BUDDHIST STUDIES EDITOR-IN-CHIEF A. K. Narain University oJ Wisconsin, Madison, USA L. M. Joshi Punjabi University Patiala, India Alexander W. Macdonald Universiti de Paris X Nanterre, France Bardwell Smith Carleton College NorthJield, Minnesota, USA Volume 5 EDITORS 1982 Ernst Steinkellner University oj Vienna Wien, Austria Jikido Takasaki University oj Tokyo Tokyo, Japan Robert Thurman Amherst College Amherst, Massachusetts, USA Number 1 e watermark THE JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BUDDHIST STUDIES, INC. ThisJournal is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc., and is governed by the objectives of the Association and accepts scholarly contributions pertaining to Buddhist Studies in all the various disciplines such as philosophy, history, religion, sociology, anthropology, art, archaeology, psychology, textual studies, etc. The JIABS is published twice yearly in the Spring and Fall. The Association and the Editors assume no responsibility for the views expressed by the authors in the Association's Journal and other related publications. Manuscripts for publication and correspondence concerning articles should be submitted to A. K. Narain, Editor-in-Chief,JIABS, Department of South Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706, U.S.A. The Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the final content of the Journal and reserves the right to reject any material deemed inappropriate for publication and is not obliged to give reasons therefor. Books for review should be sent to the Editor-in-Chief. The Editors cannot guarantee to publish reviews of unsolicited books nor to return those books to the senders. EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Andre Bareau (France) JosephM. Kitagawa (USA) John Brough (U.K.) Jacques May (Switzerland) M.N. Deshpande (India) Hajime Nakamura Uapan) R. Card (USA) John Rosenfield (USA) B.C. Cokhale (USA) David Snellgrove (U.K.) P.S.Jaini (USA) E. Zurcher (Netherlands) J. W. de Jong (Australia) Assistant Editor: Roger Jackson The Editor-in-Chief wishes to thank Rena Haggarty for assistance in the preparation of this volume. Copyright The International Association of Buddhist Studies 1982 ISSN: 0193-600X Sponsored by Department of South Asian Studies, University of Wiscon- sin, Madison. CONTENTS I. ARTICLES l. Original Purity and the Focus of Early Yogacara by John P. Keenan 7 2. The Dragon Girl and the Abbess of Mo-Shan: Gender and Status in the Ch'an Buddhist Tradition by Mir- iam L. Levering 19 3. The Life and Times of Paramartha (499-569) by Diana Y. Paul 37 4. Studies in Traditional Indian Medicine in the Pali Can- on: Jlvaka and Ayurveda by Kenneth G. Zysk 70 II. SHORT PAPERS 1. Sa skya pan9ita'S Account of the bSam yas Debate: Histo- ry as Polemic by Roger Jackson 89 2. The Text on the "Dharapi Stones from Abhayagiriya": A Minor Contribution to the Study of Mahayana Lit- erature in Ceylon by Gregory Schopen 100 3. A Report on Buddhism in the People's Republic of China by Alan Sponberg 109 III. BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES l. Histoire du Cycle de la Naissance et de la Mort by Yoshiro Imaeda 118 2. Theravada Meditation: The Buddhist Transformation by Winston King 3. Chinese Buddhism: Aspects of Interaction and Reinter- pretation by W. Pachow 4. Buddhism and Society in Southeast Asia by Donald K. Swearer 5. Tantra in Tibet and The Yoga of Tibet by Tsong kha pa IV. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 1. Asoka and Buddhism - A Reexamination by A. L. Ba- sham V. NOTES AND NEWS 1. A report on the 4th Conference of the lABS, University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI, U.S.A. August 7-9, 121 124 126 127 131 1981 144 2. Constitution and By-Laws of the International Associ-. ation of Buddhist Studies 153 Contributors 160 Original Purity and the Focus of Early Y ogacara by John P. Keenan In understanding the ongoing process of the development of any doctrinal system, isolated insights into particular texts or particu- lar doctrinal themes are not sufficient. No number of monographs on iilayavijiiiina or trisvabhiiva suffices, for, although such studies do clarify particular themes, no understanding is gained of the overall purpose for which these themes were developed. What is desired is an overall insight into what the system is trying to achieve. In the case of the Yogacara system, the question of its basic intent and overall purpose is not easily determined. There are, it would appear, two reasons for this situation. The first is that the complex of questions regarding the dating, authorship, and compilation of the various textual data have not yet received defi- nite answers in many instances, and yet each of these questions bears directly upon the understanding of the lines of doctrinal development. A second reason is that the doctrinal focuses of some of the basic Yogacara texts appear to differ. The intent of this paper is to treat this latter concern. It will attempt to describe the basic doctrinal focus of four early Yoga- cara texts, suggest the intent of their authors, and draw a hypoth- esis concerning the lines of development of early Y ogacara as seen in these texts. The texts selected are the Mahiiyiinasutriilar;tkiira, the Sar;tdhinirmocanasutra, the Mahiiyiiniibhidharmasutra, and the Mad- hyiintavibhiigasiistra. All four texts were composed before the time of the classical formulation of Yogacara by Asanga and Vasu- bandhu. Although it is not possible to determine with any degree of certitude the temporal relationship among these texts, insight into their doctrinal emphases would help to identify the overall problematic that led the early, pre-Asarigan Yogacarins to develop their thinking. 7 The Mahayanasutralar[lkara, I which in its basic verses appears to be quite early; shows close affinities with tathagatagarbha thought. It affirms the original purity of the mind (cittaprakrtipra- bhasvarta) and the adventitious nature of defilement (agantuka- sarJ2klesa) . When water, after having been stirred up, settles, the regain- ing of its transparency is not due to something other than the removal of dirt. The manner in which the mind is purified is similar. It is to be understood that the mind is originally lumi- nous (prakrtiprabhasvarar[l) at all times, but blemished by ad- ventitious faults. It is not to be thought that apart from this mind of dharmata there is any other mind that is originally luminous. 2 This passage seems to be in full doctrinal accord with the tathagatagarbha teachings and its content is reflected in many tatha- gatagarbha texts. 3 Again, the Mahayanasiltralar[lkara states: Although tathata is not differentiated in regard to all [sentient beings], when it has been purified, it is tathagatahood. There- fore it is said that all sentient beings are that seed [tadgarbha].4 This seems to be a clear affirmation of the basic theme of the pure garbha, and the later prose commentary of the Mahayanasu- tralar[lkara explains that it means that all sentient beings are tatha- gatagarbha. 5 From such passages it appears that the basic focus of the Mahayanasutralar[lkara is upon the mind of original purity, the pure consciousness that is always present, even under the cover- ings of defilement, and which enables one to attain purification and enlightenment. In discussing the ultimate realm, dharmadhiitu, the Mahayana- sutralar[lkara laments: 8 Indeed there is nothing else in the world, and yet the world is unconscious of it. How has this kind of wordly illusion come about, whereby one clings to what is not and entirely ignores what is?6 Again, this seems to reflect the tathagatagarbha theme that only the pure garbha actually exists, while all else is non-existent. 7 The focus of the MahayanasutralarJLkdra is then upon the mind of original purity, and not upon an analysis of empirical conscious- ness. Thus, when it comes to art explanation of the trzsvabhiiva doctrine, the MahayanasutriilarJLkara uses this doctrine to explain just how empirical consciousness has devolved from that original purity. The emphasis is not upon consciousness as experienced, but upon the original purity of that now illusory consciousness. The three natures (trisvabhava) are treated as marks of t a t h a t a , ~ and the reality envisaged is not the everyday consciousness of sentient beings. The three natures are described as follows: Reality (tatvarJL) is that which is always void of duality, that which is the basis of confusion, and that which can never be verbally expressed, for its being is not conceptualizable. It is to be known, to be rejected, and to be purified, although it is originally undefiled. When purified from klesa, it is like space, gold, and waterY These three categories correspond to parikalpita, paratantra, and parini:jpanna. 10 The description of parikalpita as always void of duality (dvayena rahitarJL) emphasizes the illusory nature of empiri- cal consciousness, which clings to the dichotomy of subject-object. The description of paratantra as the basis of confusion (bhrantesca sarJLnisrayalJ) identifies the source of the illusions of parikalpita. The description of parini:jpanna points to the originally pure mind, which, although undefiled (amalarJL), must be purified from adven- titious defilements. Its being is also said to be not conceptualizable (yaccaprapancatmakarJL) , which suggests the tathagatagarbha tenet that only the pure garbha actually exists, and also implies that the reason why the world is unconscious of it is because it is beyond the realm of subject-object concepts. The only function of paratan- tra in this explanation is to identify the source of the confusion of parikalpita. When one has understood that in fact the duality of parikalpita is illusory, then its underlying source, paratantra, is to be rejected. The conversion of the basis (asraya-parivrtti) is then a turning around from the illusions of parikalpita to an awareness of the original purity of parini:jpanna that takes place through the rejection of paratantra. Because of the basic focus on original puri- ty, the trisvabhiiva doctrine is here employed in order to explain 9 how empirical defilement arises to cloud over that purity. The consistent tension .is between the pair of parikalpita-paratantra as illusion and its source, and the purity of Thus, in the MahayiinasutriilaTflkiira the intent of the author appears to be the use of Y ogacara doctrines in order to explain just how there can be both pure consciousness and empirical de- filement-for the principal weakness of the tathagatagarbha tradi- tion is its failure adequately to treat the causes of defiled con- SCIOusness. The SaTfldhinirmocanasutra ll presents a different focus, for it does not admit the doctrine of the original purity of the mind. Rather, it focuses upon the seed consciousnes (sarvabijaka, i.e., iidiina, i.e., iilaya-vijnana) as the basis for karmic defilement. The seed consciousness [of sentient beings in the six destinies] matures, evolves, becomes unified, grows, and reaches its de- velopment, because it makes its own two things: the physical body with its sense organs and the habitual proclivities (vii- sana) of discriminately and verbally conceptualizing (pra- panca) images and names. 12 . The initial arising of consciousness results in prapanca, is due to the proclivities of prapanca, and does not manifest any purity. whatsoever. This idea contrasts sharply with the teaching of the MahiiyiinasutriilaTflkiira. The SaTfldhinirmocana goes on to present an analysis of phenomenal consciousness and offers an explanation of the relationship between the six sense consciousnesses and the base sarvabijaka-vijniina.13 In .its explanation of the trisvabhiiva, the SaTfldhinirmocana par- allels the MahayiinasutriilaTflkiira, but the trisvabhiiva doctrine is here used to explain the characteristics of the dharma (dharma-lakWlJ-a), i.e., consciousness, rather than as a description of tathatii. 10 The dharma [of consciousness] is of three kinds: that which has been totally imagined that which arises in dependence on others (paratantra- and that which is full perfection That which has been totally imagined is the discrimina- tion whereby all dharmas are conventionally held to have their own svabhava, and the verbal expressions that arise conse- quent upon this discrimination. That which arises in dependence on others is the nature whereby all dharmas conventionally arise. For, if this exists, then that exits. If this arises, then that arises. This includes [the dependent co-arising] of ignorance up to [the dependent co-arising] of this grand mass of suffering. That which is full perfection is the true nature of the equality of dharmas (samatatathata). It is this tathata which bodhi- sattvas come to realize because of their zeal (vfrya), and their fundamental mental apprehension (aviparfta-cintana). By gradual practices until they reach this realization, they finally attain full enlightenment (anuttarasamyaksar[!,bodhi). That which is totally imagined is like the defective vision of one who has cataracts in his eyes. That which arises in dependence on others is like the imagining of those images, such as the appearance of hairs, flies, small particles or patch- es of different colors before the eyes of one with cataracts. Full perfection is like the true, unconfused objects which are seen by the sound eye of one who has no cataracts. 14 This passage parallels that of the Mahiiyanasutralar[!,kiira in that the function of paratantra is to account for the delusions of parikal- pita. Thus the Sar[!,dhinirniocanasutra later explains that wisdom enables one "to destroy paratantra."15 Although they do agree on this point, they seem to do so from differing perspectives. The Mahiiyanasutralar[!,kiira focuses upon the mind of original purity, describes the three natures as the mark of tathata, and sees paratan- tra as the basis for empirical defilement and confusion. The Sar[!,d- hinirmocanasutra focuses upon the mind of karmic defilement, de- scribes the three natures as the marks of phenomenal, defiled consciousness, and sees paratantra as the basis of that defilement. In t h e ~ e two early texts one can detect a Yogacara dilemma. If the mind is originally pure, then how is one to account for empiri- cal defilement? If the mind is not itself pure, then, being defiled, how can one ever attain purification?16 It would appear from the extant fragments that the Mahiiyan- abhidharmasutra 17 attempted to deal with this dilemma. In what is perhaps one of the most famous passages of Yogacara, it writes: The beginningless realm is the common support of all dhar- . 11 mas. Because of this, there exist all the destinies and the access to nirvar.w. 1S This passage appears to be an attempt to' account for both defiled empirical existence (gatilJ sarva) and for the possibility of nirvaJJ,a (nirva1J,adhigamo'pi ca). Later Yogacarins offer different in- terpretations of this text. Asanga's MahayanasarJZgrahasastra,19 As- vabhava's MahayanasarJZgrahOpanibandha,20 and Dharmapala's Vij- naptimatratasiddhisastra 21 all interpret anadikaliko dhatuly, to be The Ratnagotravibhagasastra cites it and interprets the beginningless realm to be tathagatagarbha. Paramartha's transla- tion of Vasubandhu's along with the oth- er three Chinese translations of this text, gives the interpretation of anadikaliko dhatulJ as alaya, but then it alone appends the tathaga- tagarbha interpretation. 22 These explanations all represent later forms of doctrinal de- velopment, and it would be anachronistic to follow such interpre- tations rigidly. Rather, it would seem appropriate to interpret the passage in the light of the problematic current at the time of the composition of the MahayanabhidharmasiUra and the SarJZdhinirmo- canasutra. Thus, the anadikaliko dhatulJ of the Mahayanabhidharma- sutra can perhaps best be understood as an attempt to amalgamate the focus upon original purity and the focus upon karmically de- filed consciousness into a broader synthesis that might enable one to explain both adequately. . But what precisely are we to understand by this beginningless realm? It would seem that it indicates consciousness as both pure and defiled. In another passage, the Mahayanabhidharma says: There are three dharmas: that which consists in the defiled aspect (sarJZklesabhaga) , that which consists in the pure aspect (vyavadanabhaga), and that which consists in both at thesame time (tadubhayabhaga).23 The text of the MahayanasarJZgrahasastra, which quotes this passage, goes on to identify these with, respectively, parikalpita, . parin4panna, and paratantra. 24 Thus, paratantra is not only the underlying cause for sarp.saric defilement, but also includes a pure aspect. Although paratantric consciousness does result in the defile- 12 ment of parikalpita, insight into its nature as dependent on others implies awareness that there are no essences (svabhava) to be grasped nor any essence that can grasp (grahyagrahaka). One and the same consciousness, which, being dependent on others, has no essence that could be pure or impure, gives rise to both the defil-e- ments of all the destinies and to the access to nirvar;a. Thus anadi- kaliko dhiltuly, is neither a pure mind of tathagatagarbha nor a basical- ly defiled alayavijr1ana. Rather, it is dependently co-arisen phenomenal consciousness as including both. The Madhyantavibhagasastra also appears to predate Asanga, at least in its verse sections. 25 It explains the trisvabhava as follows: As for the three natures, one is eternally hon-existent. [The second] does exist, but is not reality. [The third], since it is reality, both exists and does not exist. This is the of the three natures. 26 The second nature, paratantra, is here accorded some degree of validity and plays a pivotal role in the development of trisvab- kava thinking, for, although it is denied reality, it does exist and is not simply to be rejected, as in the Mahayanasutrala'f!lkara. The Madhyantavibhilga further describes paratantra as unreal imagining (abhutaparikalpa) : Unreal imagining exists, but in it duality [of subject-object] does not exist. However, in this [unreal imagining] emptiness exists, and moreover in that [emptiness] this [unreal imagin- ing] exists. 27 Thus, paratantra is the source of the duality and illusion of parikalpita. It is not to be entirely negated, though, for it does indeed exist, and within paratantric consciousness one can discov- er emptiness, i.e., the absence of duality. Here again the Madhyan- tavibhilga is attempting to synthesize the two emphases, on the originally pure mind and on empirical consciousness. 13 If defilement did not exist, then all bodily beings would then be [already] delivered. If purification did not exist, then right practice would be without result. Neither defilement nor un- defilement exists. Neither purity nor impurity exists, because mind is [originally] luminous, and its defilement is adventi- tious. 28 It would thus appear that the Madhyantavibhaga does admit the notion of the original luminoisty and purity of the mind, but only after reworking it in the context of the trisvabhava. The origi- nalluminosity of the mind does not mean that it has an impure or a pure nature, for both are svabhavas that result from dualistic imagining and therefore do not exist. But, since the unreal imag- ining of paratantra does exist in emptiness, once the dichotomy of parikalpita has been understood and rejected, then the original luminosity and purity of the mind becomes manifest. Thus, in parallel to the Mahayanabhidharmasutra, the Madhyan- tavibhagasastra appears to be attempting a synthesis of the doctrine of original purity within a more empirically oriented emphasis upon defiled consciousness. The overarching hypothesis that the preceding passages seem to suggest is that early Yogacara thinkers are indeed concerned with the question of the purity or impurity of consciousness, and this in turn would imply that they developed their thinking in the same doctrinal circles that gave rise to the tathagatagarbha tradi- tion. Yogacara is frequently and correctly described as having de- veloped as a resurrection of theoretical thinking in the context of prajiuiparamita, i.e., sunyata. In its methodology, the Vijuanavada was really a successor to the Abhidharma Buddhism, but it was the Abhidharma based upon the sunyatavada of the Prajua-para-mita, and hence de- serves to be called "mahayana-abhi-dharma," as shown in the title of one scripture. 29 Although such is clearly the case, one should also be aware of the possibility of a very close relationship between Y ogacara and the tathagatagarbha doctrine. The earliest tathagatagarbha sutras be- gan to appear shortly after the time of Nagarjuna (ca. 150 - ca. 250), and thus were contemporaneous with or shortly before the above Y ogacara texts. The tathagatagarbha tradition offered an alternative to what was perceived as the overly negative tone of the Madhyamika and the prajiiaparamita literature. 3o It would thus be natural to assume some kind of connection between tathagata- garbha and Y ogacara. 31 The fact that the five works traditionally attributed to Mai- 14 treya,32 the putative founder of Yogacara, include the Ratnagotra- vibhiigasastra, as well as the Mahiiyanasutralar[lkara, shows that this tradition regarded Y ogacara and tathiigatagarbha as coming from the same source. Furthermore, the presence in the Ratnagotravib- hiiga of the famous quotation on the anadikaliko dhiitulJ from the MahiiyanabhidharrnasiUm suggests that the author of the Ratnago- travibhiiga regarded the Mahayanabhidharrnasutra as being at least consistent with tathagatagarbha themes. 33 It does seem clear that in some instances the Ratnagotravibhiiga is dependent on the Ma- hiiyanasutralar[lkiira. William Grosnick convincingly argues that the Ratnagotravibhiiga's understanding of buddhadhiitu as the nondua- lity of subject and object can be traced to the Mahiiyanasutralar[l- kara,34 and Takasaki Jikido holds that the triyana teaching of the Ratnagotravibhiiga is directly dependent upon the Mahiiyanasutra- lar[lkara. 35 Although this directly shows only the dependence of the Ratnagotravibhiiga on the Mahiiyanasutralar[lkara, it also suggests that this Y ogacara work was well received within tathiigatagarbha circles and was perceived as being consistent with tathiigatagarbha themes. . This does not mean that tathagatagarbha is to be reckoned as a defined academic school in contrast to Madhyamika and Yoga- cara. As Takasaki has pointed out,36 such an evaluation was a peculiarity of Chinese Buddhism and is not found in either India or Tibet. This is further borne out by the complete lack of polemic against tathagatagarbha teachings in Yogacara works. Thus, while tathiigatagarbha and Y ogacara did exist at the same time in India, they were not rival systems. The reason for this seems to be that the tathiigatagarbha tradi- tion did not function on a theoretical, academic level at all, but was rather presented as a practical, religious teaching, expressed in poetic images and metaphors and aimed at the encouragement of practice. In none of the extant tathiigatagarbha texts is there a consistent development of that technical language necessary to a theoretical endeavor.: 17 The foregoing textual data seem to suggest that the initial, pre-Asangan Y ogacara thinkers represent a theoretical develop- ment from within the same circles that produced the tathiigata- garbha teaching. They appear to have taken their initial insights from the notion of the pure mind, as in the MahiiyanasiUralar[lkara. The exigency for theoretical development demanded a more em- 15 pirical approach to the analysis of consciousness, as is given in the SaJ!ldhinirmocana. The Mahiiyiiniibhidharmasutra and the Madhyiinta- vibhiiga then attempt to synthesize both purity and defilement by stressing the basic Yogacara tenet of the paratantric nature of the mind. 38 NOTES 1. LViahiiyana-sf1tralal[!kara, Expose de la Doctrine du Grand Vehicle, ed. and trans. Sylvain Levi, 2 vols., (Paris, 1907). DaijoshogonkYOron kenkyt1, Vi Hahuu, . Tokyo, 1961. I follow Yamaguchi Susumu, Guiseppe Tucci, and Paul Demieville in deny- ing that Maitreya was an historical person and the actual author of the Mahayana- sf1trala7!!kara. See P. Demieville, "La Yogaclrabhilmi de BEFEO, XLIV (1954), p. 381, n. 4. Vi Hakuju, "On the Author of the Mahayana-siltra- alamkara," Zietschrift fur lndologie und lnintistik, VI (1928), pp. 215-225, argues for the reverse opinion .. The Chinese translation of Prabhakaramitra, who came to China in 627, contains a preface by Li Pai-yao, which says that Asanga compiled the text, but there is no firm evidence to uphold this claim. As the Mahiiyanasal[!grahasastra of Asanga frequently quotes the Mahiiyanasl7.tralm!!kara, it seems safe to conclude that the verse section of the Mahayanasf1tralal[!kara was composed before the time of Asanga. 2. Levi, p. 88: yathaiva toye lutite prasadite na jayate sa malapakar{astu sa tatra savacittasuddhau vidhire{a eva hi/ ! matal[! ca cittam prakrtiprabhiisvaral[! sada tadagantukado{adu{itam/ na dharmatacittamrte'nyacetasa!y, prabhasvaratal[! prakrtau vidhfyate. 3. On the original luminosity of the mind, see David S. Ruegg, La Theorie du Tathiigatagarbha et du Gotra, (Paris, 1969), pp. 409-445. 4. Levi, p. 40: sarve{amavisi{!api tathata suddhimagata! tathiigatatval[! tasmacca sarvadehina(!. 5. Levi, p. 40: Sarvesam nirvisi{(a tathata tadvisuddhisvabhiivasca tathiigata(!! sarve satvastathiigatagarbhii ityucyati. 6. Levi, p. 58: na khalu jagatitasmadvidyate ki7!!cidamyajjagadapi tadase{ar!! tatra sal[!mf1dabuddhi/ kathamayamabhin7.do lokamohaprakaro yadasadabhinivi{(a(! satsarrwn- tadvihiiya. 7. See John P. Keenan, A Study of the Buddhabhumyupadesa: The Doctrinal Development of the Notion of Wisdom in Yogacara Tho'ught, unpublished Ph.D Disserta- hon, 0 niversity of Wisconsin, Madison, 1980, pp. 97-117. 8. Levi, p. 65: etena trividhal[! tathataya(! svalak{m}al[! klesavyavadanalak{a1}amavokalpalak{aYJal[! ca uktal[! trividhal[! 9. Levi p. 58; tatvm!! yatsatatam dvayena rahita1'[! bhrantesca samnisraya(! sakya1'[! naiva ca sarvathiibhilapitul[! yaccaprapaiicatmaka1'[!/ jiieyal[! hiyamatho visodhyamamalar[! yacca prakrtya matm!! yasyakasasurvar1}avarisadrso. kle.sadvisudhirmata. 16 10. See Levi, p. 58. '11. Samdhinirmocanasiltra, Explication des lVlyteres, ed. and trans. Etienne La- motte, (Louvain, 1935). For an analysis of the composition of this text, see pp. 17- 24. Also confer Ui Hakuju; Toyo tetsugakushi, p. 37 for an alternate opinion. 12. Lamotte, p. 55 and p. 184. T. 16, p. 692b. 13. See Keenan, Buddhabhilmnyupadeia, pp. 131-142. 14. Lamotte, p. 60 and pp. 188-189. T. 16, p. 693a-b. 15. Lamotte, p. 73 and p. 197. T. 16, p. 695a. 16. In his Sesshin yuishiki no kenkyfl, Tokyo, 1956, pp. 168-169, Yuki Reimon argues that one of the specific characteristics of Vasubandhu was that, in contrast to earlier Yogacarins, who maintained the strict purity of the Yogacara position in their contacts with tathagatagarbha thought, he was influenced by tathagatagarbha .thought in a much greater degree. I rather think that, as in the MahayanastltralafJl- kiira, tathagatagarbha influence can be seen in the earliest texts of the Yogacara tradition. This does not negate the fact that Vasubandhu was influenced by such teachings in evolving his "new understanding," but it does stress that there were already precedents available for Vasubandhu to work upon. 17. The Mahiiyanabhidhannasiltra is extant only in fragments quoted in other texts. These have been collected in Yuki Reimon, Yuishikiron yori mitanl yuishiki shisoshi, (Tokyo, 1935), pp. 240-250. Six quotations appear in Asanga's Mahiiyana- safJlgrahasastra, one in his Abhidharmasamuccaya, and one in K'uei-chi's Wei-shih erh- shih lun shu-chi. The text is clearly before Asanga. 18. Quoted in the MahayanasafJlgraha; T. 31, p. 133b. Sasaki Gessho, Kan- yaku shihon taishO ShOdaUoron, (Tokyo, 1931), p. 5. La Somme du Grand Yehicle d'A- sanga, ed. and trans. Etienne Lamotte, 2 vols., (Louvain, 1973), II, 12. 19. Lamotte, La Somme, II, 12. 20. P. Mdo l:tgrel LVI, 23S b - S -239 a - 6 . 21. VUnaptimatratasiddhi: La Siddhi de Huian-Tsang, trans. Louis de la Vallee Poussin, (Paris, 1929), p. 169. Here Poussin gives the. Sanskrit, which has been preserved in Sthiramati's commentary on the Trimsika: anadikaliko dhiituZI saroa- dharmasamasrayaZI tasmin sati saroa ca. 22. T. 31, pp. 156c-157a. For an English translation, see Keenan, Buddhab- humyupadeia, pp. 256-257. 23. Lamotte, La Somme, II, 125. 24. Lamotte's translation correctly does not include this section, which iden- tifies the three dharmas with the trisvabhiiva, in the quotation from the Mahiiyanab- hidharmasutra. Yuki Reimon, Yuishiki shisoshi, p. 249, argues that the entire passage is from the Mahiiyanabhidharmasutra. But, as my friend and colleague, Professor Hakamaya Noriaki, has pointed out to me, the Tibetan text clearly refutes Yuki's interpretation. 25. For a discussion of the authorship of the iVladhyantavibhiiga, see Yamagu- chi Susumu, Madhyantavibhiiga(fka: Exposition systematique du Yogacaravij'11aptivada, (Nagoya, 1934), pp. X-XVII. 26. A .Buddhist Philosophical Treatise edited for the First Time for a Sanskrit Manuscript, Nagao Gadjin, (Tokyo, 1964), pp. 37-38: svab- hiivas trividhaZI asac ca nityafJl sac capy atatvataZI/ sad-asat tatvatas ceti svabhiiva-traya i;;yate. Also confer, Yeh A-Yueh, Yuishiki shiso no kenkyu, Tokyo, 1975, pp. 79-84. 17 27. Nagao, p. 17: r.Lbhiltaparikalpo'sti dvaym.n tatm na vidyatel silnyata vidyate tv atm tasyam api sa vidyate. Yeh A-Yiieh, pp. 1-4. 28. Nagao, pp. 26-27: sa7f/kli:;\a ced bhaven nasau visuddha ced bhavan niisau vyayamo n4phalo bhavetl I na kli:;\a napi suddhii'sudd- hana caiva sal prabhasvaratvac cittasya Yeh A-Yiieh, pp. 69-74. 29. Takasaki Jikido, A Study on the Ratnagotravibhaga (Uttaratantra), Being a Treatise on the Tathiigatagarbha of Mahyana Buddhism, (Rome, 1966), p. 59. 30. See Takasaki, Study, pp. 305-306 for the section from the Ratna that treats this issue. Also confer, Keenan, Buddhabhilmyupadesa, pp. 31. Thus, I agree with the basic idea of E. Frauwallner, "Amalavijiianam und alayavijiianam. Ein Beitrag zur Erkenntnislehre des Buddhismus," in Beitrage zur indischen Philologie und Altertumskunde: Walter Schubring zum 70. Geburtstrig dar- gebracht von der deutschenm Indologie, (Hamburg, 1951), pp. 148-160, in emphasiz- ing the importance of the question of the purity of the mind, against P. Demie- ville, but there seems to be no firm evidence specifically to identify amala with Sthiramati, nor alaya with Dharmapala, nor to locate the center of each with respectively ValabhI and Nalanda. 32. Bu ston, History of Buddhism, tr. E. Obermiller, I, 53-55. 33. Takasaki, Study, p. 230. 34. Willaim Grosnick, The Zen Master Dogen's Understanding of the Buddha Nature in tAe Light of the Historical Development of the Buddha-Nature Concept in India, China, andJapan, unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madi- son, 1979, pp. 91-92. 35. Takasaki Jikido, Nyoraiza shis6 no keisei, (Tokyo, 1974), p. 338. 36. Takasaki, Keisei, p. 3. 37 .. See Keenan, Buddhabhilmyupade.fa, pp. 96-116. 38. For a discussion of AsaIi.ga's thinking on original purity and that of the classical Yogacara tradition, see Hakamaya N oriaki, "The Realm of Enlighten- ment in Vijitaptimatrata: The Formulation of the Four Kinds of Pure Dharmas," in The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (1980), pp. 21-42. 18 The Dragon Girl and the Abbess of l\IIo-Shan: Gender and Status in the Ch'an Buddhist Tradition by Miriam L. Levering Women students of Buddhism, like those of other religious tradi- tions, have in the last decade brought "new" questions to their teachers. Has the tradition thought differences between men and women significant for attainment of enlightenment? Where has the tradition stood on the question of equal access for men and women to teaching and practice? Has the tradition reflected, or been a model for, society'S conceptions of the rel;;ttive capabilities of the sexes? Or has it enabled adherents to transcend or to change prevailing social norms? In the case of the Chinese Ch'an Buddhist tradition, the his- torical record relevant to these questions suggests that it is quite possible that Ch'an teaching contributed to the ease with which Chinese women in the twentieth century have been able to accept their essential equality with men, viewing centuries of constraint more as a product of an inequitable social structure than as reflect- ing unequal endowments of intelligence or of moral and spiritual capacities. Rejecting or more often quietly ignoring much in the Buddhist heritage that suggested that birth as a woman indicated that one was less prepared to attain enlightenment than men, or indeed faced severe, perhaps insuperable, obstacles to rapid en- lightenment, Ch'an teachers urged upon their students the point of view that enlightenment, the source of wisdom, compassion, serenity and moral energy, was available to everyone at all times; any other view was seen as a hindrance to practice. One of the foundation doctrines of the Ch'an/Zen school is that the One Mind of enlightenment, possessed by all sentient 19 beings, is without lal0jana (C. hsiang), distinguishing characteristics, including maleness or femaleness. As the Chinese teacher Hung- pien is said to have told the emperor Hsuan-tsung (846-863): If a person has enlightened and radiant wisdom, that is "Bud- dha-mind." "Mind" is another name for "Buddha." [Buddha- mind] has hundreds and thousands of other names, but the essence is one. Fundamentally it has no form. And it has no characteristics (hsiang) , such as blue, yellow, red, white, mas- culine or feminine, and so forth. It is inherent in Heaven and yet is not Heaven, it is in persons but is not persons. It is what c a ~ s e s Heaven and mankind to appear, it enables men (tobe men) and women (to be women). It neither begins nor ends, is- produced nor extinguished. l Chinese social structure clearly marked distinctions among old and young, male and female, noble and base. The rhetoric of Ch'an denied such distinctions fiot only any ultimate importance in themselves, but also any relevance to enlightenment. No charac- teristic could ultimately be a prerequisite, or a barrier, to attaining enlightenment. As the Sung Ch'an teacher Ta-hui Tsung-kao (1089-1163) said concerning Lady Tang, one of his most success- fullay students: Can you say that she is a woman, and women have no share [in enlightenment]? You must believe that this Matter. has nothing to do with [whether one is] male or female, old or young. Ours is an egalitarian Dharma-gate that has only one flavor. 2 And again: For mastering the truth, it does not matter whether one is male or female, noble or base. One moment of insight and one is shoulder to shoulder with the Buddha. 3 The debate within the Mahayana literature around the ques- tion of whether one can reach full enlightenment in the body of a woman is drawn, if one may be allowed to simplify, along the following lines. Those who say that women cannot be enlightened in their current birth do not dispute that women have the One Mind, or the Buddha-nature, or whatever term one wishes to use 20 to point to their share in ultimate reality and their potential for enlightenment. The point at issue is whether all sentient beings are equally prepared to awaken to a realization of it. On the provi- sionallevel of reality, distinctions among the capacities of sentient beings exist: for example, sentient beings born in the human realm have clearer and more capacious powers of reasoning than do those in the animal realm. These capacities, which are reflected in differences of hsiang, are the fruition of previously planted karmic seeds. The key question is, what relevance do these capaci- ties have for the objective of attaining enlightenment? Those with- in the Mahayana who held that women could not be enlightened in the current birth believed those capacities to be of critical im- portance. To reach enlightenment, one must develop good capaci- ties through aeons of disciplined study and practice. Monastic re- nunciation and the adherence to precepts were crucial, as were practice of the six piiramitiis. Male human birth and the opportuni- ty to join the Buddha's sangha were signs that one's capacities for enlightenment were well on their way toward full development; birth as a woman was a sign that they were not so far advanced. Those who subscribed to the belief in the so-called "five hin- drances" held that Buddhahood and four other kinds of desirable births could not be attained in their next birth by those who in this lifetime were born female. The karmically-determined capacities were simply not there. Others in the Mahayana, however, tended to make less of monastic renunciation, adherence to precepts, and aeons of study and practice as prerequisites for enlightenment. They held that the Buddha's Dharma and the merit of his Enlightened Mind were more powerful than any negative set of causes and conditions affecting the capacities of sentient beings. A moment of sincere faith and insight on the part of any sentient being could lead to enlightenment, overcoming any karmic impediments that might obtain. By arguing that masculinity and femininity and other such capacity-reflecting distinctions are merely in the realm of hsiang, and thus empty, and that they are not ultimately relevant to the success of the objective of attaining enlightenment, Ch'an/Zen teachers placed their teaching clearly in this second stream. They joined those who supported the universalizing tendency of the Mahayana. Although Ch'an is traditionally thought to have begun in Chi- 21 na in the sixth century, and in fact probably attained a self-con- scious identity in the eighth, references to the need for establish- ing a point of view that gender differences make no difference to attaining enlightenment cannot be found for tertain before the eleventh century.4 An exception may be the "Song of Proving the Way," found for the first time in an eleventh-century text, but thought to date from the late eighth century (see below). One. finds more interest in the subject in the twelfth, thirteenth, four- teenth, and sixteenth centuries (the latter three in Japan) with Yuan-wu, Ta-hui, Hung-chih, Dagen, Bassui,5 Jakushitsu,li as well as minor figures. The identical teaching can be found in our own century in the writings and sermons of Chinese teachers like Hsu- yun, Lu Kuan-yu (Charles Luk), and Nan Huai-chin, as well as the Korean master Seung-sahn. 7 The teaching of the school appears to have been clear and consistent over the centuries. In this essay I wish to focus on two stories that Ch'an and Zen teachers have traditionally used to give substance to their claim that such a point of view, contrasting as it does with the low esti- mate of the capabilities of women held by Confucian society from the Sung onward in China and throughout most of Japanese histo- ry, was not only to be preferred as an attitude. leading to enlighten- ment but also was realistic. To establish the latter point it was necessary to buttress the assertion that everyone could attain en- lightenment with specific examples. Those to whom the tradition has consistently appealed in preaching are the naga (dragon) girl in the Lotus Sutra and the abbess Mo-shan Liao-jan, whose story appears for the first time in the Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu of 1004. Other women who are enlightened are mentioned in Ch'an litera- ture,8 but the stories of the dragon girl and Mo-shan Liao-jan have the particular virtue of underlining the point by showing their heroines demonstrating their enlightenment while at the same time refuting the specific charge that as women they cannot have attained it. The dragon girl The story of the dragon girl appears in the "Devadatta" chap- ter of the Lotus Sutra. 9 In the story the daughter of the naga king Sagara, on hearing the bodhisattva Mafijusri preach the Lotus Sutra, 22 attains supreme bodhi, enlightenment. When the reality of her attainment is challenged by Sariputra on the ground that she can- not possibly have carried out preparation comparable to that of Sakyamuni Buddha as a bodhisattva, and that no enlightenment could be so speedily attained, the dragon king's daughter appears before the assembled company. Sariputra puts before her -his strongest challenge: "You state that in no length of time you attained to the su- preme Way. This thing is hard to believe. Wherefore? (Be- cause) the body of a woman is filthy and not a vessel of the Law. How can she attain to supreme bodhi? The Buddha-way is so vast that only after passing through innumerable kalpas, enduring hardship, accumulating good works, and perfectly practicing the perfections can it be accomplished. Moreover, a woman by her body still has five hindrances, viz., she c,annot become firstly, king of the Brahma-heaven; secondly, Sakra; thirdly, a mara-king, fourthly, a holy wheel-rolling king; and fifthly, a Buddha. How then could a woman's body so speedily become a Buddha?"IO The dragon girl does not reply to the substance of this challenge, but offers a demonstration: 23 Now the dragon's daughter possessed a precious pearl worth a three-thousand-great-thousandfold world, which she held up and presented to the Buddha, and which the Buddha immediately accepted. The dragon's daughter then said to the bodhisattva Wisdom-Accumulation and the honored Saripu- tra: "I have offered my pearl, and the World-honored One has accepted it-was this action speedy?" They answered: "Most speedy." The daughter said: "By your supernatural powers behold me become a Buddha, even more rapidly than that!" At that moment the entire congregation saw the dragon's daughter suddenly transformed into a male, perfect in bodhi- sattva-deeds, who instantly went to the World Spotless in the southern quarter, where (she) sat on a precious lotus-flower, attaining Perfect Enlightenment, with the thirty-two signs and the eighty kinds of excellences, and universally proclaiming the Wonderful Law to all living creatures in the universe. ll The story has been used to give Buddhists a double message: on the one hand, a person born as a woman becomes a Buddha only after having traded her female body for a male body; on the- other, "a woman can achieve Buddhahood" (:J. nyonin jobutsU).12 - Within the Ch'an school and its Japanese derivative the attaining of a male body as a prerequisite to Buddhahood is far less empha- sized than in, for example, the Nichiren tradition, and far more emphasis is placed on the instantaneous quality of each of the important moments of the story. The story appears to have been understood in the Ch'an school as one that emphasizes the ex- traordinary and rapid transformation that comes with enlighten- ment, a transformation on which there are no limitations. The dragon girl's offering of her priceless pearl to the Buddha and his acceptance of it are both rapid, completely without deliberation or obstruction; so of course are the steps that follow. The allusion to the story in the famous Ch'an ':Song of Proving the Way," attribut- ed to Yung-chia Hsuan-chueh (665-713) but probably written in the late eighth century, 13 is typical of Ch'an interest in the story as demonstrating the absolute and instantaneous character of en- lightenment: Wrong is not wrong, right is not right To be offby a hair's breadth results in a mistake of a thousand miles [If] right, then the dragon girl suddenly achieves Buddha- hood [IUwrong, then Ananda is born in hell.I 4 The difference between delusion and enlightenment is merely a single instant of thought. Even someone of low status in terms of apparent closeness to enlightenment like the dragon girl can leap to enlightenment through a single moment of right thought. Like- wise, a great disciple of the Buddha like Ananda, whose position as a man, monk and arhat indicates great karmic roots, experiences, in a moment of deluded thought, rebirth in hell. A reference to an unknown version of the dragon girl story appears in the following intriguing episode in the record of the master Yu-chou T'an-k'ung in chuan 12 of theChing-te ch'uan-teng lu of 1004: A nun wanted to "open the hall" and preach the Dharma. 24 (To "open the hall" is to preach ceremonially for the first time as abbot or abbess of a particular temple.) The master (T'an-k'ung) said: "Nun, as a woman you should not open the hall." The nun said: "The niiga girl attained Buddhahood at age seven-what do you think about that?" The master said: "The niiga girl [could change into] eighteen [different] forms. Try one change of form for me." The nun said: "Even if I were to change, I would stillbe a fox spirit!" (Fox spirits could change into other forms, includ- ing that of a pretty woman, to delude humans.) The teacher chased her out with blows. IS Although this story is puzzling in certain respects, it appears that insofar as the verbal content of the exchange is concerned, the nun holds her own, demonstrating that she knows clearly that enlightened mind is the source of authority to teach, not external attributes. Whether the master's statement that as a woman she should not become a teacher is an allusion to current norms for which he thinks there is a "good reason," or represents merely his own opinion, or is simply a statement to test whether the nun's mind has sufficient enlightenment and confidence to transcend conventional notions, the nun's allusion to the dragon girl is an excellent answer. The second exchange offers a particularly Ch'an resolution to the ambiguity of the dragon girl story. The Lotus Sidra story reaches an ambiguous compromise between the posi- tion that birth as a woman does not reflect inferior roots for en- lightenment and the position that only as a man can one reach the full enlightenment of Buddhahood: the dragon girl does perform the transformation. When T'an-k'ung challenges the nun to do the same, she points out that that would prove nothing except that she has magical powers; the question of whether she is qualified to be an enlightened teacher must be resolved in a different realm entirely. Both Ta-hui Tsung-kao, the leading representative of Lin-chi Ch'an in Sung China, and Dagen (1200-1253), transmitter of TS'ao-tung Ch'an to Japan, and a great original master, use the story of the dragon girl in their writings and sermons to illustrate their conviction of the irrelevance of hsiang to enlightenment. In Dagen's case, the story is cited in a discussion of the enlightenment of women. In his argument in the "Raihaitokuzui" chapter of the Shobogenzo that enlightened women are as worthy of respect as 25 enlightened men and should be taken by men as teachers, Dagen brings up the example of the naga king's daughter. He says: Even a seven-year-old girl who practices the Buddha Dharma and is enlightened in it is the leader and guide of the fourfold community of Buddhists, the compassionate parent of living beings. For instance, the naga maiden in the Lotus Sutra achieved Buddhahood. Giving respect and homage to some- one such as her is the same as giving it to all the Buddhas. 16 Later in the chapter, in his criticism of the contemporary Japanese practice of creating certain territories for serious monastic train- ing and excluding women from them, he returns to the dragon girl: At the time a female became a Buddha, everything in the universe was completely understood [by her]. What person would hinder her [from entering the restricted territories], thinking that she had not truly come into this world? The merits [of her attainment] exist right now, illumining the whole universe, so even though you set up boundary lines, they are of no use. 17 Ta-hui also mentions the story more than once, and tells it from beginning to end in one sermon. He repeats what he believes to be the fact that although the Buddha preached the Dharma in . over three hundred and sixty assemblies, only three persons in all of the sutra literature are described as attaining complete, perfect enlightenment in that very life. One is a butcher, who lays down his knife and attains perfect enlightenment. The second is the youth Sudhana in the Gar;4havyuha section of the Avatar[lSaka Su- tra. The third is the naga girl. 18 All three are lay persons, while the butcher because of his occupation and the girl because of her gender and youth are unlikely candidates. In one of his sermons, Ta-hui tells and comments on the story in such a way as to raise one of the crucial questions about it from the point of view of Ch'an. In what moment of the story did the naga girl's attainment of perfect bodhi begin to take place? What is the point at which the person who acts and behaves authoritatively as an enlightened one makes her or his presence felt? Ta-hui focuses on the moment of her offering her precious pearl to the 26 Buddha. He says: "Was her offering of the pearl speedy? Indeed, it took place in her single instant of thought,"19 and goes on from there to discuss how to understand the fact that perfect enlighten- ment takes place in an instant. For him the important thing is not her change of bodily form, nor her attainment of Buddhahood in the southern quarter, but rather the single instant of enlightened thought in which she offers her pearl to the Buddha .. For Tan-k'ung and the would-be abbess, for the author of the "Song of Proving the Way," for Dagen and Ta-hui, the story is not that of a woman who became a male Buddha, it is the story of a woman who, upon becoming a Buddha, is still thought of as a woman. For them she becomes a Buddha not when she changes her bodily form, but when she gives rise to supreme bodhi in a single moment of enlightened thought. Apparently fOJ: these members of the Ch'an/Zen school, to have it any other way would be to give too much emphasis to form (hsiang), and not enough to the power of the one thought of enlightenment and the Mind in which it is grounded. The story of M o-shan Liao-jan An original Ch'an story that shows such a family relationship to that of the dragon girl that it might be regarded as fundamen- tally the same story in a characteristically Chinese transformation is that of the encounter between the monk Kuan-ch'i Chih-hsien and the abbess Mo-shan Liao-jan. To understand the story it is necessary to know that in China the order of nuns was always autonomous, fully separate from the order of monks. Yet in the larger four-part sangha or assembly of the disciples of the Buddha, monks ranked above nuns, who in turn ranked above lay men and lay women. Whenever nuns and monks happened to meet, there- fore, monks took precedence. Thus we have the dilemma of eti- quette faced by the participants in this story. A monk, being high- er in status, does not bow to a nun. A student, on the other hand, bows in submission to a teacher: 27 When the monk Kuan-ch'i Chih-hsien was travelling from place to place [looking for a teacher] he came to Mo-shan. Before [meeting Liao-jan, the abbess of Mo-shan] he said [to himself] "If this place is all right, then I will stay. Ifnot, then I will overturn the Ch'an platform (that is, show up the igno- rance of the teacher)." So saying, he entered the hall. Liao-jan sent an attendant nun to ask: "Are you merely sightseeing, or did you come for the Buddha Dharma?" Chih-hsien replied: "For the Buddha Dharma." Liao-jan then ascended to her seat. Chih-hsien asked for instruction. Liao-jan asked: "Where did you start your journey today?" Chih-hsien replied: "From the entrance to the road (lit., from the mouth of the road)." Liao- jan said: "Why didn't you cover it?" Chih-hsien had no reply. He then for the first time performed a kneeling bow. He asked: "What is Mo-shan (lit., summit mountain)?" Liao-jan said: "Its peak is not exposed." Chih-hsien said: "What is the occupant of Mo-shan like?" Liao-jan !"eplied: "(S)he has nei- ther male nor female form (hsiang)." Chih-hsien shouted: "Why doesn't she transform herself?" Liao-jan replied: "She is not a spirit, nor a ghost. What would you have her become?" Chih-hsien at this could only submit. He became a gardener at the nunnery, where he stayed three years. 20 The Chih-yiieh lu (Record of Pointing at the Moon) and Dagen both tell us that later, when Chih-hsien was instructing his own disci- ples, he said: "When I was at Lin-chi's place I got half a ladle, and when I was at Mo-shan's place I got another half-ladle, thus obtaining the full ladle that has enabled me to satisfy my hunger until today.21 It is interesting that Mo-shan Liao-jan is the only nun who is given a record of her own in the Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu. This is almost certainly connected to the fact that she had a male disciple williJ?g to give her credit for an important role in his enlighten- ment. Dagen, who recounts this story in support of his view that one should seek out enlightened teachers regardless of sex, com- ments: 28 Now, reflecting on this story, Mo-shan was a prominent disci- ple of Kao-an Ta-yu. Her power of satori was superior, and she became the mother who taught Chih-hsien. Lin-chi had inherited the Dharma of the great Zen master Huang-po. His was the great power of practice, and he became the father of Chih-hsien. The father was male and the mother was female. Chih-hsien showed that he had a superior spirit when he sought the Dharma from Mo-shan and paid homage to her. He was unflagging in his pursuit of later training, and he is famous for seeking the Dharma without consideration of male and female. 22 From a doctrinal point of view, it is of great interest that the question and answer that convinced Chih-hsien that he could profitably learn from Mo-shan Liao-jan was a question of the rel- evance to enlightenment of the distinction between male and fe- male. She says, in effect: "My enlightened Mind has neither male nor female hsiang." He counters: "Why do you not transform yourself?" One way of reading his question is to see it as asking: "Why not become a male and then a Buddha, as the dragon girl did, and thus prove that you are enlightened?" The fact that Mo- shan, like the nun in the story quoted above, does not recognize any need to transform herself, and therefore demonstrates her enlightenment in a way different from that of the dragon girl, is characteristic of the changes that had taken place within Ma- hayana in China and particularly in Ch'an. Mo-shan Liao-jan shows her enlightenment precisely by not showing it, letting it be known that the top of her head is not visible. The loftiness of her insight is demonstrated by her lack of interest in super-normal powers (shen-t'ung). Likewise, Buddhahood as a final accomplish- ment of perfection that can be externally displayed and verified through the possession of the thirty-two marks (hsiang) , one of which requires a penis, has paled in interest compared to the vivid personalities of the enlightened Chinese teachers. Chih-hsien's question thus only shows that he does not realize that mind en- lightened to any degree transcends distinctions of hsiang. In pre- serving this story, Tao-yuan, the compiler of the Ching-te Record of the Transmission of the Lamp, Dagen, and the influential Ts'ao-tung monk Hung-chih (who mentioned it frequently),23 and others re- cord the agreement of the tradition that Liao-jan has had the best of the exchange. In the thought world of the Lotus Sidra, the same story could not be read as a triumph for Mo-shan. Another interesting aspect of this story is that the question of the relevance of unequal hsiang to enlightenment and the question of the relative status of male and female are raised together. As a monk, Chih-hsien, though not overly polite, is not incorrect in not bowing to a nun. But if he intends to learn from her, he must bow 29 to her as a teacher. In his belated bow and final submission, Chih- hsien concedes the point that within the school, the status of teach- er is a matter of demonstrated wisdom, not of phenomenal charac- teristics. Dagen takes up the question of the status of women within the Ch'an/Zen school at some length in the "Raihaitokuzui" chapter of his Shi5bi5genzi5. He is concerned that attachment to external ap- pearances (hsiang) prevents many monks from paying homage to women or nuns even if they have acquired the Dharma and trans- mitted it. Such persons, he says, do not understand the Dharma; they have left the Buddha's path. They are like animals, far re- moved from the Buddhas and patriarchs. In demonstrating the error of this attitude, he points out that rank in the world and rank in the Dharma are two different things. He does not challenge the accepted relative ranking of men and women in the world. Nor does he challenge the view that all other things being equal, nuns rank below monks in the sangha. But he insists that rank in the Dharma depends upon one's progress toward complete, perfect enlightenment. Women, he points out, have attained the four fruits, as well as the higher stages of the bodhisattva path. One, the dragon girl, even attained to the stage of "wonderful enlighten- ment," the final stage on the fifty-two-stage path to Buddhahood conceived by the Hua-yen school. A hundred-year-old monk who has not acquired the Way is not the equal of a woman who has acquired it. Dagen says: When you make Dharma-inquiries of a nun who transmits the treasury of the eye of the true Dharma, ... who has reached the stages of the bodhisattva's last ten stages, and you pay hom- age to her, the nun will naturally receive your homage. 24 Concluding remarks On a recent stay in Taiwan I discussed these stories with a group of nuns in their late twenties and thirties. They belonged to a nominally Ch'an order, had experienced Ch'an training under the nun Hsiao-yun Fa-shih, and were pursuing studies in the Lotus Siitra. When asked whether the story of the dragon girl reflected a 30 reservation about the capacities of women to attain enlightenment, given that the dragon girl must first manifest maleness before becoming a Buddha, the young nuns unanimously stated that that would be a mistaken interpretation. Maleness and femaleness have nothing to do with enlightenment, since enlightenment is a matter of mind and heart. Clearly the point of the story, they said, was that the dragon girl had the power of insight and determination to become a Buddha, and the truth taught by the sutra had the trans- formative power to make this possible. The transformation of her body into a male body had no real significance as an element in the story; for them it was part of the miraculous trappings of the myth rather than the heart of the myth itself. The historian of Buddhism readily sees in these stories and their interpretations within the Ch'an/Zen tradition a blending of the ekayana ("one vehicle") tendency within the Mahayana with the Chinese belief in the "suddenness" of enlightenment. What in- trigues this historian is that the Ch'an and Zen schools included these stories in preaching and teaching at a time when their soci- eties were putting more emphasis on Confucian education as a path of self-cultivation, while at the same time failing to educate women, or to allow women to become leaders and teachers. In doing so Ch'an and Zen teachers planted seeds of the conviction that gender differences were accidental, not essential. As Ch'an and Zen appealed to members of the classes whose sons and hus- bands were being educated, women from those classes found themselves drawn to a path to enlightenment which granted them in principle at least an equal status, as well as autonomy and lead- ership roles, and one in which it was taught that gender and social status were irrelevant considerations that could and should be dropped from the minds of all genuine seekers. The point of view truest to the tradition is well expressed in the Shobogenzo: 31 "What demerit is there in femaleness? What merit is there in maleness? There are bad men and good women. If you wish to hear the Dharma and put an end to pain and turmoil, forget about such things as male and female. As long as delusions have not yet been eliminated, neither men nor women have eliminated them; when they are all eliminated and true reality is experienced, there is no distinction of male and female."25 NOTES L Tao-yUan, compo and ed., Ching-Ie ch'uan-Ieng lu (Taipei: Chen-shan-mei ch'u-pan-she, 1967), p. 159-61. Hereafter cited as CTCTL. About Hung-pien nothing further is known. 2. Ta-hui P'u-chileh. Ch'an-shih p'u-shuo, Dainihon zokuzOkyo 1, 31, 5, p. 455a. Hereafter cited as Ta-hui p'u-shuo. 3. Ta-hui p'u-shuo, p. 433b. 4. The passage attributed to Hung-pien quoted above, the earliest, is not in any source earlier than 1004. The closest thing to a doctrinal statement on the subject appearing in earlier Ch'an works is found in the work called Erhju ssu- hsing lun ("Treatise on the Two Entrances and Four Practices") attributed to Bodhidharma. The passage reads as follows: Question: What does it mean to say "a male is not a male, a female is not a female"? Answer: If you seek [enlightenment] relying on Dharrna, then masculinity and femininity are not things you can grasp onto. How do we know? Form itself is not male form or female form. If form were male, then all grasses and trees would correspondingly be male; and the same for female [form]. People who are deluded do not understand; in their deluded thinking they see male and female, [but] that is an illusory male, and illusory female; ultimately they are not real. This of course merely states that the distinction is empty; it does not address the question of whether the distinction is relevant to enlightenment. Cf. Yanagida Seizan, ed. and trans., Darurna no goroku (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1969), pp. 77- 79. 5. Cf. Philip Kapleau, compo and ed., The Three Pillars of Zen (Boston: Bea- con Press, 1967), pp. 160-61 and 166. 6. Cf. Thomas Cleary, trans. and ed., The Original Face (New York: Grove Press, 1978), p. 78. 7. Cf. Lu K'uan Yii, Ch'an and Zen Teaching, First Series (Berkeley, Ca.: Shambhala Publications, Inc., 1970), p. 87. Also Stephen Mitchell, ed., Dropping Ashes on the Buddha (New York: Grove Press, 1976). 8. Most notably Bodhidharma's disciple Tsung-chih, Layman P'ang's daughter Ling-chao, and Candrottara, as well as a number of nameless laywomen and nuns who inspire, challenge, or confound monks such as Te-shan, Chao-chou and Lin-chi. 9. I have used the Chinese text in TaishO 9, pp. 34b-35c. Translations are taken from Bunn6 KatO, trans., "Myoho-renge kyo": The Sulra of the Lotus Flower of the Wonderful Law (Tokyo: Kosei Shuppansha, 1971), ch. 12, pp. 256-6l. 10. TaishO 9, p. 35c; Kat6, p. 260. 11. TaishO 9, p. 35c; Kat6, p. 260. 12. Cf. Harada Norio's interesting essay, "Ryunyo," in Zen bunka, no. 68 (March 15, 1973), pp. 25-30. 13. Cf. the introduction to Yoka shOdoka by Omori S6gen in Nishitani Keiji 32 and Yanagida Seizan, eds., Zenke goroku II (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1974), p. 113. 14. CTCTL, chuan 30, p. 229. 15. CTCTL, chuan 12, p. 34 16. Dagen, ShOb6genza, in Terada Toru and Mizuno Yaoko, ~ d s . , Dagen . (Tokyo: I wanami Shoten, 1970, 2 vols.), I, p. 324. Hereafter cited as Terada and Mizuno. The translation used here is from Francis Dojun Cook, H ow to Raise an Ox (Los Angeles: Center Publications, 1978), p. 140. Hereafter cited as Cook. 17. Terada and Mizuno, I, p. 328. Cook, pp. 145-46. I have added "[by her]". 18. Ta-hui p'u-shuo, p. 458d; see also pp. 447b-c. Ta-hui brings up the story of the dragon girl elsewhere in Ta-hui p'u-shuo, pp. 402a, and 438c, and in Ta-hui p'u-chueh Ch'an-shih yu-lu, Taisha 47, p. 838a, where he quotes Yung-chia's "Song of Proving the Way," p. 900c and p. 909b. 19. Ta-hui p'u-shuo, p. 447c. 20. CTCTL, chuan 11, p. 19. An English translation by Lu K'uan-yil is given in a translation by him of a sermon by the twentieth century teacher Hsil-yiln. It is found in Lu K'uan Yil, Ch'an and Zen Teaching, First Series, p. 87. Dagen tells the story somewhat differently in the "Raihaitokuzui" chapter of the ShObagenza. Cf. Terada and Mizuno, I, pp. 318-20. Lu K'uan-yil's notes are interesting. Of the final exchange he says: When Kuan Ch'i asked about the owner of Mo Shan, i.e., about herself, she replied that the owner was neither male nor female for sex had nothing to do with enlightenment, and the dharmakiiya was neither male nor female. Generally, women had many more handicaps than men, and Kuan Ch'i seemed to look down upon her because of her sex and asked her why she did not change herself into a man if she was (sic) enlightened. His question showed that he was still under delusion. 21. Hsil Ju-chi, comp., Chih-yueh lu (Taipei: Chen shan-mei ch'u-pan-she, 1959), chuan 13 (vol. 2), pp. 932-33. Cf. Terada and Mizuno, I, p. 320. 22. Terada and Mizuno, I, p. 320; Cook, p. 137. 23. Hung-chih Ch'an-shih kuang-lu, TaisM 48, pp. 1-121, mentions Mo-shan's story on pp. 16b, 32b, 42b, 44c, 47b, 94b. Ta-hui p'u-shuo mentions it on p. 446d; Yuan-wu Fo-kuo Ch'an-shih yu-lu,TaisM 48, pp. 714-810, retells it on p. 779b, in a Dharma-instruction (Fa-yu) given to a nun. 24. Terada and Mizuno, I, p. 322; Cook, p. 139. 25. Terada and Mizuno, I, p. 326; Cook, p. 143. Bassui W: ~ Ch'an *. Chao-chou .t![ 1'1-1 Chih-hsien i8 PM 33 GLOSSARY Chih-yueh lu tiil J.l Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu 1-' Daruma no goroku it (7) 'ffl Dagen :i1! j[; Erh-ju ssu-hsing lun = A 1m IT Fa-yu #;; 'ffl . Harada Norio 1* S3 * tiE Hsiang ;f Hsu Ju-chi tfr: Hsu-yun m: Hsuan-tsung Eli * Hua-yen * .fi:.! Hung-chih * Hung-chih Ch'an-shih kuang-lu * 1 IiiIi JJ( Hung-pien 51. m Kao-an Ta-yu jiWj ,Iifj, J akushitsu ;R Kuan-ch'i Chih-hsien il Layman P'ang (P'ang Chu-shih) Jft !is" Liao-jan T Lin-chi Ling-chao m ,f!iil Mizuno Yaoko 7.K ff 51 T Mo-shan -* LlJ Mo-shan Liao-jan -* LlJ T Nan Huai-chin Wi 'J! rJ: Myoho-renge-kyo try #;; ji 1t Nishitani Keiji g":fr m Nyonin jabutsu -P: A fiX ffll Omori Sagen 'If 1,: Raihaitokuzui :m ff Ryunyo m:":9::. Shen-t'ung:5} :@. ShObOgenzo jf" #;; Ta-hui*- Ta-hui P'u-chiieh Ch'an-shih p'u-shuo *- f giji Ta-hui P'u-chueh Ch'an-shih yu-lu *- :It IiiIi 'ffl Ta-hui p'u-shuo *- Ta-hui Tsung-kao *- * T'an-k'ung 34 Tao-yuan:@: W. Te-shan 1 ~ ill Terada Toru ~ E B ~ . Ts'ao-tung Wi i/OJ Tsung-chih ,.@ :f,f Yanagida Seizan tw EB ~ ill Yoka shOdoka .iJ< ~ ~ :@: ~ Yu-chou T'an-k'ung ~ ;/-1'1 ~ ~ Yuan-wu Fo-kuo Ch'an-shih yu-lu ~ m ~ ='= * gjjJ ~ ~ Yung-chia Hsuan-chueh 7i<. ~ 1:: :I: Zen 1 Zen bunka 1 X it Zenke goroku * ~ ~ ~ 35 CHllNLEIE 1UDllIE llN JPHlllLOOIPHY, A Quarterly Journal of Translations Editor: Chung-ying Cheng, University of Hawaii "Indispensable to specialists and laymen alike who want to understand the ideological tendencies in Mainland China and the development of recent Chinese thought .... the ideas are dynamic and the writing lively. The journal is highly recommended. "-Wing-tsit Chan, Dartmouth College " ... probably the best English source for a good understanding of sub- jects discussed by Chinese Marxist philosophers today." -Charles Wei-hsun Fu, Temple University Sample Issue Contents Reevaluating "One Divides into Two" and "Two Combine into One" On the Difference between "One Divides into Two" and "Two Com- bine into One" "One Divides into Two" Reveals Struggle; "Two Combine into One" Reveals Unity "One Divides into Two" Cannot Fully Describe the Theory of the Unity of Opposites On the Problem of the Debate over "One Divides into Two" and "Two Combine into One" How to Interpret Correctly "One Divides into Two" The Place and Function of the Identity of Contradiction in the Development of Things-A Draft Discussion Quarterly First Issue: Fall 1969 Institutions: $144 Individuals: $37 un. E Sharpe Inc. ao Business Park Drive. Armonk. New York 10504 The Life and Times of Paramartha (499-569) by Diana Y. Paul An implicit principle of selection is operative in any biography. In religious biographies or hagiographies, the selection of biographi- cal facts is especially critical to the emerging image of the religious personality.l In the case of the Kao seng chuan (KSCF (Biographies of Eminent Monks) we have simultaneously the tendency to select common human experiences that indicate Buddhist monks are ordinary men with shared emotions, ambitions, and weaknesses; and the tendency to select events that characterize monks as uniquely religious, that is, spiritually eminent. In other words, the KSC and its sequel, the Hsii kao seng chuan (HKSC) (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks) chronicle the lives of those who are recognized to have exemplified the religious ideals of the Chinese Buddhist monastic community in the most favorable manner. Par- amartha's own biography portrays a saintly scholarly figure against the background of the emotionally and politically turbu- lent events of the sixth century. During this period marking the close of the North-South Dy- nastic Period in China, philosophical schools of Buddhism emerged and flourished in the wake of Indian missionary-monks who had gained economic support from different Chinese courts. Naturally, when the imperial hegemony was a stable one, produc- tivity in translation work and major recognition of scholarship was far more marked than in troubled periods of political and social upheaval. The most significant translations and scholarship were usually effected only when there was financial patronage from highly influential state officials. It is essential to remember that Buddhist "schools" in China were not educational institutions established in terms of organiza- tional hierarchies and codified dogma regarded as absolute doctri- 37 nal authority. The historical, political, geographical and economic realities of the time were critical to the survival of any scholastic endeavor, religious or secular. In the period at the end of the North-South Dynasties, in particular, it is especially important to investigate the personality and influence of the great Indian mas- ters who served as the teachers and translators of innovative reli- gious doctrines to their coteries of Chinese Buddhist disciples. These Indian Buddhist pioneers were not content to translate the scriptural texts solely for scholastic purposes. They were interest- ed in interpreting texts in a way that would allow their Chinese followers to analyze their work by writing their own commen- taries, thereby transforming Buddhism into a culturally acceptable religion. These Indian Buddhist monks also had to adjust to the political and economic challenges of the time. It was during the chaotic times of the Liang and Ch'en Dynas- ties that Paramartha introduced the philosophical ideas of Yoga- cara Buddhism to the Chinese elite in the south. Paramartha was an Indian Buddhist monk and the first to introduce and dissemi- nate, to any great extent, Yogacarin philosophical and religious tenets to China, in the Kwangsi and Kwangtung provinces of the south. This marked the beginning of a period of active interpreta- tion and discussion of some of the most significant texts of the Y ogacarin or "Consciousness-Only" tradition. Paramartha was recognized as a major philosopher and exegete of Yogacara Bud- dhism, exerting considerable influence on the development of Chinese Buddhist thought, from the Liang Dynasty up t ~ r o u g h the middle of the Tang. By providing a systematic and represen- tative collection of core texts for his loyal followers, Paramartha enabled Chinese Buddhist monks to prepare the foundation for the classical Tang Buddhist schools: Hua-yen, whose most notable proponents were Fa-tsang (643-712) and Chih-yen (602-668); and Fa-hsiang, whose primary proponents were Hsuan-tsang (600-664) and his disciple, K'uei-chi (632-682), also known as Tzu-en. Largely due to Paramartha's extensive translations and exe- geses, Yogacara Buddhism was to affect Chinese thought for over three hundred years. Not only Ch'an and Hua-yen Buddhists but also the later neo-Confucians owed a considerable debt to Para- martha's systematic thought. His works were to be the turning point in a long-standing debate among Buddhist scholars concern- 38 ing the phenomenology of mind and the essential character of human nature. He devoted his writings to analyzing the structures of conscious acts and their relationship to spiritual enlightenment. . If human nature is intrinsically good and destined for enlighten- ment, he asked, why do human beings refuse to believe and act like the enlightened beings they fundamentally are? This ques- tion, lying at the heart of Mahayana, is the focus of all of Para- martha's major tracts of writing. While Paramartha was living, his works were subjected to the vicissitudes of the times, ranging from a period of eminence and recognition of his brilliant and innovative analyses of Buddhist doctrine to periods of sporadic but intense persecution. A prelimi- nary investigation of the personality and political life of Para- martha will assist in understanding his place in the history of the evolution of Buddhist thought. He was a religious and philosophi- cal teacher of theretofore unknown Buddhist theories. He was a political survivor who, though ostracized for the views he both cherished and had hoped to disseminate, managed to continue his writings-despite jealous Buddhist court monks who plotted his banishment from the central sphere of political and religious in- fluence and a lack of highly placed patrons that more economical- ly stable times would have certainly provided. The specifically religious dimension of Paramartha's life, in accordance with the overall hagiographical intent of the HKSC, is brought out in sharp relief from the sparse historical details of his life before his arrival in China. First, I will attempt a brief recon- struction of the political and religious context of sixth-century India and its colony Funan, where Paramartha resided for some time. Then I will summarize the political and economic unrest in southern China on the eve of Paramartha's sojourn to Canton, b ~ f o r e discussing in detail the biography of Paramartha. The Historical Background of India and Funan Paramartha was born in A.D. 499, approximately a hundred and fifty years after the Yogacarin philosopher Vasubandhu, the single Buddhist most influential on Paramartha's intellectual de- velopment. At that time the city of U jjain was no longer part of the Gupta empire. The collapse of the Gupta empire would occur in 39 the mid-sixth century, but the glory of the empire had faded greatly as the Central Asian tribe, the HUI).as, had invaded north India much earlier through the Khyber Pass .. The demise of the dynasty politically fractured the country, and north India reverted to its feudal kingdoms. In the Kathiawar Peninsula, ValabhI sepa- rated from Magadha, so that Paramartha's family was part of an autonomous kingdom, the province of Malwa, of which Ujjain was the capital city. There is no evidence that the Gupta empire con- trolled western Malwa, including Ujjain, except perhaps in the- ory.3 By 510 both Malwa and ValabhI had regional kings who theoretically acknowledged the Later Guptas only as the titular heads of state. In western Malwa, north of Ujjain, there were several feudal lords during the early life of Paramartha. The most important was King Yasodharman, whose heroic deeds in battling the HUI).a king Mihirakula,4 son of ToramaI).a, are legendary. We know that Mi- hirakula was an adherent of a Saivite sect of the Brahmanical tradition and was alleged to have fiercely persecuted the Bud- dhists. 5 Mihirakula and his troops met with fierce resistance, hav- ing been defeated by Yasodharman of Malwa sometime between 527 and 533, according to a Mandasor (Dasapura) inscription,6 on which it is said that Mihirakula paid obeisance to the feet of Yasod- harman. There is some controversy concerning whether Mihira- kula pressed on to Magadha to be defeated by Narasirphagupta Baladitya II. 7 Even under Mihirakula and the Maitrakas, the provincial rul- ers were allowed to continue their reign over the people. 8 Para- martha's contemporaries, then, during his youth were Mihirakula in Ujjain and Narasimhagupta Baladitya II, a Later Guptan king, in Magadha. Yasodharman of Malwa, who captured Mihirakula in approximately 532, would have been the reigning power in Ujjain about the time of Paramartha's departure for foreign lands. Since Paramartha was their contemporary, he must have enjoyed the patronage of both Yasodharman and Baladitya II in order to have the requisite financial resources for his missionary effort. Since we are not certain of the precise date when Paramartha left for China, probably around 545, he may have had the patronage of either Baladitya II or, more likely, his son, Kumaragupta III, both of whom were patrons of Buddhism-as were most of the Later Gup- tans. The Maitraka ruler Dhruvasena I of ValabhI, the monastic 40 center for Yogacara Buddhism of the type that Paramartha advo- cated, reigned from at least 525-545 and may have supported Paramartha's missionary efforts as well. According to the HKSC Paramartha set sail at some unknown date for distant lands to propagate the Buddhist teaching. The only country named in the HK?C besides China as a place of missionary activity is Funan. Funan, at the time of Paramartha, had become a center of international trade, incorporating all of Cambodia, parts of Thailand, and the lower part of the Mekong delta in Vietnam. This region functioned as a trade zone between the two great empires of India and China and had been a vital economic colony in India's possession since the first century A.D. Funan had become predominantly Hindu but Buddhist mission- ary activity during the sixth century must have intensified, since it is said that the Buddhists also had a strong following. It is known that Buddhist monks had already been sent to China from Funan to translate texts during the imperial reign of Wu of Liang. Sarpghapala (or Samghabhara) (460-524) resided in China from 506 until 522. Mandra (or Mandrasena) collaborated with him.9 Rudravarman,!O son of J ayavarman, had commissioned at least six emissaries to China, from 517 until 539. Various pre- sents were sent to the imperial court by Rudravarman, including a sandalwood image of the Buddha, Indian pearls, a live rhinoceros, saffron, and a relic of the Buddha (purportedly a twelve-foot-Iong strand of hair.)!l After he allegedly killed GUI,lavarman, his half brother and rightful heir to the throne, Rudravarman was in jeop- ardy of being overthrown by native Cambodians. This eventually brought the downfall of the Indian colony of Funan. Two facts can be documented with regard to the state of Buddhism in Funan at the time of Paramartha. First, government support of Buddhism was an important factor in trade relations between Funan and China. Paramartha'sjourney to China was not the first, since envoys to China from Funan had been relatively frequent before his departure for Canton. We know from the HKSC that Emperor Wu of Liang had invited monks such as Sarpghapala and Mandra from Funan to the imperial court prior to Paramartha's departure for Canton. Second, Rudravarman must have been the sovereign at the time Paramartha was engaged in missionary activity in Funan, as he apparently had some interest in Buddhism, for political if not personal reasons. His reign was to 41 come to an abrupt end about the time that Paramartha departed from Funan. Although Hinduism was the state religion of Funan, the fact that Emperor Wu selected Funan as a resource center for recruit- ing eminent Buddhist monks suggests that there was considerable missionary activity by Buddhist monks in Funan during the sixth century. By the beginning of the seventh century, however, Bud- dhism had been banished f1lom Funan. Paramartha may have al- ready suspected that BuddhIsm was beginning to lose its constitu- ency in Funan when he accepted the invitation to go to China. Historical Background of Southern China During the Late Liang and Early Ch'en The Ta-t'ung reign of Emperor Wu of Liang (reigned 502- 549) marked the beginning of the fourth decade of his reign. He was a more fervent Buddhist than any Chinese sovereign before him. This fact is reiterated in Paramartha's biography in the HKSC, where it states that: ... the virtue of Emperor Wu of Liang extended over all parts of the land, causing the Three Jewels [of Buddhism] to flourish .... The emperor wished to transmit and translate the teachings of the sutras, no less than during the Ch'in Dyn- asty [Former Ch'in: 351-394; Later Ch'in: 384-417]. In addi- tion, he [wished to have] published materials surpassing in number those of the days of the Ch'i Dynasty [479-502).12 Emperor Wu had originally been of Taoist persuasion, and his ties to Taoist alchemists continued even after his conversion to Buddhism in 504 and his subsequent decrees exerting pressure on Taoists to return to the laity .13 He began his reign in a period of great prosperity and economic stability, but closed his reign with indifference toward the national government. Envisioning himself as an exemplary Buddhist sovereign, he had constructed many Buddhist temples, the most famous being the Tung-fai temple, whose construction between 521-527 drained the state treasuries of enormous sums of money and increased the burden on the economy. In the year of Tung-t'ai's completion, Emperor Wu briefly 42 retired to become a monk. He was sixty-three years old at the time. It is at the Tung't'ai temple that he had engaged in some of his most noteworthy and controversial Buddhist practices, including "Dharma assemblies" where the subtleties of sutras would be dis- cussed at length, and where he granted amnesty to criminals or made pronouncements. One of his more unusual practices was to surrender himself as a temple servant for a day in order to raise donations from wealthy aristocratic families for the temple cof- fers. 14 Two instances in which he performed the acts of a temple servant took place in 546 and 547, shortly before Paramartha's arrival in Nanking. The Inexhaustible Treasuries he encouraged were vast collections of capital, estimated to be worth 10,960,000 pieces of gold in 533. 15 All these acts were Wu's pious attempts to save himself and others from unfortunate states of rebirth. Due to the zealous practices of Emperor Wu he was praised as p'u-sa t'ien- tzu, "The bodhisattva and Sori of Heaven" - and vilified by Confu- cian historians as a spendthrift who allowed corrupt Buddhist practices to continue unchecked. He also was criticized for not observing the penal code, by being overly lenient toward prisoners in accordance with his interpretation of the Buddhist ideal of com- passion. When circumstances necessitated the execution of crimi- nals, Wu reluctantly gave the command only after burning incense and invoking the name of the Buddha to eradicate any potential bad karma he would otherwise incur. For all of his financial excesses in the name of the Buddhist religion, Emperor Wu, particularly in the early period of his reign, established social and economic reforms. He exerted himself in stabilizing governmental organizations by maintaining tight con- trol over the Southern Dynastic aristocracy. 16 However, at the end of the Eastern Chin the firmly established aristocratic families had lost much of their monopoly over government posts; in their stead rose the "cold men", (han-jen) , who were ambitious commoners, currying favor with local lords. These commoners had the backing of wealthy regional lords and came to dominate others through graft and bribery, increasing their own wealth considerably. The history of the shifts in power during the Southern Dynas- ties must always take into account the fact that the great landown- ing regional lords had made alliances with the "cold men" for business, profit, and capital. This economic and political alliance was to oppress the farmers even more and cause the collapse of 43 the Liang. The aristocratic families who had emigrated from the north, taking flight from the Hsien-pei invaders for the safe re- gions of the south along the Yangtze delta, gained high adminis- trative positions but often possessed no real poWer. The provincial governors, who were princes of the imperial family, always had to address the needs of the native southern Chinese clans surround- ing them. Often the governors were in a weak position with regard to protecting their own garrisons, since the military recruits came- from native southern families. The centralized government was politically organized as a sys- tem in which each prince moved from one garrison to another, with a metropolitan headquarters in the capital city of Chien-k'ang (same as Chien-yeh, referred to in the HKSC, and known today as Nanking). Militarily, the Liang Dynasty was not only vulnerable to attack from the foreign rulers of the Toba-Wei house in north China but also from within its own ranks. By the end of the Liang, oppression of the peasants and farmers had increased but influ- ences and threats from north China had temporarily declined, due to its division into Eastern and Western Wei. The Liang sought to take advantage of this division by increasing military intervention. Emperor Wu, late in his career, turned to the "cold families" (han-men) in hope of using the latter's power to gain north China. These trusted men, who had been excellent govern- ment servants and had not antagonized the aristocratic emigres, were given low government positions that had real power behind them, although they were looked down upon by the aristocracy because of their plebian origins. Countering Emperor Wu's ambi- tions were the ambitions of some of the more powerful southern Chinese clans and emigres from the north who wished to appro- priate for themselves the throne of south China. Unlike in the Northern Dynasties, there was a constant need to strengthen na- tionalism in the south. In addition, the tension between spending vast sums of money on war and on Buddhist practices were signs of a weakening of the Liang Dynasty. The insufficient increase in the money supply had been a general tendency since the time of Liu Sung. 17 Economic recession coupled with a high rate of infla- tion during the late Liang Dynasty gave many of the "cold fam- ilies" who were merchants increased prosperity and forced peas- ants and farmers into more lucrative careers in the military as soldiers for powerful native regional lords. 44 The rise of the notorious rebel Hou Ching l8 and the marshal- ing of forces against Emperor Wu is a long, complicated web of intrigue that remains controversial among historians. Originally Hou Ching was a powerful general of the Eastern Wei Dynasty in north China. He had been a military aide to Kao Huan; who had forced Emperor Hsiao-wu to flee west to Ch'ang-an, where he was assassinated by Yii-wen T'ai in 534. Kao Huan then set up a pup- pet emperor, Emperor Hsiao Ching, in Loyang in 535, establish- ing the Eastern Wei. In 547, almost thirteen years after the inau- guration of the Eastern Wei dynasty, Kao Huan died. His eldest son, Kao Ch'eng (d. 549), did not look so favorably upon his fa- ther's cohort, Hou Ching. Kao Ch'eng was assassinated in 549 by a Liang prisoner ofwar. 19 Kao Ch'eng's younger brother, Kao Yang (529-559), succeeded as the military power behind the throne, proclaiming himself emperor (Wen-hsiian) in 550, establishing the Northern Ch'i. Following a quarrel with Kao Yang, Hou Ching planned another military campaign, this time allying himself with Yii-wen T'ai of the Western Wei, Kao Ch'eng's old rival and the Hsien-pei power behind the throne in 547. Although Yii-wen T'ai was uneasy about the alliance with Hou Ching, he commanded HOll Ching to seize the Eastern Wei capital of Loyang. Hou Ching felt trapped between the two rival forces. In 548, he allied himself with Emperor Wu so as to gain his assistance in this crisis. By this time Emperor Wu was well into his dotage and had delegated the bulk of administrative responsibilities to both com- petent officials and inefficient relatives from his immediate family. Against the will of some of his most trusted advisers, Emperor Wu enfeoffed Hou Ching as Prince of Honan, so as to cause trouble for both the Eastern and Western Wei. Throughout the ensuing hostilities precipitated by Hou Ching, Emperor Wu was to be inef- fectual in rallying forces to defend the capital and empire from the duplicitous Hou Ching. Assisted by one of Emperor Wu's own sons, Hou Ching eventually seized the capital city of Nanking on April 24, 549, after a six-month insurrection in which there was lack of resistance from imperial troops. With dignity befitting an imperial authority, Emperor Wu received Hou Ching at court. when the rebel stormed the palace gates. 20 Emperor Wu died of starvation on June 12, 549, while under house arrest. After two-and-a-half years of nominally supporting the right- ful heir to the throne, in the seventh month of 551 Hou Ching had 45 the puppet emperor Chien-wen (Hsiao Kang) intoxicated and then suffocated him and murdered many of his children. After the three-month interim reign of Hsiao Tung, Emperor Chien- wen's successor, Hou Ching proclaimed himself Emperor of Han on January 1, 552, and imprisoned Hsiao Tung. 21 On April 28, 552, three months after Hou Ching's ascent to the throne, Hou Ching was forced to flee Nanking by troups commanded/by the powerful generals Wang Seng-pien (d. 555)22 and Ch'en Pa-hsien (50-3-559),23 under the orders of Hsiao 1. On May 26, 552, Gener- al Wang Seng-pien killed Hou Ching and displayed his corpse in Nanking. His corpse was savagely torn to pieces by the people and eaten, then the bones were set afire. His head was taken to Chiang- ling where emperor (Ylian) allowed the birds to eat it. 24 Emperor Liang's seventh son, Hsiao I, who had originally been enfeoffed as Prince of Hsiang-tung, and who lived in Chiang-ling, approximately 450 miles southwest of Nanking, pro- claimed himself emperor (Yuan) of the Liang in Chiang-ling on December 13, 552.25 His general, Wang Seng-pien, who had overthrown his father's assassin, Hou Ching, was the power be- hind the restoration of the Liang, and was still in Nanking. Per- haps suspicious of Wang Seng-pien's own political ambitions, the newly declared Emperor Yuan wisely chose to stay in Chiang-ling but sent both generals to Nanking. Nearly all the aristocratic emigres who had survived the fall of Nanking sought refuge where Hsiao I resided. 26 Fearing also his younger brother, Hsiao Chi, in Szechuan, Hsiao I had him assassinated by the Western Wei in August 553. 27 The regions of Szechuan, however, were sacrificed to the Western Wei, led by Yu-wen Tai, in exchange for the disposal of Hsiao Chi, and the court was maintained in Chiang-ling where Hsiao I now resided. This city was seized easily by the Western Wei a year later, at the close of 554. The Western Wei plotted the death of Hsiao I by taking all Liang functionaries prisoners and leading them to Kuan-chung at the basin of the Wei River. Only about two hundred families escaped forced migra- tion. 28 Hsiao Ch'a, the son of Hsiao Tung, had Hsiao I crushed to death while under the security of the Western Wei. On February 7, 555, he proclaimed himself emperor (posthumously known as Prince of Yuchang). Meanwhile, in Nanking both of Emperor Yuan's generals, Wang Seng-pien and Ch'en Pa-hsien, were maneuvering for the 46 ultimate power behind the throne. The succession to the throne of Liang posed a difficult problem. Hsiao Fang-chih was proclaimed heir apparent by both generals. Later, however, Hsiao Yuan- ming, the late Emperor Wu's nephew, a repatriated heir to the throne living in Northern Ch'i, where he had been in exile, was summoned back from Northern Ch'i by Wang Seng-pien. On July 1, 555, he was proclaimed emperor, and Hsiao Fang-chih was designated prince regent, a virtual demotion. This was agreed upon with the Northern Ch'i, and Nanking was securely in their possession. This lasted a mere five months before a conflict be- tween Ch'en Pa-hsien and Wang Seng-pien left the slayer of Hou Ching dead. 29 H ~ i a o Yuan-ming, who had been sponsored by Wang Seng-pien, was deposed and the fifteen-year-old prince re- gent, Hsiao Fang-chih, Prince of Chin-an, ascended the throne as emperor (posthumously known as Emperor Ching), with the sponsorship of Ch'en Pa-hsien. After an appropriate waiting peri- od of two years with Hsiao Fang-chih as a puppet emperor, Ch'en Pa-hsien proclaimed himself emperor on November 16, 557, be- ginning the Ch'en Dynasty. The Biography of Paramartha A standard account of his family background and place of birth is given in the HKSC,30 allegedly based upon a biography of Ts'ao Pi, nephew of Paramartha's favorite disciple, Hui-k'ai. This biography not only establishes his foreign origins, but also admits that an Indian Buddhist missionary-monk was as refined and as intellectually well-bred as upper-class Chinese. We are told that his personal name was Kulanatha, which means. "refuge of the fam- ily"; his religious name, Paramartha, means "ultimate goal." Born in northwest India in Ujjain (UjjayinI) (northeast of Baroda in Madhya Pradesh),3! he was a Brahman by birth, of the prominent Bharadvaja caste or clan (gotra).32 He is praised for the usual vir- tues of a Buddhist monk: his impeccable morals, calm and digni- fied demeanor, and proficiency in scripture, literary arts, magic, fine arts and crafts. A truly gifted man, whose knowledge was not only in Buddhist doctrine, he also seems to have been well suited temperamentally for a missionary career, having undertaken long and arduous journeys without fear of foreign people's "treach- 47 ery."33 It is also said that his beneficent presence was compatible with the dispositions of the native people he encountered. These are, of course, prerequisites for the ideal missionary-monk. Little more is known of Paramartha's life'in India. He was a monk (sriima1Ja) who had gained a considerable religious reputa- tion for scholarship and travel. The biographical record in the HKSC mentions that Emperor Wu of Liang devoutly yearned to extend Buddhism throughout China. During the Ta-t'ung era (535-546) he ordered his Palace Rear Guard Chang Fan and a contingent to accompany the ambassador from Funan (Cambodia) back to his own country.34 Emperor Wu wished to invite eminent scholars in Mahayana Buddhism to bring significant sutras and siistras to China. At this time Paramartha's reputation as a scholar and missionary living in Funan presumably was brought to the ambassador's attention, for the ambassador of Funan sent him to Emperor Wu's court in compliance with the imperial order. Little is known of Paramartha's adulthood until his early for- ties, when he arrived in Canton. He may have resided in Funan for some length of time, judging from the reputation he had gained with the ambassador and, presumably, the government in general. The first of many documentary discrepancies in the account of Paramartha's journey to China deals with the facts surrounding the departure from Funan. According to his official biography in HKSC he was sent to China from Funan and took many texts with him.35 It is very clear from historical records, both Buddhist and dynastic, that Emperor Wu of Liang made tremendous effort and donated large sums of money to make Buddhism prosperous and to seek out Buddhist missionaries. The account in the HKSC is based upon Pao-kuei's introduction to the "new" Suvarnaprabhiisa- sutra (Hsin-ho chin kuang-ming ching), eighth ch1lan, preserved in the Li-tai san-paD chi (L TSPC): 48 Emperor Wu of Liang feared rebirth in the three [unfortu- nate] destinies and grieved over falling into the four kinds of gestation [womb, egg, moisture, or spontaneously generated]. He [wished to] set sail to rescue the drowning, holding on to the torch of wisdom, in order to enlighten [others'] delusion. During the Ta-t'ung period the emperor sent a Rear Guard Chang Szu to Funan to send back to China invited eminent monks and Mahayana siistras and sutras of various kinds. This country [Funan] then yielded in turning over the western Indian Dharma Master from Ujjain, namely Paramartha, who, in Liang, was called Chen-ti, and with him, many stltrasand sastras in order to honor the emperor. After the Dharma Master Paramartha had traveled to many kingdoms he had settled in Funan. His manner was lively and intelligent and he had relished details in scriptural texts and profound texts, all of which he had studied. In the first year of T'ai-ch'ing (547) he went to the capital and had a visit with the emperor who himself bowed down to him in the Jeweled Cloud (Pao-yun) quarters of the palace in reverence to him, wishing for him to translate sutras and sastras, relying upon the foreigner. Opposition from the law made it difficult for foreigners to be titled. 36 The Pao-kuei introduction may be reliable, since the intro- duction was written in 597, only about sixty years after Para- martha was summoned from Funan (in approximately 535),37 and twenty-eight years after Paramartha's death, in 569. Pao-kuei's teacher, Tao-an, had been one of Paramartha's followers, and his death in 581 at the end of the Northern Chou Dynasty came only thirteen years after Paramartha's. Some of the more recent ac- counts of Paramartha's embarking on his journey to south China claim that Emperor Wu of Liang commissioned an envoy to go to Magadha, not Funan, to acquire sutras and Dharma Masters. From Magadha the envoy met the Tripitaka Master Kulanatha, who at first adamantly refused to go to China, but eventually boarded a ship with his attendant Gautama and many others, bearing a gift of a rosewood statue of the Buddha to be presented at the imperial court. 38 The K' ai-yuan lu (KYL) combines parts of both versions of the account, namely, that the Rear Guard Chang Fan (or Chang Szu) had accompanied the Funan ambassador to his own country and then went to Magadha. 39 This combined account is the most questionable of all the sources, since passages are cited verbatim from both HKSC and the colophon to the Ch'i-hsin lun, but synthe- sized. Of the four historical documents that mention the imperial envoy, the Ch'i-hsin lun is allegedly apocryphal and the KYL incor- porates portions of the Ch'i-hsin lun. If one rules out these two records as unreliable historical sources, then there can be no doubt that Paramartha was in Funan engaging in missionary activity some time during the Ta-t'ung era of the Liang Dynasty. 49 Besides the conflicting textual evidence about Funan, the year of departure remains vague in all historical records. Paramartha's official biography in the HKSC simply states that during the Ta- t'ung era, a span of slightly over ten years, the mission led by Rear Guard Chang Fan was sent to seek but Buddhist monks and scrip- tural texts. All other documents that indicate a time of departure follow the HKSC. When Paramartha arrived in Nanhai (modern Canton) on September 25, 546, it was the last year of the Ta-t'ung era. We may assume that his departure from Funan was towards the latter half of the Ta-t'ung era, thus giving ample traveling time to make the journey. Having stopped at various places along the coast, he ar- rived at the capital city, Chien-yeh (south of modern Nanking), two years later, in the intercalary month of the second year ofTai- ch'ing (August 20 through September 17, 548).4IJWhen he arrived at court, the eighty-five-year-old Emperor Wu prostrated himself before Paramartha-an extremely rare show of reverence-and had an audience with him in the Pao-yun temple. 41 At the time of this audience, Paramartha was almost fifty years old and an expe- rienced world traveler. While having his audience with the elderly emperor, Paramartha was unaware of an event that was to affect both his missionary efforts in C h i n ~ and the royal patronage of his translation work-the plotting of the downfall of the Liang court by the Toba rebel Hou Ching. A mere two months after Paramartha's arrival in Nanking, the rebellion had commenced and Emperor Wu's patronage was attenuated by the impending political crisis. From the day of Para- martha's reception at court until Emperor Wu's death by starva- tion while under house arrest on June 12, 549, Paramartha was sponsored, for a scant ten-month period, by the imperial court of Liang, before the uprising of Hou Ching's troops. After Emperor Wu's unfortunate death, Paramartha fled to Fu-ch'un, in Chekiang, Fu-yang district, approximately 150 miles southeast of Nanking, near Mt. Siao. There he was sponsored by Lu Yuan-che, the regional governor of Fu-ch'un and a recent convert to Buddhism. Paramartha attempted to resume transla- tion activities. With a staff of twenty accomplished monks, includ- ing Pao-ch'iung (504-584),42 he began translating the Shih-ch'i-ti- lun (Treatise on the Seventeen Bodhisattva Stages) in five chilan during the fourth year of Tai-ch'ing (550). The text is now 10st. 43 Accord- 50 ing to the KYL the monks apparently met with difficulties in trans- lating the text, so they stopped work. 44 The HKSC states that "although [the political and military situation of] the country has not yet been settled, he [Paramartha] transmitted the text witl:t an appendix (or glossary)."45 However, "transmitted" does not neces- sarily indicate that the text was completely committed to writing, so there need not be any contradiction between the sources, HKSC and KYL. Both the older catalog, the L TSPC, and the more recent Ta fang nei tien lu (NTL) omit any mention of an interruption in the translation but both catalogs give the same date and place of translation as found in the HKSC and KYL.46 After presumably beginning the translation of the Treatise on the Seventeen Bodhisattva Stages, Paramartha returned to the capital city in the third year of Tien-pao (552)47 by invitation of none other than Hou Ching himself. Undoubtedly Hou Ching knew of Paramartha's activities at Governor Lu Yuan-che's, and so sum- moned him to court. The HKSC laments: "At this time there was continuous warfare and famine; the Dharma was close to ruin."48 In the two and one-half years at Governor Lu Yuan-che's estate, Paramartha had had the solitude to begin the translation work he had intended as his chief purpose in traveling to China, but he also undoubtedly had been concerned about political affairs at court, where the murderer of Emperor Wu now dictated national policy. Even more dispirited must his monastic assistants have been at the starvation, devastation, and barbarisms in their homeland. 49 Al- though reasons for stopping the translation of the Treatise on the Seventeen Bodhisattva Stages are not given in any of the records, psychological as well as scholarly difficulties must have affected the monks assisting Paramartha in rendering the original text into Chinese. Paramartha, who had unfortunately found himself in the midst of insurrection, was now summoned to Nanking by Hou Ching, four years after he had first entered the palace gates under the sedate reign of Emperor Wu. There is no indication from the HKSC whether Paramartha was reluctant to visit Hou Ching. The tone in his biography is neutral with regard to Paramartha's atti- tude towards Hou Ching's invitation. It is intriguing to speculate as to the motives behind Hou Ching's invitation to Paramartha. He evidently desired Buddhist support, as indicated by his immediate orders for the construction of new Buddhist temples, even though 51 he had burned countless temples before he seized Nanking. 50 Per- haps the learned monk was to be used as a symbol of Hou Ching's purported zeal for the Buddhist path or perhaps, and more likely, Hou Ching wanted to exploit the prestige of a foreign monk after his usurpation of the throne and ravaging of the south. What better way to keep watch 'on Paramartha and any possible political maneuvers by his wealthy provincial patrons than to keep him under surveillance in palace quarters while pretending a desire to learn the Buddhist sutras? In any event, Para martha was not in a position to refuse Hou Ching's summons, so he left Fu-ch'un for the capital, where he was duly honored by the rebel. How long Paramartha was in Fu-ch'un is impossible tocalcu- late with certainty but we can surmise that he left Nanking imme- diately before or after Emperor Wu's death in June, 549. Assum- ing that either Paramartha or his supporters realized his life was immediately threatened, he escaped an ignominious death at the hands of Hou Ching. Approximately two and one-half years later, in 552, he had his audience with Hou Ching. The monk must have had the suspicion that he was in a politically sensitive situation and certainly must have conducted himself in the rebel's presence with the subtlest diplomacy. Paramartha did not have to endure the tensions of such circumstances for very long however. Given the one-hundred-twenty-day span of Hou Ching's reign, we may esti- mate that Paramartha had to endure the unchanneled violence of his environment in Hou Ching's palace for no more than four months. 51 During Emperor Yuan's reign, which began the Ch'eng- sheng era on December 13, 552, Paramartha settled at the Cheng- kuan temple in Nanking. That means that instead of being in Chiang-ling with the imperial court of Emperor Yuan, Para- martha decided to stay in the capital, where the real powers, Wang Seng-pien and Ch'en Pa-hsien, were aligning their forces. There, with more than twenty monks, including Yuan-ch'an, he translat- ed the SuvarryLprabhiisa-sutra. There are some interesting points of disagreement among the records. First of all, the HKSC does not mention any specific date for translating the Suvar1Japrabhiisa, only mentioning that Para- martha translated the text at the Cheng-kuan temple in Nanking during Emperor Yuan's reign, that is, during the Ch'eng-sheng period (552-555). There are two textual dates given in some of the 52 other sources. LTSPC gives the date of the first year, Ch'eng- sheng, namely 552, at the Cheng-kuan temple and also at Yang Hsiung's residence in the Ch'ang-fan region of Nanking,52 NTL and KYL follow suit, giving the identical time and place of trans la- tion. 53 The Ku-nien i ching t'u chi (KN) gives the third year of Ch'eng-sheng (554).54 The Tunhuang manuscript of the introduc- tion to the first chuan of the composite SuvarrJaprabhiisa ttansla- tion,55 undertaken by Pao"kuei, states that the earlier redaction by Paramartha was translated from the second month, twenty-fifth day, of the second year Ch'eng-sheng (March 25, 553) until the third month, twentieth day of that same year (April IS). Thus, the L TSPC, NTL, KYL, and KN records would be in error unless we assume that the period delineated in the Tunhuang manuscript is much too brief to translate a sidra seven chuan in length. Given his usual speed of translating and the turmoil of the uprising of Hou Ching, it is more reasonable to assume that Paramartha and his staff began the translation during the first year of Ch'eng-sheng (552), and continued to revise and refine the style until probably April IS of the following year. The KN, which is the only record to give third year Ch'eng-sheng, may be ruled out as either an error or as indicating that further revisions of the translation or subse- quent discussion may have taken place in 554. Documentary evi- dence of two translation sites for the Suvarr:taprabhiisa-sutra indi- cates that the translation staff most likely worked on the text first at the Cheng-kuan temple in 552 and then later worked at Yang Hsiung's residence in the Ch'ang-fan region of Nanking from March 25, 553, until at least April S, 553. 56 From Nanking Paramartha traveled approximately three hundred miles southwest to Yuchang, in the second month, third year of Ch'eng-sheng (March I9-April17, 554). The HKSC men- tions that this was a return visit to Yuchang, even though no re- cording of a first visit to that city is found in any of the existing documents. The HKSC could be in error and Paramartha may have been paying his first visit to yuchang. The KN supports this view, stating that Paramartha "went" to Yuchang, not that he re- turned there. The KYL, which is based on the HKSC in part, follows the latter text exactly. Since Hsiao I (Emperor Yuan) as- sumed the throne in Chiang-lirig in December, 552. Paramartha may have visited him before he became emperor in his earlier residence at yuchang. This trip would have taken place on his way 53 to the Cheng-kuan temple in Nanking, where the generals Ch'en Pa-hsien and Wang Seng-pien were vying for political power. Par- amartha's return trip to Yiichang in 554 would have taken time, considering the three-hundred-mile journey involved. At Yii- chang he is said to have met the eminent monk Ching-shao (508- 583),57 and he visited temples in the immediate vicinity, Shih- hsing and, probably, Hsin-wu. Ui hypothesizes that the first time Paramartha went to Yu- chang was on his way to Nanking from Nanhai (modern Can- ton).58 That is, after Paramartha disembarked from his ship in Canton on September 25, 546, he stopped at various places in the Kwangtung region for two years until 'his arrival in Nanking, sometime between August 20 and September 17, 548. One of the places between Canton and Nanking along the possible water routes is Yuchang, about midway between the two great urban centers. Tang Yung-t'ung gives the same hypothesis for Para- martha's first purported visit to Yuchang. 59 In any event, Yuchang became a refuge for Paramartha on several occasions, for it reap- pears in the biography later on. At the Pao-t'ien temple in Yuchang in 554, Paramartha com- pleted translations of the Mi-lo hsia sheng ching (Sidra of Maitreya's Descent [from H eavenj) and the] en wang pan-jo ching (Sidra of the Perfection of Wisdom of the Benevolent King), aided by Hui-hsien and ten other monks. 50 He met Ching-shao, who was forty-six years old; Paramartha was fifty-five. According to Ching-shao's biogra- phy in the HKSC, Paramartha said that Ching-shao was "one of the strangest individuals I have ever met."61 A commentary on the Sidra of the Perfection of Wisdom of the Benevolent King was composed five years earlier, in 549, according to the L TSPC and NTL,62 but this is highly improbable, since Hou Ching was mounting his re- bellion at that time. It is doubtful that such a commentary' ever existed, given the paucity of sources and the improbable date of composition. After completing these translations, Paramartha moved to Hsin-wu where he resided at the Mei-yeh temple and may have translated the Chiu shih i-chi (Commentary on the Theory of Nine Consciousnesses) in two chitan, a text no longer extant. Gj From there he moved to Shih-hsing, where he allegedly translated the Ta-sheng ch'i hsin lun (Awakening of Faith in Mahayana), supposedly in the second year of Ch'eng-sheng (553). Both the authorship of the text and the translation date are highly problematic, however. 54 After having spent a brief period of time in Shih-hsing, Para- martha moved northward, across the Nan-ling mountain range to Nan-k'ang (near modern Kiangsi, district of Kan), protected by the Grand Guardian Hsiao PO,64 who escorted him across the mountains. At that time Ouyang Weiwas imperial representative of Shih-hsing (called Tung Heng-chou under Emperor Yuan) and also the honorary marquis of that area. We may assume that the uneasy alliance between Grand Guardian Hsiao Po, an erstwhile foe of Ouyang Wei's, had been resolved and that Ouyang Wei had made amends by this time. Hsia_o Po lived in Kwangchow and Emperor Yuan had been troubled by Hsiao Po's power and had sent troops to replace Hsiao Po as governor of Kwangchow. Hsiao Po led his troops to Shih-hsing, turning back the emperor's troops while Ouyang Wei closed the gates to his fortress to ward off battle. Hsiao Po was furious, and seized Ouyang Wei's property, but then returned the wealth on the condition of an oath of alle- giance. Hsiao Po then crossed the mountains from Nan-k'ang, making Ouyang Wei his military governor. 65 These events all took place after the ninth month of the third year Ch'eng-sheng (Octo- ber 12-November 10, 554) when Hsiao Po was living in Shih-hsing and had left Kwangchow. Since Hsiao Po had made many trips to oversee the region around Shih-hsing, on several occasions explicitly to outmaneuver the powerful governor Ouyang Wei, he was experienced in cross- ing the Nan-ling mountains and could conveniently accompany Paramartha to Nan-k'ang at the same time that he supervised the area under the guise of assisting a Buddhist monk in his travels. The time of this sojourn across the mountains had to be between the closing months of 554 and the third month of 557 (April 15- May 13) when Hsiao Po was killed. 56 In the second month of 557, one month before his death, Hsiao Po, having raised his army in rebellion against the emperor, crossed the Nan-ling mountains to Nan-k'ang. It was probably at this time that Paramartha was es- corted to Nan-k'ang, having spent a good part of the years 555 and 556 in Shih-hsing. During this period, Paramartha "translated in these various places in a hurried manner without a patron."57 At Shih-hsing Paramartha is said to have translated the Sui-hsiang lun chung shih-liu ti shu (A Commentary on the Sixteen Truths from the [a commentary on the Abhidharma-kofa attrib- uted to GUI).amati]).68 55 In the third year of Chao-t'ai (557),69 at the very close of the Liang Dynasty, Paramartha completed the translation of the Wu- shang i ching (Auttarasraya-siitra) (Supreme Foundation Siitra), in the ninth month, eighth day (October 16), at the request of Liu Wen- t'o, Secretary of Nan-k'ang, P'ing-ku district. This date is found in the colophon to theWu-shang i ching preserved in the KYL, which criticizes the L TSPC for cataloging this text as a Ch'en transla- tion.70 . For at least a third time Paramartha returned to Yuchang, in the seventh month of the second year of Yung-ting Guly 31-Au- gust 29, 558). He also visited Lin-ch'uan (in Kiangsi, directly south, approximately forty miles from Yuchang) and Chin-an (in Fukien, a port city along the coast, three hundred fifty miles southeast of Yuchang). First, he stopped at Lin-ch'uan, where he translated two treatises by Vasubandhu, Chung-pien fen-pieh lun (Madhyantavibhiiga)(Discernment of the Middle and Extremes) and the Wei-shih lun (Treatise on Consciousness-Only).?! From Lin-ch'uan Paramartha traveled to the port city of Chin-an. At this time, the important monks Seng-tsung, Fa-chun, Chih-wen (509-599), Hui-jen, Hui-k'ai, Fa-jen, Hui-kuang, and Fa-t'ai crossed the Ling-nan mountains to have an audience with the Indian Buddhist missionary. According to Fa-t'ai's biography, Paramartha had been traveling in China for more than ten years when he desired to go back to his homeland. At that time Ouyang Wei detained him in Kwangchow. 72 According to the same source, Fa-t'ai, Seng-tsung, Hui-k'ai and others desired to be instructed and went to the Chih-chih temple in Kwangchow for Paramartha's teachings. Hui-kuang's biography also mentions his being instruct- ed at the same time as Seng-tsung, Hui-k'ai, and Fa-chun, but omits any travel across the Ling-nan mountains. 73 According to Chih-wen's biography, Chih-wen, Seng-tsung, Fa-chun, and other eminent monks stopped at Chin-an with Paramartha. It is not clear from the text when this meeting took place, nor if the meet- ing was the first with Paramartha or a subsequent visit. 74 The only clear indication of a visit to Chin-an is at this time. Liang-an, which has been tentatively identified by Ui as equivalent to Chin-an, was a point of travel for Paramartha in 563, some five years later. Hence, we can say that these monks who sought the missionary's new Buddhist teachings met him in either 558 at Chin-an or in 563-if we accept Ui's identification of Liang-an with Chin-an. 75 56 Only one translation is associated with Chin-an, Ch'eng lun shih i (An Explanation of Correct Doctrines), cited in the L TSPC and NTL,76 as translated at the Fo-li temple during the Ch'en Dynasty. Moving from place to place must have been unsettling for him, for his biography notes that: ... although Paramartha transmitted siitras and sastras, the practice of [the Buddhist] religion was deficient and he was depressed, for his original objective had not been realized. Furthermore, observing the vicissitudes of the times [for disseminating Buddhism], he desired to sail to Lankasukha (Malaysia). Monks and laity earnestly begged him to prom- ise to stay. He could not escape public opinion and so he stayed in the southeastern regions (nan-yileh) [of China]. Together with his old friends from the preceding. Liang Dynasty, he reviewed his translations. Whenever the words and the meaning conflicted, these would all be recast and organized in order to make them consistent throughout [the text], from beginning to end.'7 And so he continued to pursue the difficult work of translating amidst personal depression and the instabilities of Ch'en economic patronage. While Paramartha was in the southeastern regions of Fukien and Kiangsi he commenced translation work on what were to be some of his best known works, many of which are collected in the TaishO. The Korean Yogacarin master W6nchuk, in his commen- tary on the Sarrtdhinirmocana, Chieh-shen-mi-ching shu, places the translation of the Sarrtdhinirmocana (Chieh-chieh ching) by Para- martha within the Pao-ting era of the Northern Chou (561-565) in the Ssu-t'ien-wang temple. He cites an index of Paramartha's works that dates the text in the second year T'ien-chia (561) in Chien-tsao temple.7 8 In all the sutra catalogs, however, no date or place of translation is specified other than the general dating of the text as a Ch'en Dynasty translation. According to Ui, Hui-k'ai gives the dates of translation of the Wei-shih lun (Treatise on Con- sciousness-Only) as from the fourth month, sixteenth day, in the fourth year T'ien-chia (May 23, 563) until the third month, fifth day, in the fifth year of T'ien-chia (April 1, 564). The Mahayan- saf(lgraha (Acceptance of Mahayana) (She ta-sheng lun) was translated immediately after the Wei-shih lun, in Ui's opinion,79 although this disagrees with the HKSC, which reverses the order, placing the 57 translation of the Sarrtgraha before the Wei-shih lun. Even though the exact sequence of events is unclear, Fa-t'ai's biography sug- gests that the Sarrtgraha was translated at Ouyang Wei's residence in Kwangchow. 80 Since Ouyang Wei died in 563, his patronage of the Sarrtgraha translation project could have taken place only up through 563, the fourth year of Tien-chia. Therefore, the S a ~ n graha was probably initially translated before the Wei-shih lun, in agreement with the account in the HKSC, NTL, L TSPC, and KYL.81 The translation may have been initiated in 561 a.t the Chien-tsao temple, continued at the Ssu-t'ien-wang temple and either completed in Ouyang Wei's residence in 563 or continued after his death when his son, Ouyang Ho; became the financial sponsor of Paramartha's works. By the fourth year of Tien-chia (563) Paramartha had gained prominence throughout southern China and had developed an ardent group of disciples, including Hui-k'ai, Seng-tsung, Ching- shao, Fa-k'an, and Fa-t'ai, who traveled great distances to hear his new teachings, particularly those based on the Sarrtgraha: All prominent monks in Chien-yeh [Nanking]-Seng- tsung from Chien-yuan temple in Yang-tu, Fa-chun, Seng- jen, and others-had respectfully heard about the innovative teaching [of Paramarthal Therefore, they traveled far south of the Yangtze in order personally to receive his excellent answers [to their questions] about the new teaching. Para- martha was delighted that they had desired to come to him, and [consequently] translated the Mahayanasarrtgraha and oth- er sastras for them, which took a total of two years [to trans- late]. He again commented on the doctrinal meanings [of texts], roaming from one place to another, without peace of mind. 82 Sometime before or in the midst of translating the Sarrtgraha, Paramartha must have grown disheartened at his circumstances, even though his earnest following of disciples and Governor Wang Fang-she attempted to boost his morale. On the twenty-fifth day, ninth month, of the third year Tien-chia (November 7, 562), ac- cording to Ui, or during the ninth month of that same year (Sep- tember 17-0ctober 16th), Paramartha again decided to leave Chi- na, setting sail in a small boat from Liang-an to his homeland, but strong winds and his "fate" drove him back to Canton in the 58 twelfth month Ganuary lO-February 9, 563) after three months at sea. From this ill-fated sea voyage he was invited by Ouyang Wei to live at the Chih-chih temple in Canton and begin translating his most important works, the Sarrtgraha and Wei-shih lun. We do not know the exact month of Ouyang Wei's death in 563, but we can say that Paramartha had the economic resources of Ouyang Wei's son, Ho, after the father died, as clearly indicated in the HKSC. Ouyang Ho (538-570) apparently was intellectually gifted and contributed to or actively observed the translation proceedings. After this invitation "Paramartha considered these conditions, re- alizing that it was impossible to return west."83 After 562, he did not make any other attempts to leave China and appeared to have proceeded at a rapid pace under fairly stable conditions to resume his work at the Ouyang estate. In the HKSC a bit of hagiography follows the description of Ouyang Ho's patronage of Paramartha and his staff. The Indian missionary apparently had an island retreat off of Canton in the delta of the Pearl River. The waters were turbulent and the cliffs jutting out toward the water were very steep. Paramartha, howev- er, was believed to be able to cross the waters effortlessly, while Ouyang Ho dared not cross the treacherous waters. On one occa- sion Paramartha went to visit Ho. Paramartha spread out his sitting mat on the water and sat cross-legged on it, as if he were riding a boat. He floated over the waters to the shore. When he climbed ashore to greet him [Ouyang Ho], the sitting mat was not wet, and he spread it out as usual [to sit on]. Other times he would use a lotus leaf as a boat to ride across. There are many examples of such marvels [pertaining to Paramartha]. 84 After five years of intensive translation (of texts such as the Vajracchedika, Kuang-i fa-men ching, and Abhidharmakosa) , made possible through the generosity of the Ouyang family, another dramatic event occurred in Paramartha's life, second only to the fall of Nanking. During the sixth month of the second year Kuang-t'ai or Kuang-ta Guly lO-August 8, 568): 59 Paramartha had grown weary of the world and felt extremely fatigued. It seemed better to him to prepare for an early rebirth in a better world. So he went into the mountains north of Nanhai [Canton] intending to commit suicide. At that time, Chih-k'ai [Hui-k'ai] was lecturing on the Abhidharmakosa. On hearing what had happened, he hurried to him [Paramartha]. Monks and laity ran after one another into the countryside [towards the mountains]. The governor [Ouyang Ho] 'also dispatched envoys and guardsmen to restrain him. He [the governor] personally prostrated himself [in front of Para- martha]. Only after detaining him for three days did he [Para- martha] return to his normal state. 85 After his attempted suicide, he then stopped at the Wang- yuan temple with his closest disciples Seng-tsung and Hui-k'ai, who had requested that Paramartha be invited to the capital by Emperor Wen. Monks at court ... who were in prestigious positions and had great reputa- tions were afraid of losing [their status] and so memorialized saying "Those groups of works translated beyond the moun- tains [in the Kwangtung and Kwangsi regions] mainly ex- pound Idealism ('Consciousness-Only') without sense objects (wu-ch'en wei-shih). Their words are antagonistic to govern- ment policy and damaging to the national morale. He should not be allowed in China proper, but relegated to the hinter" lands." The emperor agreed. Therefore, the innovative writ- ings from Nanhai remained hidden throughout the Ch'en Dynasty.86 Then, two months later, on the twelfth day, eighth month of the second year of Kuang-t'ai (September 18, 568), Paramartha's fa- vorite disciple, Hui-k'ai, died. Paramartha grieved deeply for him and burned candles and incense with the rest of his disciples in Fa- chun's room. He continued to translate the Abhidharmakosa, no longer assisted by Hui-k'ai, but he soon became very sick himself. On February 12, 569, at noon, five months after Hui-k'ai's death, Paramartha died at the age of seventy-one. The next day his body was cremated and a stupa erected at Ch'ao-ting (near Canton). On the thirteenth day (February 15) Seng-tsung, Fa-chun, and others returned to Mt. Lu in Kiangsi to carryon the work of Paramartha. When one looks at the biographical account of Paramartha's circumstances and compares his situation with the prodigious amount of translation activity undertaken during those political upheavals, one is struck by the amazing tenacity and endurance 60 with- which the seemingly insurmountable obstacles to close and difficult textual study were overcome. Now during Paramartha's tiine in the Liang Dynasty, there was chaos and anarchy. The response [to crisis] was defeatist and fatalistic. The roads and river ways were seldom traveled. He roamed about as a missionary; in accordance with regional affinities he pursued his course. This resulted in the fragmen- tation of the textual collections and the frequent separation from some of his translators. 87 This would hold true, in Paramartha's case, not only for Liang but also for theCh'en Dynasty. Not only is Paramartha portrayed by his biographer as a patient, assiduous monk in a hostile society, but he is also reverentially treated as a saint, honored as the Master of the Bodhisattva Precepts,88 and as one who could perform mir- acles. This may even hint at the wonder with which the biographer beheld Paramartha's voluminous translations, for would it not be something of a miracle and a demonstration of a highly disci- plined nature to translate extremely difficult philosophical texts while being forced to move from place to place? The biography holds one's interest in another way as well. The mental dejection of a monk who was compelled to be a political survivor as well as a reclusive missionary scholar is poignant yet realistic. He was not accustomed to the political arena of southern Chinese society, and the continual confrontation with various state officials frustrated the saintly Paramartha to the point of contemplating suicide. An uneasy but pragmatic alliance between various provincial military men such as Ouyang Wei and his -son Ho was necessary both economically and politically. This was a situation characteristic of many Buddhist clergy in southern China, and proved to be the rule rather than the exception. The wise and stoic Paramartha comes to life as a missionary- monk first and foremost, as a politically astute foreigner secondar- ily, and yet also as one whose human relationships reinforced the image of the brilliant, culturally adaptable man of spartan and restrained manner. Two interesting anecdotes are preserved in his biography: 61 One day when the weather was bitterly cold, Paramartha was wearing only thin clothing, and he endured it without mentioning it all night. Some of his students were seated by his side. Hui-k'ai and others stood quietly by him in atten- dance throughout the night. They debated and conversed for a long time, until their voices had b e c o m ~ quite loud. At one point Parar11artha fell asleep. [Hui-]k'ai quietly covered him with a garment, but Paramartha was secretly aware of it and let it fall to the ground. His stoicism and contentment with little was like that. [Hui-]k'ai continued to serve Paramartha, becoming increasingly close to him as time passed. Another time Paramartha sighed three times from frus- tration. Hui-k'ai asked the reason for this, and Para martha replied: "You and the others are sincere about the True Dharma and it is fitting that you should assist in its transmis- sion. Only it grieves me that these are not the times for dis- seminating the Dharma. My purpose in coming here has been obstructed." [Hui-]k'ai heard this and was saddened. For a long time he wept. Kneeling before Paramartha he said: "The Great Dharma is cut off from the world, but you have come all this way to China. The people have no responses [to meet these times]. Can anything be done to remedy this?" Paramartha pointed his finger to the northwest and said: "In that direction there will be a great kingdom, neither too near nor too far. After we all have died, it [the Dharma] will be greatly prosperous, but we shall not see its ascendence. This is why I sighed deeply."89 These anecdotes illustrate Paramartha's character and the af- fection his devoted disciples had for him. His stature as a scholar made him sought after by politicians and by renowned Chinese Buddhist monks, who became his disciples. It is his brilliance as a translator and philosopher that assures his status as one of the geniuses in Chinese Buddhist history. As the inspiration prefigur- ing the distinctively Chinese Buddhist schools formulated during the Sui Dynasty, Paramartha was one of the key figures in con- structing and systematizing the Buddhist analysis of mind. An examinatiori of Paramartha's particular interpretation of Yoga- cara Buddhism and his impact on Sui and T'ang Chinese Bud- dhism will bring to light his original contributions to the develop- ment of Chinese Buddhist thought during the subsequent period of Buddhism's zenith yo 62 NOTES 1. Frank E. Reynolds and Donald Capps, ed., The Biographical Process: Stud- ies in the History and Psychology of Religion (Mouton: The Hague, 1976), p. 3. 2. Kao.seng clman (KSC) and Hsu kao seng c1man (HKSC), T.2059.50 and T.2060.50 respectively. The KSC was compiled by Hui-chao (497-554) of the Liang Dynasty in approximately A.D. 530. It is a record of approximately 257 eminent monks and 243 of their assistants, or disciples, from the years A.D. 67- 519. This collection of biographies served as a model and standard for all subse- quent biographical collections. The HKSC, its immediate successor, was compiled by Tao-hsuan (596-667) of the Tang Dynasty in approximately A.D. 645. It is a record of approximately 340 eminent monks and 60 of their assistants, from A.D. 520-641. Paramartha's biography is included in HKSC. 3. Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, Early History of North India: From the Fall of the Mauryas to the Death of HarJa (c. 200 B.C.-A.D. 650), (Calcutta: Academic Publish- ers, 1968), pp. 227-228. 4. The name Mihirakula is equivalent to the Iranian name Mithra (Sanskrit: Mitra). He may have been the first of the Maitraka Dynasty that ruled ValabhI from the early sixth century. (At least one scholar disagrees with that view. Cf. Jagan Nath, "Early History of the Maitrakas of ValabhI," Indian Culture, April 1939, pp. 407-414.) He ascended the throne circa 511-512, when he succeeded his father, Toramal).a, since the fifteenth year of his reign is recorded as 526-527 in an epigraphic record from Mandasor (Dasapura). Much of Mihirakula's life and political activities remain obscure. In both Mandasor stone inscriptions, dated 533-534, Yasodharman is described as the supreme sovereign over lands that even the HUl).as and Guptan rulers could not conquer and as the one to whom Mihira- kula paid homage (Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum, III, 142-158). The Gwalior inscrip- tion mentions the fifteenth year of Mihirakula's reign. 5. Thomas Watters, tr., On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India (629-645 A.D.), (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1904), I, p. 289. 6. If the fifteenth year of Mihirakula's reign is 526-527 and he is said to have paid homage to Yasodharman in 533, then his reign had to have terminated some time between 526-527 and 533. 7. Jean Filliozat, Political History of India, tr. by Philip Spratt (Calcutta: 1957), pp. 180-181. Yasodharman may have participated in the war against Mihir- akula as a vassal of Baladitya II. On a separate occasion in 517 Baladitya II may have attempted to wage war against Mihirakula while the latter was in a confronta- tion in Kashmir. Unsuccessful at that time, Baladitya may have attempted a later attack in Magadha after Yasodharman's victory. Some historians deny that there were two defeats of Mihirakula. See S. R. Goyal, A History of the Imperial Guptas (Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1967), pp. 350-353. 8. Filliozat, Political History of India, p. 176. 9. The monks Mandra and Sarpghapala have translations listed in the Ku- nien i ching t'u chi (KN), T.2151.55.364bI4-20 and 364b21-c6 respectively. Mandra translated three texts: the Pao-yiin ching, Fa-chieh ti hsing wu fen-pieh ching, Wen-shu- shih-Ii slmo pan-jo po-lo-mi ching, totaling eleven chilan. Sarpghapala translated elev- en texts, including the A-yil-wang ching (Svira on King Aoka), P'u-sa tsang ching, and 63 the Wen-shu-shih-li slmo ching (perhaps a collaboration with his fellow compatriot Mandra).. At the end of Paramartha's biography (HKSC, 2060.50.43Ia4-6) is appended a note on a.Ch'en translation of the Ta-sheng pao- yiln ching in eight chilan by a Funan monk named Subodhi, The note mentiof!s that Subodhi's text is slightly different from the Liang translation by Mandra in seven chiian. Subodhi's translation is also listed in the KN, 365c2-5. In SaJTlghapala's biography (HKSC, 426a3-bI2) it says that the monks Mandra and SaJTlghapala collaborated on all three of the texts that the KN attributes to Mandra. There is no separate biography for Mandra in HKSC. 10. King Jayavarman and his son Rudravarman, who was the last king of Funan, are mentioned in the Liang shu, ch. 54, pp. 789-790. Cf. George Coedes, Les Etats Hindouises d'lndochine (Paris: 1948), for the details of the rise and decline of Rudravarman's power. (pp. 104-105). 11. Liang shu. ch. 54, p. 790. Also described in Louis Malleret, L'Archeologie du Delta du Nlekong, vol. Ill: La Culture du Fou-nan (Paris: Ecole Fran<;ais d'Ex- treme-Orient, 1962), Publications de I'Ecole Fran<;aise d'Extreme-Orient, p. 369; Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, Kambuja-desa: An Ancient Hindu Colony in Cambodia (Madras: 1944), p. 34. 12. HKSC, 2060.50.429cll-12, 13. See Michel Strickmann, "On the Alchemy of T'ao Hung-ching," espe- cially pp. 155-158 in Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese Religion, Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel (eds.), (Yale University Press, 1979). 14. From the time of Southern Ch'i the practice of "abandoning the body" (she-shen) became prominent among the ruling class. However, Wu of Liang was the first emperor to engage in this practice. Emperor Wu "abandoned his body" four times: In 527 when he was sixty-four years of age he became a temple servant at the T'ung-t'ai temple and granted amnesty to prisoners. This lasted for four days. In 529 he again performed this practice at the T'ung-t'ai temple, this time as a temple craftsman in a commoner's garment. He lectured on the and ransomed himself for one million copper cash. This lasted seventeen days. The third "abandonment of the body" took place in 546 at both the Fa-chia and T'ung-t'ai temples, lasting thirty-seven days. The last occurrence was a year later (547), and lasted forty-three days. Wu was criticized: "In the first year of T'ai- ch'ing, Emperor Wu, by abandoning his body ... forgot he was Emperor under Heaven." See Mori Mikisaburo, Ryo no butei (Kyoto: 1956), pp. 144-148, 166-169, for further discussion of Emperor Wu's zeal in undertaking this practice and aristocratic opposition to Wu's actions. The idea of this practice was given to Wu from SaJTlghapala's translation of the Siltra on King Afoka (T.2043.50) .. 15. Emperor Wu's donations to the Inexhaustible Treasury of T'ung-t'ai temple alone were estimated to be valued at 10,960,000. Cf. Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China: A +listorieal Survey (Princeton University Press: 1964), p. 126. 16. See Miyakawa Hisayuki, RikuchOshi kenkyu (Tokyo: 1956), Chapter 9, pp. 138-143, for an analysis of the downfall of Liang and the rise to power of Ch'en Pa-hsien. 17. Kawakatsu Yoshio, "La decadence de l'aristocratie chinoise sous les Dy- nasties du Sud," Acta Asiatica, XXI (1971), pp. 32-38. 64 IS. Cf. Hou Ching's biography, Liang shu, eh. 56, pp. S33-S57; Nan shih, eh. SO, pp. 1993-201S (Peking; Chung-hua shu-chil, 1975). 19. Miyakawa, Rikuehoshi kenkyii, p. 147. 20. For an analysis of the factors contributing to Hou Ching's upr-ising, see twO articles .by Kawakatsu Yoshio: "Kokei no ran to Nancho no kahei keizai" in TohO gakuhO, XXXII (1962), pp. 69-11S, and "La decadence de l'aristocratie chin- oise sous les Dynasties du Sud," Acta Asiatica, XXI (1971), pp. 13-3S. 21. Nan shih, eh. SO, p. 2016. 22. See Wang Seng-pien's biography in the Liang shu, eh. 45, pp. 623-636. 23. See Ch'en Pa-hsien's biography, Ch'en shu (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chil, 1972), pp. 1-43. 24. See Liang shu, eh. 56, p. S62, and Nan shih, eh. SO. p. 2016, for vivid descriptions of Hou Ching's death and the destruction of his corpse; also see Liang shu, eh. 5, p. 125. 25. Liang shu, eh. 5, p. 131. 26. See Kawakatsu, "La decadence de l'aristocratie chinoise," p. IS. 27. Liang shu, eh. 5, p. 133. 2S. Chou shu, compiled by Ling-hu Te-fen (5S3-666) in 50 eh. (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chil, 1971), eh. 2, p. 36. 29. Liang shu, eh. 6, pp. 143-144. 30. T.2060.50.429c6-431a6. All biographical data on Para martha is based upon the HKSC account of his life, unless otherwise noted. 31. One of the seven sacred cities in the Hindu tradition. It is located in northwestern India, in the Malwa province (present-day Madhya Pradesh), twenty miles west of the Chambal River and approximately 250 miles west of ValabhL 32. The Bharadvaja gotra is mentioned by Taranatha in his History of Bud- dhism in India (edited by Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya, Simla, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1970) as a "vicious" family having one member mentioned as "a great expert in magic" (p. 23). It is also found in the (1S.5), tr. Leon Hurvitz (Columbia University, 1976), p. 13, as a gotra of the Buddha Can- drasuryapradIpa and in Pali literature as Bharadvaja. A governor (parivrajaka maharaja) named is mentioned in a Khoh copper plate inscription dated 52S-529 as beiongingto the Bharadva:ja gotra, in the northern regions of GodavarI, directly south of Malwa. See John Faithfull Fleet, Corpus Inseriptionum Indiearum (Calcutta: ISSS), vol. III, pp. 112-116. The HIrahadagalii copper plate inscription of Sivaskandhavarman, dated midfourth century' A.D., also mentions the Bharadvaja gotra. Cf. Dines Chandra Sircar, ed., Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization (Calcutta: 1965), I, p. 466. Cf. preface to She ta-sheng lun, T.1593.31.112c4 for designation of Paramartha's gotra as Bharadvaja. 33. T.2060.50.429cIO-11. 34. T.2060.50.429cI2-13. The imperial escort of the Funan ambassador back to his own country probably took place early in the Ta-t'ung era. See Liang shu, eh. 3, p. 79 (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chil, 1973), where 'a Funan envoy is mentioned as having brought tribute to the emperor in the autumn, seventh month, of the first year Ta-t'ung (535). 35. HKSC, 2060.50.429cI 2-16. 65 36. LTSPC,2034A9.106a3-12. 37. See note 34 for tentative dating. 38. Ta-sheng ch'i-hsin lun (CHL), TI666.32.575aI7-22. The CHL imd its colophon allegedly by Chih-k'ai (also known as Hui-k'ai), is probably an apocry- phal text, not translated by Paramartha. ' 39. KYL,2154.55.538b24-27. 40. L TSPC, citing Pao-kuei's introduction to the gives the date, "the first year of Tai-ch'ing," 547. Cf. T2034.49.106al O . .According to Vi Hakuju, Indo tetmgaku kenkyu (Tokyo: 1930), VI, 13, this must be a scribe's error since all other sources give "the second year of T'ai-ch'ing." 41. The only citation for Pao-yun tien in the palace of Emperor Wu of Liang is in Paramartha's biography. However, a Chung-yun tien is mentioned in the biographies ofT'an-luan (HKSC, 2060.50A70a29). Pao-ch'iung (479a20), Seng-ta (553a7), and Hui-yun (650bI7) as the place where Emperor Wu of Liang invited them to lecture on Buddhist doctrine. In Seng-ming's biography (693b et passim) miraculous Buddhist statues are housed in the Chung-yun tien. The Pao-yun tien may be a scribe's error for Chung-yun tien, or the palace temple's name may have been changed during the Late Liang to Pao-yun, perhaps renaming the palace temple after the siUra translated by Mandra and Sarpghapala of Liang. The em- peror himself lectured on siUras and eminent monks attended his sermons at the Chung-yun tien. Cf. Liang shu, ch. 3, p. 96. 42. The biography of Pao-ch'iung is recorded in the HKSC (4 78c6-4 79c20), but does not mention the Shih-ch'i ti-lun or Paramartha. 43. The Treatise on the Seventeen Bodhisattva Stages (Shih-ch'i ti-lun) was a commentary on a siUra by the same name. According to Paramartha's biography of the Yogacarin master, Vasubandhu (T2049.50.188c 13-16), Maitreya descend- ed from the tu.'jita heaven and lectured on the Siltra of the Seventeen Bodhisattva Stages for Asanga's edification. 44. KYL, 2154.55.538bll-14. 45. HKSC, 2060.50A29c25. 46. NTL, 2149.55.266a24-25 and L TSPC, 2034A9.99a4. The LTSPC also gives the same date and place of translation for Ta-sheng ch'i-hsin lun, which is almost certainly not one of Paramartha's translations. The KN also lists this text (3q.4cl2-14). According to Hsuan-tsang, in his Yu-chia lun chi, ch. 1 (TI828.42.311 b) the translation date is given as the tenth month (October 26- November 25) of the fourth year T'ai-ch'ing (550), rather than simply "the fourth year of T'ai-ch'ing." Hsuan-tsang also identifies this text with the first part of the Y ogacaryabhilmi. 47. In the year 552 Liang was in the first year of Ch'eng-sheng but the HKSC is using Northern Ch'i's Dynastic regnal titles. Some manuscripts noted in the Taisho (p. 429) use Tai-pao or Ta-pao, but Ta-pao lasted only one year. If it had continued, the year 552 would have corresponded to the third year of Ta- pao. 48. HKSC, 2060.50A29c26-27. 49. There is a story of a monk who starved for over a year, to the verge of death. This period of ruin and lack of food came at the end of Liang, when Hou Ching set out to take over south China. Even when someone offered him a bowl of 66 rice with just the slightest trace of pork hidden in it, he would not violate his vegetarianism and eat it, although "his stoma,ch burned like fire." (HKSC, 2060.50.4S0a4-7). 50. According to Seng-ta's biography (HKSC, 2060.50.553aI2) Hou Ching built two temples, Shan-ming and T'ien-kuan, but no other mention of these two temples occurs in the HKSC. In T'af\-yin's biography (60Sc6-10) Hou Ching builds two temples, one to the mountain spirits (shen-hsien) and later, after his insurrection, the Ta-yen temple, in Yeh-tung. There is a wealth of information in Seng-ming's biography concerning Hou Ching's revolt (especially 692b21- 693b24), involving miraculous Buddhist statues with halos and fortune-telling powers. These miracles also occur in the Chung-yun tien during Late Liang and early Ch'en after the death of Hou Ching. 51. An interesting prediction about Hou Ching by a Buddhist monk is retold in the Nan shih, ch. SO, where it says that he will come to a violent death. Emperor Wu is then said to have analyzed the name Hou Ching by breaking the two Chinese characters into six characters meaning: "a petty man who will be emperor for one hundred days." Hou Ching's reign was one hundred twenty days. 52. L TSPC, 2034.49.9Sc22. The Cheng-kuan temple was also a translation site for SaITlghapala, a monk from Funan invited to China by Wu of Liang (HKSC, 2060.50.426aI3). 53. NTL, 2149.55.266a22; KYL, 2154.55.53Sa27. 54. KN,2151.55.364cl3. 55. Ui cites a Tunhuang manuscript of the composite translation of the Suvan.wpmblllisa (T.664) by Pao-kuei. See Indo tetsugaku kenkY1l, VI, pp. 16-1S. Other sUtm catalogs claim that the Suvarf.!pmbhasa was translated by Paramartha during the Ch'en Dynasty; for example, Fa-ching's catalog (T.2146.55.115alS) and Ching-t'ai's catalog (T.2147.55.182b6). 56. Ui, Indo tetsugaku kenkyu, VI. p. 18. 57. Ui, Indo tetsugaku kenkyu, VI. p. 19, but does not give a reference for this information. See Ching-shao's biography, HKSC, 2060.50.480a7-9. While C h i n g ~ shao met Paramartha in Yuchang, it is not clear which trip to Yuchang is meant. Ui says Ching-shao was forty-seven and Paramartha fifty-six (according to the Chinese way of calculating age). This would indicate that Paramartha met Ching- shao in 554. 58. Ui, Indo tetsugaku kenkyu, VI, p. 19. 59. Tang Yung-t'ung, Han Wei Liang-chin Nan-pei-ch'ao Fa-chiao shih (Shanghai: 1938), pp. 855-867. 60. LTSPC, 2034.49.98c24-99a3,alO. There is no listing for either the Mi-la hsia sheng ching or the] en wang pan-jo ching and its commentary in the H KSC. 61. Ching-shao's biography is listed in the HKSC, 2060.50.479c21-480c1. Ching-shao was a famous Liang scholar who enjoyed the patronage of Emperor Chien-wen and the princes of Shao-ling and yueh-yang. 62. LTSPC, 2034.49.99alO; NTL, 2149.55.266b3. 63. The Chiu shih i-chi is listed in L TSPC, 2034.49.99al1, as a translation in the third year, T'ai-ch'ing (549), which is unlikely, given Hou Ching's rebellion during that year and Paramartha's flight to Fu-ch'un. If there was a commentary 67 by that name, it probably was translated in 554, after Paramartha left Yilchang. Also listed in NTL (2i49.55.255b5) with information identical to LTSPC, it is not listed in the HKSC or KYL. 54. Liang shu, ch. 5, p. 147. Hsiao Po is given the titl'e Grand Guardian in the twelfth month of 555. 55. See Ouyang Wei's biography, Ch'en shu, ch. 9, pp. 157-159, for the relationship between Ouyang Wei and Hsiao Po. 55. Liang shu, ch. 5, pp. 145-147. 57. HKSC,2050.50al-2. 5S. This text is listed in L TSPC, 2034.49.SSa20, without any translation date or attribution to GUI).amati. Another text attributed to GUI).amati, entitled the Sui-hsiang lun, is listed in the L TSPC (SSaS). Both are catalogued under Ch'en Dynastic translations. The Commentary on the Sixteen Truths was either translated earlier than the Ch'en in Shih-hsing, that is, in 555 or 555, or the place of transla- tion is incorrect. The NTL, KN, and KYL all give GUI).amati's Sui-hsiang lun as a Ch'en translation (2149.55.273b25; 2151.355a2; 2154.545c19). Probably The Com- mentary on the Sixteen Truths corresponds to the extant translation in the Taishi5 that is entitled simply the Sui-hsiang lun. This text would not be the same as GUI).ama- ti's, which is lost. Vi Hakuju (Indo tetsugaku kenkYl1, VI, p. 97) does not take a position on whether the two texts Sui-hsiang lun and Sui-hsiang lun chung shih liu ti shu were translated in Ch'en or in Liang, the latter at Shih-hsing. Probably the text now listed in the Taishi5 is the Late Liang translation at Shih-hsing. The text, now lost, attributed to GUI).amati, was the referred text from the Ch'en Dynasty. 59. The Wu-shang i ching is a Liang translation, even though the LTSPC (T.2034.49.S7c13) states it is a Ch'en translation, completed during the second year of Yung-ting. The KYL criticizes the LTSPC dating, since there was no third year of Chao-t'ai during the second year of Yung-ting. This regnal date would be equivalent to second year Tai-p'ing and first year Yung-ting. However, on the eighth day, ninth month of Chao-t'ai, Yung-ting had not been established nor had the Ch'en Dynasty. See KYL, 2154.55.53Sbl-2; 545c25; 595c22-27 (citation from Wu-shang i ching colophon). 70. KYL, 2154.55.53Sbl-2. The L TSPC claims the text is a Ch'en transla- tion, completed in the second year Yung-ting (55S), at the Ching-t'u temple in Nan-k'ang (2034.49.S7c13). The NTL agrees with the LTSPC (2149.55.273a29). The colophon is preserved in part in the KYL (595c20-27). The KYL criticizes the dating methods of the L TSPC, which catalogs texts only up to the fifth year of Ch'eng-sheng (555), the year that Liang was coming to an end. The fifth year Ch'eng-sheng corresponds to the second year Chao-t'ai. In the ninth month of that year the reign was changed to Tai-p'ing. In the tenth month of the following year (557), the Ch'en Dynasty was established. Therefore, the KYL argues, Octo- ber 15, 557, was still within the Liang Dynasty. (Actually, twenty-two days later Ch'en Pa-hsien established his reign, beginning the Yung-ting period.) 71. KYL, 2154.55.545c2,5. No translation dates are given. Also see NTL, 2149.55.273bI5,c7 (lists Wei-shih lun wen-i ho), and L TSPC, 2034.49.SSa3, 12 (same information as NTL). . 72. Cf. Fa-t'ai's biography, HKSC, 2050.50.43Ia9-12. 73. HKSC, 2050.50.503b22-23. 68 74. HKSC, 2060.50.609b 19-21. 75. Ui Hakuju, Indo tetsugaku kenkyil, VI, pp. 24-25. 76. LTSPC, 2034.49.88a13; NTL, 2149.55.273c8. 77. HKSC, 2060.50.430a3. 78. Chieh-shen-mi-ching shu, ZZ.34.299b5-12. 79. Ui claims that Hui-k'ai gives these dates in his colophon to the She ta- sheng lun, but no such information is found in the colophon preserved in the TaishO; cf. Indo tetsugaku kenkyfl, VI, pp. 24-26. 80. Fa-t'ai's biography, HKSC, 2060.50.c7-9. 81. LTSPC, 2034.49.87c21; NTL, 2149.55.273b8; KYL, 2154.55.545b24. 82. HKSC, 2060.50.430a8-9. 83. HKSC, 2060.50.430a18-19. 84. HKSC, 2060.50.430a23-27. 85. HKSC, 2060.50.430a27-b3. 86. HKSC,2060.50.430b4-7. 87. HKSC,2060.50.430b16-19 88. Hui-k'ai's introduction to She ta-sheng lun, 'r.1593.31.112c22. 89. HKSC, 2060.50.430c2-13. 90. This research is part of an ongoing project and forthcoming book, Philosophy of Mind in Sixth-Century China: Pammiirtha's Evolution of Consciousness (Chuan shih lun). 69 Studies in Traditional Indian Medicine in the Pali Canon: JIvaka and Ayurveda by Kenneth C. Zysk The canonical and post canonical Buddhist literature preserved in Pali and other Buddhist languages contains many references to dise.ases and to medical treatments. We will investigate one rather nicely compact episode found in the eighth chapter of the Maha- vagga of the Vinaya Pitaka. It recounts six healings performed by the physician Jlvaka Komarabhacca I and is told in order to estab- lish the circumstances for the propounding of the rules pertaining to the use and distribution of the robes worn by Buddhist monks. Versions, often with significant variants, are also found in the Vinaya portions of Buddhist works in Sinhalese,2 Tibetan 3 and in a sutra in Chinese,4 reflecting the popularity of the story. While there are several published articles drawing our atten- tion to the medical importance of this tale,5 an intensive and thor- ough investigation of it in light of ayurveda is still wanting. Our purpose, therefore, will be to make a detailed examination of the purely medical sections of each of the healings, comparing them to the classical ayurvedic tradition of the Caraka and Sufruta Sa'Y[thitas. I. A seven-year-old disease of the head (szsabiidha) suffered by a merchant's wife from Saketa 6 70 Then Jlvaka Komarabhacca approached to where the merchant's wife was; having approached her [and] having observed her abnormality, he said this to her: "0 lady, I have need of a handfuF of ghee." Then the merchant's wife or- dered a handful of ghee to be given to Jlvaka. Jlvaka, then, decocting that handful of ghee with various medicines [and] making the wife lie down on [her] back on a bed, adminis- tered [the decoction] through the nose. The ghee, adminis- tered through the nose, then, issued from the mouth [and] was spat out into a receptacle .... Now, as the story goes, Jlvaka Komarabhacca eradicated the seven-year-old disease of the head with just one nasal-treatment. 8 Although the cause of this persistent disease of the head is not specified, the treatment which was administered quite clearly in- volved nasal-therapy (natthukamma), by which ghee decocted with a number of undefined medicines was poured into the nose of a patient lying supine on a bed. The liquid, we are told, was not swallowed, but spat out. In classical ayurvedic medicine, there are either five or eleven types of diseases of the head, defined according to their special causes. Caraka mentions five, caused by wind, bile, phlegm, a com- bination of these and wormsY Susruta lists eleven: the five men- tioned by Caraka in addition to those caused respectively by the wasting of the elements of the body 10 by silryavarta, II by severe pain in the neck, eyes, eyebrows and temples (anantavata) , by a splitting pain in the head (ardhavabhedaka) and by extreme pain in the temples, leading to death (sankhaka).12 Caraka states that the principal means of treating these dis- eases of the head is nasal- thera py 13 which is said by Susruta to be of two types, head-purgation (Sirovirecana) and lubri- cation (snehana), involving the use of medicines or oil cooked with medicines and administered through both nostrils.14 Caraka pre- scribes the following technique for the application of this medicat- ed oil: The physician who knows the correct medical prescrip- tion should administer the nasal-oil .. , to the patient who is lying down comfortably in a supine position on a well-covered couch and who has his head hanging down slightly and his feet a little elevated; 15 ... and after having pushed the nose up with the thumb of the left hand, he should then properly apply the nasal oil to both nostrils equally with the right hand, by means of a hollow tube or by means of cotton ... ,16 Susruta includes another important point, not mentioned by Caraka: "The wise patient should never at any time swallow down the nasal-oil. The oil should be made to flow to the srngatakasl7 71 and should come forth from the mouth; and on account of the danger of disorder to the kapha, the patient should spit it out without suppressing the urge (to do SO)."18 The method of treatment of diseases of the head outlined in the ayurvedic texts reflects rather closely that preserved in this Pali episode. II. A seven-year-old disease of the head (sisiibadha) suffered by a merchant from Riijagahal9 . . Now as the story goes, Jivaka Komarabhacca made the householder-merchant lie down on the bed [and] bound him to it. Having cut away the skin 20 of the head [and] twisted open a suture [of the skull],21 he extracted two living crea- tures and showed them to the crowd of people, [saying:] "Do you see these living creatures, one small and one large ... ?" ... Then, he closed the suture, sewed back the skin of the head and applied ointment. 22 In the previous case, no cause was mentioned; but here two creatures living inside the skull are specified as causing the head- disease. Likewise, the treatment administered by Jivaka is, rather, a surgical operation similar to that which is known as trepanation. Among the causes of maladies of the head, the medical texts, as we have already noted, mention worms (krmi).23 The treatment of such a morbid condition of the head, however, is quite different from that performed by Jivaka. Caraka prescribes the use of nasal-therapy, involving purga- tions of the head, in order to eradicate diseases of the head caused by worms.24 Susruta also specifies purgations of the head for such maladies and details the technique, as follows: 72 The [medical] treatment of a head being devoured by worms will now be mentioned: Indeed one should give blood in the nose. The creatures become stupified by that, and over- joyed with the smell of blood, they congregate [in the nasal- 'passages, etc.] from anywhere. 25 Their eradication from there [ i ~ e . from the nasal-passagesJ26 is to be accomplished by pur- gations of the skull or by [a nasal-therapy consisting of] seeds of the hrasvafriguka plant mixed with nili (Indigofera tinturia, Linn.).27 One should treat [the patient] by means of vermi- fuges a10d by na.sal-therapies (i.e. nasal-drops) pre- pared wIth unne. [LIke':"Ise,] shoul.d emp.loy vermifuges and .combmed wIth puttmatsya (= puti- karaiiJa; Caesalpmza crzsta, Lmn. = C. bonducella, Flem.) as well as various types of foods, vermifuges and drinks. 28 The treatment by a type of trepanation, therefore, represents a significant variant, not found in the earliest texts of the ayurve- dic medical tradition. III. A rectal fistula (bhagandala) suffered by king Seniya Bimbisara of Magadha, which stained his clothes with blood 29 Then Jlvaka Komarabhacca, promising the king's son, Abhaya, [that he would treat the king,] took up the medicine with the finger-nail [and] approached to where Seniya Bimbi- sara of Magadha was; and having approached the king, he said: "Let us see your malady." Now as the story goes, Jlvaka removed the king's rectal fistula with just one application of ointment. 3o The affliction from which the king suffered is quite clearly a suppurating rectal fistula. The treatment, performed by Jlvaka, involved the application of a medicated salve to the fistula by means of a finger-nail. In the ayurvedic tradition, Susruta begins by enumerating five types of rectal fistula (bhagandara) , caused respectively by wind, bile, phlegm, a combination (of the three) or external fac- tors. He then proceeds to identify its locations as the perinaeum, the rectum or the bladder and concludes by delineating the differ- ence between a rectal fistula (bhagandara) and a rectal pustule or boil (pzaka), saying that the former has an opening while the latter does not. 3 ! It seems likely, therefore, that the description offered in the Pali passage fits well the definition given by the ayurvedic authorities. Although the account of Jlvaka's treatment of the fistula does not parallel exactly the prescribed course of action outlined in the medical texts, there may be some subtle similarities. Caraka states that the fistula should be treated initially by purgation, probing and lancing; and, after the tract has been 73 cleansed with what Susruta calls an e0a1'!l, an application of caustic medicines for cauterisation should be made. 32 Both commenta- tors, Cakrapa.r:tidatta and 1)alha.r:ta, gloss e0a1'!l as salaka. In the ayurvedic tradition there are numerous types of salaka. 33 It is in- teresting to note, however, that Vagbhata refers to three types, used for the application of caustic medicines, whose ends resemble the nails of the small, ring and middle fingers. 34 In the Buddhist tradition, salaka (Pali: salaka) is considered to be a bamboo splinter with caustic medicines used in the treatment of boils and of wounds. 35 It seems possible, therefore, that in this account, Jlva- ka's finger-nail could have aptly functioned as such an instrument used to apply medicines in the treatment of a rectal fistula. IV. A knot in the bowels (antaga1'!thilbadha)36 suffered by a merchant's son from Vara1'!aSl The knot is said to have been caused by the man's sporting activities, in the form of turning somersaults with a stickY It hin- dered the proper digestion of the rice-milk he drank and the food he ate and disrupted the normal evacuation of faeces and urine, leaving him emaciated, wretched looking, ugly and pale, with his body covered with veins. 38 Jlvaka's treatment of this condition follows: [Then,] making the people move back, QIvaka] encircled [the patient] with a curtain, bound [him] up to a post [and] situated his wife in front of [him]; splitting the outer skin of the abdomen, he extracted the knot in the bowels [and] showed it to the wife, [saying:] "Look at your husband's afflic- tion". . . . After having disentangled the knot in the bowels, replaced the bowels [and] sewn up the outer skin of the abdo- men, he applied a medicated salve. Then as the story goes, shortly after that, the merchant's son from Vara.r:tasI became well. 39 We learn that the merchant's son's affliction was the result of acrobatic activities with a stick, suggesting that he may have suf- fered a wound to the abdominal wall, from which a part of the bowels protruded. The treatment administered by Jlvaka was a form of laparotomy by which the abdominal wall was cut, the knot 74 removed and repaired, the incision sewn .up and a salve applied. In the classical ayurvedic treatises, there is no exact equivalent of the Pali antagary,tha, which in Sanskrit one would expect to be antragrantha or antragranthi. Susruta, however, describes a type of wound tothe abdomen wall from which the unbroken small intes- tines have protruded. The treatment of such a condition is as follows: The intestines should be washed with milk; lubricated with ghee and gently placed back into their original position. Where the re-introduction of the intestines is made difficult be- cause the wound is too large or too small, a small incision should be made according to the prescribed method; and the intestines should be replaced in their correct position. In all cases, the wound or incision should be sutured and a medicated oil, pre- pared with various vegetal products, should be applied to the skin to promote its healing. 40 Vagbhata mentions the affliction, vrary,a- granthi, "wound-knot", which, when located in the bowels, is said to be incurable.4l It may be suggested, therefore, that the description and course of treatment of the affliction anatagary,tha, offered in the Pali, resembles the ayurvedic definition and cure of an abdominal wound or lesion, where a part of the small intestines has pro- truded from the perforated abdominal wall. V. Morbid pallor (pary,rJ,urogabadha) suffered by King PaJjota of Ujjeni 42 75 The rather involved treatment follows: The Jlvaka Komarabhacca ... having gone to Ujjeni, ap- proached to where King Pajjota was; [and] having ap- proached him, he observed his abnormality [and] said this: 'Give me some ghee! I will boil the ghee which the king shall drink." [The king replied:] "Indeed, good Jlvaka, you must do what you can in order to make me healthy without ghee. Ghee is loathsome to me 43 [and] disagreeable." It then oc- curred to Jlvaka: To be sure, the disease of this king is of such a kind that he cannot be made healthy without ghee. Let me boil the ghee so that it has the (reddish-yellow) colour, the smell and the taste of an astringent decoction. 44 Jlvaka, then, boiled the ghee with various medicines [so that it] had the colour, the smell and the taste of an astringent decoction. Now, it occurred to Jlvaka: Indeed, when the ghee has been drunk and digested by the king, he will be given to vom- it. ... 45 He made the king drink the ghee .... 46 Then, indeed, when King Pajjota had drunk and digested the ghee, he was given to vomit. ... Then as the story goes, King Pajjota be- came wellY , Although no symptoms are mentioned, it is clear that the king suffered from morbid pallor. His condition was eradicated by a rather surreptitious application of ghee, which Jlvaka knew to be the essential cure for the disease. In the medical tradition, parJ,rJuroga is considered to be a ge- neric term for diseases which turn the skin a pale There are either four, five or eight types,49 of which kamala or jaundice, as we know it, is said to be a part. 50 For this reason, therefore, morbid pallor is perhaps the best translation of the Pali parJ,rJuroga and the Sanskrit parJ,rJuroga. 51 Susruta states that the principal cure for the condition of pa'Y!uroga is ghee;52 and he and Caraka prescribe many remedies containing ghee, none of which, however, appear to be of the as tringen t variety. 53 Jlvaka's knowledge of the treatment of the disease parJ,rJuroga (parJ,rJuroga) , therefore, seems to reflect, with very little variation, that which is presented in the ayurvedic treatises. VI. A condition where the body is filled with the bodily dosas (dosabhi- sanna), suffered by the Lord Buddha 54 The treatment, we are told, required the drinking of a purga- tive. 55 The prescription that Jlvaka gave for it included: (1) The lubrication of the Buddha's body for a few days;56 and (2) the use of a weak purgative: 76 It then occurred to Jlvaka Komarabhacca: It is not prop- er that I should give the Lord a coarse purgative. Having mixed three handfuls of lotuses 57 with various medicines, he approached to where the Lord was; and having approached him, he presented to him a handful of lotuses, [saying:] "0 good one, may the Lord snuff up this first handful of lotuses. It will purge the Lord ten times." And a second time, he presented to the Lord a handful of lotuses, [saying:] "0 good one, may the Lord snuff up .... It will purge the Lord ten times." And a third time, he presented to the Lord a handful of lotuses, [ ... ] " ... It will purge the Lord ten times; there- fore, the Lord will be purged a total of thirty times: ... " It then occurred to Jlvaka Komarabhacca ... : Indeed, I admin- istered a purgative to the Lord with a total of thirty times. "[Since] the Tathagata's body is filled with the dosas, it will not be purged a total of thirty times; it will be purged [ only] a total of twenty-nine times. Yet, the Lord, after having been purged, will perform ablutions; and when he has bathed, he will purge one time. Thus, the Lord will be purged a total of thirty times .... Then, Jlvaka Komarabhacca said this to the Lord: "Until, 0 good one, your body becomes normal, alms- food of soup will be sufficient." Then, as the story goes, the Lord's body soon became normaJ.5H In this final account of Jlvaka's healings, the Buddha is afflict- ed with the bodily dosas (Skt. dOJa), the treatment of which required that a purgative be taken in order to eliminate them. Since the Buddha may be considered to be a type of person with a delicate constitution, a mild purgative was administered. It involved lubri- cation, the inhalation of the fragrance of three individual handfuls of lotuses mixed with various medicines, and a bath, resulting in a purgation of thirty times. After that, the patient was instructed to eat only light food, until the body returned to its normal state. Although the term dosiibhisanna, "filled with the dosas," does not allow us to determine the specific disease from which the Buddha suffered, we can broach a connection with the ayurvedic medical tradition through its prescribed treatment. In his chapter on "the treatment of supervenient diseases cured by emetics and purgatives,"59 Susruta states that these are the principal remedies used to cleanse the system of all and prescribes that when a purgative is administered the patient's body should first be lubricated (snigdha) and sweated (svinna).5! In the case of kings or ones who have never been purged, he advises the use of mild purgatives, which he describes as being pleasant, with noticeable results(?) (dntaphala) , savoury, small in quantity but great in potency and presenting little risk of creating disorders. 52 After the application of the emetic or purgative, the patient should be washed with tepid water;63 and when he feels weak or thirsty, he should be given in small doses a diet of light or luke- warm peyii. 64 77 Jlvaka's course of treatment of a condition where the body is diagnosed as being filled with the morbid humours (do 0 as) , there- fore, seems to follow that outlined in the Susruta SarJ2hita. The use of lotuses mixed with medicines certainly fits Susruta's definition of a mild purgative. Nowhere in the classical ayurvedic treatises, however, are lotuses mentioned in cases requiring mild purga- tion. 65 Likewise, the mention of a total of thirty (3 times 10) purga- tions with a mild purgative is not expressed in the medical texts. Conclusions The results of our investigation allow us to observe certain trends with respect to the ayurvedic medical ideas in the Buddhist tradition. In general, the account of the cures preserved in the legend of the physician Jlvaka Komarabhacca reflects a basic ayurvedic foundation. This is supported to some extent in versions- of the legend itself: Jlvaka's teacher is said to be a world-renowned physi- cian who lived in Taxila 66 and who, in the Tibetan Vinaya, is said to be Atreya,67 whose words are actually supposed to be the Caraka SarJ2hita. Rather than adhering to the tradition of Atreya, however, the evidence points to a closer connection with the Susruta SarJ2hita, as most of the medical details in the comparative passages quoted have been derived from that text. There is one treatment which simply is not found in the ayur- vedic works: the cure of a disease of the head caused by creatures living in the skull by means of a type of trepanation does not occur in the classical medical literature. There is, however, evidence for such a surgical practice offered from archaeological remains: in at least one skull discovered at Timargarha in west Pakistan 6H and perhaps others from the area of the north-west of India,69 there are definite signs of trepanation, suggesting that the practice was used, but was not included in the classical ayurvedic treatises. Other differences, such as the use of lotuses as a mild purga- tive, indicate only minor variations from the medical tradition of ayurveda and may merely be fanciful. The case of a knot in the bowels suffered by a merchant's son poses a problem because there is no exact equivalent in Sanskrit for the Pali antaga1ftha. The underlying current of ideas, however, supports an ayurvedic basis. 78 The Pali account of the physician J l v a ~ a , therefore, illustrates a well-established ayurvedic medical tradition and preserves at least one practice not found i ~ classical ayurueda. If the fourth century B.C. date of the Vinaya, suggested by Frauwallner, is cor- rect,70 we .can safely conclude that the crystallisation of the classical system of Indian medicine was already well under way by that time. Further research into the medical principles found in the Buddhist texts in Pali and other languages would, however, allow us to draw more concrete conclusions concerning the evolution of ayurvedic medicine and the role that the Buddhists played in it. NOTES I. On the possible derivation of the name .Komarabhacca from the Sanskrit, kumiirabhrtya, the medical science of paediatrics as well as the care of women during pregnancy, parturition, the puerperal period and lactation, see Yin. Texts, pt. 2, p. 174 n., Horner, vol. 4, p. 381 n.2 and Malalasekera, Dictionary, vol. I., p. 957 n.2. . 2. See Hardy, A Manua(of Buddhism, pp. 237-249. 3. The Peking Kanjur, vol. 3, leaves 50-67; see also Schiefner, Melanges Asiatiques, Tome VII (1879), pp. 472-514 and W.R.S. Ralston, trans., Tibetan Tales, pp.75-109. 4. "Sutra prononce par Ie Buddha au sujet de I'Avadana concernant 'Fille- de-Manguier' (A.mrapali) et 'K'J Yu' Qlvaka)," No. 499 (Trip. XIV, 6, pp. 48r.- 52v.) in Cinq cents Contes et Apologues extraits du Tripi(aka Chinois et traduits en Fran- r;ais par Edouard Chavannes, Tome III, pp. 325-261 (also Tome IV, p. 246). 5. See in particular D.V. Reddy, "Jeevaka, a physician of the VI century B.C.",Indianjournal of History of Medicine, Vol. 3 (1958), pp. 37-49; G. Mukhopad- hyaya, The History of India_n Medicine, vol. 3, pp. 681-744; and Mme Liacre de Saint-Firmin, lVUdicine et legendes bouddhiques de l'Inde, Paris, 1916. 6. MV 8.1.7: tena kho pana samayena Siikete set(hibhariyiiya sattavassiko sfsiibiidho hoti. 7. Buddhaghosa, at Samantapiisiidikii, 8.1 (p. 1116) glosses: ekahatthapii.(ena, "with the hollow of one handful"; cf. Vin. Texts, pt.2, p. I 78n. I and Horner, vol. 4, p.384n.2. 8. MV 8.1.10-11,13: atha kho jfvako Komiirabhacco yena sei(hibhariyii ten' upa- sa7[lkami, upasa7[lkamitvii setthibhariyiiya vikiira7[l sallakkhetvii se\lhibhariya7[l etad avoca: pasatena me (N.). ayye sappinii attho 'ti. atha kho se(!hibhariyiijfvakassa Komiirabhaccassa pasata7[l sappi7[l diipesi. atha kho puako Komiirabhacco ta7[l pasata7[l sappiT(! niiniibhesaj- jehi nippacitvii set(hibhariyam maiicake uttiirw7[l nipajjiipetvii (B.: nipatetvii, "making to descend") natthuto adiisi. atha kho tam sappi natthuto dimw7[l mukhato uggarlchi (R.: uggacchi). atha kho set(hibhariyii paUggahe nit(ubhitvii (R.: nut(huhitvii) .... atha kho Jfvako Komiirabhacco se(!hibhariyiiya sattavassika7[l sfsiibiidha7[l eken 'eva natthukammena apakahi. At Sumangala-viliisinf 1.1.27, Buddhagosa states the nasal-treatment consists of a mixture of oil (tela7[l ),ojetva natthukaranam). 79 9. SuSth. 17.6; 19.4. 10. The Madhukosa to MN 60.1 explains this as "by the wasting away of blood, marrow (or fat), etc." asrgvasadfnaf!! 11. According to :Oalhal).a at Su Utt. 25.1--4, some consider silryavarta to be pain in the head caused by bile and wind, which increases during daylight hours and becomes calm at night ( ... "tatra vatanuga1Jl pitta1Jl cita1Jl sirasi madh- yalme tejasa 'rkasya tad vivrddha1Jl sirorujam. karoti paittikil!l ghora!n saf!!samyati dina- asta1Jl gate prabhahine silrye vayur vivardhate. san tim avapnoti samyati vedana, pittanilakrtal} . ... ). 12. Utt. 25.2-4; see also AHUtt. 23, MN 60.1 and Jolly, Medicin, p. 118. On the latter four causes, cf. CaSiSth. 9.70-87. 13: SiSth. 9:88. 14. CiSth. 40.21; cf. also CaSiSth. 9.89-92, 116. 15. SiSth. 9.98-99: ... sneha1Jl kuryad vidhanavit, ... uttanasya sayanasya sayane svastrte sukham, kincit kiiicit padonnatasya ca. 16. SiSth. 9.102-103: ... nasamunnamya hastena da- kuryad samam. picuna va 'pi yathavidhi, ... Cf. also SuCiSth. 40.25-27. 17. :Oalhal).a to SuCiSth. 40.30 explains srnga(aka as "being the combination of the vessels which soothe the apertures of the nose and ear as well as the eye and the tongue" sirar;al!l .. This definition seems to point to the sinuses. 18. CiSth. 40.29-30: nopagilet kathaf!! cid api buddhiman. srizga(- akam abhiplavya nireti vadanad yatha; kaphotkleiabhayac cainaf!! avidharayan. Cf. also CaSiSth. 9.103-107. 19. MV 8.1.16: tena kho pana samayena Rajagahakassa seHhissa sattavassika s'isa- badho hoti. 20. Cf. Buddhagosa at Samantapasadikii 8.1 (p. 1117): s'isacamma1Jl apanetva. 21. Buddhagosa (ibid.) glosses: "having opened the suture of the skull" (sib- bini1Jl vivaritva). 22. MV 8.1.18: atha kho jfvako Komarabhacco se((hif!! gahapatif!! mancake nipaj- japetva (B.: nipatetva, "having let fall") mancake (S.: mancakena) sambandhitva s'isac- chavi1Jl upphaletva (N.: uppa(etva, "having torn up", S.: phaletva, "having cut or split") sibbini1Jl (S.: sibbani1Jl) vinametva dve pal.lake nfharitvajanassa (N.: mahajanassa) dassesi: passeyyatha (R.: passath' ayyo, B.: passathayye, SI.: passatha) ime dve ekal.n khuddaka1Jl eka1Jl mahallaka1Jl . .. , sibbini1Jl sampa(icchadetva (R.: sampa(ipadetva, B.: sampa(ipa(etva) s'isacchaviVl sibbetva (B.: sibbitva) alepa1Jl adasi. 23. See in particular CaSiiSth. 17.27-29, CiSth. 26.118, SuUtt. 25.10-11 and AHUtt. 23.12-15. 24. ViSth. 7.20 and CiSth. 26.183-187. 25. Following palhal).a (to SuUtt. 26.27): ... samayanti samagacchanti. yatas- tato tatra cagatana1Jl' krmir;a1Jl kilrcakadibhir nirharar;a1Jl kaTta- vyam (or from the 1915 edition: samayanti itastato tatra . .. ). 26. This rendering is based on AHUtt. 24.15-16: krmije nasya1Jl tena milrcchanti sor;itagandhena niryanti dhilmabhya1Jl kuryan nirharar;a1Jl tatal}, ... :Oalhal).a (to SuUtt. 26.29), however, con- siders the vs. beginning with to be a treatment for the eradication of those 80 worms which are inaccessible by the nasal-passages (idanfr!l kilrcakadib(lir aga- myanaTfl nirhar(zr;arthaTfl cikitsitam aha: ity adi). Cf. also K.L. Bhisha- gratna, vol. 3, p. 137. See also H.K., p. 633. . 27. Following I)alhal!a. He also refers to Gayin, who offers the interpreta- tion that the purgation of the skull is composed of the seeds of the hrasvasigruka plant, etc. .(ml1rdhavirecanaiZI. . . ; gayz tu hTasvaSigrukabijani .firavirecahadravyar;i manyate. hrasvasigrukabijair ity adi . .. ); see also SuUtt. 54.34-36 and cf. KL. Bhishagratna, vol. 3, p. 137. 28. Utt. 26.26-30: krmibhir SiTaSaZI kriya. lWS)'e hi sOJ,li- tal!! dadyat tena milTcchanti jantaVa(l, mattazl samayanti yatastataZI. nirhaTar;am kalym.n tata mildhavirecanaiZI, hrasvasigrukabijair va ka7?lsyan'illsamayutai(!. krmighnair avaplrjais ca miltrap4faiT upacaret, piltimatsyayutan dhiiman krmighnaTfls ca pTayajayet. bhajanani krmighnani panani vividhani ca. Cf. also AUtt. 24.15-18. 29. MV 8.1.14: tena kho pan a samayena Taiil1a Magadhassa Seniyassa Bimbisar- assa bhagandalabiidho hati, safaka lohitena makkhiyanti (SI.: makkhfyanti). 30. MV 8.1.15: evaT[! deva 'ti kho Jrvaka Kamarabhacca Abhayassa rajakumaTassa pafisur;itva nakhena bhesaJjaTfl adaya yena raja Magadho Seniya Bimbisaro ten' ujJa- sal?zkami, upasaT[!kamitva rajanaIJI iVIagadhm!1 SeniyaIJI BimbisaTaTfl dad avoca: abiidhm,n te (N .) deva passama 'Ii. atha kho Jzvako Komarabhacco Tm1no Magdhassa Seniyassa Bimbisarassa bhagandalabiidhm.n eken' eva alepena apakarjrjhi. 31. N iSth. 4.3: vatapittaslesmasannipatagan tunimittazl sravisambflkavartonmargiJ.w yathasaT[!khyaT[! panca bhagandara bhavanti, te tu bhagagu- dabastipradeSadarar;ac ca "bhagandara" ity ucyante, abninnaZI pirjakazl, binnas tu bhagan- daraZI. Caraka defines bhagandara more generally: "For the rectal fistula should be [known as] pustules on the side of the rectum, which frequently ripen and suppu- rate [and as being caused] by worms, slight injury to the [tail-] bone, copulation, diarrhoea, etc., and excessive horse-back [riding] (CaCiSth.12.96: krimyasthisfl- gudasya parsve pi- rjaka bhrsartih pakvaprabhinna tu bhagandaraZI syat). Cf also SuNiSth. 4.10-13. 32. See CaCiSth. 12.97 and SuCiSth. 8.4. Cf. also AHUtt. 28.25-26, where merely prescribes the use of a surgical instrument (sastTa). 33. See Mukhopadhyaya, Surgical Instruments of the Hindus, pp. 155-174. 34. AHSuSth. 25.38: nimnamukhas tisraZI kanin- zmadhyamanaminakhaman asamair mukhaiZl. Cf. also Mukhopadhyaya, Surgical In- struments, vol. 1, p. 159. 35. For salaka, cf. Miln IV.1.33(l12) and IV. 2.13(149). See also PTS-PED, p. 699 and cf. MWSED. p. 1059, col. 1. 36. ST., however, reads perhaps more clearly: antagar;qabiidho, "the affliction of a swelling in the bowels." 37. On the exact meaning of this, see especially Vin. Texts, pt. 2, pp. 184-85 n.l; and cf. Horner, vol. 4, p. 389 n.2. 38. MV 8.1.21: tena kho pana samayena Barar;aseyyakassa sef!hiputassa mokkhaci- kaya k/(antassa antagar;thabiidho hoti yena (SI.: tena) yagu pi pUa na samma parir;amaTfl gacchati bhattam pi bhuttaT[! na samma. parir;amaT[! gacchati uccaro pi passavo pi na pagur;o. so tena kiso hoti lilkho dubbar;r;o uppar;rjuppar;4ukajato dhamanisanthatagatto. 39. MV 8.1.22: evaT[! ... Jrvako Komarabhacco ... gantva yena Barar;aseyyako se((hiputto ten' upasaT[!kami, upasaT[!kamitva Baral,J{lSeyyakassa setfhiputtassa vikaraT[! sal- 81 lakkhetva janaT[! ussaretva tirokaraT}iyaT[! (S. and SL: tirokaraT}iT[!) parikkhipitva (B.: parikkhipetva) thambhe ubbandhitva (S. and S1.: upanibandhitva, "binding him on to") bhariyaT[! puratD udaracchaviT[! (R.: upphtiletva, "cutting open") niharitva bhariyaya dassesi passa te samikassa qbadhal.n, ... antani paUpavesetva udaracchaviT[! sibbetva (B.: sibbitva) alepaT[! adasi. atha kho Ba1'aT}aseyyako seHhiputto na cirass' eva arogo ahosi. 40. SuCiSth. 2.56-66; Caraka does not mention such a disease or treatment. Cf. NM 43.4 41. AHUtt. 29.12-14. 42. MV 8.1.23: tena kho samayena UjjeniyaT[!(N.) raiiiio Pajjotassa paT}rjuroga- btidho hoti. 43. Buddhagosa (p. 1117) explains rather fancifully: "Surely this king is born of a scorpion; and ghee is medicine for the sake of warding off the poison of a scorpion. Therefore, it is loathsome to a scorpion" (aya7J! kira raja vicchikassa jato, ca sappi bhesajjaT[! hoti vicchika1!aT[! patikkulaT[! tasma evam aha). 44. Cf. Horner, vo!' 4, p. 391n.1. 45. Buddhagosa (p. 1117) glosses uddekaT[! as uggaraT[!. 46. Buddhagosa (p. 1117) elaborates: "Both making him drink the ghee and explaining the action of the food to the maidservants" (sappiii ca payetva paricarikanaii ca ahtiravidhiT[! acikkhitva). 47. MV 8.1.23-25: evaT[! .. . Jivako Komarabhacco ... UjjeniT[! gantvayena raja Pajjoto ten' upasaT[!kami, upasaT[!kamitva raiino Pajjotassa vikara7J! sallakkhetva Pa}jottaT[! etad avoca: sappi7J! dehi (B.) sappiT[! deva nippacissami, ta7J! devo pivissatiti. alaT[! bhaT}e jivaka yaT[! te sakka vina sappina aroga"f!l. katu7J! taT[! karohi. jeguccha7J! me sappi, (B.: pa\ikulaT[!, Skt. pratikula, "disagreeable") ti. atha kho jivakassa Komarbhq,ccassa etad ahosi: imassa kho ranno tadiso abtidho na sakkii (SL: sakkii maya) vina sappina arogaT[! kiituT[!. yam nunanaT[! sappiT[! nippaceyya7J! kasiiva- gandha7J! kasavarasan ti. atha kho jivako Komarabhacco nanabhesajjehi sappiT[! nippaci kasavavaT}T}a7J! kasavagandhaT[! kasiivarasam. atha kho Jfvakassa Komarbhaccassa etad ahosi: imassa kho ranno sappi pftaT[! pariT}amenta7J! uddekaT[! dassati .... atha kho jivako Komarabhacco rajanaT[! PajjotaT[! sappiT[! payetva .... atha kho rarlrl0 Pajjotassa sappi pitaT[! pariT}amenta7J! uddekaT[! adasi .... atha kho riija Pajjoto arogo samano . ... 48. See in particular SuUtt. 44.3-4; cf. also AHNiSth. 13.1-4 and MN 8.2. 49. The older edition(1913) of SuUtt. 44.4 mentions four types of morbid pallor, the newer, following palhalj<I, eight: those caused by the three plus the combination of those caused by the three by their combination, by the comsumption of earth, by the two kinds of jaundice, kiimala and kumbhakamalii,and by halimaka. CaSuSth. 19.4(CiSth.16.3), AHNiSth. 13.7 and MN 8.1 list five kinds: those being caused by the three their combination and the consumption of earth. 50. See CaCiSth. 16.35-36, SuUtt. 44.5-6, AHNiSth. 13.15-16 and MN 8.16- 23. 51. Cf. G.J. Meulenbeld, The Madhavanidana, pp. 296-313 and R.F.G. Mull- er, "Worterheft zu einigen Ausdriiken indischer Medizin," MID, vo!' 7(1961), p. 112. 52. Utt. 44.14; cf. also AHCiSth. 16.1. 53. CaCiSth. 16.47-55; 134-135; SuUtt. 44.15-20; cf. also AHCiSth. 16 .. 82 54. MV S.1.30: tena kho pana sarnayena bhagavato kayo dosabhisanno Jwti. See also Horner, vol. 4, p. 394n.1. 55. MV S.1.30: icchati tathagato virecanam patun ti. 56. MV 8.1.30: tena hi bhante li.nanda bhagavato kayam katipahal.n sinehethalf!'ti. Buddhagosa (p. IllS) comments: "Now, is the body of the lord coarse? It is not coarse! Therefore, he said thus: ' Divine beings always place the divine-strength into the food of the lord; and now, the oily liquid moistens, everywhere, the dosas; it makes the vessels supple' " ( ... ki1J1- pana bhagavato kayo hlkho. na lilkho. bhagavato hi aMre sada devatti dibboja1J1- pakkhipanti, sinehapanarf! pana sabbattha dose temeti, sira mudukti kamti, ten' aya1J1- evarn aha). 57. Buddhagosa (p. IllS) explains: "One handful of lotuses is for the sake of removing the coarse dosa; one is for the sake of removing the middle dosa; and one is for the sake or removing the subtle dosa." ( ... eka1J1- uppalahatthal:n o(arikado- saharar;at(ha1J1- eka1J1- majjhimadosaharar;attharfl ekarr! 58. MV 8.1.31-33; atha kho Jfvakassa Kornarabhaccassa etad ahosi: na kho me tal.n pa(irilpam (N.: patirilpa1J1-) yo 'ha1J1- bhagavato o(arikaYfl virecanazn dadeyyan (Si.: da- deyya1J1- yan nilnaha1J1-) ti. tfr;i uppalahatthani nanabhesajjehi paribhavetva (SL: paribha- vetva tathagatassa upanameyya1J1-) yena bhagava ten' upasa1J1-kami, upasaYflkamitva ekw.n uppalahattha1J1- bhagavato upanarnesi imam Mante bhagava pa(hamaYfl uppalahatthal.n upasinghatu, idam bhagavanta1J1- dasakkhattu1J1- virecessatfti. dutiya1J1- pi uppalahatthaYfl bhagavato upanarnesi ... , bhante bhagava ... upasii!ghatu, idw.n bhagavantaYfl dasa- kkhattu1J1- virecessatfti. tatiya1J1- pi uppalahattha1J1- bhagavato upanamesi . . . , idaYfl bhaga- vantaYfl dasakkhattu1J1- virecessatfti, eva1J1- bhagavato samati1J1-saya (B.: samattil.nsaya) vire- canaYfl bhavissatfti . ... atha kho Jfvakassa Komarabhaccassa ... etad ahosi: maya kho bhagavato sarnati1J1-saya virecana1J1- dinrw1J1-. dosabhisanna tathagatassa kayo, na bhagavan- taYfl sarnati1J1-sakkhattu1J1- virecessati, ekilnati1J1-sakkhattu1J1- virecessati, api ca bhagava viritta nahayissati, nahata1J1- bhagavanta1J1- sakiYfl virecessati, evaYfl bhagavato sa- mati1J1-saya virecana1J1- bhavissatfti .... atha kho Jfvako Komarabhacco bhagavantclYfl dad avoca: yava bhante bhagavato kayo pakatalto hoti, alaYfl (S. reads per- haps preferably: yilsapir;dakena) 'ti. atha kha bhagavato kayo na cirass' eva pakatatto ahosi. 59. SuCiSth. 33: varnanavirecanasadhyopadravacikitsatam. 60. SuCiSth. 33.4. 61. SuCiSth.33.5,19. 62. SuCiSth. 33.44-45; cf. CaSiiSth. 15.17-25. states that because it is mild and safe, the plant caturahgula especially should be used as a purgative for a child, for one who is old, for one who is injured, for one who is emaciated and for a very delicate man (AHKaSth. 2.31: bale vrddhe sukumare ca manave, yojyo rnrdvanapayitvad 63. SuCiSth. 33.11. 64. Ibid. and SuCiSth. 33.26. peya is defined as thin gruel (See G.]. Meulen- beld, The Madhavanidana, pp. 476-477; cf. also U.c. Dutt, Materia Medica of the Hindus, p. 269). 65. See ibid., pp. 110-112 and CaKaSth. 1.4-7. 66. MV 8.1.5-7. 67. See Ralston, trans., Tibetan Tales, pp. 93f. 6S. See A.H. Dani, ed., "Timargarha and The Gandhara Grave Culture," 83 Ancient Pakistan, vol. 3 (1967), p. 48, 100 and 240 and Wolfram Bernhard, "Hu- man Skeletal Remains from the Cemetery of Timargarha," ibid., pp. 368-369. 69. See A.K. Roy Chowdhury, "Trepanation in Ancient India," Asiatic Soci- ety of Calcutta, Communications, vol. 25 (1973), pp. 203-206; A.K. Sharma, "Kali- bangan Human Skeletal Remains-an Osteoarchaeologlcal approach," jOIB, vol. 19 (1969), pp. 109-114; and A.K. Sharma, "Neolithic human burials form Burza- hom, Kashmir,"jOIB,vol.'16 (1967), pp. 239-247. 70. Erick Frauwallner, The Em"les! Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Litera- ture, p. 67, Selective Bibliography and Abbreviations B. Burmese edition of the Pali Tipitaka. CiSth. Cikitsasthiina. JOIB journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. KaSth. Kalpasthiina. MIO Mitteilungen des Institut fur Orientforschung. N. Nalanda-DevanagarI edition of the Pali Tipitaka. NiSth. Nidanasthiina. R. Romanised edition of the Pali Tipitaka. S. Sinhalese edition of the Pali Tipitaka. SaSth. Sarfrasthiina. SiSth. Siddhasthiina. SI. Saimese(Thai) edition of the Pali Tipitaka. SUSth. Sutrasthiina. Utt. Uttaratantra. ViSth. Vimanasthiina. 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Edited by JadavjI Trikamji Acarya and Narayar;ta Rama Acarya "Kavyatirtha." YararyasI: Chauk- hambha Orientalia, 1980. Secondary Sources Bernhard, Wolfram. "Human skeletal remains from the cemetery of Ti- margarha." Ancient Pakistan, Vol. 3 (1967), pp. 291-407. Bhishagratna, Kaviraj Kunjalal, trans. The Sushruta Samhita. 3 Yols. Yar- anasi: The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, 1963. Chavannes, Edouard, trans., "Siitra prononce par Ie Buddha au sujet de l'Avadana concernant 'Fille-de-Manguier' (Amrapali) et 'K'l- Yu' (Jlvaka)," in Cinq cents Contes et Apologues extraits du Chinois. Tome, III. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1911; also Tome. IV. Paris: Impri- merie national, 1934. Dani, Ahmad Hasan, ed. "Timargarha and The Gandhara Grave Cul- ture," Ancient Pakistan, Vol. 3 (1967), pp. 1-407. Dutt, Uday Chand. The Materia Medica of the Hindus, Calcutta,J 922. Frauwallner, Erick. The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Lit- erature. Roma: Is. M.E.O., 1956. Hardy, R. Spence, trans. 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The Surgical InstTUments of the Hindus. 2 vols. Calcutta: Calcutta University, 1913, 1914. --_. The History of Indian Medicine. 3 vols. 1923, 1926, 1929; rpt. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1974. MWSED Monier-Williams, Sir Monier. A Sanskrit-English Dictionmy. 1899; rpt. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1974. PTS-PED Rhys Davids, T.W. and William Stede. The Pilli Text Society's Pilli-English Dictionary. London: The Pali Text Society, 1972. Ralston, W.R.S., trans. Tibetan Tales, derived from Indian Sources. London: Kegan Paul, Trench and Trubner and Co Ltd., 1906. Reddy, D.V.S. "Jeevaka, a physician of the VI century B.C." Indianjour- nal of History of Medicine, Vol. 3 (1958), pp. 37-49. Vin. Texts Rhys Davids and Hermann Oldenberg, trans. Vinaya Texts. Part.2. 1882; rpt. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1975. Roy Chowdhury, Amiya Kumar. "Trepanation in ancient India." Asiatic Society of Calcutta, Communications. Vol.25 (1973), pp. 203-206. Saint-Firmin, Mme Liacre de. Medicine et legendes bouddiques de l'Inde. Par- is, 1916. Schiefner, A. "Der Prinz Dslvaka als Konig der Arzte." Melanges asiatique tires du Bulletin de l'Academie imperiale des Sciences de St.-peters- bourg. Tome.VIII (1879), pp. 472-514. Sharma, A.K. "Neolithic human burials from Burzahom, Kashmir." jDIB. Vo1.l6(3)( 1967), pp. 239-242. ____ . "Kalibangan human skeletal remains- an os teo-archaeological approach." JDIB. Vo1.l9(l969), pp. 109-114. 86 Sa skya pandita's Account of the bSam yas Debate: History as Polemic 1 by Roger Jackson The Corinthians. There is ... no advantage in reflections on the past further than may be of serivce to the present. Thucydides Peloponnesian War I, 123 Most literate societies possess at least a rudimentary sense of the value of historical accuracy, and the means for separating fact from myth. They are, however, no less prone than non-literate societies to live under the sway of myths and symbols, and when an event affects men's minds sufficiently with its symbolic forceful- ness, that event can become more important as myth than history, to the point where the true record is obscured nearly beyond recall. Such an event is the bSam yas debate, a debate between Indian "gradualists" and Chinese "simultaneists" called circa 792 to 794 by the Tibetan king Khri srong Ide btsan, and after which Chinese Buddhist influence diminished considerably in Tibet. Indian participants in the debate, most notably KamalasIla, in his three Bhavanakramas, felt that Hvashang Mahayana and his supporters were preaching an absolutistic quietism that was unrepresentative of Buddhist tradition, spiritually fruitless and subversive of the sort of gradual, ethically-based practices en- joined on the majority of practitioners. They felt, in short, that, should the Chinese carry the day, Tibet would be lost to true Buddhism, following an easy but pointless path. Tibetan histori- ans - and not only those influenced by the dominant dGe lugs pa tended to agree, viewing their country's early Bud- dhist history as a series of triumphs over the all-too-Tibetan temp- tation to adopt comfortable but specious spiritual practices. The 89 bSam yas debate, according to this view, is the first in a series of pivotal "reforms" that also include the advents of Ansa and Tsong kha pa. As a result, the bSam yas debate and its participants have long since been absorbed into the realms of both popular and scholastic myth. They are no longer just events and people, but elements in a symbolic drama that, again and again, Tibetan writ- ers have found useful as an illustration of points that are relevant not to the eighth century, but to their own times;2 in the process, of course, the question of what actually happened at the debate has often been ignored. Because it is both history and myth, the bSam yas debate is susceptible of two different sorts of study. A first-order study, the sort pursued by Demieville, Tucci and Houston':' seeks to recon- struct what actually happened at the debate through a judicious use of all available historical materials, with the greatest weight, generally, given to the most ancient. A second-order study, which has not so far been attempted, would examine extant histories of the debate in order to show how each history reflects not only an actual course of events, but the more contemporary concerns of the historian. It is a contribution to the second type of study, the "history of history," that I hope to make here. Although it .is possibly the oldest Tibetan history of Bud- dhism, the Thub pa'i dgongs pa rab gsal of Kun dga' rgyal mtshan, the Sa skya par;H;lita (1182-1251), has received little attention from Western scholars.4 Written in Mongolia sometime between 1244 and 1251, it antedates by a century the far better known Chos 'byung of Bu ston Rinpoche and by a still greater span The Blue Annals of Gos 10 tsa ba and the history of Buddhism written by Taranatha. The Thub pa'i dgongs pa rab gsal contains an account of the bSam yas debate. 5 The account is worthy of attention, not so much for its antiquity, or for any new historical light it casts on the events at bSam yas, but for what it tells us about Sa skya paI).c)ita and, more broadly, what it shows us about the process by which the bSam yas debate was mythologized. The account of the debate is part of the section "Refuting those who accept as the teaching of the Buddha that which is neither the sriivaka (yiina) nor the Ma- hayana." This section has four parts: "Refutations of (1) the early Chinese school, (2) the later (Tibetan) school that followed it, (3) the present-day school that accepts as mahiimudrii the meditation- (system) of the non-aspectarian Cittamatra and (4) (the school 90 that) accepts as mahamudra the specious (It(J,r snang) Perfection of Wisdom." The debate is described in the first of the four parts. A translation follows. 91 According to a Chinese monk of the time of King Bri srong Ide btsan, "Words are essenceless, so one cannot attain Buddhahood (tshang mi rgya) through a verbal dharma; when one examines the mind, that is the White Panacea (dkar po chig thub)." Having written commentaries on that (view, e.g., ) the gSam gtan nyal ba'i 'khor la, the gSam gtan gyi Ion and its Yang lon, the ITa ba'i rgyab sha and the mDo sde brgyad cu khungs,6 he spread this White Panacea throughout all the Tibetan realm. (The White Panacea) did not accord with the Indian Dharma-school, so the King invited the reverend Ye shes dbang po (to court). When he asked him which Dharma- school- the Indian or the Chipese - was the true one, Ye shes dbang po said, "The acarya left the following testament: 'Because the acarya Padmasambhava gave this Ti- betan realm the twelve protective goddesses (brtan ma), no heretics will arise. Nevertheless, because it is the nature of causality that both day and night, right and left, waxing and waning, and pure and impure dharmas (all) arise, after my death will come a Chinese master (mkhan po) who will negate method and wisdom and will say that one attains Buddha- hood only by the examination of the mind called the White Panacea. The Conqueror talks in a sutra of - "among the five degenerations - the degeneration of view." When it is said that there will be enjoyment of an (inferior) emptiness, (it is implied that this) will occur not just in Tibet; at the time ofthe five degenerations, (such) enjoyment will be (in) the nature of all persons. When this (attitude) spreads, it will be generally harmful to the Buddha's doctrine, so you (the King) then should invite from India my disciple, the great sage known as Kamalaslla. (He will) enter into debate with the Chinese mas- ter. Practice (in accordance with) the school of the winner.' Because prophesied (thus), I ask that you act accordingly. " When thus requested (by Ye shes dbang po, the King) invited the acarya KamalasIla. With the King and (various) sages looking on at bSam yas, the weapons of all (the disputants) were collected. Flower gar- lands were given (to the disputants). The winner would be honored, the loser expelled. The King promised to punish those who failed to act thus (i.e., abide by the result). At that time, on Kamalaslla's side there were only a few: several (lin- eage-)holders of the Indian Dharma-school, the master Gos, \ " 92 and others. On the Chinese master's side, a great multitude gathered, including Queen Bro za byang chub, gZid mal ba gco rma rma, and others. Then, iiciirya KamalasIla asked his opponent, "What is the position of the Chinese Dharma-school?" The Chinese said, "Your Dharma-school, beginning from going for Refuge and generating the Thought of Enlighten- ment; ascends from below like a monkey ascending to a tree- top. (In) our Dharma-school, one does not attain Buddha- hood through the dharmas of activity (bya byed); (rather,) meditating non-discursively, one attains Buddhahood just by the examination of the mind. (Our) Dharma is one that alights from above, like a garuda alighting from the sky on a tree- top." At that, the iiciirya said, "Neither the analogy nor the meaning is acceptable. Firstly, (as for) the unacceptability of the analogy: (i) does the garuda alight from the sky on the treetop with his wings grown instantaneously to maturity, or (ii) once he has been born in a crag or elsewhere, must his wings mature gradually, and (is he only then able to) alight (on a treetop)? (i) is impossible; (ii) is an appropriate analogy for the gradualist, but is not an appropriate analogy for the simultaneist. " The (Chinese) master could not reply to (the discussion of) the analogy. At that, the iiciirya added, "Not only is your analogy mis- taken; your meaning is delusive, too. Does (your) non-discur- sive meditation (i) stop just one kind of discursive thought or (ii) is it necessary to stop countless discursive thoughts? If you say (i) that it is the stopping of one kind, then it follows that sleep, swoon and other (such states) also would be non-discur- sive (meditation), because they too only stop one kind of. thought. If you say (ii) that it is the stopping of countless discursive thoughts, then, when you meditate non-discursive- ly, is it (a) unnecessary or (b) necessary to have an immediate- ly-preceding discursive thought, viz., '1 will mediate non-dis- cursively'? If (a) it is unnecessary, then it follows that sentient beings of the three realms also produce (this kind of) medita- tion, because they also 'meditate' without an immediately-pre- ceding discursive thought, viz., '1 will meditate.' If (b) it is necessary to have an immediately-preceding discursive thought, viz., '1 will meditate non-discursively,' then you have broken your promise to meditate for (that promise) itself is a discursive thought. It is analogous to losing silence when you say, '1 am observing silence,' or babbling about (the impo.rtance of) not babbling." (KamalasIla) ma.de this and refutations through scnpture and reasonmg, and the Chmese master lost his con- fidence. The King said to him, "If you have an answer, speak it!" The master replied, "I am like one thunderstruck (mgor thog brgyab pa); I do not know (how to) answer." . The King said, "In that case, offer the flower-garland to the acarya and make an apology. The White Panacea Dharma- school is to be spurned, and one should act in accordance with the Indian Dharma-school, which contradicts neither scrip- ture nor reason. Also, from now on, anyone who practices the White Panacea will be punished." This was decreed throughout all of Tibet, and the Chi- nese books were collected and hidden as treasures (gter) at bSam yas. Upset at (all) this, the Chinese master returned to his own country. It is reported that (before he left) he prophesied to his followers, "I have (accidentally) left a shoe behind at the Dharma-center. I infer from this omen that when the Bud- dha's doctrine is on the verge of destruction, my doctrine alone will remain." Later wise kalyar;,amitras have said, "The Chinese master did not understand the Dharma, but he was one who under- stood omens somewhat. Nowadays, the original Dharma has been spurned; that is the reason for (the popularity of) the White Panacea, which accepts that Buddhahood is attained by pointing to the mind." I have seen it written in another testament that the one who inferred from the forgotten shoe at the time of the de- parture for China was another distressed Hva shang, not the master (involved in the debate). It is also said that the Chinese master set his head on fire and died facing west, toward SukhavatI; that gZid mal ba gco rma rma committed suicide by beating his own genitals; and so forth, (but) since I have already detailed much of this, I will write no more. (The reader) should refer to the rGyal bzhed dba' bzhed chronicles. 7 This rather concise account adds little that is reliable to what we already know of the circumstances and proceedings of the debate;8 it does, however, tell ).lS a great deal about Sa skya pal1- , First, the strict use oflogical dilemmas in the speech of rebut- tal put into the mouth of KamalasIla reflects Sa skya paI:1c;iita's great interest in Buddhist fogic - indeed, his Tshad ma rigs pa'i gter 93 .stands as the first great Tibetan treatise on the subject. It is true that Kamalaslla,on the evidence of his panjika to Tattvasa'T{Lgraha, was an accomplished dialectician, and it is entirely possible that his argument in the course of the debate was every bit as tightly reasoned as Sa skya paQ.Q.ita would have us believe. The fact remains, however, that in no other account of the debate is the dilemma employed so consistently - not. even in' Kamalaslla's third Bhavaniikrama, which was composed immediately after the debate, and presumably reflects the substance, if not necessarily the style, of Kamalasi:la's contribution to the proceedings. In the absence of any corroborating evidence, it is safest to assume that the speech attributed to KamalasIla by Sa skya paQ.Q.ita reflects more closely what a Buddhist logician would like the iiciirya to have said than what he actually said. Second, and far more interesting, is a Sa skya paQ.Q.ita's con- tention that the "Dharma-school" taught by the Chinese master is the White Panacea - a contention found in no other source. We know from Thuu kvan's Grub mtha' shel gyi me long that the White Panacea was a synonym for mahiimudrii, coined by Zhang g-yu brag pa brtson 'grus grags pa - Zhang Rinpoche - the founder of the Tshal pa lineage of the Dvags po bKa' brgyud tradition. 9 Zhang Rinpoche (1123-93) is clearly considered by Thuu kvan to have been one of the greatest of the bKa' brgyud masters, yet the Tshal pa school died out centuries ago, so we must reconstruct Zhang Rinpoche's views from second-hand accounts and from the frag- mentary writings of his own that are available. 10 Thuu kvan de- scribes the White Panacea as a 'joining of method and wisdom as bliss and emptiness,"ll and Nor bzang's Phyag chen gsal sgron adds that "when the earlier bKa; brgyud pas called their mahiimudrii meditations the White Panacea, their intention was that by pro- ducing the essence of the Original Mind, which is great bliss, by that one meditation on reality they would obtain the final fruit."12 It is clear from Zhang Rinpoche's writings, scattered as they are, that he places great emphasis on the meditative search for and discovery of "the reality of one's own mind."13 In this emphasis, and in his preoccupation with ultimate truths and practices- often expressed through negation of the conventional- he is very much in tune not only with other early bKa' brgyud pas, but also with the prajnii-piiramitii and dohii traditions of Indian Bud- 94 dhism. The White Panacea, from the evidence of Zhang Rin- poche's writings, is virtually indistinguishable from mahiimudrii. Be that as it may, we also know that Sa skya paf.lQita, in his . sDom gsum rab dbye, violently opposed the White Panacea l4 on the grounds (a) that it implied "total mental inactivity," or quietlsm l5 and (b) that there did not seem to be in it any place for such fundamental practices as bodhicitta. 16 It is far from a coincidence that these are among the same criticisms leveled against the system of Hva shang Mahayana by KamalasIla in his Bhavaniikramas. Thuu kvan -like Nor bzang before him - defends the White Panacea. from Sa skya paf.lQita's attack, maintaining that "if you examine the words of Zhang tshal ba honestly and in detail, (you find that) the position of complete mental inactivity clearly is not represented, and the objections in the sDom gsum are obviously forced,"l? and that there is no warrant for believing that bodhicitta is considered superfluous in the White Panacea. IS Thuu kvan ex- culpates Zhang Rinpoche, but not all of his successors, who "write their explanations of mahiimudrii accepting literally what is written in (his) gSal sgron me,"l9 and thereby fail to understand that in the White Panacea there is room for both discursive and non-discursive thought, method and wisdom, conventional and ultimate truth. Like many a Ch'an master, then - indeed, perhaps like Hva shang Mahayana - Zhang Rinpoche may not himself have misun- derstood the Buddha's teaching but, because of his style and em- phases, was likely to be misunderstood by others. The question of the White Panacea's "legitimacy" quite aside, it remains the case that Sa skya paf.lQita not only believes it to be nihilistic quietism, but asserts it to be a Chinese Dharma-school, one in existence at the time of the bSam yas debate. Indeed, Sa skya paf.lQita believes both the White Panacea and the rdzogs chen tradi- tion of the rNying rna to be Chinese in origin. 20 It is easy to see how he may have arrived at this conclusion: (a) The teachings of the White Panacea seem greatly to resemble those attributed to Hva shang Mahayana by Kamalaslla; (b) There is evidence from ancient texts that the Hva shang's books were hidden after the debate, with their eventual rediscovery in mind. Therefore (c) the White Panacea is a revival of the teaching of H va shang Mahayana. It is quite possible that Chinese views exercised an influence on subsequent Tibetan schools, but if they did, it is far more likely 95 that they affected the rNying rna tradition, which unquestionably originated at a time when Chinese teachers were active in Tibet. The White Panacea - quite apart from being mentioned nowhere as a gter ma-based teaching - is in the mainstream of the Bka' brgyud tradition. Zhang Rinpoche was a disciple of sCorn pa, who was in turn a directdisciple of sCam po pa. He was, thus, squarely in the lineage that reached back through Mi la ras pa and Mar pa to the Indian siddhas Maitrlpa (whom Thuu kvan describes as a teacher of the White Panacea), Tilopa and Naropa. The White Panacea, therefore, belongs to the second diffusion of Buddhism in Tibet, whereas direct Chinese influence was only marked dur- ing the first; and the White Panacea's determinable antecedents are Indian, not Chinese. It is true that there exist the further possibilities (a) that there may have been Chinese influence on the Indian siddhas, and/or (b) that there may have been current in Zhang Rinpoche's time left-over Chinese ideas that may have in- spired him. There is no evidence at present for either possibility; even if there were, the probability that both Hva shang Mahayana and Zhang Rinpoche taught the same doctrine, known as the White Panacea, would be remote. The most reasonable conclusion, then, is that Sa skya paI).<#- ta's assertion, that the system taught by the Chinese master at the bSam yas cl,ebate was the White Panacea, is simply a case of polemi- . cal anachronism, an attempt to discredit the pal).qita's contempo- rary opponents by associating. them with an historical person of established notoriety. The conclusion is reasonable because (1) The White Panacea is mentioned as the bSam yas Chinese school in no other text, (2) There is no evidence that there ever existed any Chinese school called the White Panacea, (3) There is no other indication that the White Panacea existed as far back as the eighth century; all evidence points to its being firmly within the bKa' brgyud tradition, which is traced largely to post-eighth-century India and (4) Sa skya pal).Q.ita's virulent opposition to the White Panacea and other mahiimudrii teachings gave him a motive for attempting to discredit them. Finally, it might be noted that the very fact that Sa skya paI).- <;lita sought to discredit the White Panacea by associating it with the Chinese position at the bSam yas debate indicates that, as early as the thirteenth century, the debate had begun to assume mytho- logical status. Hva shang Mahayana, in particular, had already 96 assumed enough symbolic weight that identification with him might prove damning to a particular tradition. Sa skya paf.l- <;lita was the first Tibetan scholar to "use" Hva shang Mai:ayana in this way, and he was perhaps the most egregious, but few have been the Tibetan historians or scholars with no ideological axe to grind; thus, slight is the chance that any account of the bSam yas debate is entirely reliable. 2 ! The Tibetans understood as well as other peoples that "the awareness of history is one of the greatest forces of which the beneficent appeal must be felt,"22 for history presents a past from which the present may learn. Indeed, so useful is the past for the present, so important are its lessons believed, that in some cases -like Sa skya paf.lqita's - "history" comes to matter more than what happened. NOTES 1. I wish to thank Prof. Geshe Sopa of the University of Wisconsin-Madison for first drawing my attention to Sa skya pal1<#ta's account of the debate, and for sharing his understanding of the account with me. 2. The most notable, perhaps, is Tsong kha pa, who, in the lhag mthong section of his Lam rim chen mo, finds that the sort of quietism preached by Hva shang Mahayana has far from died out and that, in fact, it is prevalent among his opponents, particularly those guilty of "overpervasionism" (khyab ches ba) - negat- ing too much in their search for the object to be refuted by a meditation on emptiness. Cf. Alex Wayman, Calming the Mind and Discerning the Real. Buddhist meditation and the middle view, from the Lam rim chen mo of Tsoit-kha-pa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978). Among dGe lugs pa objections to Hva shang's view are that he stresses (a) absolute truth to the exclusion of the conventional, (b) wisdom to the exclusion of method, (c) absorbtive meditation ('jog sgom) to the exclusion of analysis (dpyad sgom) and (d) mental inactivity to the exclusion of the cultivation of the bodhisattva's perfections. Most of these criticisms are found, either explicitly or implicitly, in KamalasIla's third Bhavanakrama. Cf. also Thuu kvan, Grub mtha' thams cad kyi khungs dang 'dod tshul stan pa legs bshad gyi me long, "Jing" chapter, Ilb8-12a7, and "dGe lugs" chapter, 57b8-5814 and 60a2-60b7. 3. Paul Demieville, Le Concile de Lhasa. Une controverse sur Ie quietisme entre Bouddhistes de l'lnde et de la Chine au VIlle siecle de i'ere chretienne, vol VII of Bibliohe- que de l'lnstitut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale de France, 1952); Giuseppe Tucci, Minor Buddhist Texts II (Roma: Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1958); and G. W. Houston, Sources for a HistolY of the bSam yas Debate, Abteilung 1, Band 2 of Monumenta Tibetica Historia (Sankt Augus- tin, Germany: VGH 1980). These are the three major West- ern monographs on the subject. Articles of interest include: Yoshiro Imaeda, "Documents de Touen-Houang Concernant Ie Concile du Tibet," Journal Asia- tigue, 1975, pp. 124-146; R. A. Stein, "Illumination subite ou saisie simultanee: 97 Note sur la terminologie chinoise et tibetaine," Revue de lHistoire des Religions, voL 179 (1971), pp. 3-30; and Alex Wayman, "Doctrinal Disputes and the Debate of bSam yas," Central Asiatic Journal, vo!' XXI, no. 2 (1977), pp. 139-144. 4. Houston, for example, fails to mention it in his S9urces for a History of the bSam yas Debate, althought it is cited in partial paraphrase, without attribution, in the mKhas pa'i dga' s/on of dPa' bo gtsug lag, which Houston does include, and translates on pp. 42-43. . 5. In The Complete Works of Pandita Kun-dGa'-rGyal-mTshan; compiled by bSod-nams-rGya-mTsho; vo!' 5 of The Complete Works of the Great Masters of the Sa- skya Sect of Tibetan Buddhism, Biblioteca Tibetica 1-5 (Tokyo: The Tokyo Bunyo, 1965), pp. 24/4/3-25/4/2. 6. These works, attributed to Hva shang Mahayana, are also listed in the mKhas pa'i dga' stan of dPa' bo gtsug lag, the Chos 'byung of Bu ston and the Deb ther dmar po. As Houston notes, however (p. 5), they are "not known to present scholar- ship." The only two extant works believed to have been written by Hva shang Mahayana, which are both named mKhan po ma ha yan gi bsam gtan cig car 'jug pa'i sgo, are discussed in Demieville, pp. 14-17. 7. This almost certainly refers to the rGyal rabs sba bzhed, an eariy chronicle that is concerned chiefly with the reign of Khri srong Ide btsan. Cf. Houston, p. 4 and pp. 57-S7. S. A possible exception is Hva shang Mahayana's rather dramatic suicide, which I have not seen reported elsewhere. 9. Thuu kvan, "bKa' brgyud" chapter, p. 17b. Cf. also G.N. Roerich, The Blue Annals (reprint, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979), pp. 711-715. 10. The only text known to me is the Writings (bKa' 'thor bu) of Zhang-gu'Yu- brag-pa brtson-'grus-grags-pa, reproduced from a manuscript from the library of Burmiok Athing by Khams-sprul Don brgyud-nyi-ma (Tashijong, Palampur, H.P.: The Sungrab Nyamso Gyunpel Parkhang, 1972). A number of the texts contained in the book discuss mahamudra, but none, as far as I can determine, mentions the White Panacea. 11. Thuu kvan, lac. cit., p. 1Sb. 12. Cited ibid., p. 23b. 13. Cited ibid., p. 19b. 14. He also opposed the "One Thought" of 'Bri gung pa. Cf. ibid., p. 23a. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid., p. 23b. 17. Ibid., p. 23a. IS. Ibid., p. 23b. 19. Ibid., p. 20ba. 20. Sa skya paP9ita, sDom gsum rab dbye, in The Complete Works . ... , p. 309, foL 2-3. 21. The Wang Si text translated by Demieville in Le Concile de Lhasa presents a view of the debate quite different from that of most Tibetan accounts, and it considerably antedates most of them. In both it and the bKa' thang sde lnga (which is also quite old), the Chinese are said to have won the debate, and their position is less ludicrously absolutistic than it tends to appear in many later histories. Cf. Tucci, p. 45. 98 22. Bertrand Russell, "The Art of History," in Robert E. Egner and Lester E. Denonn, eds., The Basic Writings of Bertrand Russell (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961), p. 544. 99 The Text on the "DharaOl Stones from Abhayagiriya" : A Minor Contribution to the Study of Mahayana Literature in Ceylon 1 by Gregory Schopen Thanks above all to the work of Professor Heinz Bechert we are beginning to have a much clearer picture of "Mahayana literature in Ceylon." Professor Bechert has established what appears to be a workable periodization for Mahayana literature in Ceylon and added significantly to the list of Mahayana texts known to have circulated there. 2 Still, our knowledge has perhaps not progressed so far that the addition of yet another title to the list might not be of some interest. It appears that some time between 1940 and 1945 "eight granite tablets (placed on a rectangular platform) were found buried at a spot to the south east of the Northern Dagoba (ancient Abhayagiriya)," and that these tablets had "Tantric mystic formu- las inscribed on them in North-Eastern Nagari of about the 9th century." No one seems to have paid much attention to these "tablets" until 1967, when Dr. Nandasena Mudiyanse published a transcription of them in his interesting book, Mahayana Monuments in Ceylon. 3 Dr. Mudiyanse, who refers to these inscriptions as the "Dhara- 1).1 Stones from Abhayagiriya," recognized that two of these "tab- lets" ~ nos. iy and v - were related, and formed "one complete dhara1Ji." This "complete dhiira1Ji' reads in his transcription: 4 no. iv 1: ... Namas = traiyadhvikiiniirp, sarvva tathiigatiiniirp, orp, bhuvibhuvana dhare dadha ... 100 2: cala cala dhara dhara sarvva tathiigata dhiitu dhare pad- mam = bhavatu jaya dhare 3: 4: 5: 6: 7: no. v 1 : 2: 3: 4: 5: vimale smara smara sarvva tathagata dhannmacakrapra- varttana vajrabodhi ma1JrjJ'ilankarala'YfLkrte sarvva tathiigatadhi-?thite bodhaya bodha- -ni bodhani budhya budhya sambodhani sambodhani cala cala cala- -ntu me sarvv = avara1Jani sarvva papa vigate hu'YfL hil'YfL hum hum huru h u ~ u sphuru sphuru sarvva stoka vigate sarvva tathagata hr- d ~ y a vajri1Ji sambhara sambhara sarvva tathiigataguhya- dhiirani mudre buddhe subuddhe sa- -rvva tathagatadhi-?thitadhatu mudre svaha II samayadhi- -?thite svahii II sarvva tathagata hrdayadhatu mudre svahii II suprati-?thita stupe sarvva tathagatadhi-?thite huru hu- -ru hfl'YfL hu'YfL svahii II o'YfL sarvva tathiigato-?1Ji-?a dhiitu mudre sarvva tathaga- tadhiitubhU-?itadhi-?thite svahii II hU'YfL hu'YfL phat phat svahii II What Dr. Mudiyanse did not recognize, however, is that four of the remaining six "tablets" also contain pieces of this "complete dhiira1Ji." His no. i = no. v line 2 (beginning with svaha Iisamaya- dhi-?thite . . ) to line 4 (ending . . O'YfL sarvva); his no. ii = no. iv line 6 (beginning me sarvv = ... ) to no. v line 5 (ending .. phat svahii); his no. iii = no. iv line 7 (beginning sarvva stoka [rd. sokaJ .. ) to no. v line 5 (ending phat svahii); and his no. viii = no. v line 4 (begin- ning svahii II O'YfL .. ) to line 5 (with the addition of the standard ye dharma hetu verse, etc.). That is to say that six of the eight tablets (nos. i, ii, iii, iv, v, and viii) all give pieces - several of them over- lapping - of the same dhiira1Ji. Dr. Mudiyanse seems to imply that the dhara1Jis on his tablets were "composed" by Ceylonese "Vajrayanists." He says of these dhiira1Jis: "The eight dhiira1Ji inscriptions discovered near the Northern-dagaba seem to have been composed by the Vajrayanists who, as attested by a study of the monuments of the 8-10th cen- turies, appear to have commanded a considerable following in Ceylon. These, it appears, were addressed to the stupa [i.e. the Northern-dagabaJ, etc."5 In regard to at least six of the eight tab- lets, however, this is almost certainly not the case. Although I cannot identify the texts on tablets no. vi and vii, the text on tablets 101 no. i, ii, iii, iv, v and viii has almost certainly been taken from a Mahayana sutra, entitled, according to the transliterated Sanskrit found at the beginning of its Tibetan translation, Arya-Sarvatatha- gatadhi0thanahrdayaguhyadhatukaraTJrj,amudra-nama-dharar/i-mahaya- na-sutra. The Sanskrit text of this sidra appears not to have come down to us, although I have not been able to check all the various catalogs of Buddhist manuscripts to confirm this. It is, however, available in a Tibetan translation done, according to its colophon, by Vidyakaraprabha and of Rtsang, who appear to have lived in the second half of the 8th century A.D. or at the beginning of the 9th. 6 This Tibetan translation is entitled 'P hags pa de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi byin gyis rlabs kyi snying po gsang ba ring bsrel gyi za ma tog ces bya ba'i gzungs theg pa chen po'i mdo; most of the known contain two copies of it. For example in the Peking it is found at Vol. 6, no. 141, 151-3-2 to 153-5-6, and at Vol. 11, no. 508, 112-2-2 to 114-4-7. There also appear to be three Chinese translations of this text in the Taisho, two by Amoghavajra done in the 8th century (T. 1022a and 1022b), and one by Danapala in the 10th century.? If one compares the text of the dharaTJz found on the "Dhara[.l1 Stones from Abhayagiriya" with that found in the Sarvatathagatadhi0thanahrdaya-guhyadhiitu- karaTJrj,amudra-nama-dhiiraTJz-sutra, there can be little doubt that - apart from minor variants and corruptions - the two are exactly the same, and that, therefore, the text on the Abhayagiriya stones was taken from this particular sutra. This, in turn, would appear to be fairly clear evidence of the fact that the ahrdayaguhyadhiitukara'f!4amudra-nama-dhara'f!z-sutra circulated and was known in Ceylon in the 9th century A.D. This, in fact, would seem to be the chief significance of the identification. It could, of course, be argued that the dhiiraTJz may have circu- lated independently, but that is difficult to maintain since we know from Amoghavajra's Chinese translation that already by the mid- 8th Cenutry the dharaTJz was an integral part of the sutra. More- over, if we allow for a gap of even fifty to a hundred years between the date of the composition of the sutra and Amoghavajra's trans- lation, that would mean that the dhiirary,z was a part of the sutra already by the 7th century, or at least two hundred years before the Abhayagiriya tablets were written. Finally, it is fairly clear from Mudiyanse's remarks that these inscriptions were somehow associ- ated with a stfipa, the Northern dagaba, at Abhayagiriya, and it is 102 only if we assume a knowledge of the sutm as a whole - not just of the dhamry/i - that we are able to account for this association (cf. below). A summary of the contents of this sutm might be of ~ o m e interest since, in spite of Waley's and Williams' attempts 8 to show that the presence of dhamry/is cannot be taken as evidence of "Tan- trism," this idea still persists. Here it should be noted that my summary is based on the Tibetan translation found in Peking Vol. 11, no. 508, 112-2-2 to 114-4-7. The text opens with the Buddha dwelling in Magadha, in the *Vimal-arama. A Brahmin named *Vimalaprabha comes to him and invites him to come to his house for the next day's meal. The Buddha consents by remaining silent and the Brahmin returns home to begin the preparations. At the appointed hour the Brah- min returns to accompany the Buddha to his house and they set off with the usual flashing of lights and general hubbub which seems always to mark a Buddha's movements. On their way they come upon "a large old stupa that was dilapidated and overgrown with weeds, was covered with grass and branches and rubble and looked, in fact, like a heap of rubbish. But when the Buddha approached it, that old stupa ... began to glow brightly all around and multi-colored rays of glowing light shot forth. And from that heap of rubbish and rubble a voice of approbation came forth: 'It is good. It is good, 0 Sakyamuni, etc.' " (112-4-5 to 7). The Bud- dha prostrates himself before the stupa, circumambulates it, and presents it with his own garment. He weeps, then smiles, and Vajrapal).i asks the reason for this. The Buddha says that there is a particular text (chos kyi rnam grangs), which he names, and that wherever this text is, there also are hundreds of millions of Tatha- gatas, unspeakably many relics of Tathagatas, the 84,000 pieces of Dharma, etc. (112-5-7ff.) - the Buddha, of course, is speaking about the Sarvatathagatadhi0thilna-sutm. Having only heard the name of the text, some in the assembly "obtained the fruit of the Stream-winner, some Arhatship, etc." Vajrapal).i then says that if "through only hearing the name of this text" such things are ob- . tained, what great merit would be obtained by "one who respects and honors and makes much of it" (113-2-lff.). The Buddha then gives a series of statements indicating that acts undertaken in regard to this text, having it copied, performing puja to it with flowers and incense, etc., result in merit equal to that of ninety- 103 nine hundreds of millions of Tathagatas, or to that resulting from doing puja to such a number of Buddhas. The nagas, devas, etc. then say that this broken down stupa, "since it shows great marvels of marvels, must have great pOwer indeed." This is followed by an interesting interchange between Vajrapal).i and the Buddha. The former asks how this stupa that has become a heap of rubble can be renewed. The latter responds by saying that "this is not a heap of rubble. This, in. fact, is a great stupa of the precious things made from the seven precious sub- stances." He goes on to explain that the visible decline of the stupas takes place "through the maturation of the results of the acts of beings becoming apparent" (sems can rnams kyi las kyi 'bras bu rnam par smin pa ston pas nub par 'gyur gyi, 113-3-7) and that the decline in merit of beings will increase "in the last time, in the last period," and that this is the reason why he wept. Vajrapal).i then says "If, 0 Blessed One, someone made a copy of this text and put it into a stupa, what root of merit would be produced?" The Buddha answers by saying that "if someone made a copy of it and put it into a stupa, that stupa would become a stupa of the relics of the "essence" of vajra of all Tathiigatas ( ... de de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi rdo rje'i snying po'i ring bsrel gyi mchod rten du 'gyur ro), it would become a stupa of ninety nine millions of Tathagatas, etc. (113-4-5ff.), and that if someone did puja to that stupa he would become "irreversible" from awakening, be freed from rebirths in the hells, be protected from malignant nagas, frost, hail, poison, animals, and disease and sickness. The same benefits would result if the text were put into an image. At the end of this discussion Vajrapal).i says: "0 Blessed One, how could this text come to have such superior qualities? And the Blessed One said: 'It is the Dhara'Y}'i of the Seal of the Casket of the Relics and the Concealed Essence of the Empowerment of All Tathiigatas (de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi byin gyis brlabs kyi snying po gsang ba ring bsrel gyi za ma tog gi phyag rgya'i gzungs yin te I). This is the power, Vajrapal).i, which therefore empowers such superior qualities (114-2-6)." Vajrapal).i then asks for the text of that dhiira'Y}'i, and the Buddha responds by reciting exactly the same text as is found on six of the eight "Dharal).l Stones from Abhayagiriya." After the dhara'Y}'i is recited all the Tathagatas in the ten directions give their approval, the old stupa is visibly transformed, and the text ends in typical sutra fashion. 104 There is therefore nothing at all "Tantric" about our text ifby "Tantric" we mean that phase of Buddhist doctrinal development which is characterized by an emphasis on the central function of . the guru as religious preceptor; by sets - usually graded - of specific initiations; by esotericism of doctrine, language and organization; and by a strong emphasis on the realization of the goal through highly structured ritual and meditative techniques. If "Tantric" is to be used to refer to something other than this, then the term must be dearly defined and its boundries must be dearly drawn. Otherwise the term is meaningless and quite cer- tainly misleading. As a matter of fact, the doctrinal affiliation of the Sarvatatha- appears to be quite distinct from "Tantra" as I would define it. It is in doctrine affiliated rather with texts like the Sad- dharmapu1Jtj,arzka and the Suvar1Japrabhiisottama, texts in which "the text or book as a source of sacred power" is a fundamental preoc- cupation. This preoccupation, though little studied, is a clear char- acteristic of much of early and middle Mahayana sidra literature. 9 Still, within this larger category the affiliation of the Sarvatathiiga- can be a little more precisely stated. One of the central themes of the is expressed in the passage which says "If, 0 Vajrapapi, someone made a copy of this text and put it into a stupa that stupa would become a stupa of the relics of the essence of vajra of all Tathiigatas ... It would become a stupa of ninety-nine millions of Tathiigatas as numerous as the seeds of the sesame (lag na rdo rje gang zhig chos kyi rnam grangs 'di bris te / mchod rten gyi nang du bzhag pa de de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi rdo rje'i snying po'i ring bsrel gyi mchod rten du 'gyur ro ... de bzhin gshegs pa til gyi gang bu snyed dgu bcu rtsa dgu'i mchod rten du 'gyur ro, Pek. Vol. 11, no. 508, 113-4-Sf.). This passage, and a number of other characteristics, marks the Sarva- .as only one example of a clearly identifiable genre of "dhiira1J'i sutras, " the central theme of which is succinctly expressed in the title of another, very short example of the same genre. The title in question is Mchod rten gcig btab na bye ba btab par 'gyur pa'i gzungs, "The Dhara1Jz by which, If One Establishes a Sin- gle Stupa, He Establishes Ten Million" (Pek. Vol. 6, no. 140, 152- 2-2 to 3-2; Vol. 11, no. 546, 168-4-8 to 5-8). Almost exactly the same phrase is found - here not as a title, but in the body of the text - in the Sarvaprajiiiintapiiramitiisiddhicaitya-dhiira1Jz: gzan yang 105 rig pa chen mo'i sngags 'dis btab na mchod rten gcig btab na yang bye ba btab par 'gyur TO: "Moreover, if this mantra of the mahavidya were to be recited, and if he were to establish a single stupa, then [in effect] ten million stupas would be established"; but then the text immedi- ately adds an interesting twist: rig pa chen mo 'dis ma btab na bye ba btab kyang gcig dang 'dra bar 'gyur ro, "But if this mahavidya is not recited, although he establishes ten million [stupas], it would be as if he established only one" (Pek. Vol. 11, no. 509, 115-3-7). The basic idea that is being expressed here is repeated, re- phrased and developed in a number of texts similar to the Sarva- Not only does the recurrence of this idea estab- lish the thematic unity of this group of texts and mark them as members of a specific genre; we can also note that archaeological and epigraphical evidence clearly establishes that this group of texts had a very widespread distribution throughout the Buddhist world and a marked impact on actual Buddhist practice. We have seen, for example, that the text of the dhara1Jl of the was engraved on some stones somehow connected with a stupa in 9th-century Ceylon. We also know that the same text was inserted into the hollow bricks of an old stt"ipa in Hangchow in the 10th century, and that yet another printing of our text appears to have been put inside a large number of mina- ture stupas made, again in the 10th century, and discovered in Chekiang. lo The same sort of evidence exists for other examples of this genre. The Rasmivimalavisuddhaprabha-dhara1Jl (Pek. Vol. 7, no. 218), another text of this group, was deposited in a stupa as early as 751 A.D. in southeast Korea, I I and the Empress Shotoku in about 770 A.D. had a "million" copies of the same text printed and put into a "million" minature stupas which she then had dis- tributed all over Japan. 12 Yet another example of this genre, the
yasamayavilokita-dhara1Jl (Pek. Vol. 7, no. 206), is found in the famous polyglot inscription of Chu-yung-kuan, which is inscribed on what seems to have been the base of a shipa. 13 Even in India itself we find epigraphical evidence of our genre. Here we might cite the text found in "The Cuttack Museum Stone Inscription" and on at least some of the hundreds of terracotta tablets found at Nalanda in the cores ofa large number of votive sttlpas. 14 That this text belongs to our genre is already clear from the passage that reads: yalJ kascid va va upasako va ... ima'l!l dha- 106 ra1Jzrrt likhitva 'bhyarrttararrt prak-?ipya caityarrt kari-?yati / tenaikena caityena krtena lak-?arrt tathagatacaityanarrt krtarrt bhavati. It is put beyond any real doubt when we note that the Cuttack Museum . inscription and the Nalanda tablets contain - as I will show in some detaIl. in the near future - slightly different versions of a text preserved in the Kanjur under the title Bodhigarbhalarrtkara- lak-?a-dhara1Ji(Pek. Vol. 6, no. 139, 150-1-1 to This text is, in fact, an extract taken from a larger work with a very similar title, the (Tohoku no. 508), which has all the characteristics that define our group.IS If, then, the identification of the text on the "Dhara!).l Stones from Abhayagiriya" is to be able to help us understand something about the kind of Mahayana that was current in 9th Century Cey- lon, at least two things must be done. First, that textinust be placed alongside other texts of a similar kind or genre. Secondly, we must make some attempt to understand the place of this genre in Buddhist literature and doctrine as a whole. For the moment, however, I can offer these notes only as a first tentative step to- wards doing both. NOTES 1. The researching and writing of this paper were made possible by a grant from the Translations Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Here too I would like to thank Dr. Akira Yuyama and the Staff of the Reiyukai Library for having so kindly sent me Tibetan materials when I was living in Wyoming, and Professor Luis O. Gomez for having read this paper and having shared with me a number of valuable observations. 2. See especially H. Bechert, "Mahayana Literature in Sri Lanka: The Early Phase," Prajiiiipiiramitii and Related Systems: Studies in Honor of Edward COllIe, ed. L. Lancaster & L.O. G6mez (Berkeley: 1977) 361-68. 3. Nandasena Mudiyanse, Mahayana Monuments in Ceylon (Colombo: 1967) 99-105. For the discovery Mudiyanse cites the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Annual Report 1940-45, p. 41, which is not available to me (p.99). The existence of these "tablets" has occasionally been cited elsewhere in the literature as an indica- tion of the presence of "Tantric teachings" in Ceylon: P.E.E. Fernando, "Tantric Influence on the Sculptures at Gal Vihara, Polonnaruva, "University of Ceylon Review, 18 (1960), 65; R.A.L.H. Gunawardana, "Buddhist Nikayas in Mediaeval Ceylon, "The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, 9 (1966), 65; etc. 4. Mudiyanse, pp. 102-03; note that for some reason Dr. Mudiyanse prints a number of obvious compounds as if they were two or more separate words. 5. Mudiyanse, p. 100. 107 6. F. A. Bischoff, Der Kanjur und seine Koloplwne, Bd. I (Bloomington: 1968) 94; 239--40; ].W. de Jong, "Notes it propos des colophons du Kanjur," ].W. de Jong, Buddhist Studies, ed. G. Schopen (Berkeley: 1979) 168 (no. 100) 172 (no. 138). 7. P. Demieville, H. Durt, and A. Seidel, Repertoire du canon bouddhique sino- japonais, edition de TaishO, Fascicule annexe du Hobogirin, de"uxieme edition revisee et augmentee (Tokyo: 1978) 92; L.R. Lancaster & Sung-bae Park, The Korean Bud- dhist Canon: A Descriptive Catalogue (Berkeley: 1979) 381 (Klll3), 427(KI287). 8. A. Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recovered from Tun-Huang by Sir Aurel Stein (London: 1931) xiii-xiv;]. Williams, "The Iconography of Khotanese Paint- ing," East and West 23 (1973)115. 9. cf. G. Schopen, "The Phrase 'sa prthiv1pradeSas caityabhuto bhavet' in the Vajracchedika: Notes on the Cult of the Book in Mahayana," Indo-Iranian Journal 17 (1975) 147-81. 10. L. Giles, "Chinese Printing in the Tenth Century," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1925) 513-15; T.E. Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, second edition, revised by L. Carring- ton Goodrich (New York: 1955) 73-74; S. Edgren, "The Printed DhararlI-Sutra of A.D.956," Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, 44 (1972) 141--46. 11. L. Carrington Goodrich, "Printing - A New Discovery," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 7 (1967) 39--41; "Printing: Preliminary Report on a New Discovery," Technology and Culture 8 (1967) 376-78. 12. Carter, The Invention of Printing in China, 46-53;{B. Hickman, "A Note on the Hyakumanto Dharal)i," 1vlonumenta Nipponica 30 (1975) 87-93. 13. Ed. Chavannes et S. Levi, "Note preliminaire sur l'inscription de Kiu- Yong Koan,"Journal asiatique (1894) 354-73; Ed. Chavannes," Le sutra de la paroi occidentale de l'inscription de Kiu-Yong Koan," lVUlanges Charles de Harlez (Leyde: 1896) 60-81; ]. Murata, ed. Chil-yung-kuan. The Buddhist Arch of the. Four- teenth Centmy A.D. at the Pass of the Great Wall Northwest of Peking, Vol. I,ll (Kyoto: 1955-57) [in Japanese with English 14. A. Ghosh, "A Buddhist Tract in a Stone Inscription in the Cuttack Museum," Epigraphialndica 26 (1941) 171-74. 15. The Bodhima!l{lalalakjila:nkiira-dlu'ira!l! - if that is the correct title - ap- pears to be preserved only in the Derge and Lhasa Kanjurs, and the version we now have was translated not from Sanskrit, but from Chinese by an 18th Century Mongolian named Mgon po skyabs. The original from which the Tibetan transla- tion was made is entitled P'u t'i ch'ang chung yen 1'0 10 ni ching (TaishO 1008) and is attributed to Amoghavajra. For some bibliographic remarks on the Tibetan trans- lation and its translator see ].W. de Jong's review of S. Bira, O"Zolotoj knige" S. Damdina (Ulan-Bator: 1964), T'oung Pao 54 (1968) 174-75, 178-89. 108 A Report on Buddhism in the People's Republic of China by Alan Sponberg The 33-year history of PRC policy regarding Buddhism can be divided into three distinct phases: the initial period up to 1966, the period of the Cultural Revolution, and finally the more recent period of "readjustment" beginning with the rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping a in 1977 and the subsequent reintroduction of his policies of pragmatic development. The first period was marked especially by the repression of institutional Buddhism, primarily as a result of the land reforms that deprived the monasteries of virtually all of their income-pro- ducing property. This policy forced the closure of all of the small private hereditary temples and many of the large public monaster- ies as well. There was, however, another equally significant devel- opment characterizing this period. In the late 1950's the govern- ment began to recognize the potential utility of China's Buddhist heritage in expanding relations with other Buddhist countries. China's role as the cultural leader of Buddhist Asia became an aspect of foreign policy and, as a result, a number of historical sites and monasteries were renovated, and selected groups within the Buddhist community were fostered as its official representatives. Buddhism was meant to have an important role in China's policy of "people's diploIJ).acy."l The second period, the Cultural Revolution, was a time of great repression; it may perhaps come to be seen, in retrospect, as an interregnum, a time of retrenchment. It was a time of uncer- tain policy from above and a great deal of destruction locally. The repressions of this period were, moreover, directed increasingly towards individual Buddhists as well as the few remaining institu- tions. Even the government-sponsored Buddhist organizations dropped out of sight. While it was unquestionably a time of great 109 suffering for all of China, it is important to nDte that, after the initial fury, someof the monasteries did manage to reopen and a number of Buddhist sites, though by no means all, were saved from total destruction, in some cases by members of the local community and in others by units of the People's Liberation Army deployed at the order of sympathetic officials. A careful study of this period is not yet possible; however, it appears that some por- tions of the Buddhist community may have consolidated a base of both popular and official support even in the midst of this difficult time. The third period, which has only just begun, marks; perhaps, a new opportunity for the Buddhists, one that comes at a crucial turning point in the survival of the debilitated community. The pressing questions are whether the community can find some place in the fabric of the current "pragmatic" New China, and further, whether it can regenerate itself in time to' avoid a slow death by attrition. Answers to these questions are by no means clear as yet, though recent developments raise some possibilities. The following observations are presented to report on those de- velopments and also to suggest that this third period has the pros- pect of being something more than a simple return to the circum- stances prior to the Cultural Revolution. In the last three years, with the advent of this recent "read- justment" period, delegations of Japanese Buddhists have again become increasingly common in the PRC. In the latter half of 1981 this new phase of the former "people's diplomacy" policy was taken a step further when, for the first time, two groups of North American Buddhist practitioners visited a number of Buddhist monasteries and cultural sites in the PRC.2 At the invitation of the Zen Studies Society of New York I had the privilege of joining one of these groups as a historical consultant. We spent five weeks in the PRC (Oct.-Nov.) traveling under the auspicies of the Chinese Buddhist Association, the semi-official liaison organization found- ed in 1953 to coordinate interaction between the PRC government and the Buddhist community. Experiencing the rigors of a true pilgrimage, we visited some 20 monasteries in Zhejiang,b Jiangsu,c Henan,d Shaanxi,e Shanxi f and Hebei g Provinces and also in Shanghai h and Beijing. i While it was an arduous itinerary, it was also one that allowed us to observe Buddhist institutions in a number of different areas, each with its 110 own set of historical and political circumstances. Since many of the historical sites of interest to the group were also among the cur- rently active monastic centers of contemporary Chinese Bud- dhism, we also had an opportunity to observe the present state of Buddhist practice in the PRC, an opportunity coming just at the time when the Chinese Buddhist community is experiencing a number of significant changes under the readjustment of govern- ment policies following the Cultural Revolution and the downfall of the Gang of Four. Space here allows only a brief mention of some of the more interesting of our findings. Perhaps most striking was the regional variation present in all of the changes we observed. The eastern coastal provinces of Zhejiang b and Jiangsu c were the heartland of Buddhism in China during the period from the Sung until the present century. Not surprisingly, it was in these two provinces that we found monasteries to be the most active and the most involved with the lay community. In Henan Province,d which in- cludes, in the area around LuoyangJ sites very important to the early history of Buddhism in China, we found, on the other hand, a very different picture. Whereas the monks in the eastern prov- inces seemed to have regained some significant control of the monasteries and were generally led by abbots highly respected in the community, the monasteries in Henan d seemed far less vigor- ous and, to the extent that they had been renovated and reopened, far more under the direct control of the local cadres. Readjust- ment appears to be coming more quickly and more easily in some areas than in others. Specific examples of these generalizations can be seen in three of the monasteries we visited. The historically famous and rather remote Guoqing Monas- teryk on Mt. Tiantai l in the eastern hills of Zhejiang b is now consid- ered by many Chinese Buddhists to be one of the two most viable centers of monastic Buddhism in the PRC.'" The nearest town is Ningbo,m and it was necessary to travel over eight hours by char- tered bus from there. After spending the night at a recently opened hostel in the monastery compound, our group took part in the 3:30 AM morning service, a daily activity which on this week- day was attended by most of the 75 monks, some 70-80 lay Bud- dhists, and a group of 8 nuns on a pilgrimage; Almost all of the lay devotees appeared to be over 45 or 50 and most had traveled for some distance to spend one or two days at the monastery. On III other days the people would be different, but the numbers were consistent, in fact, slowly increasing, we vvere told by the monks. Guoqing Si k is certainly not what it was, at some times at least, in the past, when, resident monks would have numbered in the hundreds or even thousands. It is hard, of course, to judge the vitality of a monastic community, but the organization and the activity we observed did leave a definite impression of persisting strength. This was particularly evident in the three monks who served as the heads of the various administrative departments, middle-aged monks capable of providing the transmission to a new generation if given the opportunity. For lay Buddhists, on the other hand, there was no question that, even during a time when travel is restricted, the pilgrimage to Mt. Tiantai l still remains a viable aspiration. At the Dinghui Si,n an island monastery on the Yangzi Rivero in Jiangsu,c we observed part of a week-long session of intensive practice held for both monks and lay devotees. The session was conducted by the monastery's highly respected abbot, Mingshan,P who had just returned from a six-month stay in Hong Kong where, by local invitation, he had given a series of lectures to the Buddhist community. He told us that in the past these special week-long sessions had been held at least twice a year ~ t this mon- ,astery, and that they were now being reinstated. The session we observed was attended by 60 individuals, some 10 monks and the rest lay devotees, mostly but not exclusively women. The practice was Pure Land devotionalism, including a full daily schedule of group recitation-meditation periods interspersed with sidra chant- ing and lectures by the abbot. Here again, we found evidence of vigorous leadership and also of a highly significant degree of mo- nastic and lay interaction even with regard to training and. prac- tice. The latter is a relatively recent development in Chinese Bud- dhism 4 and may be a significant step towards a more lay-based form of Buddhist institutional organization. It could, in the con- temporary period, indicate one response to the monasteries' loss of financial autonomy. The situation at the Baima Si,q outside of Luoyang in Henan,d provides an appropriate counterpoint to the two preceding cases. The Baima Si,q or White Horse Monastery, is also of some q.istori- cal significance: tradition considers it the first Buddhist monastery to be established in China, and it was the site of much activity, 112 especially during the pre-Tang period. Primarily because it is con- sidered China's oldest monastery it was one of the sites chosen for major renovations underwritten by the government in the late 1950's and early 1960's before the Cultural Revolution. When we visited the White Horse, however, it was made quite clear that we were viewing a cultural monument, not a working monastery. We were led through the restored halls by a member of the local Cultural Affairs Bureau, and it seemed incidental that we were followed by several monks who lived in a small building at the rear . of the compound. Our group was discouraged from chanting in front of the main Buddha images, something that had been al- lowed without hesitation in the eastern provinces. Later we were to stand around crowded into the monks' sleeping room to drink tea because the Cultural Affairs Bureau who administered the monas- tery, we were told, would not give the monks permission to host us in one of the restored halls or in the tea house that was part of the compound; again very different from the cordial, almost formal, receptions we had experienced in the eastern monasteries. In Henan d generally there was little evidence of monastic or lay activ- ity, even though large sums had been spent to renovate the Baima Si q and even more is currently being spent to completely rebuild the famous Shaolin Monastery,r another site we visited south of Luoyangj While local circumstances thus vary considerably, the basic guidelines in terms of national policy are still set in Beijing. Several significant changes in this policy have already been implemented since the beginning of the readjustment period. A number of monasteries have been reopened; young monks are being or- dained for the first time since the Hundred Flowers Period in the latter half of the 1950's; and the Chinese Buddhist Academy has been reopened, now with several provincial branches. Holmes Welch has estimated that during the Republican Peri- od in the first half of this century there were approximately 300 large public monasteries with 20,000 to 25,000 resident monks. 5 Most of these monasteries were closed down during the land re- forms of the 1950's, and even those that survived into the '60's were closed at least temporarily during the Cultural Revolution. The readjustment period has seen the reopening of perhaps 40-50 monasteries, some strictly as cultural museums with no resident monks at all 6 and others as a varying combination of museum and 113 functioning religious facility. In some areas this relaxation had already begun in the early 1970's, even in the midst of the latter, and less severe, days of the Cultural Revolution. Current policy still recognizes the importance of these institu- tions to the people's diplomacy efforts in Buddhist Asia, an impor- tant theme carried over from the late 1950's. Beyond that, a new and perhaps more important consideration has recently been add- ed as well: the significance of China's Buddhist heritage to the rapidly expanding international tourist trade, a major source of the hard currency necessary to development plans under the Four Modernizations policy. It is no coincidence that the newly or- dained younger monks are expected to learn modern foreign lan- guages, nor that the currently prescribed choice is between J apa- nese and English. The Buddhist community no doubt hopes to have the monas- teries preserved as something more than empty museums. That they are having some degree of success is indicated by a recent policy shift which, beginning in 1980, has allowed the ordination of a number of new monks, most in their early twenties. While no national figures were available, we. observed at ten monasteries in the east and in Beijing approximately 90 young monks and heard reports of perhaps 50 more elsewhere. All of these young monks have been ordained in slightly more than one year; so even though the numbers are quite small as yet, it does indicate that the govern- ment has accepted, for the first time, the need for some new monks, if only to act as custodians of the expanding number of museum-monasteries. Perhaps the most dramatic recent change has been the re- opening, in Oct. 1980, of the Chinese Buddhist Academy, a na- tional training seminary for Buddhist monks established by the Chinese Buddhist Association (CBA) in 1956 but closed down dur- ing the Cultural Revolution. Of even' more significance is the opening of several provincial branches of the academy, something the CBA had sought unsuccessfully for several years prior to the Cultural Revolution. 7 This is clearly a step beyond simple readjust- ment, more than just a reversion to the previous status quo. We visited the main branch of the Academy at the Fayuan Sis in Beijingi and also one of the new branches at the Lingyan Sit in Suzhou. u Both had 30-40 young monks studying a full-time cur- 114 riculum that included Buddhist doctrine and history.as well as modern languages (either English or Japanese) and current af- fairs. After two years at the branch academy or 4 years in Beijing, the young monks are expected to return to their home monaster- ies to assume administrative responsibilities. At the Beijing Acaae- my a graduate program is also provided for some who will study classical Buddhist languages in order to pursue a career in Bud- dhist scholarship. Two of these graduate students were recently sent to Japan to study Pure Land developments there. We were told that two more branches of the academy are scheduled to open soon, one in Fujian v and the other, which will specialize in Tibetan Buddhism, in Qinghai Province. w All of the above activities have been funded by the govern- ment, a significant allocation of state funds given the current em- phasis on pragmatic development. This financial support has un- questionably been of great benefit to the Buddhist community following the severity of the previous suppression, which left most of the monasteries in shambles, from neglect if not from actual destruction. Still, it underscores, at the same time, one fact that has not changed significantly during the readjustment period: the loss of financial autonomy the monasteries suffered even prior to the Cultural Revolution. There may be some slight improvement on this front as well,s but it remains the greatest problem the Bud- dhist community must overcome if its institutions are to see a true rebirth. It can indeed be said that the state of Buddhism in the PRC has improved over the last two years. This remains, however, a very critical period for the survival of Chinese Buddhism, especial- ly for the survival of those traditions of practice and philosophical scholarship that have historically been based in monastic rather than lay institutions. Most of the capable leaders who remain are near the end of their careers. The transmission of their knowledge and understanding to a younger generation is crucial if the t r a d i ~ tion is to continue. This possibility appears now once again to exist; it remains, however, still far from certain. In light of this, one further observation from our journey warrants mention: the government of the People's Republic is aware of international con- cern for the state of Buddhism in China. During this period of readjustment the expressed interest of scholars and Buddhist 115 practitIOners outside of China may well be of some help to the Chinese Buddhist community as it struggles to develop a re- formed Buddhism compatible with the New China. NOTES I would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks to Shimano Eido Roshi and the Board of Directors of the Zen Studies Society for their generous support of my research. 1. The best treatment of this period and the beginning of the second period can be found in Buddhism Under Mao (Harvard, 1972), the third volume of Holmes Welch's study of Buddhism in 20th century China. In the earlier volumes the late Prof. Welch provided invaluable documentation of a period now largely lost to further research, a great contribution to Buddhist scholarship. 2. Led by Shimano Eido Roshi of the Zen Studies Society of New York and by Roshi Phillip Kapleau of the Rochester Zen Center, the two separate groups were made up of a number of lay practitioners and also two American monks. Mostly professional people in a number of fields, the participan'ts ranged in age from the early 20's to late 70's. Both groups have close ties to the Japanese Zen tradition and saw their visits as a pilgrimage to historical sites important to the transmission of Buddhism from India to China and, later, from China to Japan. 3. The other that was frequently mentioned by our Buddhist informants was Tiantong Si,x the monastery where DogenY met Rujing. z Neither of these two monasteries had been officially opened to Western visitors at the time of our trip. Because of our special status we were given clearance in these two c'ases. We were unsuccessful, however, in our attempts to reach Putuo Shan aa or Wutai Shan ab which remain closed, we were told, because of neighboring military installations. Unofficial comment was that all of the above would soon be accessible, a likelihood consistent with the new tourism policy. 4. Two of the great monastic Buddhist leaders of the early 20th century, Xiiyiinac and Yinguangad both advocated more intensive forms of practice for lay Buddhists, and the latter especially, with his emphasis on Pure Land recitation- meditation, sought to bring lay devotees into the monastery to practice along with the monks. 5. The Pmctice of Buddhism (Harvard, 1967), p. 4. 6. We saw examples of this extreme end of the scale at the Shuanglin Si,ae a small country monastery south of Taiyiian af in Shanxi Province,f and at the Longxing Siag in the village of Dengfeng ah near Shijiazhuang ai in Hebei Provin- ce.g At the former we were told by the Archeology Bureau staff there that plans have been made "to bring in some monks to take charge of the site now that restoration has been done." 7. The opening of these branch academies has not, to the best of my knowl- edge, been reported in the West. It is, however, of more significance than the reopening of the Beijing Academy, which attracted some attention in the Western 116 press. Besides increasing the opportunities for training, the branch academies also provide a stronger potential base for local organization. S. One possibility is reestablishing the income derived from performing services for the dead commissioned by.lay devotees, traditionally a source of income second only to that from property. After having been expressly forbidden, these services are again being performed in some areas. At the Yafo Siaj in Shanghaih we saw services being conducted in the Hall of Rebirth and were told that the income was kept by the monastery. The scant number pf soul tabiets presently installed in the hall made it clear, however, that this is as yet an insignifi- cant source of income. Social pressure against superstitious forms of religious practice may insure that this remains the case. Glossary alij[; m m /J'\.'SjZ y $V1l. b 1* n #JftI'* z c ifrt::ill 0 tIffi.*,* aa
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117 III. BOOK REVIEWS Histoire du Cycle De La Naissance etde la Mort, by Yoshiro Imaeda. Geneva-Paris: Librairie Droz, 1981. ii + 95 + 51 pages of repro- duced plates of texts. The caves of Tun H'uang bring us, via Paris, yet another fascinating piece of Buddhist history. Rare is it to find a piece of historical fact in the puzzle concerning the introduction of Buddhism' into Tibet; even more rare is it to find these facts carefully presented, logically scrutinized, and textually documented. Mr. lniaeda's study of the Story of the Cycle of Birth and Death (sKye shi 'khor ba'i chos kyi yi ge or sK_'Ve shi lo rgyus), based on nine manuscripts from Tun H'uang, certainly manages to accomplish all these aims. Tibetan historians, both traditional and otherwise, have deter- mined with a measure of certainty the fact _of the official,introduc- tion of Buddhism into the land of snows via the courts of the early kings (chos rgyal). And yet, apart from the fact that it entered, we can say very little about the process of entrance: the issues that the early Buddhist "missionaries" faced (both practically and in terms of so- teriological adaptation). The text which Mr. Imaeda has chosen for his study is crucial in this regard: it is clearly an attempton the part of one of these early "missionaries" to tackle what he considered to be some of the most important issues facing Buddhist doctrine in Tibet, issues which, if convincingly explained, meant a furtherance of the conversion of the populace to the new religion, In this sense the Story deals with pivotal doctrinal points, not so much soteriologi- cally pivotal to Buddhism as tactically pivotal to the conversion pro- cess. The text shows the kind of religious questions that interested 8th-century Tibetans, the position of the native religion, and the Buddhist response. It is for this reason that the Story must be con- sidered a work of crucial importance. What are these pivotal points upon which the acceptance of Buddhism rested? The title itself shows us the principal one: death and the afterlife. Indeed, the vast portion of the work consists of the tale of a youth, Rin chen, "son of the gods," who, after his father's death, sets out in search of an answer to the question "what is one to do to make him come back to life, and to make it possible to find him; what is one to do to make him happy and content?" (all transla- tions from the French my own). Rin chen, like Sudhana in the Gar.zr!.avyilha, encounters different spiritual teachers who, though 118 -masters of different powers' and accomplishments, are unable to answer the subtle questions of karma, death, and rebirth. Mr. Imaeda (pp. 19-31) goes to considerable length to compare Sud- hana's and Rin chen's exploits, proving conclusively that the author of the Story was undoubtedly familiar with the Gar;4avyuha. But whereas Sudhana's 28th teacher is Avalokitesvara, Rin chen's last kaly(1)lmitra is the Buddha Sakyamuni, who tells him that (1) death is an inevitable outcome of karma and cannot be remedIed as long as one is bound in sa1flSara, that even the highest gods must eventually die; (2) that funeral rites involving cremation, tossing the body in water, earring it on a trident, saying Brahmanical mantras over it, sacrificing animals or any other type of heretical (mu steg) rite can in no way benefit the deceased. In this regard, one practice is men- tioned that is somewhat baffling. Imaeda translates: "certain people say that if one practices the 'A-' -gilr-ma (= 'a-gur-ma, singers ?) on it (the corpse), and that if one realizes the meaning, that that remedies death" (p. 71) (la las 'a 'gur ma'i chosl nyams blang ni don spy ad nas I shi ba dila phan zhes zer I -nna obverse). Now to envision 'gur as mgur (song) is not too difficult, but what about the 'A? Might this be a reference to the 'A dkar practise of Bon? Be that as it may, the general message is clear: that any -non- Buddhist funeral practice, whether shamanistic, Brahmanical or otherwise, is ineffective. Thus the last message of Sakyamuni (3) that one should practice only Buddhist dharartis (gzungs-sngags) in order "to be reborn where one desires ... escaping evil destin- ies ... the dead are reborn into superior spheres" (p. 73). Though the main message is straightforward, there are underlying subtleties in the presentation which make it even more effective. Though Mr. Imaeda does not dwell on these, I think that they are worth men- tioning. (1) The "death of a god" theme, with which the work begins, is a clear assault, it seems to me, on the native religion, which empha- sizes the worship of such deities. The statement that these gods (and therefore the Tibetan god-kings) are not beyond the grip of karma (and thus mortal), while the Buddha is neither bound by karma nor subject to death, is an indirect blow to the then Tibetan conception of perfection and immortality. Indeed, I think it not an exaggera- tion to say that the death of 'Od bar rgyal, the king, represents the death of the Tibetan shamanistic complex (of which the god-king motif is a part); and that Rin chen's quest is as much an implicit quest for a new religion as it is an explicit search for an answer to his questions concerning death. (2) Magic is a central theme throughout this work, as it should 119 be in response to the shamanistic tendencies of 8th-century Tibet- ans. Thus, all of the great sages whom Rin chen meets are not only all Buddhists with great powers, capable in some cases of granting him mystical vision of some Buddhist scenario or,other, but the Buddha himself is portrayed as the greatest magician of them all. Sitting in the midst of badhisattvas who are also masters of magic (byang chub sems dpa' 'phrul ba), he performs miracles that leave poor Rin chen cringing in the crowd. This, probably more than his unique knowledge of the subtleties of death and rebirth, is what would set the Buddha apart from gods and men in the eyes of shamanistic Tibet. Granted that the point that the author -is trying to make is just the opposite, i.e., that although magical power is shared by many, the questions of karma, death and rebirth can only be answered by the omniscient Buddha; and yet, the author of this work realized that this point could never fully be driven h o m ~ in the Tibet of his day unless he made his Buddha the supreme figure in a hierarchy for which the Tibetans had a feeling. Thus the Buddha becomes the magician par excellence (a motif with extensive precen- dent in the Mahayana sutras). (3) Not only do the Buddhist dharar;fs protect one from unfor- tunate rebirth (the next best thing considering that death is inescap- able as long as one remains in sa'lT}sara), but the blessing of the Three Jewels protects one from gods and demons (lha 'dre). Again, the author confronts an important issue of his day, viz., supernatu- ral interference, and gives the Buddhist solution, faith in the tri- ralna. As regards the text itself, Mr. Imaeda concludes, rightfully I think, that it must have been the composition of "a man quite famil- iar with the Tibetan milieu" (p 80); that it was written circa 800 A.D. (p. 82); and that he considers it "as a sort of Tibetan apocryphal sutra" (p. 81). Although the first two points are well founded, I would take exception with the last. First of all, if I gather correctly, none of the nine manuscripts call th.e work a sutra (mda). Granted that the term chas kyi yi ge (by which name it is known) seems to be one of the early terms translating the Sanskrit word sutra, but it could also have had a wider meaning encompassing any Dharmic teaching. What is more, the term la rgyus ("story" or "history") seems to place it in a category totally different from the sutras, implying more of a sense of "fiction" or of "historical fiction." It would be fascinating to determine, based on techniques similar to those em- ployed in Biblical criticism, whether it is the earlier manuscripts which are the "stories" and the later ones which are the chas kyi yi ge (lit., "dharma-words" or "dharma-letters"). If so, it would give us an 120 interesting model for sutrification: from the fiction of story to the fact of buddhavacanarl}. However, as it stands, I think that the term "apocryphal sulra" is simply too strong, since it seems to me that there is substantial doubt whether or not the work was meant to have been taken as a sutra at all. As regards the fictitious Sanskrit title Sai gra dar ma de which prefaces one of the manuscripts, its presence does not imply an attempted siltrification. The farrious text of the first Pan chen bLa rna, the bLa ma mchod pa, also bears a Sanskrit title (Guru puja), but has never been passed off as being of Indian origin, much less the word of the Buddha. Mr. Imaeda's work is divided into four parts: (1) an introduc- tion [including an extensive discussion of the manuscripts (pp. 5- 12), a synoptic study (p. 13), and a comparison with the Gat}-f/,avyilha (pp. 19-31)] (2) the translation of the text (pp. 37-74) [extremely accurate and readable] (3) the text's relationship to other Tun H'uang texts especially to the Lha yul du lam bstan pa and the bsN go ba (pp. 75-82)] and conclusion (pp. 83-85) and finally (4) the manu- scripts (or portions thereof) (pp. 9 5 ~ 1 4 4 ) . It is clear from the text that 8th-century Tibetans definitely suffered from what Tsong kha pa, half a millenium later, would characterize asa skye bu chung ba complex, the over-preoccupation with this life, this death, and the better future life. It is the genius of the author of the Story to have recognized this and to have so inter- estingly dealt with this attitude in a Buddhist setting. It is the genius of Mr. Imaeda to have presented this work to us in such an exhaus- tive and fascinating study. Jose I. Cabezon Theravada Meditation: The Buddhist Transformation of Yoga, by Win- ston King, University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1980. In his latest book, Theravada Meditation: The Buddhist Transformation of Yoga, Winston King seeks to interpret and unravel the relation- ship of the two components of the Theravada path of meditation, samatha and vipassana. The Theravada tradition acknowledged, from a very early period, that tension existed between these two components, and scholars of Buddhism have long sought to under- stand just how these two methods of meditation, in many ways so different in nature, together constitute the path to nibbiina. King's 121 aim, he writes, is to explain "the functional relation between these elements within the orthodox structure" (p. IS). King begins his interpretation of the relation of samatha and vipassana by inquiring about the origins of these two methods. As indicated by the subtitle of his book, he interprets samatha medita- tion, the cultivation of the jhanas or concentrative trances, to have developed from "the Brahmanical-yogic technique of inducing transic states." That is, samatha meditation represents the Indian yogic heritage adopted and adapted by the Buddha. The Buddha's attitude toward this yogic method was one of acceptance-rejection, for he transformed the yogic heritage by integrating it into his own distinctive method of wisdom meditation, vipassana. Having identified the origins of the two methods, King turns to his main task, explaining the functional and structural relation of these two methods within the Theravada path of development. Here King uses the Visuddhimagga and the Vimuttimagga as focal points for viewing meditation in the Theravada tradition. He clear- ly delineates the two streams of meditation. The jhanic or yogic stream is "world recessive" and, like its "yogic parent," has as its central intention the attainment of a state in which ordinary con- sciousness totally ceases. In addition, the yogic stream provides a means of attaining "freedom and power in and over the world." By contrast, the nibbanic or vipassanic stream of mental development, is radically "world denying," employing meditation as a means of attaining "freedom from" the world. Its central intention is to pro- vide a critique of all experience, and of the self as experiencer, in terms of truths of impermanence, suffering and no-self. This stream leads to the moral perfection of the meditator and the ever fuller realization of nibbana. King classifies the traditional Theravada meditation subjects into three groups: low-level subjects preliminary to all higher prac- tice; jhanic subjects that actualize the yogic stream; and, finally, distinctively Buddhist or nibbanically-oriented subjects. Since all three kinds of meditation subjects have been woven together to form the path of development as set forth by Buddaghosa and the Theravada tradition, King's task is to explain the logic behind this tapestry of meditation methods. His clear and accurate explanation of the relationships among these methods represents the heart of his book. He sorts out these relationships by noting that Theravada meditation has two scales of values stemming from the two streams of meditation, the yogic and nibbanic, but in the complete system of Theravada meditation thenibbanic values are dominant and con- trolling. The jhanic or yogic meditation subjects, while still evaluat- 122 ed as important in their own right, have been contextualized by the nibbanic goals. Although in developing the path, the meditator at first practices jhanic meditation for its "world recessive" ends, yet finally, jhana is important to the meditator because it prepares the mind' for vipassana meditation and the realization of nibbana. "What- ever use may be made of yogic Ghanic) attainments, they must be subservient to this end" (p. 16). The author concludes his explanation of the classical Thera- vada path of meditation with a chapter on nirodha-samapatti, the attainment of cessation. He regards this state as "the true child of the full union of (Buddhist) insight and (yogic) peaceful abidings." The two somewhat disparate streams of meditation finally flow to- gether in this attainment, which thus represents the highest goal of the Theravadin meditator. "The Buddhist scriptures and medita- tion manuals," he writes, "leave no ,doubt as to the absolute ultimacy of this experience in either of the two series of meditational attain- ments." (103) Nirodha-samapatti represents, he argues, "here-and now Nibbana." King concludes the book with an interesting survey of contem- porary Theravada meditation practices in Burma. In dissecting and analyzing the. components of Theravada meditation, King has performed useful service for students and scholars of Buddhism alike. His analysis is precise and his explana- tion of the jhanic and vipassanic streams insightful. But if Professor King's study provides many answers, it also raises some questions which we would note here in order to indicate the direction we must go in building up the fine foundation King has provided. First, more work must be done to establish the historical antecedents of jhanic meditation. King refers to it as descended from a yogic or proto-yogic method, but many more questions remain to be an- swered about the relation of this proto-yogic tradition to both Bud- dhism and the Second, nirodha-samapatti requires more investigation before we conclude that it represents the highest goal of the tradition. For example, how do we reconcile the facts that (1) Theravada holds that some arahants attain nibbana without develop- ingjhanic meditation and yet (2) only arahants who have completed both the jhanic and vipassanic streams are said to be eligible for nirodha-samapatti (Vism. p. 702)? The "absolute ultimacy" of nirodha- samapatti is perhaps not so unambiguous in the meditation manuals as King argues. Finally, in discussing the relationships between sa- madhi and panna, the author does not explain the place of sati, mindfulness. Although referring to texts about sati, he does not integrate sati into the fabric of the elements. We mention this be- 123 cause sati seems to serve as a key mediating factor between samiidhi and panna. Mindfulness functions on a low level to provide a spring- board into samiidhi, and yet it also is present in the highest jhiina and leads into vipassanii. In sum, Theraviida Meditation is an important book. It is prob- ably the best book currently available for guiding students into the complexities of Theravada meditation methodology, and should find a permanent place in the scholar's library beside works such as Nyanaponika Thera's The Heart of Buddhist Meditation. George D. Bond Chinese Buddhism: Aspects of Interaction and Reinterpretation, by W. Pachow. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, Inc., 1980. xiv + 260 pp. Dr. W. Pachow is a Chinese Buddhist scholar whose life and career have spanned China, Ceylon and India. This book is a collection of eleven essays previously published over more than thirty years in various journals. Regrettably the articles on "Indian Buddhism" meant for a more comprehensive volume have been withdrawn for economic reasons (p. xiv), so that perhaps the preamble to this "Aspects of Interaction and Reinterpretation" might be lost to the interested reader. Since it consists of separate essays, the collection will be more useful as a reference than as what the title might suggest to some hopefuls: a classroom text. The depth of treatment also varies from the more introductory to the more specialized, which explains somewhat the uneven quality. The Introduction suggests (pp. xii-xiii) a grouping of the essays under five groups. The initial set of three, dealing with Ch'an (Zen) includes two introductory essays on Bodhidharma and Zen, the Spirit of Zen. They suffice for most teaching purposes but might be regarded as somewhat dated by some specialists' standards. The third, "A Bud- dhist Discourse on Meditation from Tun-huang" (pp. 35-53) is a translation of the Hsiu-hsin yao-lun, attributed to the fifth patriarch Hung-jen, using Stein no. 2669, 2558 and 4046. This corresponds to Taisho Daizokyo no. 2011, in vol. 48, pp. 377a-379b, under a different title. Since this is probably the one key text associated with Hung-jen, this English translation will figure as the only available one-until John McRae (Yale) issues his from his current doctoral dissertation. 124 Group Two consists of two loosely related essays, one dealing with the Lao-tzu hua-hu (civilizing the barbarians) theory and the other "A Study of The Dolled Record." Again, the first one is an interesting lead into that long Buddho-Taoist controversy" over the relativt: primacy of their founders but it is the second one that would intrigue more the specialists. It concerns the Chung-shen tien- chi, "Dotted Record" and the number of dots entered at a specific date by which the parinin)ii1JLl date of the Buddha might be pin- pointed. Takak1.1su had argued for 975 dots in the year 489 A.C., which places the pariniroii1JLl in 486 B.C. (p. 70). By disputing the actual numbers of dots (entered on a yearly basis) at the time of the Chinese report, and citing other supportive evidence, Pac how set the pariniroii1JLl date in 483 B.C. instead (p. 80). This is a technical but richly informative study. Group Three, with four essays, marks the major portion of the book. The first two, "Buddhism and Its Relation to Chinese Reli- gions" and "The Development of Tripit(lka-Translations in China," are relatively short and cover their topics tersely. The third article, which appears in ajournal of the University of Hongkong (1979) is a keen review of-as its title says-'-"The Controversy over the Im- mortality of the Soul in Chinese Buddhism." The advantage of this treatment over earlier ones in English is the greater attention paid to the Indian prehistory of this shen or soul issue. Although I shall add my friendly amendment in the samejournal,joumal of Oriental Studies (forthcoming 1982), this piece by Pachow is a stimulating foil to any further reflection on this age-old controversy. For those steeped in things more than purely Buddhological, the last essay in this group, "A Study of the Philosophical and Religious Elements in the Red Chamber Dream" is much welcomed. TheHung-lou-meng, also known as the Story of the Stone, is indispensable for understanding the lebenswelt of the Chinese. The specialized field known as "Red Studies" has long unearthed and catalogued various elements in the masterpiece, religion included. However, it sometimes takes a reli- gionist fully to appreciate and interpret the collected items, as this piece has done. Group Four consists of two essays dealing with ancient Sino- Ceylonese relations and Buddhist missionaries to Southeast Asia and the Far East. These are short pieces that offer a handy cata- logue of the key figures involved, and reflect Dr. Pachow's role in that intercultural exchange. The nature' of journal articles is lack of uniformity; the publica- tion, the audiance, the level of specialization often dictate the con- tents and the methods employed. They are, as we all know, also 125 hard to track down. The collection of articles here in Chinese Bud- dhism by Dr. Pachow is a welcome corrective. The range and style of coverage might alienate some but should prove highly rewarding for many. The book includes Chinese glossaries and an index. Whalen W. Lai Buddhism and Society in Southeast Asia, by Donald K Swearer. in Rob- ert McDermott, series ed., Focus on Hinduism and Buddhism. Ch'!lTI- bersburg, Pa.: Anima Books, 1981. 82 p. Bibliography, 2 Appendi- ces, Notes, Glossary. As part of a series of guides to audio-visual materials and compan- ion introductory texts on Hinduism and Buddhism, this volume "stands on its own as an introduction to Buddhism in the context of Southeast Asian social and political institutions" (p. iv). The author's stated aim is to analyze Theravada Buddhism within the cultures of Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, specifically in Burma, Thailand and Laos. The religion is discussed from three well-chosen perspectives: the traditional village; the ancient kingdom and the modern nation state; the modern city and town. The overall plan of the essay is excellent. The discussion contains a good deal of valuable informa- tion, along with useful suggestions about audio-visual materials re- lated to the points covered. While the essay is a useful introduction to the topic, it is not completely successful. The village perspective is explored well in chapter one; useful points are made and illustrations are well chosen, although differ- ences among the four countries are somewhat understated. In chapter two, the importance of the relationship between religion and the state is discussed; one section focuses on the use of religion to legitimatize authority. Borobudur, Angkor and Pagan are cited as examples, but that Pagan alone was built by Theravada Bud- dhists is also understated, and the exact significance of the other societies is not thoroughly enough explored for an introductory text. Space constraints may be partly to blame, but one is left with the uneasy feeling that the existence of films or slides has too strongly influenced the selection of points to be covered here. Chapter three is a treatment of some responses of clergy and laity to modernization and the dimensions of the problem are well illustrat- ed. Here, however, one questions the appropriateness of focusing 126 on the Thai monk Kitthivuddho in an introductory essay. Discus- sion of this hightly controversial monk, and the author's judge- ments regarding him, would be more appropriate elsewhere. There are also other problems, one of which is particularly surprising in a series emphasizing visual materials: of eleven photo-. graphs included in the text only four are identified by location; the reader must guess about the rest. Misspellings and typographical errors mar the text. For example, the name of the religion under study is misspelled several times, and the names of two Buddhist holy days appear incorrectly. Nor are the explanations free of jar- gon; at one point, for example, three holy days are compared, in some way, to the triple gem of Buddhism, but the wording used obscures the point almost completely. The examples cited here are not, unfortunately, isolated ones. In an introductory text, particularly in one so brief, precision is essential; that this text lacks precision is regrettable, since there is much good material here. The flaws are doubly unfortunate, since careful editing, or even simple proofreading, could have eliminated many of them. Robert J. Bickner Tantra in Tibet, The Great Exposition of Secret Mantra and The Yoga of Tibet, The Great Exposition of Secret Mantra - 2 and 3, by Tsong-ka- pa; Introduced by His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama; trans- lated & edited by Jeffrey Hopkins. Nos. 3 and 4 in The Wisdom of Tibet Series. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1977 & 1981. 252 pages and xii + 274 pages. Appendices, Glossaries, Bibliographies, Indexes. Tantra, in spite of increased scholarship on the subject, remains little understood. Certainly, everyone knows by now that the six yogas of Naropa are tantric; that Milarepa and other siddhas were tantric practitioners, and that deities like Kalacakra, Cakrasarpvara, and Guhyasamaja are also involved. The level of sophistication is greater than in the days when tantra was a synonym for lunacy and a . justification for the bizarre behavior of would-be converts to Bud- dhism. Still, after over a hundred years of research - albeit by only a: few - few people when asked what tantra is can actually respond with a simple answer and follow up with sound reasoning. Still fewer can respond when asked about the three lower tantra classes, 127 kriya, car)'a and yoga. Most of what people know about tanlm pertains only to the highest class, anuttam yoga, and its subdivisions. This problem is not new. Even tantric practitioners have had a difficult time answering. Ever since the practice began, people who cared to debate have debated about what it is they or others were doing, what distinguished the practices from non-tantric practices and what distinguished one practice from another within the sys- tem. Even people who were not debaters criticized other people's tantric practices for not being correct. The Ktilacakra warns that yoga is not an excuse for playing with women, getting drunk and frolicking every night in cemeteries (Chap. 2, Verse 117). Confronted with a mass of different ideas, the Tibetans at- tempted to sort things out, and, in time, the problems involved in defining what was what reached a more manageable level. By the time of Tsong Kha pa, several explanations of the tantm classes had been written down. (Some of these are listed in this book's bibliogra- phy.) Hence, when Tsong Kha pa began his Great Exposition of Secret Mantm there was a foundation on which to build. Tsong Kha pa's work is one of the most detailed I've seen on any Buddhist subject and certainly is the most influential work on tantm in Tibet, if only because his lineage has the greatest number of adherents. Jeffrey Hopkins' translation project of this work is therefore to be welcomed. Although it will be years before the pro- ject is complete, the first three parts of Tsong Kha pa's Sngags Rim Chen Mo are now out, in two volumes. Part One is published in Tantra in Tibet and parts 2 and 3 as The Yoga of Tibet. In these sections, Tsong Kha pa introduces us to different views of tantm and gives his own view as to what makes tantradiffer- ent from siUra. The defining characteristic of tantm as opposed to siUra lies not in the wisdom or knowledge of emptiness generated in the disciple but in the means used to become an ii1ya and a Buddha. The principal difference in means lies not in using sense objects or visualizations but in the practice of deity yoga, i.e., the imagining of oneself as the deity during practice. This definition contradicts some earlier ones and is still not universally accepted. The main disagreements are over (a) whether or not there is a difference in the wisdom aspect and (b) whether or not there is deity yoga in kriya tantra. The former is a question that goes back to pre-tantric times, when it was debated whether the emptiness cognized by an arhat was the same as that of an ihya bodhisattva. It was the position of the Prasangikas that emptiness was emptiness and that it was the same for both HYnayana and Mahayana saints. Tsong Kha pa accepts this and projects the argu- 128 ments into the dispute on tantra. According to the present Dalai Lama, this dispute between schools is only semantic regarding tan- tra. The followers of Tsong Kha pa make a distinction between the consciousness that cognizes emptiness and some ot.hers that do not. Therefore, according to the Dalai Lama, while consciousness be- comes subtler and subtler in tantra there is no change in its object of cognition, emptiness. For someone else there is a change in empti- ness because there is no distinction made between consciousness and the object. The difference is purely semantic, says the Dalai Lama, because the distinction made by Tsong Kha pa and those who agree with him is recognized to be purely verbal, for the pur- poses of discussion. In experience, the two are not experienced as dual. This disagreement is discussed in Tantra in Tibet both in the text of Tsong Kha pa and in the Dalai Lama's commentary (pp. 55-56). The second disagreement is also brought out in Tantra in Tibet, and is further refined in Yoga of Tibet. Is there deity yoga in kriya tantra? Those who say no quote texts that say there isn't, mainly texts on anuttara yoga tantra. Those that say there is quote texts that say there is. In the latter case, the texts quoted are from the kriya class, but the vast majority of texts in the kriya class do not explicitly mention deity yoga. Tsong Kha pa says deity yoga is there implicitly, because of what kriya practitioners attempt to do and because certain anuttara yoga texts imply such. Mainly, though, Tsong Kha pa says that deity yoga exists in kriya tantra because some kriya tantras and their com- mentaries affirm it. These tantras, the Susiddhi, Dhyanottara, Vaj- r o p ! ~ a , etc., purport to be general kriya tantras, not connected with a particular deity as such but outlining the method of practice of the other specific kriya tantras. Since the outlines contain deity yoga, the right way to practice the others is through deity yoga. Contrary viewpoints expressed in the anuttara tantras refer only to people who cannot practice deity yoga for one reason or another. The Yoga of Tibet proceeds to outline in detail the practices involved with knya and carya tantras down to what mantras and what mudras to use at what times. Hence, the book is extremely beneficial to anyone wanting to practice kriya and carya tantra. The only drawback to the book is the writing of the translator. It is awkward, and being so, it detracts. It is very precise and one can see the concern for faithfulness to the text. However, even when Professor Hopkins writes iri his own words, it reads like he is trans- lating Tibetan. This is lamentable. However, I appreciate the difficulties faced in translating and 129 do not wish to belabor the point. It is minor, and the book is too important to let this discourage one from reading it. Todd Fenner 130 IV. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS Asoka And Buddhism - A Reexamination: Presidential Address Given on the Occasion of the Fourth Conference of the lABS Madison, Wisconsin, August, 1980* by A.L. Basham It is generally agreed that Asoka was among the great kings of the world, and indeed many would say that he was the most noble and altruistic ruler the world has known. Moreover, he is the only pre- Muslim ruler of India whose name is familiar to non-specialists in the West. His great fame in the English-speaking world seems to have been mainly due to H. G. Wells, whose Outline of History was almost compulsory reading for intelligent teen-agers in the 1920s and '30s, since it was the work of a progressive writer who then enjoyed great prestige, and was one of the earliest general histor- ies of mankind to give reasonable coverage to the history of the civilizations of Asia. Wells emphasized Asoka as a ruler far ahead of his time, with a vision of perpetual peace throughout the world.! In fact, when all is said, we know very little about Asoka's personality and motives. We have, admittedly, a number of fairly brief documents from his hand, but these are intended to project his public image, and do not show us the real man with the intima- cy with which we know, for example, Akbar, thanks to the writings of both his friends and his critics, and to the accounts of foreign 131 travelers. Our knowledge of Asoka, such as it is, depends on three main sources. The first of these sources, and the most authoritative, is the series of inscriptions, the so-called Edicts of Asoka,2 many of which are not really edicts at all. Some, indeed, are imperial com- mands, and seem to have a legislative character, but others are rather general pronouncements of policy and normative recom- mendations to his subjects, a form of propaganda representing an early form of the posters to be seen in almost every country in the world at the present time, urging us to save energy, preserve the environment, and throw our litter into the trash-bin. These docu- ments have the advantage that they form the only literature on Asoka which is strictly contemporary with the emperor himself, and they appear to represent his own words. Our second source is the Theravada tradition, preserved in the chronicles of Sri Lanka. 3 These texts record legends about Asoka's early life and his conversion to Buddhism, but their pri- mary interest in Asoka is due to the fact that it was through his intervention that Buddhism was brought to the island and estab- lished itself there. The third source is the Afokavadana,3 preserved in the Bud- dhist Sanskrit text Divyavadana 4 and also existing in Chinese ver- sions. The various versions were studied by Przyluski, in whose remarkable monograph, La legende de l'emperiur Ar;oka,5 it is shown that a cycle of stories about Asoka, on which this text is based, probably existed well before the Christian era and was compiled for the first time at Pataliputra, in the Kukkutarama Monastery, which had been much favored by the emperor. 6 A few other sources, such as the records of Chinese pilgrims,7 the Rajatarangini of Kalhar,ta,8 and the Purar;,as,9 tell us a little more about Asoka, but they are later than the main documents, and there is not much of importance that we can gather from them that is not to be found in the earlier sources. One of the most remarkable features about these three sources, when we compare one with another, is that they have very little in common. The highest common factor of the three is mere- ly that Asoka was a mighty Indian ruler, whose capital was Pat ali- putra and who adopted a new and enlightened policy as a result of his conversion to Buddhism. Almost everything else is missing in one source or another. The Kalinga war, which, according to the 132 13th Rock Edict, was the main factor in Asoka's conversion to Buddhism, is not mentioned either in the Theravada tradition or in the Asokavadana, which, since it was transmitted mainly in Ma- hayana circles, we shall refer to as the Mahayana tradition, though it was not originally a Mahayana work. Asoka's own account of his remorse, incidentally, is so striking that it is hard to believe that it . made no impression on the compilers of the stories in the two Buddhist traditions. Yet nothing like it is mentioned in either. This is particularly surprising in the case of the Asokiivadana, since this tradition grew up in northern India, at the time when Asoka's own inscriptions were still easily intelligible. One would expect the com pilers of this cycle of legends to have recorded the story of the Kalinga war and Asoka's repentance and embroidered it with many supernatural incidents. Instead, they ignored it. From the point of view of the Mahayana source, Asoka was converted from his former evil ways not by the horrors of war, but by the patience under torture of a Buddhist monk. 10 The Theravada tradition, on the other hand, ascribes his conversion to a seven year old sa- man:era named Nigoha. 11 As further examples of unexpected omissions we may cite the absence of any reference to the Third Council at Pataliputra in the Edicts or in the Mahayana tradition, together with the sequel of this Council, the sending out of mis- sionaries and the conversion of Sri Lanka. These events are men- tioned only in the Theravada tradition, while the rather discredit- able account of Asoka's old age and death is found only in that of the Mahayana. 12 Of the three sources it is obvious that the most important, at least from the point of view of the historian, is the first, the Edicts. We are justified in believing that these represent the words of Asoka himself. They do not necessarily reflect his inmost thoughts, but at least they show us what he wanted his subjects to believe about him. Moreover, from them we can gather something about the state of affairs in his empire, and his relations with Buddhism. In the 1st Minor Rock Edict, which is generally thought to be the oldest of the series, Asoka tells us that he had openly embraced Buddhism some three and a half years previously, but that a year before he had "approached the.sangha," and had exerted himself more strenuously in the faith, so that the gods, who for a long time had not associated with men, were now mixing freely with them. 13 133 The passage bristles with obscurities, and each version of the text differs somewhat from every other. At its face value this inscrip_ tion shows us that Asoka was a man of his time; believing implicitly in the existence of supernatural beings who showed their satisfac- tion with men by descending to earth and manifesting themselves to them. On the other hand one is tempted to associate this pas- sage, and a similar one in the 4th Rock Edict, which speaks of heavenly manifestations such as divine chariots and balls of fire,14 with certain passages in the Arthasastra, 15 where the king is advised to allow himself to be seen associating with persons disguised as gods, and otherwise to produce fraudulent supernatural phenom- ena, in order to strengthen his prestige. We cannot be sure that Asoka did not himself descend to such cheap means of propagan- da, but our overall impression of him is of an honest and sincere man, who, for all his love of Dhamma, would not propagate it by fraud, and we can only give him the benefit of the doubt. This is believed to be Asoka's first propaganda pronounce- ment, and one asks why he did not begin more impressively and dramatically, telling his subjects at the outset about his remorse for the Kalinga war in the moving terms of the 13th Rock Edict. We can offer no answer to this question, except to suggest that either Asoka's feelings about Dhamma became even more intense and emotional as time went on, or his expertise as a propagandist increased with the years. Certainly the two Minor Rock Edicts cannot have been very effective as propaganda in favor of the new policy. The main body of the series consists of the fourteen Major Rock Edicts, which show a rather different personality. Here Asoka is more peremptory and authoritarian in his commands, and at the same time more confident of the success of the policy of government by Dhamma. The very first edict commences with a stern command - "Here no living creature is to be slaughtered for sacrifice."I!) Thus Asoka's first concern appears to have been for ahirJ7Sii and vegetarianism. The figure of 100,000 animals, which he declares were formerly slaughtered daily for the palace kitchens, is quite incredible, unless it includes such creatures as small fish, and this casts some doubt on the estimates in the 13th Rock Edict of the number of people affected by the Kalinga war. 17 A proneness to exaggeration in number and quantity is to be 134 noticed in many ancient Indian sources, including the Buddhist scriptures. In the 2nd Rock Edict Asoka records his social services in the form of the provision of medical aid for men and a n i m a l ~ and improved facilities for travelers. IS Here he first shows his ecu- menical attitude, for he declares that these services have been inaugurated not only among his own subjects but also in the Tamil kingdoms of the South as far as Tambapaqmi (Sri Lanka?), and in the lands of the Greek king Antiochus and the neighbors of Antio- chus. The passage suggests an early version of modern programs of aid to developing countries, and one wonders whether it was at all effective outside the limits of the Mauryan empire. This refer- ence to Antiochus and his neighbors links up with the better known passage in the 13th Rock Edict,19 where we are told that victories of Dhamma have already been won in the West. Through these victories of Dhamma Asoka had conquered Antiochus, Ptol- emy, Antigonus, Magas and Alexander, all the most important kings of the Hellenistic world. As far as we can gather from the inscriptions he was ignorant of the very existence of China. In any case, if we consider the geopolitical condition of the world in the middle of the third century B.C., it is clear that Asoka was the most powerful ruler of his time, and he seems to have been well aware of the fact. Nowhere in his edicts does Asoka use the word cakravartin, which suggests that in his day it was not very well known, or he would have certainly claimed to be such a charismatic ruler. The occurrence of this word in certain obviously late passages of the Pali canon, such as the Cakkavatti-s'ihanada-sutta of the D'igha-ni- kaya,20 seems to be a post-Asokan reflection of Asoka's regime. In this sutta the ideal cakravartin follows a policy very like that of Asoka, and he conquers the world without fighting, as Asoka be- lieved he was doing. We suggest that this text was composed soon after Asoka's reign, to warn his successors ofthe evil results which would follow if they abandoned his policy of Dhamma. In any case, the 2nd and 13th Rock Edicts give ample proof that Asoka had not abandoned his imperial ambitions, and that he looked upon him- self as the moral emperor of the world. On the other hand, sources from classical Europe give us no information on Asoka's conquests through Dhamma. It is notewor- 135 thy that in Greek and Latin texts there are several references to Asoka's grandfather Candragupta, under the name Sandrocot_ tus,21 and there is one to his father Bindusara, under the other- wise unknown name Amitrochates,22 but there are no references whatever to Asoka himself. If Asoka really sent missions to the courts of the ambitious Greek kings, urging them to accept his moral leadership and adopt the policy of Dlwmma, they must have made so small an impression that no contemporary author thought fit to record them. Yet, from the 13th Rock Edict, it is very clear that some kind of positive action was taken: And this is the victory that the Devanarrtpiya considers most important, namely victory through Dhamma. And that has in- deed been won by the Devanarrtpiya here and on all the fron- tiers, even 600 yojanas distant, where are Antiochus the Greek king and the four kings beyond that Antiochus ... [Here fol- low the four Greek names, and a list of peoples on Asoka's frontiers.] Even where the messagers of the Devanarrtpiya do not go, they hear of the Devanarrtpiya's practice, ordinances and injunctions of Dhamma, and they follow Dhamma. 23 Asoka could hardly have convinced himself of his own impor- tance internationally unless a mission or missions of some kind had been sent to the Greek kings, and to other smaller kingdoms and tribes, and had presented documents in which Asoka ex- plained his new policy and urged all rulers to follow it. Since there is no reference to such a mission in any classical source, and the very name of Asoka was apparently unknown in the West, we must presume that his attempts at winning over the Greek kings result- ed in failure. Yet he states firmly and categorically that his mis- sions have been successful. He has conquered Antiochus and the other Greek kings through Dhamma. From this, assuming that at least one mission was actually sent, we are compelled to accept one of two assumptions. Either Asoka knew the real facts but concealed them from his subjects, giving the impression that the policy of Dhamma had been much more successful than was in fact the case; or the mission, inspired by sycophantic courtiers, gave a false account of its activities. Occa- sional travelers and envoys, coming to Pataliputra from the West, might also have been persuaded to give false accounts of condi- 136 tions in their homelands to the emperor, so that he imagined that he had brought about a striking change in the Hellenistic world. The whole tenor of the inscriptions gives the impression that Asoka was thoroughly honest and intensely sincere. Probably, therefore, he fully believed that his missions had been thoroughly successful. When, in the Separate Kalinga Edict,24 he says save rnunise paja mama we must not overlook the fact that the word praja has political overtones, and, as well as meaning "children and de- scendants," may also mean "subjects." In this passage it is obvious that Asoka's primary meaning is "All men are my children," but the secondary meaning should not be forgotten. He seems to have seen himself as the paterfarnilias of an immense extended family, comprising every creature on earth. Other examples of Asoka's exaggerated confidence in the suc- cess of his new policy are not hard to find. Weare told that Asoka's descendents would continue to promote the policy of Dharnrna even up to the end of the kalpa. 25 The conviction that the policy of Dharnrna had changed the morals and conduct of the world seems even stronger in the Pillar Edicts, promulgated in the 26th and 27th years of Asoka's reign. In the 7th Pillar Edict he looks back on his career as a reformer with considerable complacency. His offi- cers are all busily enforcing the new policy and the people are follow- ing it obediently. It will last for as long as the moon and sun. 26 The most remarkable evidence of Asoka's complacency comes from the brief Kandahar Edicts in Greek and Aramaic, which tell us explicitly that the fishermen of the king have ceased to fish and the hunters have stopped hunting, and all goes well throughout the kingdom. 27 The fact that the inscription opens with the state- ment that Asoka commenced issuing his edicts when he had been consecrated for ten years might give the impression that this is an early inscription, but we believe that it is later than the Pillar Edicts, and belongs to the last years of his reign, for in the 5th Pillar Edict Asoka bans only the killing of certain species of ani- mals and forbids hunting and fishing only on a few days of the year. The fishermen and hunters referred to in the Kandahar Edict are unlikely to be gamekeepers and beaters in the royal hunting parks and reserved forests, but rather professional hunt- ers and fishers who ranged the forested and waste land (viv'ita) and were permitted to hunt or fish in return for a share of their bag or catch. All the forest and waste of the kingdom was in theory the 137 property of the king, and the fishermen and hunters of the king referred to in the Kandahar Inscription probably included all the professional hunters and fishermen in the kingdom, who were in much the same theoretical position as the share-croppers who worked much of the royal demesne. 28 Thus Asoka believed that the fishermen and hunters of his kingdom had accepted his new policy, either voluntarily or by compulsion, and had given up their old professions. This is intrinsically very unlikely, and most of his subjects must have known that hunting and fishing were still going on. In fact Asoka proclaims to the world not so much the success of his policy as his own naIvete and credulity. The inscription suggests that, now an old and tired man, he had fallen into the hands of crooked courtiers and counsellors who deliberately con- cealed the truth from him. He had lost almost all contac( with reality and had no clear idea about the true state of his kingdom. The Minor Pillar Edicts, must be, with the Kandahar Edict, among Asoka's final pronouncements, since many of them OCcur below the main series of Major Pillar Edicts. They confirm the Mahayana tradition that towards the end of his reign Asoka be- came even more deeply interested in the affairs of the Buddhist sangha. Among these short inscriptions there occurs an ordinance, in three surviving versions (Sarnath, Kosambi and Sanchi),29 stat- ing that the sangha should remain united for as long as the sun and moon endure, and that if any monk or nun should try to divide it, the local mahamattas are to ensure that he or she is expelled from the Order. It is noteworthy that here it is the government officials, and not the senior monks, who are instructed to root out heretics . . Asoka's last surviving public pronouncement may have been the so-called Queen's Edict, which occurs only once, at the bottom of the inscribed portion of the Allahabad Pillar. In it Asoka in- structs the mahamattas to ensure that all religious gifts made by Karuvaki, the second queen and mother of Tivara, are recorded to her credit. 30 One wonders what can have been the motive in engraving such a trivial pronouncement, which had no direct rela- tion to the policy of Dhamma at all. In any case, it is clear that Karuvaki, no doubt annoyed because her benevolence had not been duly recognized, had considerable influence with the emper- or. The implications of this edict are to some extent confirmed by Mahayana tradition, which tells us that in his later years Asoka fell under the influence of his second queen, who tried to destroy the 138 sacred Bodhi tree at Gaya and who brought about the blinding of his favorite son Kunala. The name of this queen, has nothing in common with that of the queen of the edict, but it is , possible that they are the same, since in ancient India members of royal families were by various appellations. 32 In any case, tWO of our main sources agree on two important points: (1) that Asoka's interest in the sangha increased as time went on and (2) that in his later life he came much under the influence of his womenfolk. The last story about Asoka in the Mahayana tradition tells us that at the end of his reign he became so involved with the Bud- dhist sangha and squandered so much wealth upon it that he was virtually deposed in a palace COUp.33 We have no definite evidence to confirm this, except that Asoka's inscriptions suggest that to- wards the end of his reign he played a much more direct part in the affairs of the sangha than he had formerly. The story in the Asokiivadiina, though obviously worked over to bring out the Bud- dhist moral of the vanity and transience of earthly glory, is not intrinsically improbable. Moreover, especially if we agree with Przyluski on the antiquity of the cycle of stories,34 it is hardly likely that such a tale would have arisen if it had been commoiI know- ledge that Asoka had died while in full command of his kingdom. Thus, if we are compelled to give a general judgement on Asoka and his regime, we must conclude that, though he was a very good man, he was not altogether a good king. Carried away by his new faith he increasingly lost touch with reality, until ulti- mately he was dethroned, and the great Mauryan empire broke up, largely as a result of his intensely moral but thoroughly unreal- istic convictions. In India itself, except in Buddhist circles, he was soon forgotten, a mere name in the Pural).ic king-lists. The strong central control of the Mauryas soon gave way to quasi-feudal con- ditions under the Surigas, and regimes of this type, in various forms, were usual for the next two thousand years. Asoka almost passed into oblivion until the nineteenth century, when his inscrip- tions, were deciphered. Nevertheless, it is certain that, despite his failures, Asoka did have an important effect on later generations, mainly thanks to his support for Buddhism. Although literary evidence may suggest the contrary, it seems that before Asoka Buddhism was a compara- tively unimportant feature in the religious life of India. Little or 139 no faith can be placed on the accounts in the Buddhist scriptures of very large numbers of monks, nuns and lay followers during the Buddha's lifetime. Between the parinirvii'f}a and the time of Asoka we have but scanty evidence of what was happening to Buddhism. Archaeological evidence is virtually lacking, but after Asoka it is abundant, There is a tradition, maintained by both Theravada and Mahayana, of a council of Vesali one hundred years after the Master's death. The Katha Upani:;ad,35 generally agreed to be pre-Mauryan, contains passages which suggest some contact with Buddhist ideas. Possible influence is even stronger in the case of the Maitri Upanisad,36 but that text is evidently the latest of the thirteen early and we believe it to be post-Maur- yan. 37 Other than these, there is little positive evidence as to the state of Buddhism before Asoka. One of our main reasons for believing that Buddism was a comparatively minor factor in the religious life of India before Asoka is that the older J aina scriptures, though they may mention Buddhism very occasionally, do not appear to look on the Buddha and Buddhism as serious rivals to Mahavira ;:tndJainism. From the point of view of the J ainas their most dangerous rivals were Gosala and the Ajivikas. In the Pali texts the situation is similar. Refer- ences to Mahavira (under the name Niggantha Nataputta) and J ainism certainly occur, but they are considerably fewer than those to Gosala and the Ajivikas. These facts suggest that in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. the Ajivikas were the strongest of the sra- ma'f}a sects. Further indications of the comparative insignificance of Bud- dhism before Asoka can be found in the stories of the Asokiivadiina itself, confirmed by other sources. After his conversion Asoka is said to have broken open seven of the stupas containing the ashes of the Buddha, to have divided the fragments of bone and ash into 84,000 minute portions, and to have sent these to all parts of his empire, to be interred under new stupas. 38 Stupas said to have been founded by Asoka were numerous in the days of the Chinese travelers, but they mention few pre-Asokan stupas, except for those traditionally raised in the Tarai area by the tribes who shared the ashes of the Buddha's funeral pyre. It seems that the cult of the stupa in Buddhism began in this area, the scene of the Master's birth and death. Evidently even before the reign of Asoka the Buddhists were strong enough here to take over the stUpa of 140 some long-dead saint or hero, whom they identified as a former Buddha, Konagamana. 39 Our impression is that before Asoka this was the main center of Buddhism, and that elsewhere it may have been comparatively uninfluential; but no doubt monasteries and Buddhist communi- ties already existed in the sacred sites of Gaya and Sarnath and in the larger centers of population. We may assume that with the development of Pataliputra as a large city, perhaps then the larg- est city in the world, a Buddhist monastery or two were established there, as the traditions confirm. It seems, reading between the lines of the various accounts, that the monks of the local monaster- ies gained the confidence of the young Asoka, and gradually at- tracted him towards Buddhism. The Kalinga war finalized his con- verSlOn. It is not wholly clear what form of Buddhism Asoka believed in, but it is evident that it was different from any form existing nowadays. It was certainly not the modern rationalist Buddhism of intellectual Theravada, neither was it the quasi-theistic Buddhism of Mahayana and Tantrism. We have no evidence, moreover, in the inscriptions of even rudimentary forms of the profound Ma- hayana metaphysical systems of later times; but Asoka's reference to his "going forth to Sambodhi" in the 8th Rock Edict may indi- cate the very beginning of the concept of the bodhisattva. 4o The inscriptions contain no reference whatever to nirviilJa, and we must conclude that, if the monks had already elaborated the doc- trine of nirviilJa, either Asoka did not know of it or, more likely, he considered it too abstruse to mention in his public pronounce- ments. The Bairat Edict, the only one specifically addressed to the sangha, shows that the formula of the Triple Jewel (triratna) was already used by the Buddhists as a confession of faith. 41 The same document shows that some kind of a canon already existed, though the identification of the seven scriptural passages listed is far from certain. Moreover it is evident that, at the time of the promulgation of this edict, Asoka's attitude towards the Buddhist Order was thoroughly erastian. After greeting the monks and expressing his faith in the Buddha, the Dhamma and the sangha, Asoka declares: "Whatever, sirs, has been spoken by the Lord Buddha was well said, but I now propose to state passages indicat- ed by me, in order that the true Dhamma may last long." Then, 141 after enumerating the seven chosen passages, he goes on to say that he desires that as many monks, nuns and layfolk as possible should listen to these passages and meditate upon them. No doubt in choosing the seven passages Asoka was advised by a senior monk, but that a mere layman should have the temerity to instruct the Buddhist clergy on what texts they should study cannot but have aroused irritation. Probably few monks acted on Asoka's instructions in this matter. The Minor Pillar Edicts, ordering the mahamattas to ensure that dissident or heretical monks should be expelled from their monasteries, have already been mentioned. They give even stron- ger evidence of Asoka's erastianism. The Sarnath version of this edict seems to show that a copy of it was sent to every significant Buddhist monastery in the land, and that the mahamattas were required to attend the monastic ritual on each uposatha day, in order to ensure that the king's orders were understood and car- ried out. Asoka's precedent in making himself the virtual head of the church was followed by many Buddhist kings of later times. Indeed, Buddhism has flourished most vigorously under those kings who have taken most interest in it. Buddhist kings, following the advice of senior monks, have in the past regularly acted as arbiters of orthodoxy. These three Minor Pillar Edicts are the ancestors of the katikavatas of the pious rulers of Sri Lanka, who from time to time took it upon themselves to purge the sangha of heresies and malpractices. Though Asoka's noble vision of a world at peace, with himself and his descendants as its moral leaders, never materialized, it is wrong to suggest that his regime had no effect whatever on later history. For over twenty years the people of India were subjected to constant propaganda in favor of non-violence, vegetarianism, and moral behavior. This cannot have been completely without effect. When we compare the India described by Megasthenes with that of Fa-hsien, we note that striking changes took place in the seven hundred years dividing the days of the two travelers. In the time of Candra Gupta II, if we are to believe Fa-hsien,41 the death penalty had been abolished and vegetarianism was almost universal, at least among the higher classes. The urbanity and mildness of Gupta administration contrasts strikingly with the stern efficiency of the Mauryas, as described by Megasthenes. Aso- ka's reforms must have been partly responsible for these changes. 142 Moreover, even though Asoka's mIssIonary actIvItles in the realms of the five Greek kings were apparently completely futile, the numerous missionary monks listed in the Theravada tradition, as going forth to various lands and regions after the Council of Pataliputra, may have had some success; and we may be sure that at least one of the victories of Dhamma that Asoka claimed to have won was in a sense real and lasting. There is ample confirmation, mainly of an archaeological nature, of the statements of the chron- icles of Sri Lanka that the island was converted to Buddhism in the time of Asoka. Whether or not the main missionary campaign was led by Asoka's son Mahinda, the fact that Buddhism virtually be- gan in Sri Lanka in the latter part of the reign of Asoka is certain. Through Asoka a new faith, after over two centuries of prepara- tion, commenced its long and successful career as one of the great religions of the world. *Editor's note: Owing to a broken arm, Prof. Basham was unable to complete the footnotes to his address, which, in any case, are not essential to his discussion. 143 V. Notes and News A Report on the 4th Conference of the lABS, University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI,. U.S.A. August 7-9, 1981 The 4th conference of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, sponsored by the Department of S9'uth Asian Studies of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA, opened at 1 :30 P.M. on Friday, August 7, 1981, in the heart of the U.W. campus in Madison. The President of the Conference was Professor A.L. Basham, who, having retired from the Australian National Uni- versity, had been teaching at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque, and at Carleton College in Northfield, Minnesota. His Presidential Address is presented elsewhere in this issue. The Opening Session of the Conference was inaugurated by Professor E. David Cronon, Dean of the College of Letters and Science at the University of Wisconsin, who has been very helpful to the lABS from the time of its foundation. Professor Cronon's Inaugural Address was followed by the remarks of other good friends of the lABS: Professor Manindra K. Verma, Chairman of the Depart- ment of South Asian Studies, who gave the Welcoming Address, and Professor Bardwell Smith, head of the Asian Studies Program at Carleton College, who acted as General Secretary during the absence of Professor A.K. Narain the previous year. The opening to the 4th Conference coincided with the first days of an air traffic controllers' strike in the U.S., which inter- fered greatly with all air travel; however, we were glad to find that most of our anticipated participants were able to get to Madison in time. From August 7 through 9, over 100 people, representing 17 144 countries, participated in the various panels and presentations. On Friday evening, the first night of the three-day event, after an All- Conference Dinner characterized by much animated t a l ~ , mem- . bers were treated to an autio-visual presentation on the Kalacakra Initiation re.cently given in Madison by His Holiness the XIVth Dalai Lama of Tibet. Professor Geshe Sopa, one of the main spon- sors of the initiation, provided a clear and lively explanation of the rare and ornate Tibetan Buddhist ceremony. On Saturday eve- ning, following a slide lecture by Professor John Huntington of the Ohio State University Department of Art entitled "Art Brought to Western Tibet and Ladakh by Rin-chen bZang-po and Ansa as Found in the AI-Chi Monastery Buildings of the 11 th Century," participants were taken by car-pool to a dinner recep- tion at the home of Professor A.K. Narain, General Secreatry of the lABS, and treated to a feast of Indian, Nepali and Tibetan food. Throughout the Conference, participants were able to view a photographic exhibition of Buddhist art by Professors John and Susan Huntington entitled "The Lotus in Full Bloom," which was on display in the lounge where coffee breaks were taken, On Sun- day, the last day of the Conference, all participants were invited to visit the grounds where the Kalacakra initiation had taken place, to view the site and meet with Geshe Sopa for afternoon tea. Minutes of the Meeting of the Board of Directo1"S of the JABS, 4th Conference, Madison, Wisconsin USA, August 8, J98J The meeting was opened by Professor A.L. Basham, Chairperson, lABS. Professor Basham invited the General Secretary to give his annual report. General Secretary's annual report, by Professor A.K. Narain: The General Secretary reported that he was away most of the year; thus Professor Bardwell Smith was the Pro Tern General Secretary and Professor N arain expressed his thanks to him for seeing the lABS through the year. He requested Professor Smith to present a report after him,' He also expressed his appreciation for the work of Rena Haggarty during his absence in India. The General Secretary then informed the meeting that the lABS mem- 145 bership now consists of the following categories: Members of the lABS from Asia and Australia 106 Members of the lABS from North and South Americas 214 Members of the lABS from Europe 46 (Note: From this total of 366 members, 330 ~ r e considered to be in good standing, that is, they have paid their dues up to at least 1980. These figures have been adjusted since the General Secre- tary gave hi3 report to present more recent data, since many mem- bers joined and brought their dues up-to-date after August, 1981, when the report was given. The figures here presented reflect the lABS membership as of December, 1981.) The General Secretary then gave a survey of the state of the lABS and the possibilities of future conferences, informing the members about invitation letters from the People's Republic of China as well as from Taiwan. He also informed the Board mem- bers that the next election of officers of the lABS would be held by mail, and asked Professor Bardwell Smith, General Secretary Pro Tern, to provide detailed information. The General Secretary Pro Tem's report, by Professor Bardwell Smith: Professor Smith, after presenting a general survey of lABS activities during the previous year supplementing the information given by Professor Narain, informed the Board that the revised By-Laws and Constitution as authorized for action by the last meeting of the Board of Directors c;luring the 3rd Conference held in Winnipeg, Canada, and as approved by the Board of Directors by mail before this meeting in Madison, is now ready for distribu- tion to the lABS membership. (The newly revised Constitution is printed in this issue of the Journal.) The new Constitution now specifies that the Board of Directors consist of a body of 15 offi- cers with particular functions: 1 Chairperson, 3 Vice-Chairper- sons, 1 General Secretary and Editor-in-Chief, 3 Regional Secre- taries, 1 Treasurer, and 6 Editors of the Journal of JABS. Besides these officers, 10 persons are to be elected to the Board as mem- bers at large. These newly elected officers and members at large are to serve four-year terms. Professor Smith spoke of the next general mailing to members of the lABS, which would concern the election of officers under the newly approved Constitution. 146 Professor Smith also elaborated on the plans announced earli- er for the 5th Conference of the lABS, to be held at Oxford University from August 16-21, 1982. He informed the meeting that Professor Richard Gombrich of the Oriental Institute at Ox- ford University is arranging the Conference, and that the Presi- dent will be the Venerable Dr. Walpola Rahula. A number of panels have already been planned, e.g., History of Tibetan Bud- dhism, Theravada Anthropology, Buddhist Art, Pali Philological Studies, and Indian Mahayana Philosophy. There will also be open slots for those who wish to organize panels. He informed the meeting of the possibility of holding some future Conference in Beijing, if not in 1983, perhaps later. Since there is no obligation to hold annual meetings of the lABS, he mentioned that it is possible that in the near future meetings might be held every two or three years. . Treasurer's report, by Dr. Beatrice D. Miller: Dr. Miller informed the Board of Directors that the current report is the first Treasurer's report that covers a complete year, and asked them to make adequate compensation when comparing it with previous reports. She noted that expenses have risen sharp- ly, but that the lABS seems to be solvent, although not affluent. The full report is as follows: TREASURER'S REPORT, FOURTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE (From 811 0/80 - 8/05/81) CURRENT ASSETS: CURRENT LIABILITIES: Checking Account: $868.39 Balance due JIABS IV, #1 $1700.00 Business Savings: $5569.56 Estimate, JIABS IV, #2 $3500.00 I-year Golden: $2407.05 4th Conference: $1960.00** TOTAL: $8945.00 TOTAL: $7160.00 147 INCOME: EXPENSES: Dues, subscrip- CODA Press, Thomson-Shore, tions, conference JIABS, balance, Vol. III, #2 fees $8367.22 and Vol. IV #1 $6566.77 Interest on accts.: Badger Office Supplies $76.96 Business etx. $377.28 Xeroxing $84.00 Contribution $500.00 Haggarty $324.50 TOTAL $9244.50* Typewriter repair $5.54 BALANCE ON HAND: Telephone $19.88 (8/10/80) $7315.06 Postage $112.00 GRAND TOTAL: $16559.56 Winnipeg Conference Less expenses $7614.56 (Treasurer's expenses) $374.49 Bank charges (bounced checks, exchange, etc.) $50.49 TOTAL ON HAND: $8945.00 TOTAL $7614.56 (8/05/81) MEMBERSHIP PAYMENT DlSTRIB UTION (Excluding Life and Founder Members): 1980 1981 1982 1983 Full: 211 125 17 2+ Student: 8 6 1 Library subs: 15 13 Institution: 47 11 New Life memberships: 3 1 * Income: $9244.50. This figure excludes 161,762 collected by the Reiyukai Library Director, Dr. Akira Yuyama, as East Asian representative of the lABS. This figure also excludes frozen Rupee account's Rs. 3804.00 +. ** Liabilities: Figure includes $104.00 mistakenly sent to the lABS for room reservations. A break-down of the Conference expenses is as follows: Room reservations $104.00 Booklet program $514.00 Foldersltags $177.00 Stamp (for tags) $20.00 Reception $300.00 Coffee, etc., breaks $600.00 Student Help $25.00 Secretary overtime $100.00 Lodging, Chairperson $100.00 Audiovisual rental $20.00 TOTAL $1960.00 This figure may rise if insufficient dinner tickets are purchased. 148 Resolutions passed by the Board of Directors: 1) The Board of Directors of the lABS shall appoint its three Regional Secretaries to form an advisory committee to look into the matter of the . revival of the Bibliographie Bouddhique and meet with members of the North American Buddhist Society to discuss the project jointly. Since Professor Louis Gomez is the head of the NABS and is also the lABS Regional Secretary for the Americas, he may be asked to act as the lias on between the two organizations. 2) The deaths of two outstanding members of the lABS, Professor Holmes H. Welch from Harvard University, and Ms. lsaline Bleu Horner, London, are mourned. 3) Professor Hajime Nakamura of the Eastern Institute, in Japan, and Professor T. R. V. Murti, ofVaranasi, India are to be elected as Honorary Fellows of the lABS. 4) No action is felt necessary on a letter from Luis G6mez, Head of the North American Buddhist Society, asking if the NABS could be the Na-. tional representative of the lABS, in view of the fact that the lABS consti- tution does not allow affiliation with an existing organization. 5) The General Secretary may use his discretion when requests are made for copies of the lABS membership list. Minutes of the General Business lvleeting of the lABS, 4th Conference, Madison, Wisconsin USA, August 9,1981 The meeting was chaired by the President of the 4th Conference, Professor A.L. Basham of the Australian National University. Professor Basham requested Professor A.K. Narain to give the General Secretary's Report. The General Secretary restated the information he had given at the meeting of the Board of Directors, thanking the members of the Board for their support and cooperation. He also spoke on the updated membership and the need to increase the number of both individual and institutional members, the possibilities for future conferences of the lABS, and changes in the Constitution that had been approved by the Board of Directors. Before asking Professor Bardwell Smith, General Secretary Pro Tern, to read his report, Professor Narain thanked all the people who had given valuable assistance in preparing for the confer- ence: Professor Manindra K. Verma; the lABS officers and 4th Confer- ence Program Committee; the Secretarial staff of the Department of South Asian Studies, especially MaryNutter and Judy Patterson; the staff at CODA Press; the staffs of both Lowell Hall and the Wisconsin Center; those who prepared and gave special presentations during the confer- ence: Ed Bastian, John Davenport, Marilyn Groves, Beth Solomon, John 149 Huntington, Geshe Sopa, Sumitra Suwannabha, and Tenzing Trinley; and all the volunteers who served the Conference in innumerable ways: David Ackley, Dave Dillon, Nancy Douglas, Kathy Erndhl, Peter Fenner, Paul Griffiths, Tony Hanson-Barber, Roger Jackson, John Makransky, Demmie McGinley, Janina Morgalla, Krishna Pradnan, Joan Raducha, Shih Heng Ching, Beth Simon, Paul Swanson, Cindy Talbot, Gautam Vajracharya, andJay Weil; and finally the General Secretary thanked the participants themselves who actually made the conference a success. Report of the General Secretary, Pro Tem. by Bardwell Smith: Professor Smith summarized his statements given at the meeting of the Board of Directors, informing the general membership about the details on the revised Constitution of the lABS, the election of officers scheduled to be held by mail in the late fall of 1981, and the elaborated plans for the 5th Conference to be held in Oxford in August of 1982. Finally, he announced the selection of two new Honorary Fellows of the lABS: Hajime Nakamura of Tokyo, and T.R.V. Murti, ofVaranasi, rais- ing the number to the stipulated limit of fifteen. Treasurer's Report, by Dr. Beatrice D. Miller: Forewarning the general membership that the report would be the first Treasurer's Report that covered a full year, causing a big difference to exist when compared with the previous reports, Dr. Miller summarized the official report that appears earlier in this item of Notes and News. Regional Secretary's Report, by Luis Gomez, Americas (given by Bardwell Smith): In the absence of Professor Gomez, the report was given by Professor Bardwell Smith, who had been corresponding in previous months with Professor Gomez about the two matters on the agenda. First discussed was the possible preparation and publication of a Bibliography of Bud- dhism that would fill the gap left by the disappearance of the Bibliographie Bouddhique. Professor Smith informed the meeting that the costs of such a venture would be enormous, so that the current proposal was for a catalogue of publications with limited scope and clearly defined focus, excluding the following items systematically: 1) book reviews, 2) non- scholarly publications on Buddhism, and 3) abstracts and reprints of the works listed, unless the author or publisher submitted an entry. The following works would be systematically listed: 1) critical editions and 150 translations of classical Buddhist works. 2) monographs (including serials, e.g., Abhandlungen, Melanges, etc.), and 3) papers in Festschriften and major journals. This bibliography would seek to provide a listing of con- temporary or recent publications before attempting to cover the years that were left unlisted by the demise of Bibliographie Bouddhique. The fipst period to be reviewed could be 1975-1980, which would then be followed by quinquennial bibliographies. This bibliography would be published with a word-processor, and camera-ready copy. To further reduce costs, effort would be made to enlist volunteer scholars. Professor Smith con- cluded on this point by noting that the lABS has encouraged the North American Society for Buddhist Studies, of which Professor Luis Gomez is the President, to take the initiative in this project, and has promised that the lABS will keep in touch with that organization on this important development. The second item on the agenda was another matter about which the lABS and the NASBS have been in communication: the possible affili- ation of the NASBS with the lABS. Professor Smith pointed out that Article 9 of the lABS Constitution, which encourages the development of national branches, discourages affiliation with any other organization in a formal sense, concluding that the lABS is not disposed toward a formal affiliation with the NASBS, but would benefit greatly from the continued constructive cooperation between the two groups. Regional Secretary's Report, by Akira Yuyama, Asia: Dr. Yuyama informed the meeting that new members were needed to join the lABS from Asian countries, but that it is more difficult to establish efficient communication networks between the South, South- east, and East Asian countries and J apari as compared to the USA and Europe. To help solve the problem, Dr. Yuyama announced that he is in the process of setting up liaison officers for lABS members living in that region of the world. Regional Secretary's Report, by Erik Zurcher, Europe (given by Heinz Bechert): Speaking for Professor Zurcher, Professor Bechert informed the general meeting that although European membership in the lABS has been increasing steadily, there still are some countries not represented in the organization. He noted that at present, the most important European activity is the preparation for the 5th Conference of the lABS to be held in Oxford, England, in August of 1982. Expressing hope that in the 151 future, more information and reviews on books published in European languages would be included the issues of the J oumal, Professor Bechert concluded by saying that although no regional associations have been formed in Europe yet, perhaps there would be such occurences in the future, when regional conferences may be held in Europe, if lABS con- ferences are held every two or three years. Discussion from the floor: Participants brought up several points, such as: 1. Concern for increasing the number of Eastern European lABS members, such as from Hungary, Yugoslavia, Poland, etc. 2. News about the Critical Piili Dictionm) has been scarce. Professor N arain noted that the J oumal will carry news as it reaches us from Profes- sor Kenneth Norman. 3. The possibility of a panel at the 5th Conference in Oxford to report on all projects such as the C1"itical Piili Dictionm), etc. Professor Bardwell Smith agreed to organize this panel. 4. Scholars often are not able to attend the lABS Conferences be- cause they can't find the means, especially those in economically develop- ing countries. It was asked if the lABS could finance such cases, and Professor Narain pointed out that the lABS does not have the funds to support them either, noting that the lABS would support applications for travel grants, etc., to national and international agencies. 152 Rena Haggarty Assistant Secretary, lABS Constitution and By-Laws of the International Association of Buddhist Studies ARTICLE I Preamble After more than a century of modern scholarship, Buddhist Studies has acquired the status of an independent discipline. Scholars from various disciplines have participated in its development. By now the quality and quantity of interest has grown to such an extent that it is felt necessary to organize an "Association" devoted to the promotion and strengthening of the field of Buddhist Studies. To date there have been no such organizations committed purely to the intellectual and scholarly treatment of Buddhism. Scholars from various disciplines, such as philosophy, religion, history, soci- ology, anthropology, art, archaeology and psychology, who have been deeply involved with Buddhist Studies frequently feel isolated or too specialized when they are confined to the forums of their home disciplines. As an interdisciplinary concern, it is important now to have a Buddhist Studies forum in the form of this "Association". Success of such an enterprise will depend upon the cooperation and support of concerned scholars throughout the world. ARTICLE II Name and Location The name of this organization shall be "The International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc." hereafter to be called the "lABS." It shall be located in the Department of South Asian Studies of the University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin, USA, unless otherwise decided by the membership at the recommen- dation of the Board of Directors of the lABS. ARTICLE III Objectives The objectives of the organization shall be: a) To promote the study of Buddhism, past and present, in all its aspects all over the world. b) To promote intellectual interest in, and academic organization for, the devel- opment of Buddhist Studies. c) To encourage the growth of interdisciplinary studies related to Buddhism, and 153 to help stimulate interest in obscure and lesser known aspects of Buddhism, as well as strengthening specialization in areas of present attraction. d) To plan the preparation of tools of study and research. e) To plan and encourage publications of original sources and translations. ) To publish a research periodical and other, occasional, publications. g) To hold periodic international conferences. h) To encourage and coordinate holding of national conferences. i) To affiliate national branches of the Association, and to help coordinate their activities. j) To promote the cause of peace, understanding, friendliness, and tolerance. ARTICLE IV Membership Provisions Section 1 The lABS shall consist of Founder Members and members duly elected. Section 2 Fbunder Members shall be scholars of Buddhist Studies present and partici- pating in the first meeting to found the lABS (as well as those to whom copies of the Objectives, Constitution, and By-laws of the lABS were sent during the first three months of its formation), who exercised their option to pay $150.00 (U.S.) in ten installments within a period of one year, as an advance to help the lABS establish a working fund. This shall entitle them to Full Membership for a ten year period. Subsequently, they shall pay annual dues unless they choose to become Life Members by paying an additional sum of $150.00 (U.S.). Section 3 There shall be additional categories of members, as follows: a) Full Members shall be elected from among scholars of Buddhist Studies so recognized by the Executive of the lABS. They shall pay an annual member- ship fee of $20.00 (U.S.) and shall have the right to vote and to be eligible for various offices in the lABS. b) Student Members shall be elected from among full-time students at recognized universities or comparable institutions duly recommended to the lABS. They shall pay an annual membership fee of $7.50 (U .S.) and shall not have the right to vote or to hold office in the lABS. c) Institutional Members shall be libraries, museums, institutions of higher learn- ing, and other organizations which are acceptable to the Executive of the lABS. They shall pay an annual membership fee of$35.00 (U.S.) and shall not have the right to vote or hold office in the lABS. d) Life Members shall be persons interested in the promotion of the aims of the lABS who pay the sum of $500.00 (U.S.) to the funds of the lABS in not more than two installments, not more than twelve months apart. e) Patrons shall be persons interested in the promotion of the lABS who pay the sum of $1000.00 (U .S.) to the funds of the lABS in not more than two install- ments, not more than twelve months apart. 154 t) There shall be Honorary Fellows of the lABS, proposed by the Board of Directors and approved at General Meetings by at least three-fourths of the members present. At no time shall there be more than fifteen (15) living Honorary Fellows. Honorary Fellowship will be a very highly honored posi- tion, and' shall be selected from among the very senior, emeritus scholars who have devoted their lives to the cause of Buddhist Studies. Deceased Honorary Fellows will be listed with their years of Honorary Fellowship status. g) All Full Members shall receive The Journal of the lABS, and such other publica- tions as the Executive of the lABS shall determine. They shall be eligible to participate in the activities of the lABS. ARTICLE V Officers Section I The general officers of this Association shall be the Chairperson, three Vice Chairpersons, General Secretary, and Treasurer. They shall be elected at the General Meeting of the Association or by mail ballot, and shall serve for a term of four years. They shall also be members of the Board of Directors. Section 2 There shall be a Conference President whose duty it shall be to preside at each conference or General Meeting of the lABS. A Conference President shall be elected at the conclusion of a General Meeting to serve in that capacity until the next General Meeting. The Conference President shall normally open the Gener- al Meeting with an address. He shall have the right to attend meetings of the Executive Committee as a co-opted member with full voting rights. Section 3 The Chairperson shall be the highest functionary of the Board of Directors and shall normally hold office for a period of four years. The Chairperson shall also be the presiding officer of the Board of Directors. Section 4 In the absence of the Chairperson, one of the three Vice-Chairpersons shall preside at the meetings of the Board of Directors. When two or more Vice- Chairpersons are present at a meeting of the Board of Directors in the absence of the Chairperson, they shall elect one of their number to act as Chairperson for that meeting. Section 5 The General Secretary shall keep a record of all meetings of the Association and of the Board of Directors and shall be in charge of the general administration of the Association. The General Secretary shall keep and maintain all books, records, papers, documents belonging to the Association or in any way pertaining to the business thereof, shall issue notices and bulletins of meetings and other matters of interest to members, and shall perform all other duties incident to that 155 office or which shall be assigned to the General Secretary. The General Secretary shall also be the General Secretary of the Board of Directors, and shall coordinate the activities of the Association in consultation with the three Regional Secretaries. In the absence of the Chairperson and all of the Vice-Chairpersons the General Secretary shall preside over meetings of the Board of Directors. Section 6 The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds of othe lABS and shall receive all sums due to it, and shall account for such funds to the General Meeting through the Board of Directors. At the expiration of each financial year, or as determined by the Board of Directors, the Treasurer shall prepare and submit to a properly appointed auditor a full statement showing a balance sheet and the receipts and expenses of the Association for the period in question. The Treasur- er shall preseilt the said statement, together with the auditor's report relating thereto, to the General Meeting. Unless the Board of Directors shall otherwise determine, all checks shall be signed by the Treasurer or by the General Secretary. Section 7 The three Regional Secretaries, in consultation with the General Secretary, shall be in charge of the activities of the Association in specific fields and regions to be determined by the Board of Directors. Section 8 An Assistant Secretary may be nominated by the General Secretary, if neces- sary, to assist in the day-to-day office activities of administration and editorial work. Section 9 The officers shall perform such other duties as may from time to tim-e be assigned to them by the Board of Directors, or as may be required by these By- laws. ARTICLE VI Board of Directors Section 1 There shall be a Board of Directors composed of not more than twenty-five members as follows; a) Chairperson b) Three Vice-Chairpersons c) Treasurer d) General Secretary e) Three Regional Secretaries f) Six Editors g) Ten Members at Large Section 2 If not determined by their term of office as one of the officers of the Associ- 156 ation, ,the term of the members of the Board of Directors shall be four years or until their successors are elected. They shall be elected at the General Meeting of the Association or by mail ballot. Section 3 The Board of Directors shall have general charge of the affairs, finances and property of the Association, and shall guide and implement the policy of the lABS. The Board of Directors shall primarily be a policy-making body, and shall also be the principal body charged with implementing such policies by conducting the regular administrative functions of the Association. Section 4 The Board of Directors shall have the power to set up sub-committees as necessary to further the work of the Association. The recommendations of such sub-committees shall be put into effect only upon the approval of the Board of Directors. Section 5 The Board of Directors shall meet annually or biennially prior to the General Meeting of members, and at such other times as the Chairperson may direct. It also may conduct its business by postal correspondence, in which case decisions shall be made by a simple majority vote. Section 6 Seven members of the Board of Directors shall constitute a quorum at any meeting of the Board of Directors. Section 7 Any vacancy occurring in the Board 'of Directors, including a vacancy created by an increase in the membership of the Board of Directors, may be filled until the succeeding annual meeting by the afirmative vote of a majority of the members of the Board of Directors then in office, although less than a quorum. Section 8 Any officer who is a member of the Board of Directors may be removed from his or her office for cause by a majority vote of the Board of Directors. ARTICLE VII General Meeting of members Section 1 The General Meeting of the Association shall take place annually or biennial- ly as the Board of Directors may decide. Section 2 Twenty-five voting members of the Association shall constitute a quorum at any General Meeting of the members for transaction of business. 157 ARTICLE VIII Editorial Committee Section 1 The Editor-in-Chief, with the help and advice of the members of the Editorial Board, shall be responsible for the publication of The Journal of the lABS, and for all other publications of the Association. Section 2 In addition to the Editor-in-Chief, the Editorial Board shall consist of six Editors, each of whom shall be chiefly responsible for editing papers pertaining to relevant areas and disciplines assigned in consultation with the Editor-in-Chief. Section 3 At its discretion, the Editorial Board may appoint on the recomrriendation of the Editor-in-Chief an Assistant Editor, to assist the Editor-in-Chief and the Edi- tors. Section 4 At its discretion, the Editorial Board may compile a panel of advisors to whom articles and other matter submitted for publication may be sent for assessment. The names of such a panel shall be submitted to the Board of Directors for approval. Section 5 Working rules regarding copyright of the Association's publications, provi- sion of offprints to authors, prices for the Association'sJournal and similar matters shall be drafted by the Editorial Board and approved by the Board of Directors. ARTICLE IX Branches of the Association National and regional branches of the Association shall be formed only with the approval of the Board of Directors, and their constitutions shall be submitted to the Board of Directors for approval. ARTICLE X Fiscal Year The fiscal year of the Association shall be the calendar year. ARTICLE XI Amendment of By-laws These By-laws may be amended or new By-laws adopted by a: vote of at least 158 two-thirds of the Board of Directors pr'esent at the annual or biennial meeting or at any special meeting of the Board of Directors cailed for this purpose, subject to the approval of the lABS membership at the annual or biennial meeting, pro- vided that such amendment or new By-law as proposed shall be submitted in writing to the General Secretary at least twenty-four hours prior to said meeting, Action of the ,Board of Directors recommending amendments and adoptions of the By-laws may also be taken by postal correspondence. THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BUDDHIST STUDIES, INC., JANUARY 1982 CHAIRPERSON: VICE CHAIRPERSONS: A. L. Basham (Australia) Heinz Bechert (West Germany) Lokesh Chandra (India) Ismael Quiles (Argentina) TREASURER: Beatrice Miller (USA) GENERAL SECRETARY (EDITOR.INCHIEF): A. K. Narain (India) REGIONAL SECRETARIES: EDITORS: ADDITONAL MEMBERS OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS: HONORARY FELLOWS: LATE HONORARY FELLOWS: 159 Richard Gombrich (Europe) Luis Gomez (Americas) Akira Yuyama (Asia) L.M. Joshi (India) Alexander W. Macdonald (France) Bardwell Smith (USA) Richard A. Gard (USA) Jeffrey Hopkins (USA) Per Kvaerne (Norway) Charles Prebish (USA) Alex Wayman (USA) P.V. Bapat (India) Kenneth K.S. Ch'en (USA) Louis Ligeti (Hungary) Shoson Miyamoto (Japan) Gadjin Nagao (Japan) Nicholas Poppe (USA) Giuseppe Tucci (Italy) O.H. de A. Wijesekera (Sri Lanka) Ernst Steinkellner (Austria) J ikido Takasaki (J apan) Robert Thurman (USA) Akira Hirakawa (Japan) Leslie Kawamura (Canada) Lewis Lancaster (USA) D. Seyfort Ruegg (USA) Erik Zurcher (Netherlands) Sir Harold W. Bailey (U.K.) V.V. Gokhale (India) Etienne Lamotte (Belgium) T.R.V. Murti (India) Hajime NakaIflUra (Japan) Walpola Rahula (Sri Lanka) Ernst Waldschmidt (West Germany) Edward Copze (1976-1979) Paul Demieville (1976-1979) LB. Horner (1976-1981) P.L. Vaidya (1976-1978) Susumu Yamaguchi (1976-1976) A. L. Basham Dept. of Asian Civilizations Box 4 Australian National Univ. Canberra AUSTRALIA Robert J. Bickner Dept. of S. Asian Studies Univ. of Wisconsin Madison, WI 53706 George D. Bond Dept. of Religions Northwestern Univ. 1940 Sheridan Rd. Evanston, IL 60201 Jose 1. Cabezon Dept. of S. Asian Studies Univ. of Wisconsin Madison, WI 53706 E. Todd Fenner 1516 Simpson St. Madison, WI Rena Haggarty Dept. of S. Asian Studies Univ. of Wisconsin Madison, WI 53706 Roger Jackson Dept. of S. Asian Studies Univ. of Wisconsin Madison, WI 53706 160 CONTRIBUTORS John P. Keenan 222 Park Ave. Beaver Dam, WI 53916 Whalen W. Lai Dept. of Religious Studies 912 Sproul Hall U niv. of California Davis, CA 95616 Miriam L. Levering Dept. of Religion Oberlin College Oberlin, OH 44074 Diana Y. Paul Dept. of Religious Studies Building 70 Stanford Univ. Stanford, CA 94305 Gregory Schopen Dept. of Far Eastern Languages and Literature Univ. of Michigan Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Alan Sponberg Dept. of Religion 1879 Hall Princeton Univ. Princeton, NJ 08544 Kenneth G. Zysk 415 Orchid Dr. Placentia, CA 92670 GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO JIABS Article manuscripts, including footnotes, should not exceed approximately 30 pages in length; the original and one clear copy should be submitted. Material for short p a p e r ~ , inclu0.ing footnotes, should not consist of more than 2,000 words and should be submitted in duplicate. Book reviews should not ordinarily exceed 1,000 words and items for Notes and News should not exceed 500 words. Manuscripts should be typed, doublespaced, preferably on 81/2 x 11 bond. Footnotes should be in the style of the MLA and placed at the end of the manuscript. All publication material should be in English; exceptions will be permitted in special cases by the Editor-in-Chief . . " Generally the material for publication should follow the guidelines provided by the MLA Style Sheet published by the Modern Language Association of America. But certain aspects of it as well as modifications, as given below, must be adhered to in preparing the final draft of the material. "Italics: Italicize all non-English words except proper names; words listed in Webster's Third New International Dictionary are normally considered to be English words. Italicize all linguistic citations . . Parenthesis and Brackets: Use square brackets to enclose editorial or explan- atory material inserted in a quotation or translation. Proper Names: Names of Asian origin should be given in standard transcription (see below) and in Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese, the surname should precede the given name, except where modern writers or public figures have established known preferences for the romanizations of their own names. For well-known place names, use the established forms. Transcription - Sanskrit, Pali and Other South Asian Languages: For Sanskrit and Pali use the standard system given in A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, Appendix X; for other South Asian.languages use any available standard transliteration system which is consistent and intelligible. Chinese, Japanese, Korean: Chinese characters may be used in consultation with the Editors in the body of the text but always preceded by the appropriate romanization: for Chinese use the modified Wade-Giles system as found in the "List of Syllabic Headings" in the American edition of Mathews' Chinese- English Dictionary; for Japanese use the system of Kenkyusha's New Japanese- English Dictionary, but with an apostrophe after syllable-final n before vowels; for Korean use the system given in McCure-Reischauer, "The Romanization of the Korean Language", Transactions of the Korean Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 29 (1939), 1-55. Tibetan, Mongolian: For Tibetan use the transcription proposed by T. Wylie, "A Standard System of Tibetan Transcription", Harvard Journal of Asian Studies, 22 (1959), 261-7; for Mongolian use the appropriate system from Antoine Mostaert, Dictionnaire Ordos, 769-809. Footnotes and bibliographical references: Keep notes to a minimum. All notes and references should conform to the MLA Style Sheet, pages 16-26; note especially that the place, publisher and date of publication, within parentheses, should follow the title, as in, e.g. A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India (New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1959).