THE JOURNAL

OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF

BUDDHIST STUDIES
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
A. K. Narain
EDITORS
Heinz Bechert
Leon Hurvitz
Lewis Lancaster
A. W. MacDonald
B.]. Stavisky
Alex Wayman
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
Stephen Beyer
Volume 1 Number 1
1978
c/o Department of South Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison,
Wisconsin 53706
the watermark
THE JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF
BUDDHIST STUDIES, INC.
This Journal is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies,
Inc., and will be governed by the objectives of the Ass.ociation and will accept
scholarly contributions pertaining to Buddhist Studies in all the various dis-
ciplines such as philosophy, history, religion, sociology, anthropology, art,
archaeology, psychology, textual studies, etc. The JIABS will be published
twice yeady in the Spring and Fall.
The Association and the Editors assume no responsibility for the views ex-
pressed by the authors in the Association's Journal and other related pub-
lications. .
Manuscripts for publication and correspondence concerning articles should
be submitted to A. K. Narain, Editor-in-Chief, JIABS, Department of South
Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706, U.S.A.
The Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the final content of the Journal and
reserves the right to reject any material deemed inappropriate for publication
and is not obliged to give reasons therefor.
Books for review should be sent to the Editor-in-Chief. The Editors cannot
guarantee to publish reviews of unsolicited books nor to return those books
to the senders.
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
A. K. Narain
University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA
EDITORS
Heinz Bechert
Der Universitiit Gottingen, Gottingen, F.R.G.
Lewis Lancaster
University of California, Berkeley, USA
B . .1. Stavisky
Leon Hurvitz
University of British Columbia
Vancouver, Canada
A. W. MacDonald .
Universite de Paris X, Nanterre, Franc
Alex Wayman
WCNILKR, Moscow, USSR Columbia University, New York, US,
Stephen Beyer
University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Andre Bareau (France), John Brough (U.K.), M. N. Deshpande (India),
R. Gard (USA), B. G. Gokhale (USA), P. S. Jaini (USA), .1. W. de .long (Aus-
tralia), Joseph M. Kitagawa (USA), Jacques May (Switzerland), Hajime
Nakamura (.Japan), John Rosenfield (USA), Bardwell L. Smith (USA), David
Snellgrove (U.K.), E. Zurcher (Netherlands) . .
Copyright @ The International Association of Buddhist Studies 1978
Sponsored by South Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wiscon-
sin, and by Professor Bardwell Smith, Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota.
To our readers:
This first issue of the Journal of the Internatonal Association
for Buddhist Studies has been brought out in time for the first
Meeting of the Association only through the hard work and devo-
tion of our contributors, proofreaders, and printer. Given the con-
straints of time and the international nature of our journal, it is
to be expected that there will be found occasional inconsistencies
in transliteration, in bibliographical citation-even in our American
orthography. Our editorial policy in such matters is not yet com-
pletely fixed, and we will be soliciting opinions from our editorial
board; we would be delighted also to hear from interested readers
concerning our initial efforts. In the meantime we ask our readers'
indulgence for any inconsistencies, and assure them that the re-
sponsibility lies solely with
The Editors
Buddhism and Political
power in Korean History
by S. Ke.el
It is a well-known fact that in spite of, or perhaps because of,
Christ's word, "My kingship is not of this world," the Christian
church in the West has generally managed to maintain its ecclesias-
tical autonomy in the world over against the secular political
authority. Thus Christians have been able to maintain their double
citizenship of the earthly kingdom and the heavenly kingdom at
the same time, even though at times they had to pay dear cost for
this "privilege." One could observe that Buddhism, as a religion of
supramundane salvation, could also have developed a similar insti-
tutional autonomy over against the secular political power. But in
fact that was far from being the case, particularly in Mahayana
countries, which led Arnold Toynbee to characterize Mahayana
Buddhism as "a politically incompetent religion."1
From the very beginning, the Buddhist sangha was a rather
loosely organized body of monks with no firm hierarchical struc-
ture of authority. Sakyamuni Buddha himself did not devise any
such system, nor did he claim himself as the authoritarian leader
of the sangha at all. The Buddha was such a humble figure that
even during his life-time one of his disciples, Devadatta, was able
to challenge his authority and almost destroy the unity of the
sangha. The Buddha always commended the impersonal Dharma,
not his own person, as the final authority his disciples should
resort to, even though in the eyes of his followers the two were
often inseparable. Moreover, even from the very early period of
Buddhism, there was no unanimity among the monks concerning
what the Dharma was; nor was there any effective way to prevent
doctrinal dissension, as is evidenced by the story of a certain
monk named Pura:oa who came along immediately after the First
Council to challenge it and declared that he would continue to
9
follow his own version of the Dharma. Despite the series of
Buddhist councils, the sangha could not maintain unity due to its
intrinsic non-authoritarian style of community life. Thus there did
not develop in India any unified hierarchical body of universal
sangha at all, comparable to the Roman Catholic Church in the
West. At the same time, it is to be remembered that Indian politi-
cal authorities generally tended to allow religious freedom, so that
it may well have been the case that the sangha felt little conflict
with the state and no clear need to assert an extra-terrestrial
authority. On the whole, we could safely say that Buddhism and
the political power enjoyed peaceful co-existence in India, with
neither notable frictions nor particularly intimate connection
either-this seems to hold true even in the case of Kushan K a n i ~ k a
or Mauryan Asoka. Close as their relationship with Buddhism was,
it is clear that they did not make it their state religion.
When we turn our attention to the Chinese scene, however,
the situation becomes different. From the ancient period of her
history, the power of the ruling class in China over against the
masses of peasants was direct and almost absolute, leaving no
room for other institutional forces to compete with the state for
the allegiance of the people. The Chinese emperor did not merely
possess the secular political power but he also had cosmic religious
aura as the Son of Heaven, and his government was a sacred affair.
Thus, throughout Chinese history, the Buddhist sangha was never
fortunate enough to be granted the kind of laissez-faire atmosphere
that prevailed in the land of its origin, but was always under the
tight control and surveillance of the state, whether that meant
copious support or harsh suppression-the two being opp'osite
sides of the same coin in the long run.
2
It was under the influence of this general ethos of Chinese
Buddhism that Buddhism in Korea came to be formed. Korean
Buddhism has often been noted for its strong characteristic of
"hoguk pulgyo," meaning "state-protecting Buddhism," due to
the intimate connection that has traditionally existed between
Buddhism and the state in Korea. The basic ideology of this
hoguk pulgyo finds its support in such Mahayana scriptures as the
Inwang-gyong (fen-wang Ching) and the Kilmgwangmyong-gyong
(Chin-kuang-ming Chz"ng or the Suvarrj,aprabhasa SutraJ3 -hence
their enormous popularity in Korean court circles as in the Chinese
and Japanese. The fundamental idea of hoguk pulgyo is the belief
10
that the king would enjoy peace and prosperity of his state if he
followed and promoted the Buddhist Dharma, particularly the
study and circulation of those sutras themselves-which, however,
. actually meant the support of Buddhism in general. While this
idea of state-protecting Buddhism is not an exclusive phenomenon
of Korean Buddhism, with the possible exception of Theravada
Buddhism and Tibetan Buddhism (which of course were formed
each in an entirely different historical context from East Asian
Buddhism) there seems to be no doubt that nowehere else has this
belief been put into practice more thoroughly than in Korea; and
nowhere else has the relationship between the state and Buddhism
been more intimate than in Korea, especially during the five hun-
dred years of the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392) when the Buddhist
sangha had all the power and privilege as the established religion
of the state. The purpose of this article is to examine the historic-
al circumstances of this development and its significance for
Korean Buddhism by focusing our attention upon the most salient
developments in each of the successive periods of Korean Buddhist
history.
When Buddhism was introduced into Korea in the latter half
of the fourth century A.D., Korea was divided into three separate
kingdoms, each forming an ancient state of a tribal confederation
trying to expand its territory at the expense of the others. Among
them, Koguryo in the north was the earliest in forming a centralized
state power and it was by far the strongest of the three. It was in
372 during the reign of King Sosurim that Buddhism was officially
introduced into Koguryo. King Sosurim maintained a friendly rela-
tionship with the Former Ch'in in northern China which had de-
stroyed the former Yen, the enemy of Koguryo. It was in this
political context that Fu Chien, the most powerful ruler of the
Former Ch'in as well as an ardent supporter of Buddhism, sent an
envoy and a monk named Sundo together with Buddha images
and scriptures to Koguryo. It is very significant to note that in the
same year King Sosurim accepted Buddhism he also established
the so-called T'aehak, an academy for Confucian learning, and the
next year promulgated legal codes, thus laying the foundation for
a centralized state.
While Buddhism came to Koguryo by way of the Former Ch'in
in the northern part of China, it reached the kingdom of Paekche,
situated in the southwest of the Korean peninsula, from Eastern
11 --- - - ~ - - - - ~ ~ ~
Chin in southern China, with which Paekche was in close diplo-
matic alliance. As in the case of Koguryo, it was not a mere co-
incidence that Buddhism, a new religion with a universalistic ethos,.
was introduced into Paekche around the time when it was in the
midst of consolidating the central royal authority-most notably
by King Kiinch'ogo (346-375)-over against the tribal powers
with their primitive religious faith and practices.
The kingdom of Silla, being situated in the southwestern
corner of the peninsula, was geographically not in a favorable
position to absorb the high culture of the Chinese continent.
Hence Silla became the latest recipient of Buddhism as well. Even
though according to the official record of the Samguk Sagz' [Chron-
icles of the Three Kingdoms] Buddhism came to Silla as early as
the time of King Nulchi (417-447), it was not able to make much
progress at first, apparently due to the severe opposition of the
ruling aristocratic families who were still deeply rooted in the tribal
religious tradition.
4
But along with the continued strengthening
of the central royal power, the kings and the supporters of the
court kept a constant interest in Buddhism as a new ideological
force which would not merely loosen the tribal ties but also have
an edifying effect on the people at large. Thus, on the occasion of
the martyrdom of I Ch'a-don, a loyal minister, King Pophiing pro-
claimed the official recognition of Buddhism in 527 A.D. His very
name "Pophiing" means "Flourishing of the Dharma." Earlier in
520 he had promulgated legal codes, and two years after this offi-
cial recognition of the new faith he prohibited killing of life in
the land. Eda Shunyu, a noted scholar on Ko:rear; Buddhism, at-
tributes King Pophung's adoption of Buddhism to four reasons or
motivations: his personal faith, edification of the people, protec-
tion of the state, and absorption of Buddhist and higher culture
of the continent.
5
This brief survey of the political circumstances surrounding
the introduction of Buddhism into the Three Kingdoms already in-
dicates to us the close tie that existed between Buddhism and the
political power from the early period of Korean history. Ev!';n-
tually, among the Three Kingdoms, Silla proved the victor and ac-
complished the great task of unifying the peninsula in the year
688 A.D. Let us now consider in more detail what role Buddhism
played in Silla in this political achievement, for it was during this
period that the fundamental nature of the future relationship into
12
which .Buddhism and the state were to enter in subsequent histo:ry
of Korea was firmly established.
It was. King Chi,nhung, the successor of P6phung, who laid
the solid foup.dation not only for the Silla state as a strong politi-
cal power but also for the lasting fruitful relationship between
it and Buddhism. He built many Buddhist monasteries and welcom-
ed many foreign monks, including the eminent monk from Kogu:ry6,
Hye:ryang, whom he appointed the sungt'ong (the chief of monks)
-an act which obviously had political implications. Chinhung
also'legally allowed people to become monks, and he himself be-
came a monk around the _end of his life, taking the name Pobun
(Dharma cloud), and the queen followed suit. This can be taken as
an explicit act demonstrating the unity of sangha and state, the
king assuming the leadership in both areas
6
-a continuation, in
Buddhist form, of the tribal tradition where the chief of a tribe
often coincided with the shamanistic religious leader. Buddhism,
although an "advanced" religion of salvation, did not yet effect
the separation of religion and state, and this is already a forebod-
ing of the dominant type of Buddhism to come in the future,
namely the hoguk pulgyo; Buddhism was accepted by the kings
as an ideology transcending tribal barriers, but it was another
matter whether it could transcend the state or the royal authority
as well.
It was also during Chinhung's reign that the famous system of
hwarang was organized on a national level. This was a system of re-
cruiting fair-looking youths from noble families to train them both
physically and spiritually so that they could be mobilized in the
case of national emergencies, and their role, military as well as
moral, was great in Silla's unification of the Three Kingdoms.
What interests us most in this system was its Buddhist elements,
particularly its association with Maitreya faith, for there seems to
have been a widespread belief (and wish) that a hwarang was the
incarnation of Maitreya Bodhisattva.
7
Thus, for instance, the fol-
lowers of the famous hwarang Kim Yu-sin were called yonghwa
hyangdo (Fragrant Followers of the Dragon Flower), yonghwa
being the name of the tree under which Maitreya is supposed to
attain enlightenment in his future rebirth here on earth from Tusita
Heaven, according to the Mz"ruk hasaeng songbul-gyong (Mz"-le hsz"a-
sheng ch'eng-fo Chz"ng; T.14, No. 454).
13
If the hwarang was believed to be the incarnation of Maitieya
Bodhisattva, Kirig Chinhung himself was identified with Sankha,
the cakravartin (the universal monarch) mentioned in the sutra-
and the Silla state, by implication, was the' pure land described
there. Thus Chinhung named his sons respectively "Kumnyun"
(Gold Wheel, one of the seven treasures of the cakravartin) and
"Tongnyun" (Bronze Wheel). Like the famous King Asoka, he
erected monuments when he patrolled various parts of his terri-
tory, and on such occasions he would be accompanied by a monk
-something which suggests that he understood his territorial ex-
pansion to be an act of conquest of truth, thus identifying pulpop
(the way of Buddhism) with wangpop (the way of kingship).8
This policy of political mobilization of Buddhism and the
spirit of religious patriotism were vigorously continued by the
other kings following Chinhung such as Chinp'yong, Sondok, and
Chindok in seventh century Silla; many of them adopted Buddh-
ist names, such as Suddhodana, Maya, SrimaIa-for themselves and
their families, apparently seeking Buddhist sanctification of the
royal house. Kim Ch'ol-chun aptly calls this period from King
P6phiing to Chindok "the period of Buddhist royal names."9
Behind this marriage of the court and Buddhism, however,
were the outstanding Buddhist monks who offered the
for it. Good examples of this can be found in Won'gwang and
Chajang, two eminent Silla monks. Won'gwang was one of the
earliest Silla monks to study abroad in China. He returned to Silla
in 600 A.D. at the request of the king. The most significant thing
about him as a monk is the fact that he was clearly aware of the
conflict between the universalistic ethic of Buddhism and the par-
ticular demand of behavior by the secular world, but he ultimately
found no serious problem in compromising these two norms of
behavior. This is well illustrated by the following story:
14
In his thirtieth year (608) King Chinp'yong, troubled by fre-
quent border raids by Ko [gu] ryo, decided to ask help from
Sui to retaliate and asked the master to draft the petition for
a foreign campaign. The master replied, "To destroy others
in order to preserve oneself is not the way of a monk (sra-
But since I, a poor monk, live in Your Majesty's
territory and waste Your Majesty's clothes and food, I do not
dare disobey." He then relayed the king's request [to Sui].1
And this was the very spirit underlying his so-called sesok ogye
. '(five precepts for laymen) about which we have the following
story: Kwisan and Ch'wihang fro:x;n Saryang district came to the
. master's door and, lifting up their robes, respectfully said, "We
are ignorant and without knowledge. Please give us a maxim which
will serve to instruct us for the rest of our lives." The master
replied, "There are ten commandments in the Bodhisattva or-
dination. But, since you are subjects and sons, I fear you cannot
practice all of them. Now, here are five commandments for lay-
men: serve your soverign with loyalty; tend your parents with
filial piety; treat your friends-with sincerity; do not retreat from a
battlefield; be discriminating about the taking of life. Exercise care
in the performance of them."ll
Chajang was another important figure who had decisive in-
fluence in setting the basic ethos of Silla Buddhism around this cri-
tical period. His stories are no less illuminating for us. Born of a
high aristocratic family, he went to T'ang China in 636 A.D. Once
on Mt. Wu-t'ai he is said to have heard while inspired the following
words from Marijusri Bodhisattva: "Your king is of the seed of the
Indian she [Queen Sondok] had already received the
Buddha's prophecy [concerning her attainment of Buddhahood]
and thus has special relation [to Buddhism], and she is not like
the eastern barbarian stock .... "12 Coming down from the moun-
tain, the Samguk Yusa continues to tell u's, another significant in-
cident happened to Chajang:
15
When he passed by the side of T'ai-huo lake in China, sudden-
ly a divine man appeared and asked him, "Why have you
come here?" "To seek enlightenment," replied Chajang. The
divine man paid homage and asked again, "Does your coun-
try have any difficulty?" "Our country," said Chajang, "is
bordered by the Malgal [a Tungus tribe in Manchuria and
eastern Siberia] in the north and by the Japanese in the
south; the two countries, Koguryo and Paekche, invade the
borders and the neighboring pirates swarm around, causing
trouble among the people." The divine man said, "Your
country has a woman as the king. She has virtue but not
authority; this is why your neighboring countries plot [to in-
vade your country]. You should quickly return to your
country .... If you, upon returning to your country, build a
nine-story pagoda in the monastery [the famous Hwangyong
. Monastery in the capital city of Sill a ] , the neighboring coun-
tries will surrender and the nine Hans [barbarians] will come
to offer tribute, so that the dynasty will enjoy everlasting
peace." (TA9, p.990c)
It is difficult to determine how much historical truth is con-
tained in the above stories, but their message is unmistakable and
their connection with the great monk Chajang does not seem to be
accidental at all. Thus far, we have examined the political role and
significance of Buddhism for the Silla society, particularly for the
ruling class, before the unification of the peninsula. Just when
Silla was emerging as a strong political power in the peninsula in
the sixth and seventh centuries, Buddhism was available as the poli-
tico-religious ideology which would serve the cause of building a
powerful centralized state with a sacred royal authority, and it was
the genius of the SiUa political leaders to get hold of that ideology
in their drive to achieve the unification of the land. It is no wonder
that along with this height of SiUa's political power in the latter
half of the seventh century we also witness the great efflorescence
of the doctrinal studies of Buddhism, best represented by Wonhyo
(617-686), who is commonly regarded as the greatest Buddhist
figure in Korean history.1
3
At any rate, once this political ef-
ficacy of Buddhism was proven to the Silla ruling cla.ss-;--fliere
was no reason for them to question the belief in the idea of the
hoguk pulgyo, and the solid foundation was laid for the enduring
bond between Buddhism and the state in the subsequent period of
Korean history.
The final period of the Silla Dynasty saw great social turmoil
and unrest. The central authority of the government collapsed due
to the political struggle among the central aristocrats, the poor
administration of the and the rise of the powerful local war-
lords. In the end, the country was again torn into what is called
the Later Three Kingdoms. Out of this political confusion the
order was restored by a local warlord by the name of Wanggon
who became the founder of a new dynasty, Koryo (918-1392).
It was this T'aejo, as he was called later, who set the basic tone for
the intimate connection between Buddhism and the dynasty for
about five hundred years after him. T'aejo seems to have been well
that formerly Silla, when it was about to achieve the uni-
fication of the Three Kingdoms, had greatly promoted Buddhism.
Thus he built, for instance, the Pagoda of Nine Stories in the
16
city of P'yongyang in imitatiori of the famous one built by Queen
Sondok in Kyongju, the capital city of Silla, not long before the
After all, it was not politically astute to disrespect the
tradition that had already been deeply entrenched in the life of
the people for such a long time. His attitude toward Buddhism is
best expressed by one of his so-called "ten rules of exhortation":
"The great task of our country was surely based upon the protect-
ing power of the Buddhas. Therefore, build monasteries for Son
[Ch'an] and Kyo [Chiao], dispatch abbots and cultivators ofpuri-
ty, and let them carry out their work."14 So he built numerous
Buddhist monasteries in the capital as well as in the countryside
and sponsored various popular Buddhist festivals. T'aejo was at
the same time a firm believer in the theory of geomancy (p 'ungsu .
or Jeng-shuz"); he attributed his success in the reunification of the
land not merely to the grace of the Buddhas but also to the "earth-
power" (chz"dok) of the mountains and rivers. Thus, even the con-
struction of Buddhist monasteries was done according to the geo-
mantic principles and hence those monasteries were called "pibo
sach 'al," meaning that they were designed to curb the evil forces
of the geomantically unfavorable places of the country. What all
this amounts to is the fact that while the dynasty had changed,
Buddhism as the religio-cultural force remained without being
challenged or called into question-which occurred around the end
of the Koryo Dynasty after it had enjoyed the long period of state
patronage. Also evident in this instance of T'aejo and his con-
tinuous support of Buddhism is the fact that, at least for the kings
and nobles of the dynasty, Buddhism was understood primarily as .
the state-protecting religion, hoguk pulgyo, not as the supra-
mundane truth of salvation for individuals.
Buddhism as the state religion of Koryo became even more
pronounced at the time of King Kwangjong (949-975), who not
merely initiated the civil service examination modelled after the
Chinese system but also established the monk examination system
parallel to it.15 As Takahashi Toru points out, the idea behind this
appears to have been that whereas the civil ministers serve the
state through their adminstrative works the monks serve it through
spiritual advice and ritual performances.
16
At the same time, the
two systems were designed to curb the power of the local warlords
by opening up a legitimate way for them to participate in govern-
ment, and to put monks, apparently not insignificant in number
17
and power, under the control of t.l,.e state. Along with this system
of sungkwa; as the monk examination was called, a clerical ranking
system called pi5'pkye was devised as well. Thus the monk who
passed the examination began to climb up the ladder of the cleri-
cal ranks, and no one who did not pass it could be appointed the
abbot of a monastery in principle. Throughout the Koryo period,
this system gave a great deal of incentive to the Buddhist monks
and added to their prestige as well. Many of great learining and
noble birth competed in the examination for the accompanying
honors. Thus to be a Buddhist monk was, unlike in the Yi dynasty
later, as we shallsee, a respectable career worthy for men of high
ambition to pursue in Koryo society.
In short, what happened to Koryo Bl,lddhism was t h ~ t not
merely did the state itself become the danapatz" (almsgiver, patron)
of the Buddhist sangha, but the latter also became part and parcel
of the state bureaucratic organization. One of the most serious
consequences of this was that the sangha evidently did not feel
any pressing need to reach down to and serve the masses, for every-
thing was provided by the state. Koryo Buddhism was bound to
be an aristocratic affair predominantly oriented to the powerful
and the wealthy; and what these wanted was not liberation from
the world but rather worldly success and security. What was to
become of Buddhism when the state withdrew its lavish support
could also be predicted easily, and this was in fact what happened
at the dynastic change from Koryo to Yi after the long period,
about eight hundred years, of the continuous patronage of Buddh-
ism by the state. State patronage of Buddhism itself would by no
means necessarily mean its loss of religious autonomy. On the con-
trary, it is conceivable that Koryo Buddhism could have utilized
its enormous secular power as a means for establishing strong re-
ligious autonomy and authority. But the fact that it failed t-o do
so is painfully demonstrated by the crucial test it was to undergo
in the following dynasty with the change in political power. It
is now time for us to consider the abrupt tum of fate Buddhism
encountered during this final period of traditional Korea.
During the Koryo Dynasty the Buddhist sangha had amassed
enormous wealth under state patronage. There were various ways
of accumulating wealth: contributions from the court and the
nobles, the privilege of tax exemption, the practice of usury, and
vanous commercial activities.1
2
But when the kongjonje (public
18
field system), the very foundation of Koryo economic order, be-
gan to break down seriously around the end of the dynasty due
to the sequestering oflarge land holdings, called nangjang (manor),
.by powerful high officials in the capital as well as by many influen-
tial Buddhist monasteries throughout the country, it became a
matter of grave concern among some officials, especially among
the younger lesser bureaucrats who did not have this privilege and
who, moreover, came under the influence of the newly introduced
Neo-Confucianism around this time. Thus the voice of anti-
Buddhist accusations, mostly economic and secular but some clear-
ly moral and religious, began to be raised and heard openly. These
accusations were heeded already at the time of King Kongmin
(1351-1374) of Koryo, but the decisive measures were not taken
until Yi Song-gye took power in 1389, representing the new social
force that called for land reform, pro-Ming diplomacy over against
the Yuan court, and naturally the curbing of Buddhism.
Yi Song-gye, who founded the new Yi Dynasty (1392-1910),
was himself a rather pious Buddhist. But with the change of the
social and economic structure and the shift of political power, it
was inevitable that Buddhism, which had been so closely identi-
fied with the established order of the previous dynasty, had to
suffer losses. Thus he abolished the tax exemption privilege of the
Buddhist monasteries, banned new construction, and initiated the
monk license system called tach 'opch"e. The anti-Buddhist re-
commendations by the Confucian literati and the corresponding
measures taken by the kings became more and more severe as time
went on. T'aejong (1400-1418) officially recognized only about
250 monasteries, confiscating the land and slaves of the others and
laicizing a great many monks. In the capital only one monastery
representing each sect was allowed to exist, and in the provinces
only two, representing Son and Kyo, were permitted to go on.
Then King Sejong (1418-1450) took even more drastic steps, con-
solidating the existing Five Schools of Kyo and Two Orders of
Son
l8
into simply the Two Orders of Son and Kyo (Son gya Yang-
jong). Thus Son and Kyo themselves became the names of Buddhist
denominations, an unprecedented phenomenon in the history of
Buddhism in any country. The number of state-supported mona-
steries now shrank to thirty-six, and many in the capital were con-
verted into public buildings. Toward the end of his life, Sejong's
attitude toward Buddhism suddenly turned around, and he support-
19
ed many pious Buddhist works, but the damage he had done was
never to be repaired again. Killg Sejo (1455-1468) was also a
devout Buddhist who lent copious support to Buddhism, but after
his death an even stronger reaction set in. Thus King Songjong
(1469-1494), a dedicated man of Confucian learning, completely
forbade people tobecome monks, at least lawfully. The famous
despot Yonsan'gun put an end to whatever official relationship the
state still had with .Buddhism. He abolished the monk examina-
tion system altogether, destroyed the two headquarters of Son and
Kyo in the capital, and took other extreme measures. Belief in
the ideology of hoguk pulgyo seems to have completely disappeared ..
The interesting thing in the midst of this radical development
is the fact that while all these harsh measures were being taken
against the Buddhist community, we do not see any sign of serious
protest or disruptive movement breaking out on the part of the
monks and monasteries-a phenomenon in sharp contrast to the
situation among the various Buddhist sects during the turbulent
period of medieval Japan until the establishment of the Tokugawa
order.
19
Suddenly stripped of the protection of kings and nobles,
which the Buddhist sangha had taken for granted, it lacked its own
independent capability to respond to this crisis. We could also ob-
serve that Buddhism, despite its external flourishing under the pro-
tection of the ruling classes in previous dynasties, had no truly
deep roots among the common people. Perhaps it did not even
feel such a need, for the kings and nobles had always been there to
provide the sangha with its necessities; the only thing it had to do
was to pray for their welfare in return. The monasteries themselves
were the landlords, so to speak; who would have stood up for
them when they were in trouble? This seems to have been the sad
fate of the ideal of hoguk pulgyo that had once inspired the Silla
state and culture.
At any rate, due to the harsh measures mentioned above and
the establishment of Neo-Confucian order at the same time,
Buddhism came to lose the social respect and honor which it had
enjoyed for almost a millenium, and it was p ~ s h e d deep into the
mountains to become the concern only of country women and the
lowest stratum of the society in general. To be sure, many court
ladies continued to respect and support the sangha, and many
hermit monks with great talent continued to nurture it throughout
the generations down to the present day. But, as a whole, the past
20
glory" of Buddhism was gone irretrievably , and its social influence
was reduced to a minimum. For a brief period during the .reign of
King Myongjong (1545-1567), when his mother Queen Munjong
took charge of governmental affairs behind the screen, Buddhism
. seemed to revive under her lavish patronage and" under the able
leadership of the monk named Pou. The monk examinations for
Son and Kyo were revived and the various restrictiQns against
Buddhist activities were removed. It was during this time that
Sosan, regarded as the greatest monk of the Yi Dynasty, took the
examination and began his. religious career. But, once again, a
violent reaction against this temporary resurgence followed, and
Pou was exiled to Cheju island in the south and murdered there.
Never again was Buddhism to see such a tum of fortune until
around the end of the dynasty. Apparently, Pou's group failed to
read the signs of the time and history, not realizing clearly what
went wrong fundamentally with the Buddhist sangha of their time.
Thus Buddhism was revived temporarily by them, but not reformed .
. Conclusion
Through our study thus far one thing stands out very clearly
regarding the relationship between Buddhism and political power
in Korean history; Buddhism did not maintain nor ever develop
institutional autonomy from the secular authority. In order to do
that, Buddhism had to maintain a certain degree of aloofness from,
or tension with, the secular world itself. Often Buddhism is charged
for its "other-worldly" tendency. This may be true of Korean
Buddhism as far as some individual monks are concenred, but its
history shows us ironically that Buddhism as an institutional force,
as the sangha, was not "other-worldly" at all but all too "worldly."
The fundamental problem for Korean Buddhism was not its
"other-worldliness" but rather its "over-worldliness," so much so
that it became part and parcel of the secular order, lacking the
spirit of autonomy that arises out of. the transcendent tension
Buddhism as a religion of salvation would have with respect to the
world. Or, is it rather the case that Mahayana Buddhism, with its
doctrine of the identity of sarrzsara and nirva'(ta, is intrinsically un-
able to maintain such a tension? But the idea of the identity of
sa1'[lsara and nirvar;,a does not mean mere conformity to the world
21
nor a blind affirmation of it, but rather the transcendence of the
worldly spirit and the supreme from every form and force
of bondage, including the one arising from religion itself. Not only
that, this doctrine of identity could also wOLk in the direction of
the Buddhist sangha's powerful historical awareness and affirma-
tion of religious autonomy in this very world ofsa'f!1,siira.
20
At any
rate, we conclude that the political failure of MahaYana Buddhism
has nowehere been so patently illustrated as in Korea where
Buddhism once saw as great a flourishing as in any other country
of the world.
NOTES
1. Toynbee bases this judgment particularly upon the case of the Maha-
yana Buddhism of Northern China during the period of disunity, and its fail-
ure to utilize the "political patronage of barbarian rulers." He says: "The con-
trast between this political failure of the Mahayana in Northern China in a
post-Sinic Age and the success with which the Christian Church seized and
harvested its corresponding opportunities in Western Europe in apost-Hellenic
Age brings out the fact that-at any rate by comparison with Christianity-
the Mahayana was a politically incompetent religion. The patronage of the
parochial princes in Northern China during the best part of three centuries,
running from the break-up of the United Tsin Empire to its reconstitution by
the Sui, was of no more avail than the more potent patronage of the Kushan
Emperor Kanishka had been at the turn of the first and second centuries of
the Christian Era. Even this royal aid failed to give the followers of the Maha-
yana a firm seat in a political saddle." A Study of History, IX (London, 1954),
40-41.
2. That Chinese Buddhism did not enjoy religious autonomy even during
its heyday of the T'ang period is well shown by Stanley Weinstein's article,
"Imperial Patronage in the Formation of T'ang Buddhism," Perspectives on
the T'ang, ed. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett (New Haven and London,
1973).
3. See particularly chapter 5 of Taisho shinshu daizokyo (henceforth
abbreviated as T.) 8, No. 245; chapter 6 ofT. 16, No. "663.
4". This has been pointed out by Yi Ki-baek, "Samguk sidae pulgyo
chollae wa kii sahoejok songkyok" [Introduction of Buddhism into the Three
Kingdoms and its Social Character], Yoksa Hakpo, No. 6
5. Eda Shunyii, "Shiragi no bukky6 jiiy6 ni kansuru shomondai" [Prob-
lems concerning Silla's Acceptance of Buddhism], Bunka, No. 8 (1935),
pp.975-77.
22
6. This has been pointed out by Yaotani Takayasu, "Shiragi shakai to
]adoky5" [SiIla Society and Pure Land Buddhism], Shicho, VII, No.4
(1937), p. 162.
7. The best study of this association of the hwarang system with
. Maitreya faith is Cho Ae-hi's "Shiragi ni okeru Miroku shink5 no kenkyii"
[A Study of Maitreya Faith in SiIla] , Shiragi bukkyo kenkyu, ed. Kim Chi-
gyan and Ch'ae In-hwan (Tokyo, 1973).
8. This finds a striking parallel in the first emperor of Sui Dynasty of
China. In his edict he proclaimed: "With the armed might of a Cakravartin
king, We spread the ideals of the ultimately enlightened one. With a hundred
victories in a hundred battles, We promote the practice of the ten Buddhist
virtues. Therefore We regard the weapons of war as having become like the
offering of incense and flowers presented to Buddha, and the fields of this
world as becoming forever identical with the Buddha-land." Quoted from
Arthur F. Wright, Buddhism in Chinese History (New York, 1965), p. 67. The
emperor Wen of Sui is later than Chinhiing (540-576).
9. Kim Ch'al-chun, "SiIla sidae iii dual organization" [Dual Organiza-
tion in the SiIla Period], Yoksa Hakpo, No.2 (1952), p. 94.
10. Peter H. Lee, trans. Lives of Eminent Korean Monks: The Haedong
Kositng Chon (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), p. 78.
11. Ibid., pp. 78-79; I left out the Chinese characters from Lee's text.
It is very interesting to note that according to Lee's footnotes, both Kwisa"n
and Ch'wihang were killed in their campaign against Paekche and were grant-
ed posthumous titles by King Chinep'yang.
12. Samguk Yusa [Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms], T.49, No.
2039, p.990c.
13. His biography is contained in the Samguk Yusa, T. 49, p. 1006c as
well as in the Sung Kao-seng Chuan, T. 50, p. 729a.
14. This is only part of the first rule. The text of the ten rules is provided
and discussed in Yi Pyang-do, Koryo sidae il.i yon'gu [A Study of Koryo
Period] (Seoul, 1948) from which the present passage is translated. See par-
ticularly pp. 28-48 where Yi refutes the view p r o p o s ~ d by Imanishi Ryii that
the ten rules were not established by T'aejo but were a later forgery ("Shira-
gis5 Dasen ni tsuite," Toyo gakuhO, II, No.2 (1912), pp. 247-63). "Son
(Ch'an) and "Kyo" (Chiao) refer to the two basic divisions or camps of
Buddhism current at the time in Korea.
15. There is no sure record to indicate its beginning in the time of Kwang-
jong, but scholars generally agree in attributing its beginning, if not full prac-
tice, to him. Concerning this system, see Takahashi Toru, "Daikaku Kokushi
Giten no Korai Bukkyo ni taisuru keirin ni tsuite" [On the National Preceptor
of Great Enlightenment Uich'on's Plan for Koryo Buddhism] , Chosen gakuho,
No. 10 (1956), pp. 119-23.
16. Ibid., pp. 122-23.
17. Concerning the temple economy of Koryo, see Takashi Hatada's
"Koraicho ni okeru jiin keizai," Shigaku Zasshi, XLIII, No.5 (1932), pp.
557-93.
18. There are someproblems regarding the names and identity of these
23
-- ------
schools and orders. For a comprehensive examination of the complicated
denominational shllffling that occurred around this time, see Takahashi Toru,
Richo Bukkyo [Buddhism in Yi Dynasty] (Tokyo, 1929), pp. 137-44.
19. Also to be noted in relation to this is the phenomenon of relative
absence of vigorous sectarian movements and conflicts in Korean Buddhist
history.
20. That the Mahayana world-view, be it its "ahistorical" character or
the doctrine of the identity of samsara and nirvana, cannot be a sufficient
e:x.planation for its "political failu;e" is easily by the case of
Japanese Buddhism, certainly the most extreme form of Mahayana Buddhism.
24
Mahamaudgalyayana's Sermon on the
Letting-in And not Letting-in
(of Sensitive Influences) .
by E. Waldschmdt
fu the Chinese translation of the Sarrtyuktagama (Tsa-a-han-ching)
we come across a Sutra
1
corresponding to the Avassutapariyaya
(also called An-avassutapariyiiya) in the Saliiyatanasa'f!Lyutta of the
Sar[!yuttanikaya.
2
The substance of the text is a discourse ad-
dressed by MahamoggaWina (M., Skt. Mahiimaudgalyiiyana) to
.. his fellow monks on their request and in the place of the Buddha
. who does not feel well. M. preaches upon the letting in and not
letting in of sensitive influences through the eye and the other
organs of sense. This is the common base of the two versions,
PaIi (P) and Chinese (C).
In an introductory part of the discourse we are informed of
.. the sojourn of the Buddha among the Sakyas (Skt. Sakyas) in the
. Banyan grove near Kapilavatthu (Kapilavastu) at a time when the
inhabitants of the town had just built a new assembly hall. The
Exalted One was invited to be the first to make use of it, to which
he consents. In fixed phrases which are met with in the canon at
different places
3
we are informed (a) of the preparations by the
Sakyas to get the hall ready for its inauguration by the Buddha,
(b) of the Master's arrival there, (c) of the order in which he, his
pupils and the inhabitants of the town take their seats inside the
hall, and (d) of the unspecified sermon with which the Buddha
pleases the audience till late at night. Then he dismisses the Sakyas
and asks M. to continue in edifying the monks with a speech on
a self-chosen subject.
4
Thereupon M. recites the Avassuta( dhamma)
pariyiiya characterized above.
A while ago my attention was drawn to two Central Asian
Sanskrit Ms. fragments (Nos. 1416 and 1449) of the "Turfan
Collection," written upon on both sides with characters of the
seventh or eighth century A.D. in Northern Turkistan Brahmi,
. Type VIh.5 The larger piece (No. 1416) showed five lines of script
and was part of the left side of a paper folio in Pustaka size.
25
No. 1449, very small, could be proved to belong to the same folio
as No. 1416. It supplies 4-8 syllables of the text in lines 1-4 of the
obverse and lines 2-5 of the reverse of the folio. The compounded
text of the two fragments reads:
Cat.-No. 1416 + 1449
6
Folio 1[69]1
o
1 syal) paCima[s] ya[:Q.] uttarasyan=disa:Q.
hareta na labheta agnir=a(va)tararp. na labheta a[larp.]-
(banarp.) ///8
2 varp. manaso=pi mara upasarp. 0 kramati avatara-
)[i] na labhate mara avat(aram) ///8
3 bhavati n[ 0] tu rupair=abh[i] bhuya 0 teSabdarp. gandha[rp.]
rasarp. dha [rm] (arp.) + + + + + .. no tu dharm-
air=abhi(bhuyate) ///8
4 rasabhibhu:Q. 0 dharm[a] bhibhu:Q. abhi-
bhur=anabhibhu(r)= + + + (pa)[pa] kair=akusa[lai] (r=dhar-
mail;t) ///8
5 [ky] air=ayatyarp. jati [ja] ramaraI).lyai:Q. me
manta:Q. bhagavato=ntikac=chru(tarp.) + + ++ +.i .. + ++ ///8
R
1 sruto dharmaparya[ya:Q.] avasrut-anavasrutarp. vo dharma-
paryayarp. iti .[e] + + + + + + + + + +///8
2 yanasya kathaparyavasanarp. vi 0 ditva utthaya
paryarp.ka[ m] (=abhujya rjurp.) [ka] yarp. praI)i[ dh] (aya) ///8
3 arp. mahamaudgalyaya 0 nam=amantrayati
sadhu sadhu maudga(lyayana sa) [dhu] khalu tvarp. maud-
gal[y] (ayana) ///8
4 ddayasi punar=api 0 m=api m] =
a[va] dhar)[m] (a)[pa] ryayarp. ddaya
ta // /8 .
5 khaya tatra [bhagav] arp. trayati udgrhIJ.i-
[ dhv] (arp.) avasru [t ]-anavas [ru] tarp. dharma-
paryayarp. dh[a]ra[y] (ata) ///8
Thrice, in R 1, R 4, and R 5, the title "avasrut-iinavasruta dharma-
paryaya" is found. After identification and comparison with the
26
corresponding texts in P and C it became evident that our text
fragment sets in with the last part of M.'s discourse, and is follow-
ed by the Buddha's approval of what M. has spoken. The partic-
ulars are as follows:
OM. ends his speech with two similes.
9
Suppose, he says, there is
a hut consisting of reeds or grasses, dried up, sapless and old. Then,
if somebody with a bundle of inflamed grass comes upon it from
the eastern, western, northern or southern quarter, or from below
or above, in any case the fire would get access, would get a hold.
Even so, Mara, the personified wickedness and seducer to sensual-
ity, would get access, would get a holdi-if a monk develops posi-
tive or negative inclinations on seeing an object with the eye or
recognizing it through any other organ of sense. Furthermore, M.
continues, suppose there is a tower or high hall built of firm clay
and coated with fresh plaster, then fire would not get access when
somebody with a fire-brand comes upon it.lO Even so, if a monk
avoids positive or negative inclinations when using his se:hses, Mara
would not get access, would not get a hold.
I am going now to present the partly restituted text and trans-
lation of the Sanskrit fragment which begins in the course of the
statement just referred to.
Sanskrit
1
o (dak"itta )syal). pasclma-
syal,l uttarasyan disal). tp).olkarp
upasarphareta na labheta agnir
na labheta aI(am-
banamJ) 11 + + + + + + + + + +
+ +12 ya )varp. manaso 'pi dhar-
mara ava-
avataraga(ve hi na
labhate mara avat(ararp. purva-
vat/)
27
Translation
1 (If somebody) should
bring along (to a firmly built
[= fire-proof] house) a fire-
brand of grasses from the
southern, western, northern or
eastern quarter, fire would not
get access, would not get a
hold. (Likewise) Mara, who
looks out for access, who seeks
access, does not get access,
does not get a hold, if he ap-
proaches (a self-restrained
monk by way of the eye etc.)
up to by way of the mind in
the case of objects (of
thought).
2 (evarrwihart bhik,yu rupam
abhibhur) bhavati no tu rupair
abhibhuyate (/) sabda:rp. gan-
dharp. dha-
rm(ii11Z abhibhur bhavati) no tu
dharmair abhi(bhuyate 1)13
(rupabhibhuly, sabdabhibhuly,
gandhabhibhuly,) rasabhibhul).
dharm-
abhibhul). (/)14 abhibhur an-
abhibhur (bhavati pa)pakair a-
kusalai(r dharmaily, siif(LkleSi-
kaily, paunarbhavikaily, sajvarair
duly,khavipa) kyair ayatyam
jatijaramarax:liyail). (/)15
3 sarp.mukharp.16 me
bhagavato 'ntikac
chru(tal). saf(Lmukham udgrhz-
taly, yo 'yam avasrut-anava) sru-
to dharmaparyayal). avasrut-
anavasrutarp.17 vo dharmapar-
yayarp. iti .e + + + +
++++++
4 (atha
18
bhagavaf(L iiyus-
mato mahiimaudgalyii)yanasya
kathaparyavasanarp. viditva ut-
thaya paryarp.kam (a-
bhujya kayarp. praI).i-
dh(aya pratimukhaf(L smrtim
upasthapya nivasya bhagava)n
ayu$mantarp. mahamaudgalya-
yanam amantrayati / sadhu sa-
28
2 (Such a monk) subdues
visible objects, is by no means
subdued by visible objects, sub-
dues sounds, smells, flavors,
touchable things, objects ofthe
mind, is by no means subdued
by objects. He is a subduer of
visible objects, a subduer of
sounds, a subduer of smells, a
subduer of flavors, a subduer
of touchable things, a subduer
of objects of the mind. He is a
subduer, is not subdued by
evil, improper factors which are
sinful, bring about rebirth, are
connected with fever (afflic-
tion), result in pain, have the
consequence of rebirth, decay
and death in future. -
3 In front of, in the pre-
sence of the Exalted One, rev-
erends, I have heard, and in
front of him taken up this dis-
course of letting in and not
letting in (sensitive influences)
(when once the Master pro-
claimed): "I shall preach 1'0 you
the sermon of letting in and
not letting in [sensitive influen-
ces] . Listen!)"
4 Then the Exalted One,
having recognized the con-
clusion of the venerable M.'s
speech, arose, took up the sit-
ting position of an ascetic,
stretched his body upright and
collected his attention. Having
settled his robes the Exalted
One addressed the venerable
dhu maudga(lyayana / sa)dhu
khalu . tvarp maudgaly(ayana
bhz"krur;,am avasrut-aiiavasru-
tar[L dharmaparyayar[L) ddaya-
si (/) punar
19
api tvam
nam api avasrut-
5navasru(tarp dhar)maparya-
yaIll deSaya (/) ta(d bhavi-
dirgharatrar[L devamanu-
arthaya hitiiya su)-
khaya (/)
5 tatra
20

ama(rp) trayati (/) udgrhnidhv-
(arp.) avasrut-anava-
sruta:rp. dharmaparyayarp. dha-
ray ( ata griihayata vacayata ava-
srut-anavasrutarr- dharmapar-
yayam / tat kasmad dhetofi, /
ayaf!! dharmaparyayafi, hitopa-
. sarrthtalf arthopasarp,hitaft Si-
lopasarrthtaft brahmacary opa-
sarrthz"taft abhijiiiiyai sarp,bo-
dhaye nirvartiiya sar[Lvartate
yavac ca pravra-
jitena sraddhaya avasrut-anava-
sruto dharmaparyaya udgr-
hya
21
paryavapyatatha tatha
dharayitavyo grahayitavyo va-
cayitavyaft /)
6 (atha bhagavato
abhnandyanumodya
bhagavato 'ntikatprakrantaft /)
29
M.: "Bravo, bravo, Maudgalya-
yana! Well indeed did you
preach to the monks the ser-
mon of letting in and not let-
ting in (sensitive influences).
That will conduce for a long
time to prosperity, welfare and
happiness of gods and human
beings."
5 There, the Exalted One
addressed the monks: "Take
up, monks, the sermon of let-
ting in and not letting in (sen-
sitive influences), maintain,
keep and recite the sermon of
letting in and not letting in
(sensitive influences). For what
reason? This sermon will bring
about welfare, prosperity, mor-
al conduct, self-restraint (chas-
tity), will lead to higher know-
ledge, to enlightenment, to Nir-
up to: by an honest man
who has. left worldly life
through faith should the ser-
mon of letting in and not let-
ting in (sensitive influences),
after taking it up and appropri-
ating it, be maintained, kept
and recited in exactly the
same manner.
6 Then the monks, after re-
joicing in the speech of the
Exalted One, and agreeing with
it, went away from the Lord's
presence.
Cat.-No. 1449 R .....
Cat.-No. 1449 0 #
30
Cat.-No. 1416 a
Cat.-No. 1416
R
31
NOTES
1. TaishO Edition (T), Vol. 2, 316 a-c, Sutra 276 ..
2. Ed. Pili Text Society (PTS), Vol. IV, 182-188; XXXV.202
(avassuto).
3. The story of the building of an assembly hall by the Sakyas of
Kapilavatthu is told with the same words in the Sekhasutta of the Majjhi-
mantkaya (Sutta 53; Ed. PTS 1.353-359). A variation of the text with regard
to the owners of the new building and the monk entrusted with the speech is
found in the introduction to the Sa'f[!gitisuttanta of the Dighanikaya and in
its Sanskrit counterpart, the Sangitisutra. Cpo E. WALDSCHMIDT, Die Ein-
leitung des Sangitisutra, reprinted in E. WALDSCHMIDT, Von Ceylon bis
Turfan, Gottingen 1967, pp.258-278, especially p.259. In the Sangitisutra
the owners of the new building are the Mallas of Papa (P: Pava) , and the
monk who recites the Siitra is Sariputra (P: Sariputta), the second outstand-
ing pupil of the Buddha.
4. This framework is-just as the chief contents of M.'s speech-told
similarly in the P as well as in the C versions.
5. Cpo SANDER, LORE, Paliiographisches zu den Sanskrithandschriften
der Berliner Turfansammlung, Wiesbaden 1968, p. 182, Alphabet u.
6. The first transcript of the text was made by Dr. D. SCHLINGLOFF,
presently Professor at the University of Munich, during his activity in the
Berlin Academy of Sciences between 1954 and 1961. The identification and
compounding of the two fragments is due to E. WALDSCHMIDT.
7. 0 = obverse, R = reverse. of doubtful reading have been put
into square, restored in round brackets. A cross (+) marks a totally
missing two dots ( .. ) an not readable. In the restituted text
below, letters in bold type mark the beginning of a line in the Ms. Restituted
parts of the text which have not already been supplemented in the documen-
tary transcription are printed in italics.
8. Each line of the Ms. is calculated to have contained about 50 akfa-
ras. / / / means that another 12 to 15 of the line are missing.
9. The following extract refers to the P version.
10. From the eastern, western, etc., quarter, full recapitulation. P (Ed.
PTS IV. 187. 1-8): puratthimaya ..... uttaraya . .... dakkhi1y,aya . .... ce
pi nam puriso adittaya tirukkaya upasankameyya neva labhetha aggi otaram
na labetha aggi arammaram.
11. The C version is very short at places. For instance, here it has simply:
If fire comes up from the four quarters, it is not able to set it (sc. the high
and firm house) on fire. T 2. 316 c.6-7.
12. Conceivable restoration: (eva'f[!vihari1Ja'f[! khalu ced
ya)vaIp. .. . Cpo P (IV.187.8-12): evam eva kho avuso evaT[!vihari1J1. bhik-
khuT[i cakkhuto .... sotato ... ghanato ... jihvato ... kayato .... manato
ce pi nam mara upasankamati neva labhati maro otaram na labhati maro
aramma1Ja'f[!.
32
13. Cpo P (IV.187. 13-19): evamviharz ciivuso bhikkhu rupe adhibhosi
na rupa bhikkhum adhibhar[!su / sadde ... gandhii .... rase . ... phoyhabbe
dhamme bhikkhu adhibhosi na dhamma bhikkhum adhibhamsu .
... 14. Cp .. P (ibid. 20-21): ayar[! vuccatavuso bhikkhu rupadhibhu sadda-
dhibhiJ. gandhadhibhu rasadhibhu pho.t.thabbadhibhu dhammadhibhu.
15. Cpo p. (ibid. 22-24): adhibhu anadhibhuto / adhibhosi te piipake
akusale dhamme sankilesike ponobhavike sadare dukkhavipake ayatijati-
jariimara1}zye. The corresponding Sanskrit phrase (used for the restitution of
our text) is found in the Avadanasataka II. 107.3-4. Possibly the phrase has
been shortened in our Ms.-For vipakya (normal vipaka) s. Edgerton BHSD
s.v.-C (T 2. 316 c. 10-12) has: "If he is victorious over visible objects, vic-
torious over sounds, smells, flavours, touchable things, and objects of the
mind, he is also victorious over evil, improper factors which are sinful, inflam-
ing, of painful results, and bring about future rebirth, old age, illness and
death."
16. Cpo the P sentence: sammukhii me tar:z. bhante bhagavato sutar;t
sammukhii pa.tiggahita'f!L ... at a place corresponding to MPS 18. 4 (Ed.
WALDSCHMIDT, p. 220). C (T 2.316 c. 12-13) has: "I have received this
instruction from the Exalted One personally, (the instruction) which is named
the sermon (dharmaparyaya) of not letting in (sensitive) influences."
17. Cpo P (IV. 184. 19-21): avassutapariyaya'f!L ca vo avuso desissami
anavassutapariyayam ca / tar;t sU1!atha sadhukam manasi karota bhasissamzti.
18. Cpo P (IV. 187. 26-29): atha kho bhagava utthahitva ayasmantam
mahamoggalanam amantesi / sadhu sadhu moggalana sadhu kho tvam mogga-
lana bhikkhuna'f!L avassutapariyiiyan ca anavassutapariyayaii ca abhiiszti. The
eversion (T 2. 316 c. 13-17) is more detailed: At that time the Exalted One
Iffiew that Mahamaudgalyayana had finished his speech. He arose, sat down
with his body stretched upright, collected his mind in front and addressed M.:
"Quite well, Maudgalyayana, have you spoken to the men this sermon which
is very profitable, which is (of importance) far beyond measure, which will
bring luck for a long time to gods and men."
19. The insertion "punar api ... (up to) .... deiaya" which is not
found in C has a parallel in the Sangitisutra (Ed. Stache-Rosen), I, p. 206. 2.
20. For the restitution of the conclusive Sanskrit passages of our text,
corresponding phrases in the Sangztisutra (Ed. Stache-Rosen), I, p. 206.
3-4 were available. There is general agreement also with C where the Sutra
ends as follows (T 2. 316 c. 17-22): Then the Exalted One addressed the
(whole congregation of ) monks: "You should take up the sermon of letting
in and not letting in (sensitive influences), and preach it extensively to men.
For what reason? In the interest of the perfection of morality, in the interest
. of the perfection of law, in the interest of the perfection of right conduct
(chastity, brahmacarya) etc. (continuation as translated in the right column
above) ... When the Buddha had finished his speech, the monks who had
heard the sermon of the Buddha ~ e j o i c e d at it and went away respectfully.
21. The phrase te (scI. dharma) udgrhya paryavapya (tathii ta}tha
dhiirayitavyii griihayitavya vacayitavya(f:!.) is also known from the MPS (Ed.
WALDSCHMIDT) 19.7 and 40.60.
33
The Mahasal1lghika and the'
Tathagatagarbha (Buddhist Doctrinal
History, Study 1)
by A. Wayman
Introduction
For the origins of the Mahayana we must agree with Hirakawa!
that while some Mahayana doctrines are derived from the Maha-
sarpghika school, some others are derived from the Sarvastivadin
school. I would add that unless some other source can-be pointed
to, we may conclude that Mahayana Buddhism in its various forms,
at least leaving out the special development of Tantrism, can be
traced to either the Mahasarpghika or the Sarvastivadin schools.
It is well recognized by Buddhologists that the Mahasa:rpghika
sect arose by a schism from the previously undivided Buddhist
sa'Y[Lgha in the second century after the Buddha's Nirval).a (A.N.),
leaving the other part of the sarr-gha to be called Sthavira. As to
precisely when the schism occurred, there was a difference of opin-
ion as to whether it happened as a result of the Second Buddhist
Council (about 110 A.N.) over a laxity of Vinaya rules by some
monks, or happened later in the century (137 A.N.) over the five
theses about Arhats and which occasioned a 'Third Buddhist Coun-
cil' sponsored by the Kings Nanda and Mahapadma. There were
some other possibilities, as summarized by Nattier and Prebish,2
who conclude that the schism occurred 116 A.N. over Vinaya
rules, while the argument over Arhat attainment provoked a further
split within the already existing Mahasarpghika sect. It is immater-
ial for our purposes whether the 'five theses of Mahadeva' down-
grading the Arhat occasioned the schism between the Mahasarp.ghi-
kas and the Sthaviras, or whether this downgrading was an internal
argument within the Mahasarp.ghika. What is important here is that
35
the downgrading of the Arhat continued into a Mahayana scripture
called the Srzmiilii-sutra, and that the five theses are a character-
istic of the Mahasarp.ghika, to wit: 1. Arhats are tempted by others,
2. they still have ignorance, 3. they still have doubt, 4. they are
liberated by others; and 5. the path is accompanied by utterance.
The fifth of these seems explainable by other Mahasarp.ghika ten-
ets, in Bareau's listing:
3
No. 58 'morality is not mental'; No. 59
'morality does not follow upon thought'; No. 60 'virtue caused by
a vow increases'; No. 61 'candor (vziiiapti) is virtue'; No. 62 'reti-
cence (avijiiapti) is immoral.'
Part I of this paper attempts to relate the Srzmiilii-sutra and
the Tathagatagarbha doctrine to the Mahasarp.ghika school. Part II
discusses the terms dharmatii and svabhiiva so as to expose an an-
cien t quarrel.
I. Mahiisa:rrtghika school and the Srzmiilii-sutra
The present writer, in collaboration with Hideko Wayman,
has published a translation and study of the Srzmaliidevi'sirJ1hanada-
sutra under the title The Lion's Roar of Queen Srzmala; a Buddhzst
Scripture on the Tathiigatagarbha Theory,
4
in which the position
was taken that the Tathagatagarbha theory, especially as portray-
ed in this scripture, is a product of the Mahasarp.ghika school. Now,
referring to our work as 'Lion's Roar', a correlation will be made to
tenets of the MahasalPghika in Bareau's numbering, with my own
captions 'Tenets on the Jewel of Buddha', etc.:
Tenets on the Jewel of Buddha:
No.1 'The Buddhas are supramundane (lokottara).' 'Lion's Roar',
p. 92: "the Tathagata does not dwell within the limits of time; the
Tathagata-Arhat-Samyaksambuddhas dwell at the uttermost limit."
No.2 'The Tathagatas are devoid of flux (aniisrava) and mundane
natures (laukikadharma).' 'Lion's Roar', pp. 88-89: " ... the na-
tures to be eliminated, exceeding the sands of the Ganges River,
which are all utterly eradicated by the enlightenment wisdom of
the Tathagata ... " 'Lion's Roar', pp. 97-98: "all the Tathagata-
Arhat-Samyaksambuddhas eliminate every source of suffering
which incorporates any defilement or secondary defilement ... "
36
Tenets on the Jewel of Dharma:
No. 4 'The Buddha, by a single sound (Sabda) expresses all the
Dharmadhatu. '
No. 42 'All the Sutras promulgated by the Buddha have a final
meaning (nitiirtha).' 'Lion's Roar', p. 89: "Then, as a Tathagata-
Arhat-Samyaksambuddha, one gains the unhindered understand-
ing of all natures (dharma) ... ; King of the Doctrine and Lord of
the Doctrine; and, having gone to the stage which is sovereign over
all natures, utters the Lion's roar ... 'there is nothing to be known
beyond this.' That being so, the Lion's roar of the Tathagatas has
final meaning (nitiirtha) and explains this meaning straightforward-
ly (ekiir[Lsena, with a single part)."
Tenets on the Jewel of the Buddha as refuge:
No. 6 'The material body is truly unlimited (ananta).' 'Lion's
Roar', p. 62: "Homage to you, whose form is limitless".
No.7 'The power (prabhava) of the Tathagatas is also limitless'.
'Lion's Roar', p. 76: "The Lord is omnipotent, is the resort".
'Lion's Roar', p. 106: "The Lord is the omnipotent being. The
Lord is the resort."
No.8 'The longevity of the Buddha is also limitless.' 'Lion's Roar',
p. 61: "Your Buddha nature does not perish; so it is right to take
refuge in you, the munz"."
Special tenets:
No.9 'The Buddha, upon converting the living beings and making
them born among those with pure faith, has no thought of satis-
faction.' 'Lion's Roar', pp. 77-78: "Queen, although I have already
explained for incalculable eons the merit and benefit of embracing
the Illustrious Doctrine, I still have not come to the end of explain-
ing the merit and benefit of embracing the Illustrious Doctrine."
No. 30 'There are Arhats who ... are subject to ignorance (ajiiiina),
who have doubts who are saved by others (paravitinJa)
.. .' 'Lion's Roar', p. 80: "Lord, the Arhats and the Pratyeka-
buddhas not only take refuge in Tathagatahood, but also have fear
37
... they have many natures to be eliminated."
No. 44 'The self"presence of mind is bright. It is soiled (i.e. dark-
ened) by adventitious secondary defilement.' 'Lion's Roar', p. 106:
"this intrinsic purity of the Tathagatagarbha st.ained by adventi-
tious secondary defilements is the domain of the Tathagata, who
is the inconceivable master .. ." "the meaning of the defilement
on the intrinsically pure consciousness is difficult to understand."
No. 49 'There is no intermediate state (antariibhava).' Bareau, p. 68,
points out the usual explanation that this concerns the interval
some Buddhist sects place between the moment of death and the
moment of birth, and adds that the Mahasarp.ghika argumentation
on this point is unknown. 'Lion's Roar', p. 104: "Since there is
the Tathagatagarbha, there is a reason for speaking of 'cyclical
flow' (sa1(Lsara). Lord, as to 'cyclical flow,' no sooner do the sense
organs for perception pass away than it [the Tathagatagarbha]
takes hold of sense organs for perception, and that is 'cyclical
flow.''' Thus the Srimalii denies an intermediate state between the
perishing and renewal of sense organs.
No. 78 'There is a root-consciousness (mulavijnana) which serves
as the support (iisraya) for eye-perception and the other sensory
. perceptions, like the root of the tree is the principle of the leaves,
etc.' 'Lion's Roar', introduction, p. 44, in reference to the Tatha-
gatagarbha: It is the "support, holder, base" (niSraya, adhiira, prati-
'Lion's Roar', p. 104: "Lord, sarp.sara is based on the Tatha-
gatagarbha ... no sooner do the sense organs for perception pass
away than it takes hold of sense organs for .. 'Perished'
is the loss of the senses. 'Born' is the renewal of the senses. But,
Lord, the Tathagatagarbha is not born, does not die .. ." The
support nature of the Tathagatagarbha apparently has the Maha-
sar,nghika mulavijiiana as its prototype. The connection with vijiiii-
na is not lost in the Srimlilli; confer passage cited partly under te-
net No. 49, above, that begins with mention of the intrinsic purity
of the Tathagatagarbha and in the same paragraph switches to the
intrinsically pure consciousness, where 'consciousness' represents
citta, the Abhidharma equivalent to vzjnlina. 'Lion's Roar', p. 44,
the Tathagatagarbha scriptures have synonyms for the Tathagata-
garbha, 'cause' (hetu) and 'seed' (bija), that exactly fit the illustra-
tion of the mulavzjnlina, "like the root of the tree is the principle
of the leaves, etc." The Srimiilli itself emphasizes 'support'.
In short, the Srimiilii-sutra has passages consistent with most
38
of the first ten of the Mahasarpghika tenets, and has passages con-
sistent with the most celebrated characteristic tenets of this sect
among the remaining tenets of Bareau's list.
The SrZmalii-sutra happens to be the most frequently cited
work in the Indian manual of Tathagatagarbha theory, the Ratna-
gotravibhiiga (as edited by Johnston; known as the Uttaratantra in
the Tibetan canon). Among the various reviews of the 'Lion's
Roar', I should not neglect one which is competent and also takes
issue with our insisted-upon theory of Mahasarpghika origins. This
is the review by Takasaki,5 who translated the Ratnagotravibhaga
into English (1966) and has published in Japanese a voluminous
study of the Tathagatagarbha scriptures.
6
I am grateful to Takasaki
for his criticism in regard to the Mahasarpghika. The justification
of the Mahasarp.ghika thesis was spread here and there in the
'Lion's Roar'; and while convincing to the translators, need not
have been convincing to others. Consequently, the foregoing cor-
relation of Mahasarpghika tenets with the Srimala has been made
to render the thesis more convincing.
But there are further difficulties, since it could be objected
that a correlation with the traditional Mahasarpghika tenets does
not per se prove a relation with attested Mahasarpghika literature.
Now, I will attempt to answer the most pointed questions in this
regard.
1) If the Srimalasiltra is associated with the Mahasarpghika
school, should it not be named in the canon of that school? Indeed
it should, and indeed is included by Paramartha (mid-sixth cent.)
in the Mahayana canon of the Mahasarp.ghika sect, as Bareau ex-
plicitly reports.
7
2) If the Mahasarpghika sect is to be implicated in the Tatha-
gatagarbha doctrine, should there not be some passage in a recog-
nized Mahasanghika scripture that can be reasonably identified
with this doctrine? Indeed there should be. The most well-known
extant work of the Mahasarpghika is the Mahavastu, which contains
the passage, 'Lion's Roar', p. 43, addressed to the mother of a
Buddha: "Today, 0 queen, you will give birth to a good youth (su-
kumara) of immortal embryo (amara-garbha) , who destroys old
age and illness, celebrated and beneficial in heaven and on earth, a
benefactor of gods and men."8 Notice the contrast of the word
sukumara ('very delicate', perhaps 'easily dying,g) with amara-
garbha ('immortal embryo'), easily identifiable with the Tathagata-
39 - - - - - - - - - . ~ . - - - - - - ~ - - - - -
garbha which is taken as an immortal element in sentient beings,
themselves mortal.
3) Is there some way of associating the Srzmalasutra with the
Mahavastu? The way the 'Lion's Roar', p.' 19, does it, is to take
the four career-phases of Bodhisattvas mentioned at the beginning
of the Mah1ivastu; namely the 'natural career-phase' (prakrti-carya),
the 'aspiration career-phase' (prar;,idhana-carya), the 'conforming
career-phase' (anuloma-carya), and the 'nonregressing career-phase'
(anivartana-caryii); and to combine these with the traditional divi-
sions
10
of the Srzmiilii by the following scheme of the first two
chapters ('Lion's Roar', p. 19), whose fuller justification is in the
'Lion's Roar' itself:
Chapter One; "Eliminating All Doubts." 1. Praises of the In-
finite Merit of the Tathagata, and 2. Ten Great Vows.
These are both the 'natural career-phase' involving the
planting of virtuous roots in the presence of a Buddha.
Chapter Two: "Deciding the Cause." 3. Three All-inclusive .
Aspirations. This is the 'aspiration career-phase.' 4. Embrace
of the illustrious Doctrine. A. Teaching in the Scope of the
Great Aspiration, and B. Teaching the Far-ranging Meaning.
These are the 'conforming career-phase.' C. Teaching the
Great Meaning. This is the 'nonregressing career-phase.'
That finishes the career-phases of the Bodhisattva, namely,
the causal part, aimed at the fruit, which is complete
Buddhahood.
Some modern Japanese scholars have discussed these career-phases,
as Shindo Shiraishi shows.l
2
He points out that Ryusho Hikata in
a 1954 work on the Jatakas finds that the four careers, while not
the 'consistent principle' of the Mahiivastu, must have been the
'fundamental idea' of the compiler of the present enlarged recen-
sion of the Mahiivastu; and points out that Ryujo Yamada has
found this classification in some chapters of the 'Prajriaparamita-
sutra', suggesting the priority of the Mahiivastu to this 'Prajria-
paramita-sutra'. Shiraishi's brief article indicates the importance of
the 'prophecy' (vyiikara'fJ-a) aspect in the early development of the
Bodhisattva doctrine, and the Mahiivastu system of four career-
phases as a framework of early and later theories.
4) Is there any other evidence of affiliation of the Srzmiilii with
40
the Mahavastu? Perhaps the most important one is the Mahavastu
passage (confer, 'Lion's Roar', p. 33) in the words of Maha-Katya-
yana that the Jataka tales start from the Eighth Stage, in which
. stage the Bodhisattvas renounce all they possess, are regarded as
Samyaksambuddhas, and thereafter do not regress. This shows the
Mahavastu position that the fourth career-phase called 'nonregres-
sing' is meant to cover the last three of the ten Bodhisattva Stages;
and this directly ties in with scriptural words of the Srimalasutra
('Lion's Roar', pp. 75-76), beginning, "Lord, the good son of the
family or good daughter of the family by renouncing his body,
thus obtaining the body of a Buddha, is equal to the uttermost
limit of saY(lsara; ... " The Tathagatagarbha treatise Ratnagotra-
vibhaga (on I, 2) quotes the Dhara1J-isvararajasutra to show the
arising of the Three Jewels (Buddha, Dharma, Samgha) as the basis
for the last three Bodhisattva states, thus Sakyamuni under the
Bodhi tree as the Eighth Stage.
5) Well, if the Srimalasutra as perhaps the most important of
the Tathagatagarbha scriptures, and the manual of Tathagatagarbha
doctrine, the Ratnagotravibhaga, are related to the Mahasa:rp.ghika
school in the manner you have asserted, why would not Takasaki
Jikido in his monumental study of the Tathagatagarbha scriptures
preserved in the Chinese canon and who translated the Ratnagotra-
vibhaga into English, or why would not David Seyfort Ruegg in his
monumental study of this topic through the Tibetan treatises (his
La theorie du Tathagatagarbha et du Gotra)13 -have found this
out? There are many obscure points about the early Buddhist sects,
especially since a few, notahly the Theravada and the Sarvastivadin,
have extensive literary remains and have been much studied, while
others are known mainly from brief lists of specialized doctrines.
Since the main acknowledged treatise of the Mahasamghika school,
the Mahavastu, was not translated into either Chinese or Tibetan,
its important fund of evidence could not enter into the considera-
tions of either the Chinese or Tibetan commentators. Hence, it is
conceivable that both Takasaki and Ruegg, respectively dealing with
the Chinese and the Tibetan works, and also using such San;;krit
treatises as the Ratnagotravibhaga-which do not treat such matters
as the early Buddhist sects-could produce works of deserved refer-
ence value in given manners, and still not come up with the solu-
tion based on a comparison of the Srimalasutra with the Mahavastu,
carried out in a manner different from theirs.14
41
6) Do you still claim that the Srimiiliisutra was composed in
South India in the Andhra district? The 'Lion's Roar' sets forth
this theory with the stipulation of prior acceptance that the Tatha-
gatagarbha doctrine has a Mahasarp.ghika origin. If the preceding
evidence and reasoning be deemed sufficient for establishing the
Mahasarp.ghika association, the the further step of determining the
provenance is a rather simple matter. The place must be definite-
ly a Mahasarp.ghika stronghold, and one where the Buddhist insti-
tution was patronized by prominent ladies, such as queens. Accord-
ing to Bareau,I5 the initially had their chief resi-
dence in Magadha, well prior to the time of King Asoka. Inscrip-
tions in the 2nd cent., A.D. show their presence at Mathura, at
Karle, and in the area of Kabul. The chief distribution (south of
the Nerbuda River at Karle, NagarjunakoI).<;la, etc.) and far north,
toward Afghanistan) was still the case at the time of Hsuan-tsang's
travels at the beginning of the 7th cent. It is clear that this must
have been the situation at the time of the Srimiilii-sutra composi-
tion, namely 3rd cent., A.D. For the area near NagarjunakoI).<;la,
there is now abundant data in Rao's Relgion in Andhra
16
about
the great strength of the Mahasarp.ghika in this region at that time,
and the role of the in promoting the art centers of
.Andhra. These centers were especially of stiipas, preeminently
Amaravati. This is consistent with a thesis that prominent laymen
were originally charged with taking care of stiipas, but that later
the Mahasarp.ghika monks came in league with these laymen and
made theological justifications for stiipa worship.l7 Besides, the
penchant to artistic depiction of Jataka scenes was consistent with
the Mahasarp.ghika doctrine (per Mahiivastu) that the Jatakas start
with the Bodhisattva Eighth State, illustrated by Gautama Buddha
seated beneath the Tree of Enlightenment;I8 and it is noteworthy
in this regard that the three volumes of the Mahavastu are replete
with Jatakas. There is art historical evidence that about this time
(3rd cent., A.D.) the far northern center was taking artistic inspira-
tion from the Andhra sites. Thus, -Rosen mentions "the decorative
patterns on the architecture represented at Begram display the en-
tire repertory of motifs appearing in the works of late Amaravati
and NagarjunakoI).<;la." And, "Taking into account the stylistic evi-
dence and the vocabulary of motifs employed, we must conclude
that the Begram ivories were done in the latter part of the third or
early part of the fourth century A.D., by artists fully conversant
42
with the art of Andhra Pradesh."i9 To this evidence, we need only
add the acknowledged support by prominent ladies; confer 'Lion's
Roar', pp. 1-2. A.ndhra was the most creative site of the Mahasarp-
ghika. the 'Lion's Roar' claimed, and the authors still
claim, that the SrimaladevisifTLhanadasutra was composed in the
Andhra district, and in the 3rd century A.D.
II. The Tathagatagarbha, dharmata, and svabhava
If the foregoing relationship between the Mahasarpghika
school and the Tathagatagarbha doctrine be granted, it still would
have to be admitted that the relationship would have to belong to
the Mahayana period and cannot be traced back to the early Maha-
samghika sect in 2nd cent. A.N. Now we shall come to grips with
a disputed point of Buddhist doctrine that is older than the Maha-
yana and apparently also involves the Mahasarpghika and in the
end leads to the Tathagatagarbha. Accordingly, we should consider
the Buddhist terms dharmata and svabhava. Certain modem au-
thors seem alarmed at interpreting the term dharmata as represent-
ing something that could give rise to something else, and willy-
nilly they point to an ancient quarrel. SvabhZiva is often said to
have been denied in the Madhyamika while the Madhyamika com-
rnentator Candrakirti takes it as the goal of the Bodhisattva. We
shall see that these are related problems.
Certainly Lai
20
is right, generally speaking, in holding that
the Indian Buddhist schools do not explain dharmata as creating
phenomena, while he finds this interpretation in Chinese Buddh-
sim. In any case, Indian Buddhism could not have meant by dhar-
mata the source of such things as rocks and tables. But there must
have been Indian theories, even if considered deviant, that dharma-
tii could give rise to something, for otherwise how explain the in-
sistent, even vehement, denials of the possibility, especially in
terms of the Pali equivalent dhammata.
Thus, J ayatilleke several times alludes to a passage in the
Anguttara-nikaya (book of tens), cited as 'A, Vol. 3, 313'; in his
rendition, "It is in the nature of things (dhammata) that a person in
the state of (meditative) concentration knows and sees what real-
ly is .... a person does not need to make an effort of will ... "21
Jayatilleke stresses that the Buddhist position denies a supernatural
intervention; it is 'natural' that the next dharma should arise. But
note that it is not 'natural' for the word dhammata to be rendered
43
as an adverbial phrase 'in the nature of things' (his italics), rather
than as a noun;
Rahula,22 although not referring to Jayatilleke's treatment,
translates the whole scriptural passage and Writes in agreement that
when one does what is required, the result is natural and requires
no will; and certainly there is no involvement of 'Grace'. He gives
among his examples: a little. snake comes to the hermitage of
an ascetic attano dhammatiiya, by "its own habit"-as Rahula pro-
perly renders it; dhammatii is not a supernatural power. Granted
that it is not 'Grace' and the like; but it is doubtful that an ordi-
nary mentality understands the snake's 'own habit'. Perhaps the
yogin in the Buddhist attainment called samiipatti can understand
it, as Candrakirti has maintained (see below).
Kalupahana
23
also deals with this issue. He considers a well-
known passage which occurs in the Madhyamakavrtti, "Whether
Tathagatas arise or do not arise, there remains this ( e ~ i i ) dharmatii
of dharmas," and properly disagrees with Stcherbatsky's rendition
of dharmatii, to wit, 'ultimate realities'. Kalupahana goes on to a
curious medley:
As is pointed out below (chapter 5), dharmatii (P. dhammatii)
refers to the causal connection between two dharmas rather
than an underlying substratum of dharmas. If dharmatii stands
for the causal connection, it cannot mean an ultimate reality
(dharmasvabhava) as the Sarvastivadins understood it, because
Nagarjuna and his followers rejected the conception of sva- .
bhiiva, using the argument that svabhiiva is opposed to caus
ality. "24 .
Observe that Rahulahas himself in that article cited the commentary
on the Digha-nikaya explaining the word dhammatii as sabhiivo
(which is of course equivalent to the Sanskrit svabhava) and giving
illustrations with the term nyamo ('order of things').25 As I have
elsewhere shown,26 Nagarjuna's commentator Candrakirti (hence a
'follower' of Nagarjuna) in that Madhyamakavrtti and in his
Madhyamakiivatiira takes svabhiiva (the equivalent of dharmata)
as the Bodhisattva's goal realized in samiipatti. Hence, Candrakiiti '
would say that Nagarjuna did reject (as Kalupahana and many an-
other asserts he did) "the conception of svabhava," but having re-
jected this conception did not necessarily reject svabhliva, any
more than in rejecting various conceptions the ancients had about
44
blood, one thereby has to reject blood.
It is quite clear that Nagarjuna and his followers denied that
anything arises by reason of svabhava. In doing so, by equating
svabhava and dharmata, they were agreeing with these followers of
the Theravada tradition, such as now Rahula, who insist that what-
ever the term dharmata (P. dhammata) may have meant in the an-
cient texts, it does not stand for a certain something that is a source
of dharmas. Kalupahana goes further than this by claiming that
dharmata refers "to the causal connection between two dharmas
rather than an underlying substratum of dharmas." To assess this,
let us first translate the sentence which the above-mentioned
Anguttara-nikaya passage uses to summarize the dhammata state-
ments:
iti kho, bhikkave, dhamma dhamme abhisandenti, dhamma
dhamme paripurenti apara paraIJ:l gamanaya.
27
Thus you should know, monks, the dhammas flow into
dhamma, the dhammas are fulfilled in dhamma-for going
from the not-beyond to the beyond."
.Then we notice that Asanga has a passage on this very matter in his
Yogacarabhumi, section on hetuvidya of which I have edited the
extant Sanskrit and here cite in part:
28
.
dharmato 'numanaIJ:l katamat / yan nanuSliHena dharma-
sambaddhena tatsambandha [dharmata] bhyuhanaIJ:l / tad-
yatha 'nityasambaddhena dul:J.khatam anuminoti / dul:J.kha-
sambaddhena sunyata[ na] tmata:rp. jatisambaddhena jaradhar-
mataIJ:l jarasambaddhena maraI).adharmatarp. ...
In the following translation. I shall render dharmata as 'underlying
nature', even though Kalupahana claims that the word does not
mean this:
45
What is the inference from a dharma? Th(l inferring of the
underlying nature (dharmata) of its association by an asso-
ciated dharma that is not obviously related. For example,
one infers the state of suffering (dufJkhata) from one (i.e.
dharma) associated with impermanence. One infers voidness
and non-self from one associated with suffering; (infers) the
underlying nature of old age from one associatea with birth,
the underlying nature of death from one (i.e. dharma) asso-
ciated with old age ....
That is to say, when Buddhism explains the, Truth of Suffering by
the characters, suffering, impermanence, voidness, and non-self,
these, suffering and so forth, amount to a metaphysical set of in-
ferrable underlying nature to associate seemingly unrelated dhar-
mas. Thus dharmata as here explained is not the source of any
dharma, nor is it the "causal connection between two dharmas".
It is rather the whole relation as set forth in the scripture, "the
dhammas flow into dhamma, the dhammas are fulfilled in dham-
ma," and this relation is nat abvz"ous: it must be inferred.
Now, while granting all the foregoing, it still is the case that
the Y ogacara and the Tathagatagarbha literature use a term that
suggests production from dharmata, namely dharmatii-pratlabdha;
and the Tathagatagarbha literature a further one, dharmata-
nz"$yanda, as follows.
1. dharmata-pratlabdha 'derived from dharmata'. Ruegg
has collected a number of illustrations of this expression from
Sanskrit and Tibetan texts, showing that it is ordinarily employed
in connection with the gatra (family lineage) and the
(six sense bases).29 In the case of the Yogacara, the texts are
Asanga's Sriivakabhumz" and Badhsattvabhumz". The Tathagata-
garbha treatise Ratnagatravz"bhiiga cites the lost $aqayatana-sutra
for the passage:
sa tadrsalJ. paramparagato 'nadikiliko
dharmatapratilabdha iti /30
Derived from dharmata, and passing from one existence to
another since beginningless time, it (i.e. the gatra, the sub-
strate lineage) is specialized by the six sense bases, becoming
similar.
The Sriivakabhiimi near its beginning states: "That seed does not
have the characteristics of difference as long as it stays apart from
the six sense bases Hence, what the $a4iiyatana-
sutra meant by the gatra's being "specialized by the six sense bases,
becoming similar" is being channeled through a particular sense
perception (in this sense 'similar'), and thus exhibiting 'character-
istics of difference', to wit, from its being channeled through a dif-
46
ferent sense perception. In the terminology of the Madhyanta-
vibhaga, being different would be the difference of subject and ob-
ject, which is brought about by sense perception.
32
The $aqJiyatana-
sutra passage may well be the prototype of the various other in-
. stances, but the interpretation of the gotra would differ. For
Asanga, the' gotra is that of the Sravaka, the Pratyekabuddha, or
the Bodhisattva, and implicates the alayavzjiiana. For the Ratna-
gotravibhaga, the gotra is the Tathagatagarbha.
2. dharmata-nzjyanda 'flowing from dharmatii', as in 'Lion's
Roar', p.94, in the Srzmala-siltra: "they have faith flowing from"
true nature (dharmata)." Observe that this is the same role that
the Madhyantavibhaga, I, 15, and Vasubandhu's commentary, at-
tributes to the dharmadhiitu: arya-dharma-hetuvad dharmadhatuh
.,
"(called) 'Dharmadhatu' because ,it [voidness, sunyatii] is the cause
of the dharmas of the nobles." Srzmiilii uses similar terms for the
Tathagatagarbha ('Lion's Roar', p. 105): "Lord, if there were no
Tathagatagarbha, there would (not be) . . . aspiration towards
NirvaI).a ... Whatever be these six perceptions ... these are unfit
for aspiration towards NirviiI).a ... the Tathagatagarbha experiences
.. suffering; hence it is worthy of ... aspiration towards NirviiI).a."
. In this case, the Madhyiintavibhiiga appears to be an ally of the
"Tathagatagarbha position.
In short, it appears that the old quarrel between the Maha-
saqlghika and the Sthavira schools was carried on in many ways. In
the old days it was over the status of the Arhat. Later, when the
Sthavira had itself divided into sub-sects, giving rise to the Sarvasti-
vadin, the argument was continued among followers of the Maha-
yana. It appears that the MahasaIflghika, or at least some of its
sub-sects, had given rise to the Tathagatagarbha scriptures, the
theory of Bodhisattva stages, and art representations, especially of
the Jatakas. The Sarvastivadin came up with its own scriptures
such as the Mahayana biography of the Buddha, the Laltavz"stara,
and perhaps had a hand in the Praj:fiaparamita scriptures, although
the situation here 'requires much research. In any case, both major
Mahayana philosophical schools, the Madhyarnika and the Y oga-
cara, appear to have arisen in the Sarvastivadin tradition. However,
of these two, the Yogacara in its several forms has been variously
influenced by the MahasaIflghika-type Buddhism, but was careful
to keep a distance. If one stays in the Madhyamika works, there is
a harping on the denial that dharmas arise from svabhava or from
47
dharmatii, thus in agreement with the Theravada. The position of
the Yogacara is .more subtle: It does not care to make the denials
of the Madhyamika, but neither would it take dharmatii as a per-
manent, substantial entity, since the iilayavzjiLiina itself must dis-
appear for NirvaI).a without remainder. 33 One may also refer to
Asailga's statement in the Hetuvz"dya section, as cited above. One
must move entirely to the other side, the Tathagatagarbha tradition,
stemming, as we believe to have established, from the Mahasa:q:tghi-
ka, to get a of dharmatii as 'thusness' (tathatii),
the permanent Tathagatagarbha.
34
But since the Tathagatagarbha doctrine was much appreciated
in China, perhaps fortified by accompanying the impressive artistic
representations of the school, it is reasonable that the novel inter-
pretation of certain terms-such as dharmatii-would get a sympa-
thetic hearing. While Lai is not strictly correct in claiming that the
interpretation of dharmata as a source of phenomena is something
worked up for the first time in China, we should agree that the
theory was amplified in China in a manner that had not been done
in India.
In conclusion, while the deviant interpretation of important
Buddhist terms understandably inspired denunciations from fol-
lowers of the 'elders' (the arya-sthavira), if one will give fair credit
to the Buddhist currents that were most instrumental in conversion
to the Buddhist faith outside of India it may well be that we should
give the nod to those ancient schismatics, the Mahasa.r:p.ghikas .
. NOTES\
1. Akira Hirakawa, "The Rise of Mahayana Buddhism and its Relation-
ship to the Worship of Stupas," Memoirs of the Research Department of the
Toyo Bunko, No. 22, Tokyo, 1963, p. 57.
2. Janice J. Nattier and Charles S. Prebish, "Mahasfurtghika Origins:
The Beginnings of Buddhist Sectarianism," History of Religions, 16:3, Feb.,
1977, pp. 237, ff.
3. Andre B are au, Les sectes bouddhiques du Petit Vehicule (Ecole
d'Extreme-Orient, 1955), Chapitre I 'Les Mahasanghika', pp. 55-74.
4. Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1974.
5. Takasaki, Jikido, in The Eastern Buddhist, New Series, IX:1, May,
1976, pp. 135-138.
6. For thorough-going reviews of Takasaki's main works, see J. W.
de Jong, in Indo-Iranian Journal, XI:1 {1968}, pp. 36-54, for the Ratnagotra-
vibhiiga; and in Indo-Iranian Journal, XVIII {1976}, pp. 311-315, for "The
formation of the tathagatagarbha theory" (in Japanese) {Tokyo, 1974}.
48
7, Bareau,Lessectes,p. 296.
8. Mahiivastu Avadiina, ed. by Radhagovinda Basak, Vol. 1, p. 266; and
Vol. 2, p. 28.
9. See Manfred Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches W8rterbuch
des Altindischen (Heidelberg, 1955), Lieferung 4, pp. 232-233.
10. Namely the 'chapters' 1 through 4 in the Gu:r;tabhadra Chinese ver-
sion of Sr'imiilii-su tra.
11. Compare Mahasa:rp.ghika tenet No. 60, cited above (Introduction),
'Virtue caused by a vow increases'.
12. "A Study of the Mahavastu," Journal of Indian and Buddhist Stu-
dies (Tokyo), VI:1,Jan. 1958, pp. 306-31l.
13. Ecole Franc;:aise d'Extreme-Orient, Paris, 1969.
14. A reviewer of the 'Lion's Roar"in Philosophy East and West doubted
the Mahasa:rp.ghika origin because Ruegg's book does not mention it-an un-
fortunate disservice to Ruegg's own work.
15. Bareau, Les sectes, p. 55.
16. B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao, Religion in Andhra (Tripurasundari, 1973),
pp.74-83.
17. Hirakawa, "The Rise of Mahayana Buddhism," pp. 102-106, does
not explicitly say this, but comes close. The Srimiilii-sTltra does mention
('Lion's Roar', p. 76) the lay Bodhisattva group, but is silent about stiipa care
and worship.
18. Cf. J.J. Jones, tr. The Mahiivastu, Vol. I (London, 1949), p. 83; for
the illustration of Gautama Buddha, cf. J. Takasaki, A Study on the Ratna-
gotravibhiiga (Roma, 1966), p. 147; and in comparison with Tantrism, Alex
Wayman, Yoga of the Guhyasamiijatantra; the Arcane Lore of Forty Verses
. (Delhi, 1977), pp. 341-342.
19. Elizabeth S. Rosen, "The Begram Ivories," Marsyas (Institute of
Fine Arts, N.Y.U.), Vol. XVII, 1974-75, pp. 45-46.
20. Whalen Lai, "Chinese Buddhist causation theories: An analysis of
the sinitic Mahayana understanding of pratitya-samutpada," Philosophy East
and West, July 1977, p. 250.
21. K. N. Jayatilleke, Early Buddhist Theory of Knowledge (London,
1963), starting at pp. 420-42l.
22. Walpola Rahula,. "Wrong Notions of Dhammata (Dharmata),"
Buddhist Studies in Honour of 1. B. Horner, ed. by L. Cousins, A. Kunst, and
K. R. Norman (Dordrecht, 1974), pp. 182, 185, and 186.
23. David J. Kalupahana, Causality; The Central Philosophy of Buddh-
ism (The University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu, 1975), p. 75.
24. Kalupahana, Causality, pp. 75-76. Although I disagree with him at
this point, may I add that.he has many fine observations in this book.
25. Rahula, "Wrong Notions," p. 183.
26. A. Wayman, "Who understands the four alternatives of the Buddhist
texts?" Philosophy East and West, 27:1,Jan., 1977, pp. 14, 18.
27. Bhikkhu J. Kashyap, ed., The A1iguttara Nikllya, Navakanipata,
Daskanipata, and Ekadaskanipata (Bihar Government, 1960), p. 101.
28. I have edited with translation the hetuvidyii section as a part of a
49
Wajrayana in Gostana-desa
by H. W. Bailey
Gostana-dda (ancient Khotan) interest in the Vajrayana is ex-
in the Traveller's Notebook in the Khotan Saka language,
in my Khotanese Texts III, 1956 and 1969, 121-4 (first
in BSOAS 9, 1937-9, 521-43). Here in lines 27-30
'l6ccurs the dialogue: Buddhist Sanskrit ttava kzma pustaka k$a-
Khotan Saka tvz au kamanai pustye k$amai 'What book
you?', with the answer: mama vajrrayana k$amatti saik$a-
tpaya, Khotan Saka vajrrayana k$amai / varya va PU$tai 'The Vajra-
pleases me; deign to read', and then saik$apayamz, Khotan
pusu tta 'I will read'. Other citations of the name Vajrayana
;are in Khotanese Buddhist Texts 143, 1rl; 144, 2r3, and as an ad-
"'jective in Jatakastava 39v3 and Khotanese Texts 2.4.49.
;; Some of the Vajrayana texts have survived in Khotan Saka,
:printed in KBT 143-56. The following verses edited in KBT 151-3
the composition of Ca Kima-sana, that is, Kim-san of the
;Tchang family. This name occurs also in Brahmi and Sogdian
i$.cripts in the colophon of the Jatakastava 39v4 (KT I 219) ca
ikzmii-sanii, kyms'n, and in Sogdian script on the margin of Siddha-
sara 156 verso (KT I 104) cw kymS'n (where -w for -0 is for Chin-
'ese ang). The name in Chinese script can be seen in my Saka Docu-
ments, portfolio, plate 49, 2 t$ang kin-san from older t'iang kiam-
(B. Karlgren,Analytic dictionary o/Chinese and Sino-Japanese,
J174.3; 382.2; 849.1).
In this text there are the Vajra-paramita and the Mahaparam-
ita, together with the paramitas identified with devata-deities.
The poet expresses his desire to behold the supreme Being, the
Vajra-sattva (line 54) and to attain to his presence (line 36 byehine).
53
In Java the most magnificent building of the Buddhist world, the
Borobudur, is of the Vajrayana; and Buddhist Sanskrit Vajrayana
texts have been preserved in Java.
In Khotan Saka the concepts of the Vajrayana are not novel,
but being poetic, have their own interest. A prose rendering is here
attempted for the first time. Buddhist technical terms have been
preferred to vague English words; in the Khotan text the Sanskrit
terms are mostly taken over, and only occasionally translated. Ex-
perts in Buddhism will probably easily find a more nuanced render-
ing. The text printed in 1951 is at times defective as many later
readings have made clear. Amendments are given in brackets.
Some of the words, both Khotan Saka and Sanskrit, occur only
here and are conjecturally translated.
Translation 1-32:
Siddham. May there be reverence (aurga) to the Buddhaic
light (adjective to both Buddha and to bodhi), to Arya-Vairocana
and the others together, born in the ratna-jewel, arisen from the
gotra of the lotus, holding the abhiseka, born in the lotus, arisen
in the lotus, having the svabhiiva of tathatii, significantly named,
the Buddhaic lion, the giver of the amrta-elixer of sovereignty over
the Siddhas and Vidyadharas (nerrt followed by numeral 1), by the
fourfold act; who hear of gustya or nirvii!La), issued from
the secret mighty tantras; who guide on the sixteen paths of pure
(vasver(l) piiramitii, issued from the vipiika of bodhicitta, the vajra-
piiramitii, the Buddhaic mystery, from which indeed this is called
the exalted Vajra-sattva, holding the complete Buddhaic gotra; for
the reason that no vipiika-fruit arises without seed (ttima), by
connotation (sarrtv!tya) bodhi is first, supreme, by the four saf!!-
graha-vastu, through karw}Ji, by which he has gathered the beings
to bodhi. This is called the pure Mahiipiiramitii.
From the four dharmas, this which is ratna-vajra, being de-
rived from the bodhi (bviime), is the first, supreme jiiiina-paramitii,
right, great, purified, undimmed, undefiled, pure, which is called
dharma-vajra by designation.
(What) is, with pure respect, the right vzjiiana-artha, that is
what is called the karma-vajra-piiramitii.
The mother and queen of the four paramitiis is the dana-
54
rparamitii, which they call Liisii ('pleasure'), because it is allied to
(ratz'), joined to pure vz'paka, for beings in the five gatz', which
in turn secret sport and amusement.
i', Whose garland, having attracted beings by their unawakened
has' issued inlaid with jewels, that incense of sua, with bril-
limbs (rrusii-aga) , is therefore by name the supreme deity
(,garland'), the sua-piiramz"tii by Buddhaic name.
'. The k{antz'-piiramz'tii is the deity GTta ('song'), who creates the
1:song of the Buddhas.
.. The vzrya-paramz'ta is the deity Nrtyii ('dance'), whereby
::they swiftly attain supreme bodhz'.
The dhyana-paramz'ta is the deity ('flower'), unmoved,
tielightful, graceful (?) in limb (aga-qlhZka).
. The supreme paramita of wisdom is the deity Dhupa ('per-
:'fume'), of vast light, brilliant, who disperses excellent, fine per-
fume, who in the forest of saJ!lsara-migration has renounced in
'brder to make ('bind') a pure vow (prar:tz'dhana) , that is she, in-
vested with light; she is Vajra-loka (metrical for vajraloka), the
supreme deity.
. Who has attained the best control in paramz'tas, good, mighty
power, pure right bodhi (bvama), that is the great deity jiiana-
paramz'ta, deliverer from the ocean of ignorance (ja(j,i), conqueror.
, The deity Ajita ('unbeaten'), undefeated by the mara-demons,
is, by awakening in the time of awakening, vajra-paramz'ta, for
strength to promote the right command of the dharma-
law. -
(Who) knows (<( ca . . ba tta) the atman, the pure aniitman
of dharma, that is the deity vajra-paramz'ta, secret, in sequence
mighty mystery of trance (samadhana), the vajra seat (vajrasana),
Lthe pure dharma-kaya.
By aid of all Buddhaic bodhi (bvamz') by parz'paka of upaya-
kausalya she gathers the beings from the fourfold district; there-
.fore indeed by name she is Vajrakusa (metrical from vajrankusa
with ankusa- 'hook').
Seized by the exalted bodhz'carya, right longing by the facul-
ties (z'ndrz'ya), therefore this, by name the supreme Vajra-piisa
('noose'), thrown outwards, has gathered the beings to bodhi
(bqysustz') .
For the gotra, attracted by the like and the unlike (sama,
asama), with face averted from the sphere (gocara) of Buddha,
55
in karu'I';.ii, she meditates on the dharma-dhatu, therefore this is by
name the exalted Vajm-sphopa ('bursting sound'), who indeed is
one having all sounds from *vzsva-viida-) , having all
dharmas, anatman, beginningless, active in sounds (ba-krra from
*vada-krz"ya-), ever calmed; she expounds this Vajraya.na Mahayana,
therefore she is called the exalted Vajraga1J-a (gha1J-.ta- 'Bell').
This is for its part reverence, veneration, (of me) bowed
down, to the first bountiful Buddha-yana.
Of these names in the Vajrayana verses, the devata or yogz"ni
names are listed in the Sadhana-mruii (quoted in F. Edgerton,
Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, S.v. gzta): malya (and mala),
gita, dhupa gandha. The name Ajta occurs as one of the
four kumarz or bhagnz with Jaya, Vz"jaya and Aparajtii. For the
names Vajra-kusa, Vajra-pasii, Vajra-sphopii and Vajra-ga1J-a which
are feminine, in spite of the masculine verbal form 28 hadiiz"rp, 'he
gathered', where the masculine pasa- may have decided the gender,
I have found only the masculine names, in Oda's Bukkyo Daijten,
Vajra- with gha1J-ta-, dhitpa-, pasa-, lasz-, aloka-, ankusa-.
But further search may find feminine counterparts in some Vajra-
yana text.
56
"Our Buddha" in an Asokan Inscription
by A. K. Narain
A new version of the Minor Rock Edict I was discovered at Ahrau-
!ri village in the Mirzapur District of Uttar Pradesh in 1961. The
discovery was announced in a daily newspaper report of 11th
November 1961
1
and a critical edition of the inscription was pub-
:lished by me in B h a r a t z ~ Research Bulletz"n of the College of Indo-
logy, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
2
Later other editions of
this epigraph were also published.
3
It is inscribed on the upper sur-
face 6f a boulder, about a hundred yards from a temple of the
goddess Bhandaridevi situated on the same hill. The inscription is
engraved in a roughly rectangular space measuring 3' 10" x 2' 9",
and it consists of eleven lines containing 25 to 27 letters each. The
writing is in a fairly satisfactory state of preservation. The first six
lines have been damaged and are only partly extant but the last
five lines are complete. The characters of the inscription are early
Brahmi as found in the Asokan edicts. Its language is the Magadhi
form of Prakrit, close to Pali. More than a dozen versions of this
Minor Rock Edict of Asoka have been found from various parts of
India. The significance of this Ahraura version lies in the fact that
it begins and ends differently from the other known versions and
because of a reference to the Buddha. The text of the epigraph as
edited by me and my translation are given below:
57
TEXT
1. . ................................ , .... ya [ja] ta
2. . ....... , ............ , .... , .. ' ......... dhikii .. .
3 ......................... [na] cha badhain palakainte
4. . .......................... cha palakamte [1] etena
5. amtala ....................... misain .deva kata [1]
6. palakama [sa] .... tvana va sakya papotave khudakena pi
7. palakamaminenii vipule pt' svg [sa] kye iiliidhetave [I]
etaye athaye
8. iyain savane [I] khudaka cha [or ya] ucf,ala cha palaka-
mamtu [I] ainta pi cha janaintU [I]
9. chila thitike cha palakame hotu [I] iyain cha athe vadhi-
sati vipulain pi cha
10. vaq,hisati [I] diyadhiyain [a] valadht"ya vacf-ht"sati [I] esa
savane vivuthena [I]
11. duve sapainna lati sati ammain (mhain) [? cha] Budhasa
salile aloq,he [ti]
TRANSLAT10N4
1. (Thus says the king, the Beloved of G o d s ~
2. For more than two and a half years I have been a lay dis-
ciple;)
3. (but I have not indeed) made any exertion greatly (i.e.
have not led the religious life vigorously).
4. (It is only for about more than a year that I have entered
the order and) have led the religious life vigorously.
5. During this period (in Jambudipa the gods, who were un-
favourable to men) have been made favourable.
6. (This is indeed the result) of leading a truly vigorous re-
ligious life. Nor is this to be attained only by great (or rich) men
but even by the humble (or lowly).
7. The great heaven Cml: be obtained by leading a truly vigor-
ous religious life. For this purpose
8. is this proclamation. May (therefore) both the humble and
the great (or rich) lead a truly vigorous religious life. Let those
dwelling ori the outskirts also know this.
9. And may the truly vigorous religious life be enduring. (I
am sure) this object will grow, will indeed immensely
58
10. grow (and, what is more,) the initiative energy will grow
one a half fold. (Now) this proclamation (is made) publicly
(or openly). . . . .
. 11. Two (hundred and) fIftY-SIX mghts (days) after haVIng en-
"shrined . the relics of our Buddha or Two hundred and fifty-six
nights (i.e. days) are over since the relics of our Buddha were en-
shrined (by me).
Later editQrs of this epigraph have differed from me in some
of their readings and interpretations. Mostly these differences are
of a minor nature and may be ignored. But some are of vital lin-
guistic and" historical importance.
5
I am taking up only one of
them here, i.e. the reading and meaning of the words ammam
(mham) (? eha) Budhasa saliZe.
All agree on the reading Budhasa. But there is a disagreement
on the reading, and/or the meaning, of the preceding two or three
letters. V. V. Mirashi read it as and prefixing it with
Budhasa found in it a reference to the Samyaksambuddha.
6
S.
Sankaranarayanan read it no doubt as ammam but took it as stand-
ing for Skt. asmam, and interpreted asmam Budhasa saliZe to mean
'Buddha's image in stone.
7
D. C. Sircar read the words as am mam-
[eh] e Buddhasa saliZe and translated the relevant part of the sen-
tence as "since the relics of the Buddha ascended (i.e. were caused
to be installed by me on) the platform (for worship )."8
In the case of Mirashi's reading, while his interpretation makes
.' it clear that the inscription does refer to the Samyak Sambuddha
i.e. Gautama Buddha, and that there is no word or letter like am
",to mean "since", his reading of sa in place of a is unacceptable on
'. paleographical grounds. Sankaranarayanan's reading of the initial .
, . letter a as ii in ammam, also is urtwarranted paleographically;
and his derived meaning of the word, if accepted, will take the
origin and history of the Buddha image back to the time of Asoka
.. for' which there is hardly any evidence. D. C. Sircar's reading,
though palaeo graphically correct, unnecessarily takes recourse to
.' the breaking of am from the word ammam and joining mam to
; the following ehe, which is not at all distinct, in order to have two
separate word formations as am mamehe. D. C. Sircar, who is fond
of Sanskritising a Magadhi-Pali or Prakrit text of an inscription be-
. .fore interpreting it, does so in this case also, and Sanskritises his
reading of the 11th line of the inscription as: etat sravar;,arp, vyu-
59
shz"tena [maya sravitarn] dve shatpaiichasadratri-sate yat (=yatal;)
maiicha-rn Buddhasya sarzra-rn [=deh-avaseshah] arucjha-rnz'ti, and
translates the whole sentence as "this declaration is (made by me
as I am) away (on a tour of pilgrimage) for' 256 nights since the
relics of the Buddha rose to (i.e. were caused by me to be installed
on) the platform."g He argues that the use of the word am for
Skt. yat in the sense of "since" is "often met with in Asokan re-
cords," but gives only one example from Sahasram version of
MRE 1:
10
am upiisake sumi "(Skt. yat (aham) upasakah asmi),
'since I am (have been) a lay follower (of the Buddha).''' The am
of Sahasram version of MRE I is in lieu of yam of other versions.
Obviously Sircar has been tempted to take the am of the 11th line
of Ahraura in the same sense as the am of the 1st line of Sahasram.
Geographically, also, Ahraura and Sahasram seem to belong to the
same linguistic zone. But we must note the difference in both the
content and the context of these two widely separated lines of the
two versions of the MRE I. We must also not forget that the
Ahraura version makes a very significant departure from other
versions in its 11th line, just as Maski and Gujarra versions do in
making a reference to the personal name of Aoka. I do not see
any necessity of using the Sahasram example. The syntax of one
need not be applied to another. Moreover, I do not read sata but
sati in the Ahraura version (for hundred) and interpret it accord-
ingly. In Ahraura the medial i in sati is very clear and, in my opin-
ion, it can be so read also in Sahasram. Duve Sapamna (= two fifty-
six) is a self-contained colloquial expression for "two (hundred
and) fifty six." Sati, if it must be read as sata for which I do not
see any justification, coming as it does after lati, is not rightly
placed for usual construction in the sense of 'hundred.'
If Sircar's am is syntactically irrelevant, and his reading sata
for sati is unusually placed, his desired meaning, the reading of
maiicha, is also semantically problematic. The word maiicha is not
very common in Pali or Prakrit, and, moreover, it means generally
'bed' or 'couch,'12 and not 'platform.' It is only in Sanskrit that it
means a 'platform', and its usage in the required sense is hardly
ever attested.
13
Also, the whole idea, and the expression of it in
the manner of D. C. Sircar's translation, that the relics of the
Buddha 'rose to' or 'ascended' a platform seem rather peculiar.
The relics, to the best of our knowledge, were 'enshrined' in a
stupa, and only in some cases later they could be 'kept' for wor-
60
ship in a Chaitya, or perhaps even in a Vihara. The idea of having
relics on or in (?) a 'platform' is strange to say the least. This is
why, perhaps, D. C. Sircar has also some difficulty in explaining it
when he refers to the Buddhist tradition according to which, as he
quotes, "AsQka built the Asokarama at Pataliputra and no less
than 84,000 Buddhist monasteries [italics mine] 14 in various cities
within his empire. It is, of course, difficult to say whether the rel-
ics of the Buddha stated to have been installed by Asoka in the
edict under study were enshrined in the Asokarama; but the pos-
sibiHty [italics mine] is there."15 In the same context later, Sircar
notes about Hsiian Tsang's reference to Asoka's daily practice of
offering worship at the stone bearing the Buddha's footprints in-
stalled at Pa!aliputra, and remarks "whether this was enshrined in
the Asokarama cannot be determined. It is also difficult to say
whether it is the same stone which has been referred to in the
edict under study as the maiicha, on which the relics of the Buddha
were installed for worship." 16 Sircar has given an incorrect refer-
ence here, and makes an unnecessary tour de force in his use of
Hsiian Tsang's information.
We are now left with "Our Buddha," my reading ammam cha
Budhasa. I find in this a reference to "our Buddha," i.e. the Sakya-
muni Gotama Buddha, as distinguished from any other Buddha
known in Asoka's time, e.g. Konagamana, one of the previous
Buddhas, mentioned in the Niglisagar inscription of Asoka.1
7
In criticising me, Sircar has noted that "it is extremely doubt-
ful whether a devotee of the Buddha would refer to the object of
. his veneration in an endearing fashion as 'our Buddha' in the age
of Asoka when he was being worshipped as a great divinity."18
S. Sankaranarayanan remarks that "to distinguish Gautama Buddha
from the other Buddhas, like Buddha Kanakama (sic) of the Nigali
Sagar pillar inscription Asoka uses, as far as we know, either Sakya-
muni or Bhagavat as epithets of the former. We have yet to know
the use of amharh in the Asokan inscriptions for the above pur-
pose."19
I had already noted in my original article that ammam =
amharh (Pali) is a form of the pronoun of the first person, asmad
(Skt.) amha (Pali) , in the genitive plural; the other form is amhiikam.
In support of these forms I have quoted a rule from the grammar
of Moggalana.
20
There is no justification for splitting the word and
regrouping the letters as Sircar has done. Sankaranarayanan does
61
not do that, and there is no difference between his reading and
mine so far as the word formation is concerned; he only adds a
non-existing medial stroke and reads ii instead of a. It seems the
problem for them has not been so much related to palaeography,
orthography or grammar as to the usage of the phrase 'our Buddha,'
which I thought was known to Pali.21 It is true that the Buddha
was most commonly referred to as amhiikam Bhagvii in early Pali,22
but it is significant that it is precisely in the Sariradhiituvibhajana'r!!
section of the MahiiparinibbiinasuttaT[L of the Dighanikaya that
Gotama Buddha is referred to as amhakam Buddha. Intervening in
in the struggle for the distribution of the relics of the Buddha,
Do:ga, the Brahman, said: Sunantu bhanta mama eka-viicham, am-
hiikam Buddha ahu khantiviida. Na hi siidhu yam uttampuggalassa,
sarirabhage siya sampahiira.
23
What better reference and what bet-
ter context are needed in support of the expression 'our Buddha'
(in the Asokan inscription at Ahraura)? On such special occasions
a possessive expression denoting at once a feeling of endearment
and respect is certainly not out of place. In the case of Asoka's
use of the expression there is, in fact, the additional justification
that he was obliged to make a distinction between the previous
Buddha Konagamana, whose stupa was enlarged by him, and
Gotama Buddha, in whom he had taken refuge, and all of whose
sayings he considered as "well said" (subhasite).24 Stupas were
historical markers as well as objects of worship, and relic enshrin-
ment was an occasion when Asoka could not have helped being
personal and emotional. He was generally reluctant in mention-
ing the Buddha, as he was in giving his own personal name, in his
epigraphs, but he made exceptions to the rule when he wanted to
or when he felt it necessary.25
NOTES
1. The Leader, Allahabad, 11th November, 1961.
2. No.5, Part I, 1961-62, pp. 1-9.
3. V.V. Mirashi, Bharatl, No.5, Part I, 1961-62, pp. 135-40; S.
Sankaranarayanan, Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. XXXVI, pp. 239 ff.
4. This includes also a translation of the first 6 lines of the inscription,
which are damaged, based on the readings from the other versions of the
MRE I.
62
5. e.g. the words palakama, avaladhiya, vivuthena etc.
6. Mirashi, op. cit.
7. Sankaranarayanan, op. cit., pp. 220-221.
8. Sircar, op. cit., pp. 248, earlier on page 244 instead of 'ascended' he
uses the expression 'rose to.'
9. Sircar, op. cit., p. 244.
10. Sircar op. cit., for the text of Sahasram v.ersion of MRE I see E.
Hultzsch, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. 1, Inscription of Asoka
(Delhi!Varanasi, Reprint, 1969), pp. 169 ff.
11. It is i n t e r e ~ t i n g to note B.M. Barua's remark in his Asoka and his
Inscriptions, pt 11, 96 (Calcutta, 1968). "In many an instance the system of
spelling and grammatical forms have been determined by the law of Rhythm
and Cadences or the law of Euphony governing the construction of sentences."
12. T.W. Rhys Davids and William Stede, ed. The Pali Text Society's
c Pali-English Dictionary, (London, PTS, 1921) p. 139. q. v. maiica. Earliest
use of the word is in Vinaya Pitaka, (PTS) N.39.40 where four kinds of bed
are mentioned. PaN Sadda Mahii7JfLavo.
13. Monier Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary.
14. Tradition does not know about construction of 84,000 monasteries.
The reference as given by Sircar in his fn. 2 of p. 245 does not mention mon-
asteries but 'topes.' I do not know of any other source of his information.
15. Sircar, op. cit., p. 245. There is no evidence for this 'possibility,' im-
agined by Sircar. The source he has cited does not give any indication to it.
16. According to Hsiian Tsang the stone was near the relic tope (i.e. one
of the 84,000 stupas) not far south from the Prison of Asoka, and this was
not part of the Asokiirama which was situated in a different part of P1ita-
liputra, and so the question of relics, mentioned in our inscription, being
enshrined in ASokarama does not arise.
17. E. Hultzsch, op. cit., p. 165.
18. Sircar, op. cit., p. 241.
19. Sankaranrayanan, op. cit., p. 220.
20. Narain, op. cit., p. 6. According to the rule nga nga kam namhi, of
MoggaIana, 2.232. See Bhikshu Jagadish Kasyap, PiiN Mahiivyiikara1)a (Delhi!
Varanasi, Motilal Banarasi Das, 2nd edn. i963) pp. 55-56.
21. Narain, op. cit., p. 6, fn. 1. At the time of the editing of the in-
scription I had collected some references for the expression amhiikam Buddha
. in the Tipi!aka and the A!thakatha. When I took up writing the present
paper I thought my relevant notes were here but I found later that they had
been left behind in India. Instead of further postponing doing this note I wrote
to Miss I. B. Homer if she remembered some references off hand. I am very
grateful to her that she, in consultation with Dr. W. Rahula, even though I
gave her very short notice, sent me one of the most important references I
had. My thanks are due both to her and to Dr. Rahula for their kindness and
prompt help. I am sure there are other references but to which I can return
only later in a supplementary paper after my notes are retrieved.
22. Miss Homer has rightly pointed out in her letter dated lstJune 1978
that "it was more usual to speak about amhiikam bhagavat, as at Digha, vol.
63
III, p. 211, top line. I don't think Gotame was often spoken of as Buddha
by his contemporaries."
23. Bhikkhu J. Kashyap (ed), The Dzghanikaya , (Nalanm-Devanagari-PaIi.
series, Pili Publication Board, Bihar Govt. 1958), II p. 127.
24. Hultzsch, op. cit., p. 172.
25. I am glad to acknowledge with thanks a co=unication from Prof.
K.R. Norman, dated "22nd June, which reached me after this short paper was
done. It was very kind of Miss Horner to refer my enquiry to Prof. Norman
also. I am now informed of two more references to amhakam"Buddha, one in
Buddhavainsa-Atthakathii, 252, and another in Theragiithii-At.thakatha, I p.
166-7. Prof. Norman has also drawn my attention to one more edition of
Ahraura inscription by J anert (Abstiinde und Schlussyokalverzeichnungen----, "
pp. 267 ff), "who also reads like me ainmam=ca=budhasa=salile=alorjhe, but
he does not give a translation. I have not been able to see Janert's article.
Prof. Norman has also made some useful comments on other issues to which I
will refer hopefully in a later article.
64
The Story of Vyasa and Kaslsundarl
by L. Zwilling
twice refer's to a story in which the Vyasa was kicked
by a prostitute, once at Saundarartanda VII. 30, and once at
Buddhacarita IV.16 where she is called Kasisundari."l Johnston
,notes: story is unidentified and it is uncertain if Kasisun-
,dan is a proper name or not."2 The same story is referred to in the
Tibetan translation of Udbhattasiddhasvamin's [Toh.
1109] verses 31a-b and 32a-b where she is called, with less ambigu-
ity, ka si [sic] mdzes dga' m0
3
or Kasisundarinanda,4 and a version
of the story itself is found in Prajfiavarman's Vise$astava{ika [Toh.
1110]. However, Prajfiavarman's authorship of the relevant portion
of the TiM is uncertain. According to the colophon it appears that
the earlier translation by Rin chen bzail po was made from a manu-
script lacking the comments to twelve verses found at various
places throughout the work (bar skabs su)5 and eventually, when
no manuscript of the missing portions had come to light the cele-
brated S'a skya paWJita Kun dga' rgyal mtshandpal bzan po sup-
plied them himself.
6
Unfortunately for us, he was so successful at
imitating the style of his that we are unable to identify
his contribution.
The translation which follows is based upon the Vise$astava
and TZkii edited by L J amspal and published by him in
Varfu.J.asi in 1966. The text was established through a comparison
65
of the Peking and Derge xylographs.7 The edition is quite good;
however it is rather badly printed with many vowels missing and
broken letters, and lacks a critical apparatus. The text following
the translation is substantially this edition [J] ,which has been com-
pared with the following xylographs: Peking [P] Bstod tshogs
CVIlI, Ka ff. 22b3-23a2 and 23a7 -24al; Narthang [N] Bstod tshogs
CI, Ka ff.22a7-22b5 and 23a2-23b3; Cone [C] Bstodtshogs CCIX,
Ka ff.22b2-23al and 23a5-23b7. When listing variants Ihave ig-
nored the ambiguities of pa and ba and N's 'dugo and smraso for
'dug go, smras so, etc.
NOTES
1. In Johnston's edition this verse is as follows:
pura hi kasisundarya vesavadhva
taQito'bhutpada vyaso devatairapil I
2. E.H.Johnston, The Buddhacarita (1936); rpmt. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1972) Part 2. p.46 n.16. Heseemsnotto have noticed that Kasi-
may perhaps be metri causa for the more likely Kasl-, but see also pa:r).ini
6.3.63 on the substitution of i for 1 in proper names. As to whether it is a
proper name, Weller, following the Tibetan ka si [sic]'i mdzes rna, translates
" ... der (Stadt)schonen von Benares ... ;" Friedrich Weller, Das Leben des
p. 47, Translation p. 31.
3. Peking Bstod tshogs eVIlI, Ka f.3b2, 3:
ka si mdzes dga' mo la nil
rgyas pa yons chags rnam par gyurl I 31a-b
rgyas pa 'dod gduris g.yen spyo basi
bud med kyi ni rdog pas bsnunl I 32a-b
On the Vise!fastava see my forthcoming article in the Bhikkhu ] Kashyap
Memorial Volume "The of UdbhaHasiddhasvamin."
4. See Mahavyutpatti 1057.
5. Not "a portion in the middle" as in A Comparative Analytical
Catalogue of the Tanjur Division of the Tibetan Tripitaka (1965, Tibetan
Tripitaka Research Institute, Tokyo) p. 2.
6. Peking Bstod tshogs eVIlI, Ka f.48a7-8: [48a7] khyad par du
'phags par [sic] bstod pa'i rgya cher bsad pal slob dpon ses rab go chas
mdzad pa lasl bar skabs su tshigs su bcad pa bcu giiis kyi 'grel pa'i rgya dpe
rna sned [sic] nasi dus phyis sa kya'i dge [48a8] slon kun dga rgyal mtshan
dpal bzail po zes bya bal dpal sa skya'i dgon par sbyar ba r-dzogs sol I
7. Verbal communication from the editor, April 22,1978.
66
Translation
This is the tradition: Shortly after the Bharata war, Vyasa,
.despondent over the loss of his kin, wandered about and came to
Varfu).asl. In the middle of a street he saw the chief prostitute
Kasisundari:nanda near a door surrounded by a large group of men.
Attracted by the scene he went up and asked: "Whose house is
this?;" and hearing of her virtues such as her beauty and so forth
he was captivated and remained there. Then a servant said to
Kasisundarinanda: "There is a qi loitering at the door;" and she,
fearful of his curse, personally welcomed him with the preliminary
honors of worthy offerings, foot-rinse, and so on, bade him enter,
seated him upon a cushion in a quiet place, and washed his feet.
Vyasa laughed, and she, taking it as a sign from him, knew that she
had gotten her chance and said very charmingly: "Are you smiling
for no reason?" He said: "I heard that you were skilled in all the
arts yet you don't know how to massage the hands and feet." She
said: "If you know how, stretch out your hand and show me." He
gave her his hand and thereupon she felt that she had never before
experienced such a touch even though she had touched many dis-
tinguished sensualists; and he, becoming attached and lustful
thought: "I shall enjoy myself with her for a very longtime."
Thus did Vyasa remain enjoying unconcernedly the bliss of
sexual pleasure with Kasisundarinanda. On a certain occasion
Brahmadatta, the King of the city of VaraJ).asi, became frightened
of an enemy whereupon he ordered even the young (not to speak
of the others) to dig ten ten-cubit trenches in one day. He also
ordered Kasisundarinanda. Although she sought a laborer with an
. offer of a large salary, she was unable to find one and became dis-
traught. Vyasa said: "Why are you unhappy? Give me a pick and a
basket and I'll dig the trenches." After a while he went out. Having
dug [for a time] the sun went down before the trenches were fin-
ished and [darkness] approached. Then Vyasa thought: "It's twi-
light;" yet he did not return but stayed in that very place. The
water clock, etc. indicated the day was over, and knowing it to be
night, the king, ministers, and citizens became uneasy and made
ready to go out. Some time later, a brahmin saw Vyasa distractedly
67
digging a trench and after a while he [i.e. the brahmin] recognized
him. The king, ministers, and citizens having heard from him [What
Vyasa was doing] went up to him, touched his feet, and begged
his pardon but Vyasa looked away and went on digging. Fearful of
his curse, and knowing him to be digging Kas'isundarinanda's share
he [i.e. the king] sent her a message: "Make this great ni w h o ~
you have instigated to dig your share leave off." Even though she
sent a servant girl three times he did not wish to get up. Then she
herself got into her carriage, went there, got down, and kicked him
in the head with her ankleted foot. "What has now upset you that
makes you not leave off even when I have sent you word three
times?" Vyasa became happy and said: "It is because up until this
I was very much in love;" and so saying he got up.
Text
(P22b3, N22a7, C22b2, J54) 'di har rjes su thos tej1 bha
1a
ra
ta'i 'thab mo 'das 055) nas yun rin po rna Ion pa nal rgyas (N22bl)
pa fie dus
2
phons pa danl sdug bsnal gyis
3
sems kyi rgyud (C22b3)
zum pa danl yons su 4 'khyams sm
4
(P22b4) 5 va ra l).a sir
5
son ba
danl sran bar na 6ka si
6
mdzes dga' mo zes bya ba'i smad 'tshon
ma'i gtso 7 mo 8 zigl sgo dan fie ba na
8
skye bo'i tshogs
9
chen pos
bskor ba mthon ba danl de
10
ltad mo la zen pa'i yid kyis de'i
(N22b2) thad du (C22b4) son (P22b5) ste dris pal 'di su zig gi
khyim yin zes dris nasi de'i gzugs la sogs pa'i yon tan thos pas
sems phrogs pa dan 'dug gol de nas mnag gzug pa'i skye boll zig
gis12 13ka 51
13
mdzes
14
dga' mo la smras pal (P22b6) dran sron
'ga' zig sgo na sdod (C22b5) cin 'dug gol de yan dmod pas 'jigs
15
(N22b3) skrag nas mchod yon danl rkan khrus la sogs pa bsfien
bkur snon
16
du 'gro bas bdag iiid kyis17 mdun 18bsus te
18
I nan du
bcug nasi dben par (P22b7) stan la 'dug tu bcug stel ran iiid kyis
19
bkrus soil rgyas pas bgad pa danl (C22b6) des de'i
20
mtshan mar
bzun nas glags thob
21
par ses tel rab tu (N22b4) dga' bas khyed
rgyu med par 'dzum mam zes smras pa danl des smras pal (P2.2b8)
khyed ni sgyu rtsal thams cad la mkhas par thos na lag pa dan rkaiJ.
pa
22
mfie ba mi ses soil des smras pal gal te khyed (C22b7) 'di
la mkhas par gyur nal lag pa rkyons23 sig dan bstan par bya 011
des kyan (N22b5) de
24
la lag pa byin noll (P23al) de nas des
25
ji ltar na 'dod pa'i skye bo khyad par can du rna dan
26
reg 056)
68
par gyur kyan de Ita bu'i reg pa snon chad fiarns su rnyon bar rna
gyur pa (C23al) de Itar tshor bar byas sol de yan de danlhan cig
dus (P23a2) sin tu yun rin rnor rnnon par dga' bar bya 0 zes yons
SU chags sin 'dod pa'i 'dod chags skyes par gyur toll
(P23a7, N23a2, C23a5,j57) de yan 'diltardran (C23a6) sronrgyas
pa 27 ka S1
27
rndzes dga' rno dan lhan cig bag phebs par 'dod pa'i
bde ba rjes su rnyon zin (N23a3) 'dug pa nal dus 'ga' zig gi tshe
groil khyer 28 va ra I).a S1
28
rgyal po (P2 3a8) tshans pas byin la phas
kyi rgal ba'i 'jigs
29
pa iie bar gyur nasi gan gi phyir (C23a7) gzon
nu marns kyan iiin gcig la 'obs khru bcu bcu rkor
30
bcug pa'i lun
bsgo ba na gzan dag Ita rnos kyan ci dgosl (P23bl) de nas 31 ka
51
31
rndzes (N23a4) dga' rno Ian lun bsg0
32
ba danl des gla man
chen pos gla rni'i
33
skyes bu brtsal kyan rna brfied
34
nas serns pa
(C23bl) la zugs par gyur tol rgyas pas srnras pal ci'i phyir khyod
mi dga' bar byedl tog tse
35
dan skon (P23b2) pa byin dgj36
nas 'obs brko bar bya 0
37
zes srnras nasi ji
38
tsarn na son te
(N23a5) brkos pa dan 'obs rna rdsogs par iii rna nub
39
pa la rnilon
du phyogs par gyur toll (C23b2) de nas rgyas pas dgons ka'i dus la
bab bol (P23b3) siiarn nas rna log par de iiid du gnas par gyur tol
chu tshod la sogs40 pa'i rntshan mas fiin rno rdsogs
41
par gyur dnl
rntshan rno'i42 dus la (N23a6) bab par ses nas rgyal po dang blon
p043 groil khyer ba dan bcas pa serns (P23b4, C23b3) marn par
gyens
44
pa dan/
45
de marns
45
'gro ba la brtson par gyur pa nal ji
tsarn na brarn ze gzan zig gis46 (J58) 'obs brko ba la gyens ba'i
serns kyi rgyas pa rnthon ba danl yun rin rno zig na n0
47
ses par
gyur tol (P23b5, N23a7) de nas de las thos pa danl rgyal (C23b4)
po dan blon po gron khyer gyi skye bo
48
dan bcas pa de'i thad du
son stel rkan pa gfiis la gtugs nas bzod
49
par gsol ba danl de gdon
gzan du Ita zin rko
50
ba fiid kyis51 gnas sol (P23b6) de yan drnod
pas 'jigs
52
skrag pa danl 'dis 53 ni 54ka 81
54
rndzes (N23bl, C23b5)
dga' rno'i skal pa rko
55
bar ses nas de la phrin du bskur bal thub
pa khyad par can 'di khyed kyi skal pa'i 'obs rkor
56
bcug pa las
slon zig ces byas pa danl (P23b7) des bu rno rnnag gzug rna zig
Ian gsurn gyi bar du gtan yan de lans su rna 'dod dol (C23b6) de
nas de ran itid gion pa la zon tel 'ons nas (N23b2) de las babs te
rkan gdub dang bcas pa'i rkan pas rngo bor bsnun tel (P23b8) gan
gi phyir da ni skyo bar gyur pas nas Ian gsurn gyi bar du phrin bskur
69
na ci'i phyir ldan bar
57
mi byed/ rgyas pa yid dga' bar (C23b7)
gyur pa dan smr:as pa/gan gi phyir 'di ltar bar du brtse bas na sin
tu rjes su (N23b3) bZUIi ba yin no/ (P24al) zes smras nas lans par
gyur to/
NOTES TO THE TEXT
1. J om sad. 1a. PNCJ bha. 2. PNC du'i. 3. PNC gyi. 4-4. PNC 'khyam ziil. 5-5.
PN ba ra I).a sir; C ba ra I).a sir. 6-6. PNC ka si. 7. J gtsa. 8-8. PNC zig sgo dan/
fie ba na. 9. J tshags. 10. J de'i. 11. J ba. 12. PNC gi. 13-13. PNC ka si. 14.J.
mdzas. 15. PNC 'jig. 16. PNC mnon. 17. PNC kyi. 18-18. PNC bsu ste. 19. PN
C kyi. 20. PNC de. 21. P thod. 22. J adds yaIi.. 23. PNC brkyon. 24. P des. 25.
C. de. 26. PNC adds sad. 27-27. PNC ka si. 28-28. PN ba ra na sir; C ba ra I).a
sir. 29. P 'jig. 30. P rgor. 31-31. PNC ka si. 32. J bsga. 33. PN ma'i. 34. PN
siied; C bsiied. 35. J tsa. 36. PN om Sad. 37. NC add sad. 38. J ja. 39. P nug.
40. J sags. 41. J rdzags. 42. J ma'i. 43. J pa. 44. J gyans. 45-45. PNC mam pa
de. 46. PNC gi. 47. J na. 48. J ba. 49. PNC gzod. 50. PN brkod; C brko. 51.
PN kyi. 52. PN 'jig. 53. PNC 'di. 54-54. PNC ka si. 55. PNC bsko. 56. P bskor;
NC brkor. 57. C om bar.
70
Nevv Areas of Research
For Archaeologists and Buddhologists
by C. TucC
Up to now the mountainous area of the Pamirs, the Hindukush,
the Karakorum and Ladakh, has stimuhl.ted alpine climbers to
undertake wonderful and extremely perilous expeditions. I think
that now the archaeologists should follow on their tracks, because
there is no doubt that in the valleys enclosed between the snowy
peaks and the glaciers many cultures developed from ancient
times, and later on Buddhism too spread widely, as I hope to have
shown in an article inEast and West.!
- Buddhism, first introduced in U<;l<;liyana (Swat) and Afghan-
istan at the time of Asoka or immediately after him, extended east-
wards as far as Ladakh. The inhabitants of those places east of
.Kafiristan were mainly Dards or people speaking Dardic dialects
who had settled there in sites' whose previous inhabitants have not
yet been firmly identified. The introduction of Buddhism into
Baltistan took place before the occupation of Ladakh by the
scions of the Tibetan dynasty after the death of Glali-dar-ma
(842 A.D.) and the following so-called second diffusion of Buddh-
ism in Guge (late 9th century). Buddliism was already flourish-
ing in Baltistan in the eighth century. In fact there is a very im-
portant statement of ~ h e Chinese pilgrim Hui-ch'ao, travelling
about 726, who states that north of Kashmir there was Great
P'u-lii, Gilgit, and that the people of Baltistan were Buddhists an0.
in their land were temples and monks. At that time the Tibetans
were not Buddhists, he says; in fact in 726 Buddhism had not yet
penetrated Tibet on a hrge scale, but it is certain that knowledge
of it had reached some se'ctions of the society and it had attracted
its first followers. Sron-btsan sgam-po married the Chinese princess
Wen-ch'eng in 641 A.D. and Mes-ag-tsom married princess Chin-
"ch'eng in 710 A.D. The Tibetans had made many incursions into
Central Asia; at the end of the 8th century they "controlled the
71
four garrisons." At that time relevant contacts must have taken
place between the Tibetans and Buddhism not only as a religion
but also as an inspiring mode of life. We know
2
that mN-ab-ris,
now Western Tibet, included some districts'in which Buddhism
was accepted: some of those districts were Li (Khotan), Gru za:::
Bru za
3
(Gilgit or Little P'u-Iu), sBal-te (Baltistan). The capital of
Great P'u-lii was called in Chinese Ye-to (old pronunciation ac-
cording to Karlgren ngiat-t'a): to my mind this is the transcription
of a local (Dardic?) word which is at the basis of the Tibetan sKar-
rDo. That Skardo was a very important Buddhist centre is testified
by a famous book, the Description of Li-yul (Khotan);4 in this
book Skardo is said to be not only a realm, but also the capital of
many realms; there is mention in it of a donation of Buddhist
books to Skardo from Khotan. The fact that Skardo enjoyed great
prestige among Buddhist communities of Khotan is testified by
the story told in the same text of how in a former birth Vimala-
prabha made the vow to be reborn in a future life as the daughter
of the king of Skardo.
Moreover when I was there in 1930 I admired huge boulders
on which were engraved most beautiful bas-reliefs representing
rows of Buddhas and portraits of donors; other sculptures were
scattered on the rocks. I also bought a small gilt image of Lokesvara.
I took photos of them as well as rubbings of some inscriptions
nearby;5 I put the rubbings, the photos and the image in a box
which fell into the river with the pony who carried it. From the
literary documents as well as from the stone reliefs we may draw
the conclusion that Skardo is a place which deserves thorough in-
vestigation; the image I found had a peculiar look which certainly
showed the influence of Kashmir art, but it had also some pecu-
liarities of modelling which led me to think that in Skardo were
gifted artisans influenced by the art of surrounding cultural areas;
the latter perhaps failed to suppress completely the trends and tra-
ditions of the local people.
6
When investigation is undertaken in
Baltistan I suppose that we shall be in a condition to collect richer
material than that so carefully studied by Doctor Pal.
7
While the Buddhist art of Ladakh was mainly influenced by
Kashmir (and even by real Indian schools such as the paintings of
Mangnang), especially at the time of Rin-chen bzan-po (958-1055)
and later on by Nepalese artists, the Buddhist culture of Baltistan
reached this country not only from the South (Kashmir, via Dras
72
etc.) but also and especially from the North, e.g., Gilgit, and
:through Gilgit from Khotan and Eastern Turkestan, in general. Of
course Buddhism was not the only religion which penetrated into
those parts i in Gilgit some inscriptions have been found which
testify to the presence of Hinduism there; they contain names of
kings which have certainly no Buddhist look: Adityavarman, Sur-
endraditya, Makara(pura), Vikramaditya etc. The discovery of
.Buddhist texts by Sir Aurel Stein in Gilgit, and that of the Sangha-
bhedavastu which I found in Pakistan and which certainly comes
from the same locality, indicates the presence oflearned commun-
ities in Gilgit and Hunza. Nor do I exclude the possibility that
some stupas may still be discovered in Baltistan containing other
books or at least ts'a-ts'a.
One may even ask if the magnificent temple of Alchi,8 which
has been the object of a very detailed and most accurate study by
Snellgrove, has preserved, in some of its paintings, examples of the
last descendants of the Baltistani Buddhist artists.
, For these reasons, therefore, I am sure that Karakorum,
Fnndukush, and the Pamirs represent a still unexplored field of re-
iisearch not only for archaeologists interested in prehistory and
;protohistory, but also for those who are anxious to find out what
'is left of Buddhist centres scattered in that isolated and inacces-

;sible part of the world.
. The Saka itinerary from Gilgit to Chilas
9
indicates that along
the track from Gilgit to Chilas there were some SaIigharamas:
'Sarakligi (according to Morgenstierne: Sarikol); Icahanagari, three
SaIigharamas; at Syadim near the Indus, three Sangharamas; near
the bridge on the Indus, four Sangharamas; in Giq.agitti (Gilgit:
';Hatun Inscription Gilagitta), four stone SaIigharamas.
NOTES
1. "On Swat. The Dards and Connected Problems." East and West, N.S.
vol. 27, 1977 pp. 9 ff.
2. Tucci G., Tibetan Painted Scrolls 1949, I, p. 252, note 2.
3. But Bru za is better known as the place from which masters of Bon po
religion penetrated into Tibet.
4. Thomas F. W.; Tibetan Literary Texts, London 1955-65.
5. Photo of some of these bas-reliefs can be found in Biasutti R. and
Dainelli G., Spedizione Italiana de Filippi nell'Himala'ya, Caracorum e Turke-
stan. Bologna 1925.
73
6. I may call the attention of the reader on the painted book covers
from Gilgit published by Banerje R. D. in Oriental Art, N.S. 1968.
7. Pal P., The bronzes of Kashmir, Graz, 1975.
8. Snellgrove D. and Skorupski T., The cultural heritage of Ladakh, vol.
I, Warminster 1977.
9. Bailey H. W., "An Itinerary in Khotanese Saka." Acta Orientalia,
XIV, 1936. Morgenstierne G., The Saka Itinerary, N.T.S., 1942.
74
An Anthology of Buddhist Tantric Songs, A Study of the Caryagiti,
by P-er Kvaerne. OsI0-Bergen-Troms0: Universitetsforlaget, 1977.
pp. viii + 275.
The author of this edition is to be congratulated for bringing out
such a controversial but fascinating text of the Buddhist Tantra-con-
troversial from the point of view of the original language as well as of
interpretation. The linguistic controversy is a fundamental one due to
the diversity of forms found in the text. The edition has wisely avoided
the issue, but has tacitly accepted the general opinion which swings
toward Bengali as the language of the text. "While adopting," says the
author in the introduction (p. 3) "the more usual designation 'old Ben-
gali', I do not wish to commit myself to any definite position; it is per-
haps doubtful whether the linguistic basis of CG can be reduced to a
single dialect." Since the language issue has been a controversial one
since the first publication ofthe text in 1916 by H. P. it would
have been our added advantage, if the editor had discussed it once
again. One point which is usually avoided by scholars, including the pre-
sent one, is that the text must have belonged to different times and
places, and for this reason it should show linguistic variation. And,
perhaps, for that reason, the text bears features which resemble Maithili
or Old Awadhi-apart from the fact that it could be a specimen of Old
Oriya as well. I personally feel that when the anthology was com-
piled several centuries had already passed between the earlier and the
later texts within it: hence the date of the text ranges between 700
and 1200 A.D.; and during this period these eastern languages had not
yet become fully differentiated from each other. In addition, the lan-
guage of the anthology, could not shake off the fetters of Apabhrarpsa.
It would be worthwhile to consult some contemporary literature, the
major bulk of which is in Apabhrarpsa, for linguistic clarification.
Most scholars, if not all, have refused so far to recognize that some
writers of the eastern school of Prakrit grammarians have recorded
features of Apabhrarp.sa which closely correspond with the language
and vocabulary of Caryapadas (e.g. safle, cikhila, etc.). This might
also help scholars to fix the lower limit of the date of the text.
In selecting the readings of the text, the editor was very conscien-
tious. He consulted three authorities-the text, Munidatta's Commen-
tary, and the Tibetan translation. In the case of doubtful readings a
tendency to follow the Tibetan version is discernible, but the author
has not always adhered to the latter. For example, in 1.4 (p. 67) the
78
editor has not followed the Tibetan rendering, despite the fact that
the Tibetan has preserved the original meaning of the Bengali word. The
passage in question runs thus:
Eriu cbandaka bandba kapatera iisa/ sunupakba bbiri liihu re piisa
The reading liibu, "come close (to you)" (p. 69) does not seem to
be happy (as is also noticed by the editor). My feeling would be to
accept the reading bbiti loha, which he discards and gives in the foot-
note (p. 68); bbiti loba would mean "the foundation of desire." The
author has another difficulty with piikba and piisa, both meaning
"side" in the same line, and so the word piikba is taken in the sense of
"fan", on the analogy of modem Bengali piikbii, by quoting Turner
(7627) in this case against the evidence of Tibetan, which renders pakha
as "side" (p. 69). Obviously there is no justification for using the two
words in the same sentence with the same meaning. I wonder whether
piisa could be taken as pasya > passa > piisa and piikba as "side", in
which case the line would mean "behold, the foundation of desire (is)
empty on your side" (Corom. This also agrees with
Munidatta's commentary "the fetters of desire" as is given by the editor
in the braket of his translation (p. 67). I believe there are other cases as
well where some of the readings could also be adjusted in a similar way.
In his 64-page introduction, much information has been supplied.
In part I, he discusses the text, the Tibetan translation, the title, the
language, the author, the date of the Caryiigiti and the genre (pp. 1-8).
Professor Kvaerne has given the names of the putative authors of the
poems in a tabulated form, mentioning the number of verses attributed
to each author but he has not discussed these attributions, as he says "it
does not concern us" (p. 4). His section dealing with previous studies
(pp. 9-16) of the text is quite informative,although some of the old
Bengali texts published from Calcutta are not included. He has spared
no pains in utilizing Munidatta's commentary and the Tibetan trans-
lation (pp. 17-29) to establish a well-balanced presentation of the text.
In his discussion of the religious background (pp. 30-36), two texts -
Hevajratantra and Pancakrama - occupy most of his thoughts. But the
verses of the text are so obscure and terribly shrouded in darkness that
no amount of effort is helpful in understanding the underlying concept
of tantric Buddhism (even with the help of the two texts mentioned
above), so far as the old Bengali Caryiigiti text is concerned. Munidatta's
commentary and the Tibetan translation often confound all our at-
temps to reconcile the apparent anomalies in the imagery of the Carya-
giti (pp. 37-60). Professor Kvaerne's attemp to unravel the riddle ofthe
text in pages 41-60 is noteworthy. His essay on the concept of Sabaja
(pp. 61-64) is well written. After introductory remarks, the text begins
79
with an English translation in part II (pp. 65-268). Notes to part I are
given at the end of the book (pp. 269-275).
There remain a few observations about other aspects of the text.
To his bibliography, which is extensive, should be added the latest work
of D.N. Basu, The Functional Analysis of Old Bengali, (Calcutta, 1976).
A thorough discussion of the metre of the text would strengthen our
argument about the antiquity of the anthology. With regard to the ar-
rangement of the text, my tendency would be to arrange the individual
poems according to author, unless we believe that the text is from the
pen of one single author. A word index including the variants would be
very helpful to handle this sort of scholarly work, despite Sen's Index
Verborum of old Bengali.
In conclusion I can say that this is a good edition which can be
relied upon for all practical purposes.
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
';,Tibetan. Medicine: With Special Reference to Yogasataka, by Vaidya
:Shagwan Dash .. Dharamsala, India: Library of Tibetan Works and
'Archives, 1976. pp. xvi + 390
The study of Tibetan medicine is still a very sparse field. Of the
thirty-one books and thirty-five articles listed in Rechung Rinpoches'
"Bibliography of European Works on Tibetan Medicine" in his Tibetan
Medicine (1973), many treat the subject only incidently and some are
but brief notices. Still other books are totally uncritical in their ap-
proach, with either unabashed admiration for, or a prejudiced condem-
nation of, this medical system. .
Bhagwan Dash would contribute to this sparse field with his
book, Tibetan Medicine. He wrote this book as his PhD. dissertation at
the University of Delhi, though he does not say which department he
wrote it for. Previous to this dissertation, however, he 'was already a
vaidya, an Ayurvedic physician of some repute, I gather, as he has
already published some books in that field. The writing of a book on
Tibetan medicine by one with his training and experience ought certain-
ly be welcomed. This is especially so considering the ,technical difficul-
ties involved in the study of the subject. However, his book falls short
of the expectations one might have, for a number of reasons.
The book itself consists of two major parts. The first part is an
introduction to Tibetan medicine in general. It is here that the disap-
pointment begins. It appears to be directionless, a collection of notes
rather than a part of a research paper. For instance, he says that the
Tibetans learned medicine from India. Then he says that while pulse
and urine examinations are described in Tibetan works, they are "con-
spicuous by their absence in Ayurvedic classics" (pA). He cites as an
example the Rgyud-bzi, the primary textbook of medicine in Tibet, as
having chapters on such examinations, then points out that the Rgyud-
bzi is the translation of the Sanskrit Amrta A ~ t a n g a Guhyopadesa
Tantra, which no one in India seems to have ever heard of. He then
stops and goes on to talk about something entirely different. At no
point in the book does he pick up and deal with the questions these
statements raise, nor does he seem to realize that a question has been
raised. Perhaps the Rgyud-bzi is not a translation of a single work at all
but a Tibetan compilation of different words both Indian and Chinese,
where examination of the pulse was (and still is) most common.
82
The rest of the first part is much the same, a string of notes
mentioning items of use and interest here and there but never putting
anything together. In fact, at some points his notes contradict them-
selves. For instance, on page 3, Dash writes "Bon, the native religion of
that country, was completely wiped out of Tibet ... " This is a curious
statement in itself; yet on page 48 he talks about publications in 1972
by the Bon-po Monastic Centre. There are other problematic points as
welL Dash has a chapter entitled "Ayurveda in Pre-Buddhist Tibet and
Secular Medical Literature." One might reasonably expect from such a
title a discussion on pre-Buddhist Indo-Tibetan contacts and the prac-
tice of medicine in Tibet outside the scope of the monastic centers,
both of which are interesting and unexplored topics. Instead, What
Dash offers the reader is but four pages with the topic "Ayurveda in
Pre-Buddhist Tibet" covered in one sentence that says because the
Bon-po practice Ayurveda, Ayurveda must have arrived in Tibet before
Buddhism.
All this is not to say that the first section is entirely bad. Many of
his notes are useful and can serve as a sort of reference work. Further,
they do raise questions, as I have pointed out; however, the reader
should be warned not to expect more than this.
The second part of the book is much better. Here Dash has made
a critical edition of the Tibetan versions of Nagarjuna's Yogasataka,
making use of the Derge, Narthang and Peking editions along with the
edition made by Bu-ston. He translates the Tibetan back into Sanskrit
and then compares this with another critical edition he has made of
Vararuci's work of the same name. It is here that Bhagwan Dash's years
of experience as an Ayurvedic physician can be appreciated. The
Y ogasataka is an extremely terse text, meant as a manual and reference
work. As the title implies (The 100 Recipes), the work is a list of short
formulas and what they are used for: X mixed with Y overcome Z etc.
Being of this nature only someone like Dash could handle it adequately.
In addition to the two critical editions he has made, Dash also
translates the two into English. That is, he attempts to do so. This is the
disappointing part of the second section. Quite simply, he failed to
complete his translation: almost half the English translation is still in
Sanskrit, and in some cases the only English in the sentence are words
like "of" and "and". It is not the case either that the Sanskrit words
involved have no English equivalent. His glossary at the end of the book
testifies to that. Nor is there any uniformity in his type of translation,
for a word in Sanskrit on one page might appear in English a few pages
later.
If I seem a little harsh in this review, it is only because the book
might have been very good. Instead, it seems incomplete. Had Dash
thought about his notes a little more and given them direction, and had
83
he given an English translation as promised, the book would have been
a -fine contribution to both Buddhology and the History of Medicine.
As it is, it is a shame that after the years of work mentioned in the pre-
face, Bhagwan Dash couldn't have spent just a little more time polish-
ing his work before he published it.
E. Todd Fenner
On Buddhist Text Information (B.T.I.)
Of the Institute for Advanced Studies
Of World Religions (IASWR), N ew York
. by R. A. Card
87
The Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions (IASWR, New
York) started a periodical Buddhist Text Information (BTl), in Novem-
ber 1974, as a bibliographic information service for which the author is
responsible as BTl Editor. It is issued four times a year (March, June,
September, December) and .numbered consecutively from Number 1,
with a Cumulative Index published annually in December. In addition
to describing texts and their published editions, translations, studies,
indices, etc., the BTl devotes special attention to research planned, in
progress, or completed according to information received through cir-
culated Author Entry Forms. In each BTl Number the data are ar-
ranged by basic texts with romanized titles listed in A-Z order and a
brief identification. Under each text title, the bibliographic entries are
listed chronologically according to the date of publication or the
Author Entry Form received; they are numbered consecutively for each
issue. Each BTl Number has a Title Index in which the underlined num-
bers of entries refer to work planned, in progress, or completed but not
yet published. Where applicable, Asian words are transliterated, with
diacritics, according to the systems used by The Library of Congress
(Washington, D.C.).
The bibliographic nature of the data in BTl Numbers is indicated
by a letter code added to the entry number: a = abridgement/abstract,
b = bibliography/catalog/list, c = concordance, d = dissertationlthesis,
e = edition, f = facsimile, g = glossary, i = index, "1\1 = manuscript, p =
pictorial data/illustrations, r = revised/corrected/added entry, s = study,
modern commentary, t = translation, v = vocabulary, x = extracts/se-
lections, incomplete work. An asterisk * applied to a letter code indi-
cates that the item is available in microform or xerographic copy at cost
from the IASWR Library, within the provisions of the copyright law if
applicable.
The BTl Cumulative Index consists of two parts: Title Index of
basic texts, and Name Index of authors, editors, translators, and com-
88
mentators with dates and variant names given when known. To aid
cross-reference study, entries are coded in italics and symbols: bw '"
basic work description, tc = traditional commentary description, ew '"
commented work description, tt = traditional Jranslation [of bw, te,
cwl description, mw = modern work: edition, translation, study, etc., re
= related entry:. edition, etc. by others to which may be added if
needed: [el = editor, [rl = reviewer, [tl = translator; = derived from:
original name, = became: transliterated/translated/reconstructed. name,
/ = alternative date/variant name. The Cumulative Index also employs
the letter code used in BTl Numbers.
In each Number an attempt is made to include Buddhist texts in
Pali, Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese, and Japanese or other Asian languages.
The selection policy is to list a text on which someone reportedly is
working (editing, translating, studying, etc.) add whatever information
is available about its other Asian language versions or translations and
relevant Western and Asian publications, and then describe the author's
current work in his own words. The BTl Numbers and Cumulative
Indexes are typed by an IBM Correction Selectric II; Chinese, Japanese,
and Korean characters are handwritten on the typed copy; Tibetan
script for titles is xerographically copied from published catalogues and
strip-pasted on the typed copy; other Asian words are romanized only.
Alternative dates and variant names are given whenever known. The
final copy is photoprinted. Typographical errors are corrected when
discovered and additional or updates information is given when avail-
able in subsequent BTl issues.
By periodically listing both published and in-progress work information
about Buddhist texts, it is hoped that Buddhist Text Information will
help supplement the data contained in published bibliographies and fa-
cilitate an exchange of information between scholars about their Bud-
dhist textual studies. For the latter purpose, names and addresses are
given for current research entries. Thus, a scholar planning to work on
a partiC'ular Buddhist text may directly contact another who is report-
edly working on the same text to ascertain whether their research will
duplicate or complement each other. At times, the BTl Editor is asked
by correspondents in Asia (particularly India, Japan, Sri Lanka), Europe,
and North America if someone is working on a Buddhist text not yet
reported in the BTl. In such cases, a brief query on the matter is in-
serted in a Number and the desired information, if and when received,
is forwarded to the inquiring scholar.
Admittedly, textual studies are only a small and very specialized
part of the whole of Buddhist studies, as categorized above in nine fields.
Currently, much more research and publications are being undertaken
in Buddhist introductory, doctrinal, institutional-social, and cultural
subjects, evidently less in historical, biographical, and literary subjects
89
and, comparatively little, but much needed, in reference and general
work. Available published Buddhist bibliographies are now inadequate:
they are unavoidably incomplete, issued too infrequently, and are be-
coming outdated. Furthermore, how can Buddhist students, beginners
or advanced scholars, in North America, Asia, and Europe know suffi-
ciently about each others' work published or in progress?
Buddhist materials, or fields of Buddhist studies, may be divided
into nine or more categories: I. Reference Works (bibliographies, ency-
clopaedias, directories, etc.), II. General Works (collected writings, com-
memorative volumes, series, periodicals, audiovisual aids, etc.), III. In-
troductions (methodologies, introductions, surveys, comparative studies,
etc.), IV. Histories (studies of Buddhist periods, areas, countries, and
topics such as events, councils, schisms, etc., as well as Buddhist values,
welfare activities, education, etc., in various societies), V. Biographies
and the Buddha ideal (studies of Buddhist monastics, teachers, lay per-
sonages, and of idealized figures, pantheons, etc.), VI. Literatures and
Texts (studies of Buddhist folklore, essays, poetry, stories, etc., and of
texts and commentaries, both canonical and extracanonical), VII. Prin-
ciples and Practices (studies of Buddhist concepts, doctrines, ceremonies,
customs, meditation, etc.), VIII. Organization, Movements, Schools/
Sects (studies of Buddhist institutions, organizational developments,
Sangha and monastic life, lay groups and religious life, etc.), IX. Cul-
tural Arts (studies of Buddhist aesthetics and symbolism, architecture,
dance, drama, handicrafts, music, the pictorial arts, and sculpture (for
ceremonial arts see above, VII; for literature see above, VI).
Within these nine bibliographic categories or fields of Buddhist
studies, textual studies (part VI. Literatures and Texts) are of primary
importance for most of the other fields, and it is particularly helpful
for prospective editors, translators, and commentators to know what
has been published, or is being undertaken or even planned, by others
on a particular Buddhist text before they begin work on it. Through ap-
propriate bibliographic information, individual time and effort can be
conserved and, if desired, cooperation can be achieved in Buddhist
textual studies.
In these circumstances, should The Institute for Advanced Studies
of World Religions start another bibliographic service complementary
to Buddhist Text Information? Tentatively, it might be called Bud-
dhist Studies Survey (BSS) and list periodically reports and inquiries
about Buddhist research in the nine fields mentioned above. If so, it
would necessarily exclude references to work already published; other-
wise, to revive the Bibliographie Bouddhique (Paris, 1930-1961), which
covered Janvier 1918 to Mai 1954, would require very substantial fund-
ing and staff organization.
Responses from readers of the .Journal of the International Asso-
90
natIOn of Buddhist Studies concerning the desirability, scope, format
and potential circulation-subscription of a Buddhist Studies Surve;
. would be greatly appreciated. (Similarly, author entries and subscrip_
tions to Buddhist Text Information are always welcome.) Please send
your comments to: Dr. Richard A. Gard, Director of Institute Services
The Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, Melville M e m o ~
riial Library, State University of New York at Stony Brook, New York
11794, U.S.A.
v. OBITUARY
I Professor Dr. P. L. Vaidya I.
P.L. Vaidya was born on June 29,1891. He had his early edu-
:ation in Sanskrit grammar, literature, philosophy and Indian
;ystems of medicine, according to the traditional ways, in Patha-
;lialas. In June 1910 he came to Pune for his early education
rod joined the New English School. He passed his Matriculation
in December 1912 from the same school, and got his second
Jagannath Shankarshet Sanskrit Scholarship. The first was award-
ed to Dr. C.D. Deshmukh.
In 1913, he joined Fergusson College for his further educa-
tion. After taking his Inter-Arts Exam., he left the College and
joined New English School as a teacher. After some time he re"
turned to college and took his B.A. from the University of Bom-
bay in the first class, and won the Bhau Daji Prize for Sanskrit.
After his B.A. he joined Rajaram. College of Kolhapur as a Profes-
sor of Sanskrit and Pali (1918-19). After a year he joined Willing-
don College of Sangali (1919-30). While he was teaching in the
Willingdon College he obtained his M.A. from the University of
Calcutta in the first class. having Pali as his subject for the M.A.
He then went to Paris as a Govt. of India Language Scholar
(1921-23). He studied under famous Orientalists in Bonn, Brussels,
and Paris. In 1923 he obtained his Doctorate from Paris University.
Coming back to India he joined the Willingdon College. Then
he was a Professor of Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali in the Fergusson
College, Poona (1930-32), and N. Wadia College, Poona (1932-47).
After his retirement from Wadia College he worked in the Banaras
Hindu University as Mayurbhanj Professor and Head of the Depart-
ment of Sanskrit and Pali (1947-52). Then he worked as Director
91
of the Mithila Institute of Sanskrit Research at Darbhanga (1954_
58). In 1961 he joined the Bhandarkar Oriental Research I:c.stitute
,
Poona, as General Editor of the Mahabharata (1961-1972). Be
edited Kar1Japarvan of the Mahabharata, the Harivamsa, and pre-
pared the Pratika-Index of the Mahabharata and Harivamsa in 6
volumes.
He edited the Ayodhyakii1Jefa and Yuddhaka'r}rJa of Valmiki's
Riimayana for the Oriental Institute, Baroda. Dr. Vaidya has
published critical editions of the works of three grammarians of
Prakrit languages, three volumes o! Pushpadanta's Mahapurar;a in
Apabhramsa, some texts of the Agamas of the J ains in Prakrit
,
Bauddhagamarthasamgraha, an anthology; 17 volumes of Buddhist
Sanskrit Texts. He has many other articles and writings to his
credit.
He was the recipient of a Certificate of Honour (Sanskrit-
Pandita) of the Government of India (1963); he became the Gen-
eral President of All India Oriental Conference (1969). The Uni-
versity of Poona conferred on him an honorary D.Litt (1972).
He was elected Honorary Fellow of the International Association
of Buddhist Studies (1976).
Dr. Vaidya passed away on 25th February 1978.
P. V. Bapat
92