potlatches cannot just be held by anyone in the community; low ranking individuals can rarely initiate potlatches, and may simply host small 'tea parties' in place of such grand events.9 Potlatches can take up to ten days to conclude, for example in the case of a funeral potlatch for an important chief. 10 In a potlatch lasting five days, the host chief would on the fifth day, clothed in full regalia with his dancing blanket, perform his dancing with the magnificent robe. It is crucial to note that the main focus of the dance is often the large robe itself, even when the chief is clothed with full regalia. These auspicious garments were held in very high esteem; the right to wear one was usually an inherited privilege.11 At the end of the potlatch, each and every guest will be given a part of the wealth of the host chief, including parts of the Chilkat blankets. This is to show how powerful and wealthy the chief is, in that he can even give away his most prized possessions, including the blanket. It is obvious that the blanket is also a device that plays into the social stratification activity embodied by the potlatch. The importance of the dancing blanket can be showcased in another scenario as well. When
7 Catharine McClellan, The Interrelations of Social Structure with Northern Tlingit Ceremonialism, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1954), 78-82, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3629077 (accessed May 20, 2011). 8 Ibid., 9 Ibid., 10 W. D. Wallis, Ethical Aspects of Chilkat Culture, The American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Jan., 1918), pp. 66-68, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1414106 (accessed May 20, 2011). 11 Samuel, The Chilkat dancing blanket, 27

LEE 4 chiefs died, they would be dressed in ceremonial garb and placed on a funeral pyre. While normal blankets would be placed over the body to keep the spirit warm, the Chilkat dancing blanket which belonged to him would not be used for the same purpose. A gravehouse which would be set up for dead chief to house his remains, and the dancing blanket would be used to cover this, left to deteriorate from the elements, and serves as a lasting symbol and reminder of the greatness of the dead chieftain which had wealth which allowed him to sacrifice such beauty.12 Thus, it is obvious that the Chilkat blanket plays a significant role in the lives of the Chilkat people. A careful look into the the clan system of the Chilkat can also reveal interesting information about the designs of the Chilkat blankets, and may also help in deciphering any symbolism present inside them. Firstly, there is an obvious embrace of totemism in Chilkat culture. Totemism is a system of belief where humans believe they have kinship with nonhuman beings such as animals, and are divided into different social groups because of this kinship. There is also often a tendency to use the totem as a crest,13 and in the case of the Chilkat obviously used in their ceremonial blankets. The Chilkat society is divided into two main groups, or moieties, which claim to be descended from distinct totems. Below is a table showing the two main moieties, which also have clans under them. Tribal Organization of the Chilkat:14 EAGLE Bear Killer-whale Eagle Wolf Fishhawk Shark RAVEN Whale Raven Giant Worm Frog

This study into the totemic way that the Chilkats have divided themselves is vital in identifying why particular animal designs are used on different blankets. According to most studies, it is established
12 Ibid., 36. 13 A. A. Goldenweiser, Totemism, an Analytical Study, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 23, No. 88 (Apr. Jun., 1910), pp. 181-182, http://www.jstor.org/stable/534841 (accessed May 22, 2011). 14 Wallis, Ethical aspects of Chilkat culture 66.

LEE 5 that in fact the crest animal designs on the dancing blankets are in fact representative of the family's crest and show the owner's lineage. For example, an account of the Dakl'aweid Clan, who are part of the Killer-whale house, showed that various objects including a house, the wall inside the living room, button blankets, hats, metal daggers, and Chilkat blanket all featured the same decorative motif of the killer whale.15 Furthermore, it has been noted that social and economic division is represented by the clan divisions. For instance, The Bears are the carvers; they are aristo- cratic and have considerable leisure; the Killer-whales are the speakers and advisers. The Sharks are the warriors; they can fight like sharks. The Whales made the first blankets, and at the present day do the weaving. 16 The table above not only shows the division of the clans in the two main groups, it also represents the respective levels at which marriage is possible.17 As such, there are certain rules that are in place, where for example a woman marrying below her level would lose membership in her original clan.18 With this study of the social heirarchy of the Chilkat peoples, it is probably not wrong to say that the design of the animal crest is of utmost importance and pride to the wearer, and plays into the social dynamic of Chilkat society. Additionally, even though the Chilkat dancing blankets feature one main animal for the family crest, there also seem to be smaller sections and blocks of the design that appear similar to other animals. The family links between clans may also help to explain such designs on the blanket, in that they may be a reference to the owner's link with another clan. Lastly, while in another study of Chilkat culture it was established that there was perhaps not always a link between the animal designs and the actual family crest or lineage of the wearer in every blanket, because they were actually traded far south among the Chilkat,19 the prestige and significance of the blanket probably meant that most of the blanket designs were actually linked to the owner. Shamanism is also something that is often suggested in studies of cultures like the Northwest
15 Viola E. Garfield, Historical Aspects of Tlingit Clans in Angoon, Alaska, American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1947), pp. 447-448, http://www.jstor.org/stable/663502 (accessed May 21, 2011). 16 Wallis, Ethical aspects of Chilkat culture 17 Ibid., 18 Ibid., 19 Margaret B. Blackman, Creativity in Acculturation: Art, Architecture and Ceremony from the Northwest Coast, Ethnohistory, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Autumn, 1976), pp. 397, http://www.jstor.org/stable/481653 (accessed May 20, 2011).

LEE 6 Coast tribes. While shamanism is indeed present throughout Chilkat culture, there seem to be some subtle differences between the shamanistic animal symbols and the animal crests of the Chilkat blankets. In fact, a study into Tlingit shamanism has concluded that there is no association between the symbols of Tlingit shamanistic animals and the animal crests used for the Chilkat dancing blankets worn by the elite nobility of the tribes.20 However, there is indeed a similarity in the way that Tlingit shamans make use of artworks to enhance their positions. Finally, looking at the particular piece of Chilkat blanket chosen for this study, one might be able to use the knowledge of Chilkat social values and totemic clan division to attempt to discern the number of animal figures that have been woven. At the current state of study of Tlingit symbolism, without knowing the original intent of the artists behind the design of the blanket, it is extremely hard to know exactly what the artist was trying to show. But by attempting to look at the overall 'formlines',21 made up by the bold black outlines, one may be able to see the intended animal crest. If the design is viewed at a large scale, the two large 'eye' shapes near the middle combined with the two small circles in the centre and the more rectangular shapes underneath may be a suggestion of a bear of sorts. Assuming it is a bear, this design would be showing the bear with its mouth open, and its two paws placed in front of its head (following the direction of the downward facing V shaped edge). Typical of Chilkat art, there is also a possibility that the bear can also be viewed at a profile view, and this can be suggested if the design is vertically split down the middle. In this way, it would look like two bears in profile facing each other. Overall, this Chilkat dancing blanket is very typical of many other designs, and also features all the standard symbols that are expected to be present in these type of robes. While compared to other studies in art historical field, there is not really a wealth of academic knowledge about the world of the Chilkat and specifically their blankets, even though they were once

20 Aldona Jonaitis, Liminality and Incorporation in the Art of the Tlingit Shaman, American Indian Quarterly, Vol. 7, No. 3, American Indian Religions (Summer, 1983),pp. 42, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1184256 (accessed May 22, 2011). 21 Samuel, The Chilkat dancing blanket, 40.

LEE 7 prized possessions and items of trade for European and American traders in the 19 th century, there are still some relatively definite conclusions that can be drawn. The studies of the main pioneering investigators of this field such as Emmons and Cheryl Samuel are very comprehensive guides into the world of the Chilkat dancing blanket. Additionally, another main scholar in this field is Bill Holm, who has also helped to establish some extremely technical details about the Chilkat tribal art form, by scientifically dissecting the design principles and elements of not only the blanket art form, but those of other Chilkat art forms as well, such as tunics, textiles, and paintings. In conclusion, the Chilkat dancing blanket chosen for this investigation can be seen as a very typical representative of the art form. Although a comprehensive breakdown of every single design on the robe was not possible, it is still useful to see how the society and culture of the Tlingit people have an impact on its design. The Chilkat dancing blanket is a very interesting form of artwork that embodies not only a decorative function, but also performs many different social roles in Tlingit society. Although sometimes not directly involved in such social activities, when placed in context of the Chilkat culture, it is obvious that the blankets are revered objects in the tribes. They probably serve as important markers of identity in a culture where their totemic lineage is very clearly defined. Their ceremonial purpose in the grand potlatches, held only be the highest ranking members of a clan is also evidence of how the Chilkat blankets fit in to a larger social dynamic. There is a chance that the design and use of the Chilkat dancing blanket may play even larger roles in Tlingit culture, but without further study into this world, this fact may remain unknown. The number of people that still continue to practice the tradition of Chilkat weaving is also a dwindling one, but perhaps there is hope for this tradition as it has been said there have been great revivals of interest in this skill.22

22 Saradell Ard, et al. "Native North American art."

LEE 8 Works Cited Books Cheryl Samuel and Sara Porter, The Chilkat dancing blanket. University of Oklahoma Press, 1990.

Websites Saradell Ard, et al. "Native North American art." In Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online, <http://0www.oxfordartonline.com.library.scad.edu/subscriber/article/grove/art/T061112pg7> (accessedMay 23, 2011).

Journals Virginia Crawford, Northwest Coast Indian Art, The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art,Vol. 65, No. 9 (Nov., 1978), 299-309, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25159603 (accessed May 20, 2011) Catharine McClellan, The Interrelations of Social Structure with Northern Tlingit Ceremonialism, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1954), 75-96, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3629077 (accessed May 20, 2011). W. D. Wallis, Ethical Aspects of Chilkat Culture, The American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Jan., 1918), pp. 66-80, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1414106 (accessed May 20, 2011). A. A. Goldenweiser, Totemism, an Analytical Study, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 23, No. 88 (Apr. - Jun., 1910), pp. 179-293, http://www.jstor.org/stable/534841 (accessed May 22, 2011). A. A. Goldenweiser, Totemism, an Analytical Study, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 23, No. 88 (Apr. - Jun., 1910), pp. 179-293, http://www.jstor.org/stable/534841 (accessed May 22, 2011). Margaret B. Blackman, Creativity in Acculturation: Art, Architecture and Ceremony from the

LEE 9 Northwest Coast, Ethnohistory, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Autumn, 1976), pp. 387-413, http://www.jstor.org/stable/481653 (accessed May 20, 2011). Aldona Jonaitis, Liminality and Incorporation in the Art of the Tlingit Shaman, American Indian Quarterly, Vol. 7, No. 3, American Indian Religions (Summer, 1983),pp. 41-68, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1184256 (accessed May 22, 2011).

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