Rural India Under Siege

RURAL INDIA UNDER SIEGE
Save Family, Community And Khap
GIAN S INGH
Rural India Under Siege
TO BAN KHAPS AND GOTRA KHAPS IS LIKE A BAN ON THE INITIATIVE OF THE PEOPLE LIKE BRITISH DID IN THEIR TIME Sn.
CONTENTS
Chapter
Page
In lieu of Introduction 1.
September, 2011
1-12 13-18 19-22
The World Of Myths The Chargesheet
2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Rural India - A Different Landscape 23-31 Rural-Urban Divide Khap System A Story in History Myths Analysed i. CA Debate ii. Emerginng Issues 55-74 75-82 83-130 131-146 147-153 154 32-40 41-54
7. 8. Tehrik Publications 383/6 Fatehpuri Colony Rohtak-124001 India 9.
Charges Examined
Rural India under Siege
Lessons
Annex.
1 In lieu of introduction
Of late, media is highly creative with Khap/Gotra Khap question and has taken to itself the task of cleansing rural India of feudal moss making it fit for modern times of its own choice with little care for the victims and their future. The zeal of a coercive crusade like this was unprecedented and resembled more like a campaign that was bound to bite hard on its targets. While it left deep scars on the conscience, the intent was more compelling to lay bare the hypocracy that was fascinating too. The arguments of the adversary needed rebuttle and challenge thrown, lest it be taken as a victory uncontested on behalf of the people. The intention of this exercise on our part is not to present an academic treatise on Khap; those who have done it before, the subject stood mauled. This exercise is to explore and defend the rural characteristics at their pristine best that have emerged in course of social interaction and are still relevant to a collective way of life with much to contribute for a better life. At its peak, the crusade against Khap was led by corporate media like Times of India, Indian Express
Rural India Under Siege Rural India Under Siege
2
and Frontline, EPW to name a few. In addition to Hindi daily Jansatta, one Chandigarh based The Tribune marvelled with one or two among the left enthusiasts taking chunk of its space. To test their objectivity, a rebuttal in Hindi and English was tried first. None of these publications though published it. This exposed their intent to use media and its freedom as a convenient tool to serve sectarian interests rather than remain honest to public interests and took perhaps their own views as gospel truth in search of modernity of dubious nature paving way for the administration to act in their service. Going through the chargesheet from these new crusaders against rural India in general and its Khap system in particular, one strong image has emerged: what Macaulay intended to achieve out of his proposals on colonial education policy of the British regime, more so in the aftermath of 1857, the mindset of the urbanite highbrow in India even after six decades of transfer of power to native hands is deeply colonial in pursuit still, highly ingrained as it is with aspirations and cultural mores, patterned on the western way of thought and its value system. Finding our rulers of the same pedigree, we may be pained over this signal achievement of Mr. Macaulay, but are least surprised. British colonialists were meticulous in planning and execution, we know. Commanding high degree of resources, the media in its zeal to upheld the freedom of choice for deviant
3 youngsters to indulge in unfettered right of sexual conduct and pleading for an unrestrained entertainment in sex with almost no-bar of any legal or social kind, has raised issues that have bearing larger than what it conceeds in the one-sided debate. By implication the siniter forces lurking behind this campaign are seeking a right to thrust its own valuesystem upon the rest in matters at core very personal.
Clearly, this campaign does not want to allow rural India its right to live its own life, in its own way; even if democratic norms go to pieces. It will be an interesting exercise to know the reason why such a brazen venture is undertaken by this elite club at this juncture of Indias march to power. It seems keen to alienate and deprive this 70% portion of the population from the process, with dire poverty looming large due to high level of deprivation during these years of Independent existence with no regret. Rural India clearly is under siege. It does not require extra-ordinary intelligence to understand atleast one thing which is clear beyond doubt to any naked eye: The target of this campaign today is to demolish the institution of family of Indian characteristics. Khap comes in only because it is essential to make the family worthless as an institution, first by demonising and banning it if possible, its own traditional security system inherent in Khap practice.
4 Almost a virulent tirade against rural India is on with full steam. The intellectual jihadists of a particular dispensation, with pug-marks of modernity of dubious colour, are out with a Talibani zeal to sing songs of human rights and make belief freedoms for rogues and depraved elements in society, defending them on sexual misconduct; while in normal course, they trample down these very rights of the working people on protest against inroads in the domain of social, cultural economic and political rights.
In their zeal to hit against rural India, this campaign is virulent in temper, but totally unmindful even of bare facts in the case, even while the difference between khap and Gotra Khap is easily ignored to have an easy prey. It is difficult to digest that knowall intelligentia engaged in this campaign is unaware of the difference so vital in debate on the subject or the consequences that are likely to follow. The debate is thus worth attention to study. Another notable feature of this tirade is the attitude of the entire political establishment. This sweating exercise has been lapped up dutifully by the leadership at all levels that matters for political, administrative, judicial and legal measures against the errant Khap system itself to usher in so-called modernity. Sometimes it appears that the campaign is designed by powers that be with some hidden agenda and duly orchestrated on command. Home Minister and the Law Minister of the country chipping in at appropriate moments to declare khap unconstitutional was a
5 spectacle never seen before. Law Commission is doing the bidding to change established norms in jurisprudence. Consequently, the campaign has aroused intense passions among both adherents and its opponents. It became brash in accusation and issued threats wildly, even at the cost of natural rights.
Soon it became clear that the self-styled leadership of Khaps, presently in command, lacks understanding of the very intent and they failed miserably to properly assess the motives behind this campaign against Khap system in rural areas. In many cases it was apparent that the upstarts in leadership were not fully aware about the true nature of Khap system itself as it had emerged historically, its essential characteristics and how it works on the ground keeping its vital aspects intact, giving undue alibies to its detractors. This lends importance to the present publication. Essential elements under attack For one thing, institutions of family, village community, Bhaichara and Gotra Khap/ Khap are asked to clear the constitutional test for legitimacy in free India for the first time since independence! The question begs answer; what is not mentioned in Indian Constitution does it not exist or has no right to exist? Was it ever the intention of constitution writers in India? No one ever dared to question the legitimacy of family, community on this account. But why now? It is simple because rural mores are now considered as a big hurdle in the path for global economy?
6 It is amusing to watch one variety among the crusaders who once were extra active denouncing Indian Constitution as a bourgeosie document in content and openly used to declare their intention to sabotage it from within to bring about a social change in the country of their liking. But now these gentlemen are extra faithful to make it a litmus test of fidelity!
One impression has gained ground and not without reason that the media has turned pathetically partisan as never before in coverage and presentation of incidents, leading the current tirade against Khap, giving extra-ordinary prominence to untested facts and intemperate language to generate hatred against one whole community, in particular. This embedded character of media has come out in sharp contrast this time with no sense of regret. The media has painted the system of Khap in deep colours of choice by using derogatory words like feudal, Talibani, Kangaroo Courts and the like, inviting equally wild reactions among adherents of this customary practice in rural belt. It is justifying each and every case of family defiance by youngsters as a new standard for social conduct, inviting in bargain a serious accusation that it is encouraging an antisocial behaviour for some ulterior objectives to fulfil on behalf of vested interests of dubious character. It is not difficult to decipher the forces behind the tirade when such terms as above are used to denounce the rural system of marriage and dispute resolution. The foremost among them are those who dream a
7 future for atomised society, best suited for a thoroughly exploitative regime.
Let us recollect that the traditional Indian left is responsible to popularise the terms like feudal and patriarchy in Indian context after Independence to provide credibility to their fanciful theory that free Indian state is semi-feudal, semicolonial. It is doubtful if people ever understood the hidden meaning and intent of this leadership to side track the issue of Indian revolution on this soil, when it cunningly played with this terminology in order to help shield the hidden agenda of ruling class to strengthen the exploitative capitalist development in the country, serving it best. In the classical understanding of materialist history of human development, based on European story, feudal represents a definite system of relationship in production and distribution that impedes the next higher capitalist stage of development. The Indian left, tragically dubbed everything conservative and fuedal, which is considered a hindrance by the capitalist class for its own development. They did it without giving any thought to Indian ethos and what is beneficial for society and what is not. Thus, Indian left practically has worked as dutiful agent collaborators for the growth of capitalism, with its fanciful logic in theory to keep its cadres blind. They are guilty of misusing the terms from social history for a pre-determined object, flaunted largely by a cunning leadership that was out to help strengthen
8 capitalist growth, while preaching socialism for social justice and equity to befool the people.
Similar is the story about the term patriarchy when any issue concerning women is under debate. They hardly realise that liberation zone for women on questions of sex, love and marriage begins somewhere else and salvation does not lie in Jean P. Sartre brand of philosophy on freedom of choice which is at the heart of this current campaign being sponsored by corporate world in its over zeal for a new bliss in sex industry, employing media to its benefit, as it had done in America with the help of women liberation movement after two world wars in twentieth century. Role of media Their sense of hostility is palpable towards rural folks and their mores. It gets strengthened when media reports carry opinions that are biased and illinformed. Most of the time in zeal, it is completely carried over by one track arguments of its own against the institutions of family, community and Khaps, denting its credibility to a new low. The activist role of media as preacher, on behalf of urbanite arrogance towards rural uncouth is sharp and biting too harsh with no mind for the victims. In this campaign media has left the unattached readers gasping, when they like it to remain impartial courier of news, while enjoying freedom on its behalf. However, the crusaders are forgetting conveniently that the issues at stake affect the life mores of rural
9
India that still constitutes nearly 70 percent of the total population and they have no right whatsoever to thrust the opinion of a hopeless minority on a labouring majority, utilising their money power and administrative muscles without their consent in a democratic set up of their own make. Currently, an undeclared war like situation within the confines of families in rural India is raging for almost two decades to capture rural India and its resources to serve the captains of big capital. It has taken decades of preparation subtle in form normally and brash when it is needed. The problem however is that this is done in the name of freedon of speech - a right of the people where people are absent! The ongoing strife is affecting the normal life of villages and disrupting their rhythm. The open defiance of parental supervision by young boys and girls on matters so close to the family code of conduct as love. Sex and marriage having deep bearing on its very social standing and obligation to community behaviour has put it on turmoil. Nonetheless, the accusation that these murders for honour have come on the bidding of Khaps is atrocious and amusing too. The charge is seen as part of a design to snap out the age old bond between a family, community, the village and its respective Khap as a support mechanism in need. Whenever and wherever the project materialises as per design, the family will stand to loose its local support mechanism and remain dependent at the sole
10 mercy of a thoroughly corrupt formal system under the state patronage. This will lead to break up of these institutions for conversion into atomised individuals a sure way undoubtedly for industrial culture to flourish and urbanise India of choice with no one to regret for the vanquished! But no one can deny that it will be a tragedy of sorts.
Sure, India is in turmoil. And, literally. Efforts are on to turn it up side down in the interest of few. Campaign demolish is on with feverish speed for a modernity of dubious history and low value. Nothing wrong if the future is reassuring though. However, trappings are foreboding. And it disturbs the conscience. The Supreme Court on lesbian relationship and the central Home minister on Khap question recently pose the problem in sharp contrast as to the objective that is intended to fulfill. It surprised many what made the Supreme court to interpret law that sanctifies lesbian and free sex. When nearly sixty years after the country is free from British slavery, the Supreme Court of India found it necessary to interpret law on homosexuality and livein relationship afresh as a basic right of citizens to act anarchist and when the Home Miniuster P. Chidambaram simultaneously chooses to declare Khaps as obnoxious as terrorism today, the objective of both may not be as un-related and as innocent as it looks to be at the first instance. They both hit at the roots of family as an institution, relying on the strength of crash individualism of existential variety.
11 A word of caution seems necessary here for those who take pleasure in western thought and practice: to plead for depravity and support to wayward behaviour among youngsters in the name of sexual freedom is no better than a crime against social conduct even in existential dispensation, what to talk of Indian ethos. Such people are forgetting that playing with the future of youngs by pushing them in the lap of corporate capital as virtual slaves - both national and foreign, who are out to exploit sex as an industry for super profits, is nothing but a crime that no healthy nation can afford to bear it for long.
It is not for intellectuals as a class to become carrier of such nefarious a game and help make the nation crippled by providing such bankrupt philosophy to base upon. They must keep it in mind the timing of the debate. The ferocity on this account from neorich elite has come after over sixty years of Independence, though these have been on the scene since centuries of practice, much before the Constitution of India came on the scene. After Independence, at least during its first phase of nationalist resurgence, the opinion prevailed not to tinker with social customs and traditions with various social groups to the extent of autonomy that was acceeded to scheduled areas under Fifth and Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, though only in theory. Still that is not repudiated; rather it has been strengthened under a new law, namely PESA, 1996 of a constitutional frame. This law recognises the
12
competence of the people at the level of Gram Sabha to conduct its own affairs according to their traditions and customs. The provision was found acceptable for extension even to general areas in MP during the regime of Digvijay Singh there, with no repudiation to this date. If it is true for scheduled areas what is hell there if it is recognised for general areas?
13
The world of myths

Let us now look into the problem relating to Khap and rural way of life, as these are placed in context of an industrial-commercial nexus that is in hurry for seeking dominance; more so after the final dissolution in 1991 of its once strong competitor, and which had emerged as a serious challenge after the second world war - the Soviet camp with a slogan of socioeconomic equity and justice with no exploitation. Charges are now galore against ruralalites and their Khap system. Reading the stories, however, one feeling emerges that the current campaign against rural India is based on certain myths of dubious character and persistently hammered to convert these as the truth, calculating that the power of myths is stupendous when made to appear as the real truth, specially when it is used by the powerful against the deprived sections of society. This in fact is the standard practice of rulers of all times and is not a peculiarity when Khap system is castigated based on a chain of well orchestrated myths of this variety. Myths are important for the rulers of all hues
Khap is the embodiment of a participative democracy. Representative democracy, as its replacement to serve minority rule, has become quite intolerant of democracy of the people, by the people. Let the wise men of the western mode think afresh about Indian characteristics and then evaluate things de nova to take the society ahead from the present moss.
This presentation is intended to treat the issue in a bit more detail to pin down the falsehood. Previously a booklet on similar lines had appeared in Hindi. The present one is not a translation from the Hindi version. Hope this exercise will be of use to dispel many cobwebs and clarify issues concerning our rural society for marching ahead with confidence. Many friends and adversaries both have contributed in concretising the issues. Gratitude to all of them. Gian Singh
14 with a universal instinct to dominate the majority. It is not only important for them to create myths for every interest to serve, but also to maintain the chain. For this to happen, they have to create an elaborate infrastructure to feed. Again, a myth has its own theoretical connotation, if it is evaluated in relation to the question of state and its ramifications to the freedon of the ruled. Let us quote for clarity sake:
15 translate without fuss, factually since state is never neutral nor an instrument of even and just development. Has never been. Not even in Soviet era. India is no exception to this time-tested method of governance by a minority of vested interests for private gain of the powerful clan. For the present, look at the set of myths floated around in context of the war that the ruling political establishments have waged against rural way of life and its khap system. The first cultivated myth views Khap as an anachronism to the Constitution of India and its sanctified rule of Law. It is assiduously built as a supporting idiom that proclaims superiority of its constitutional frame and impartiality of its rule of law, including its judicial structure that is supposed to take precedence over rural way of life, its traditions and customs. This rural frame is supposed to make way for the trumped up structure it flaunts as ideal. Second important myth built laboriously is that Khap is a Jat institution and is confined to Jat heartland of Haryana, Punjab, West UP, Rajasthan states of North India only, alleging that Khap is a caste institution for domination over other depressed castes. For a moment: do they mean that anything which relates to Jats ip so facto becomes unworthy to be respected as a right within the ambit of this nation? Under what
The first principle of rulers, observed David Hume is ultimately to rely on controlling the thoughts.... this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments as well as to the most free and most popular.
The blue-eyed boy of the educated class in Mr. Churchil who had also expounded that the truth is so precious it must be protected by a body of lies, damn lies. Similarly, engendering fear and hatred is a standard method of controlling the population as aptly described to the advantage of rule over the disadvantage of the ruled, in history world over. Here lies the rub: myths are for all the ruling establishments world over, not bound in time and space. This is the long cherished principle of rulers to rule over the ruled. It is by now recognised that myths alone allow hidden agendas of the minority to
16 princple of democracy these wisemen want them to live according to the whims of others? If such a right to challenge is conceded once to these crusaders to steamroll, then there will be the end of democracy itself. There is hardly any doubt about this over reach. At another time of convenience they will deny it to any other community -minority or no minority! Third, Third an important premise built around is that the Khap/ Gotra Khap is a relic of the good old past of feudal vintage and has no relevance in modern day world with the rule of law and constitutional scheme of things to prevail. Another set of allegations against Khap goes like this: it is an institution of rural rich to dominate over weaker sections, having no place for women and Harijans in its scheme and that It is thoroughly undemocratic and autocratic, having no relevance today, that it survives on killings of love-lorn couples, having false sense of honour. Next built up myth is that modernity is synonymous to industrial culture along with another myth that industry is a sure path of plenty. It is presented as unquestioned future of humanity and a noble cause to achieve and that everything that goes contrary to this goal is worth demolishing. It is also taken as granted that the Western
17 education and its products are epitom of superior wisdom beyond reproach with a bold culture of flaunting sexuality with semi-nude or nude postures to attract eye-balls as a liberating force, while rural India is supposed to be the cesspool of ignorance, conservatism and caste communalism of feudal vintage. It is posed as if caste per se, i.e. in itself unworthy to qualify entry into the world of modernity. Again, Again it is claimed that ruralites are uncouth lot, who flex their muscle power over reason with an in-built mode of caste prejudice whereas the urbanites are symbols of equity, justice, living in virtue and surviving on honest labour! And watch! when the Prime Minister sets a date for converting rural India into a flourishing urban paradise, the presumption turns truth beyond doubting question. The media immediately is hilarious about the target. It feels grateful to him for working towards expanding the market for media barons on official account. Do not take us a miss. Ruralites know the virtues of development fully. They are not conditioned to live in hell what our villages are now due to sheer expropriation for the sake of rapid industrialisation and neglet without any tangible regret to this day. If somehow this painful story of untold expropriation of six decades gets into the head of these uncouths hell will surely break out. Still there is no ill will against the extra smart ones either. May be because of habit.
18 When, however, claim is made that our elites are pious souls and rare species to adorn this earth out to clean the wronged stables, hypocracy looms large. Claim goes that rural India is a burden that urban India is made to carry on its shoulders as the British did in their turn in history, one shudders in pity. The problem with this style of reasoning is the level of presumptions in dealing with questions of history, while the prejudice against rural India is so abounding among those who swear to live in logic and reason. while democracy survives without a wink on lips of this arrogant minority when it is out to hit the major adversary of any kind! It is being repeated now on Khap question. Still they talk about principles. There is an explanation; that too from an notable Englishman of letters: It would do nothing better than let George Bernard Shaw from British history itself speak on such souls of virtues, as he did about his own countrymen and debunked hypocracy on high principles and morality:
There is nothing so bad or so good that you will not find Englishman doing it; but you will never find Englishman in the wrong. He does every thing on principles: he fights you on patriotic principles, he robs you on business principles; he enslaves you on imperial principles, but he bullies you on manly principles; he supports his king on loyal principles and cuts off his kings head on republican principles.
19
II
The Chargesheet
It is a curious world of charges. The disdain against rural uncouths is infectious and vituperative. In fact the Khap system is maligned without opportunity to explain and rebut. The charges are thick and fast by the forces with much superior resources and highly fatal armoury at their command. On the other hand, except a much more superior mass support, communities that practise Khap as a system stand disarmed by the state establishment as a matter of policy to keep the people docile, servile and weak in perpetuation. The balance is in favour of the arrogant minority that rules the disempowered. What are the charges? Let us catalogue a few of the wild charges that indicate intent and substance of this campaign against rural India without substantiating much, such as the following: (1) The first major allegation is that Khap is an unconstitutional and illegal institution with much mischief power at its command. (2) That It is a Jat institution, confined to north India trying to dominate other communities.
This is what rural India is faced to.

20 (3) Another allegation against rural population is that rural India is too slow to change and a drag on onward march of history and the country. And if the country is made to miss the present golden oportunity by opening to West, train will move on, without India riding the wagon. This will entail a heavy loss in trail with no option to make up. (4) By projecting first the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as the sine quo non for development, the argument goes on; if the country sticks to its own restrictive mores and morals, foreigners will flee to more congenial lands with their baggage. (5) That the rural sector of economy is sluggish enough and it needs overhauling from A to Z. (6) That Khaps violate human rights of the individuals, more so of woman to live her own life. It is also recounted, such as; (i) Khap Panchayats function illegally when there are official Gram panchayats functioning legally. They are parallel bodies to official Gram Panchayats and have no business to exist. (ii) Khap panchayat is invariably conservative, castist, exclusive, communal and feudal-patriarchal in character and behaviour. (iii) Being a Jat institution, the khap system is
21 confined to Rajasthan, few districts of Haryana, Delhi Dehat, Punjab and U.P. By this a messages is sought to be conveyed that if khap is banned as demanded by the elite club, it carries no big risk, it is manageable. (iv) Khap Panchayat system has no history; it is a tell-tale of make-belief; but now resurrected for a Jat domination over other castes in the north zone, more so women and scheduled castes and facilitates its supremacy almost in all fields in this belt. (v) Khap Panchayat is arbitrary in operation and an anachronism on the body polity of a fast moving India with high potentiality in growth. (vi) Khap Panchayat is anti-national and a pack of brutes having a murderous propensity as a pasttime. Conceeding though lately in the day, the elites club do have accepted that the raison d etre (reason for the existence of a thing or a concept) of Khap Panchayat system in rural India is the concept of Bhaichara (brotherhood). Yet, continuing the tirade, campaign charges rural Bharat cultivating fancy for a thoroughly mismatched and outdated concept of Bhaichara. It advises this conservative population to leave out this concept of Bhaichara and in consequence the Khap Panchayat system as well with it, being of no benefit in this modern world of global ambitions to fly by.
22 There is another dimension to this stream of charges and accusations against rural India. It need be said here itself. These charges and accusations are framed by a class that is hotile to it in intent. The interests of both clash. It is this elite class that is out to educate rural India in its own fancy image of modernisation. The agenda is set by itself bereft of any kind of legitimacy. It is an agenda thrust upon rural India from above with the grace of their own class interests. In between there is state power which is supposed to get its authority from the uncouths through periodic elections by force of constitutional obligations that are difficult to pass by at present. Unfortunately, the elite class in the country does not accept democracy even at its face value and is not bothered about its dimensions. It simply wants its agenda translated by the political power that be. Taking the country for a ride, it is prepared to clip the wings of democracy itself to make the landing smooth for the game to succeed. The country at present is thus stuck in between these two poles of faith. The elite club thinks that simply by applying wild accusations against rural uncouths, and repeating these, ad nauseam, it can push the battle for a win. It is not bothered about the pangs its target or the country is likely to pass through with no mind to its cost.
23
III
Rural India : A different landscape

Before the chargesheet against rural India in general and Khap in particular is examined of its worth, let us recount in short what in fact rural lanscape is all about. It will help in providing the proper context to the issue and nab the ill founded intent behind charges. The charges against rural India from those who pride to be angels of modernity are fake and trumped up, as indicated earlier. Probably to conquer. The vehemance surprises. The matter thus need be analysed a bit in detail for evaluation to get a clear understanding of the issues.
Rural India
First, let us reiterate that the basic unit of a village is the family as an organic whole, consisting of individuals as its essential limbs. Likewise, family is simultaneously the basic unit also of a community with common interest and culture residing in a particular village at a time and beyond.
24 Community, on the other hand, is lineal neighbour-hood, belonging to a particular Gotra within a caste that had developed in history as an institution of a social category on the strength of charactistics gained habitually through professional pursuits, residing in a village and beyond. The running thread within a neigbourhood Bhaichara that keeps it within one unit is its cultural affinity. Beyond it there runs the boundary of another entity of cultural affinity, though somewhere there is a link to keep it larger in context, with several threads to unite the chain. It has units but united intrinsically. Family and its immediate neighbourhood community with fixed habitation i.e. village and the Khap at various levels for self-governance of its own affairs, mediate or hear appeals are three basic ingredients one within the other in ascentric circles with supplementary roles to discharge that go to make the Indian society, bereft of hierarchy. Universally, it is with the people to combine, discuss, mediate and resolve their problems of family and community life beyond the formal institutions of State. This practice preceded the origin of state and is primary as a natural right. It cannot be distinguished by any formal structure, except by brute force as a negation of democratic value.
25 No where people like that the State institutions interfere in their lives beyond a point. To assemble and interact between themselves is recognised as a natural right with the people, requiring no recognition from any body ever except themselves. This is as natural as birth-right is to the common man. Corporate India, relying on the support of the pliant State, however is not prepared to concede this right to rural India lest their economic interests suffer. The Indian State on its part is keen to the level of desperation to intrude and invading the hearth and homes, including the private lives of rural India. The state is now ever keen to preside over even the relations between parents and their siblings without any conceivable jurisdiction, without specifying clearly the limit to the powers of a state. It denies the citizens now this natural right on the spacious plea of safeguarding individual right an individual free from family attachments, except obligations which it is not prepared to shoulder. Historically speaking, the state has usurped this right without any tangible empowerment. This is the net result of not challenging the principle of eminent domain when Britishers propounded it first to consolidate their hold on economic loot and later Indian Constitution adopted it, despite opposition, in pursuit of a western concept
26 of social organisation for pursuing dubious a path of development. It played havoc with the life of the people and must be repudiated at the first opportunity without a blink if the country is to move forward. Rural life in Khap is not hierarchical in concept. It functions at several nodes like waves in a pond keeping the community and village as its centre; having inner and outer frames in order, with no concept of small or big, powerful and weak, rich or poor. Ones weight in social standing is earned by experience in handling common issues in line with the basic principles of honesty, relative neutrality and forthrightness. The right of a resident to participate express freely and fearlessly cannot be extinguished. One can shut it on choice by going decisively out, but retains the right to return as a normal part. The family, let us understand, is not a collection of few individuals of convenience. It is something more than that. Members in the family donot combine by choice, but by birth or relationship with common inseparable interests. A free individual stands for self, separate from the collectivity; the family symbolises for all in the unit. When individual starts harbouring individual rights and interests within the confines of a family, it no longer remains a family. In the family, individuals are like units within the ambit of a joint family interest as its core, since family is an organic
27 whole to survive in ambience with community and its habitation with a similarity of interests. Similarly, a village is not a mere collection of its units in families. It is as good an organic entity with certain collective interests and characteristics to survive by, within a common georaphic boundry. Gauhand is immediate neighbourhood of the village with communality of affinity in action. This chain of Gauhand or neighbourhood affinitiy moves to make it a wider circle of cultural oneness.
Four cardinals of rural society

The whole formation of rural life revolves around such like principles. This life has four essential and basic characteristics of its own to sustain and pull it to new horizons on way to progress infinite. One is Bhaichara . Secod, collective or Samuh way of existence. Third, Cooperation or Sehbhagita. Fourth, Toleration (sahensheelta) or accomodation to an opposite opinion.
Bhaichara is central to rural life

Yes, the raison d etre, the very basis of rural life, is the concept of Bhaichara (Brotherhood). It is the very strength of its life. Bhaichara gives substance to one of the four basic characteristics of rural existence in sharing the joys and pangs, collectively in the process of trials and turbulations of its productive
28 life style. Collective life style is one norm of rural India and Khap maintains and safeguards this Bhaichara, which essentially helps maintain substance to this collective way of functioning in rural ambience. It surprised many as to why the concept of Bhaichara became a red rag with the crusaders against Khap with so much vehemence. Rural India is chidded by this elite club for its concept of Bhaichara as a relic of its past, defying onward march of history, as it said. Yes, it was not without reason and that reason suits the club best for its survival. The protogonists are surprised that this concept still goes on to regulate rural life; perhaps finding this concept as a big hurdle in its march to freedom of choice in matters of sexual extravaganza and more. They are oblivious of the fact that this bhaichara is not the product of any sentimentality but a creation of its socio-economic life and is bound to remain relevant till the traditional Kisani survives. One can understand the dichotomy of the situation: to make their world of leg-pulling and cutthroat market culture irretrievable to happen, Bhaichara essentially has to go from the scene. But for rural India, who is to go by the only available strength of traditional farming with family labour at its core Bhaichara is irreplaceable. Agriculture economy, including animal husbandry,
29 will collapse the day the concept of Bhaichara vanishes, specially in those parts of rural India where women are an indispensable component of family labour in agriculture. This is the reason why neighbourhood village is also essentially a part of Bhaichara where respective boundaries merge at odd hours of day and night labour for agriculture operations. If the concept of Brotherhood is gone, female labour specially will be vulnerable and cannot venture freely in the field alone and at odd hours. The working conditions demand the type of relationship Bhaichara represents.
Bhaichara or family like relationship of mutual trust and confidence is not a sentimentality with the villagers; it is born out of definite working conditions in their hearth and fields, with family as an essential unit of the community. Secondly, country side without its Khap system of collective wisdom and cooperative help will be a situation of wilderness without its support system like an umbrella for a man/woman in scortching heat and blinding down pour in the rainy season. If one does not want to disarm rural society completely, Khap system becomes undispensible for any sensible person to support and support strongly.
In recent cases of disputes, including some with fall out of honour killings it sharply came out that among Jats, which is a farming community largely
30 with deep characteristics of its profession in its culture, mode and mores of life, a change is visible of a wrong variety; it is afflicted with some of the worst characteristics essentially associated with the industrial cumcommercial mode that are eroding deeply its original traits with irrepairable damage to its future as dynamic community. Let it be remembered that property mind, jealousy and fierce cut-throat race for grabbing at the cost of others that this commercial culture breeds every moment, every hour without fail, are some such symptoms of a different profession than agriculture, which constantly go to erode community life and feelings of oneness with each other. Unfortunately, these very symptoms are making inroads in the ranks of agriculture communities too more and more. These too are becomming more and more moneyminded, petty, and careless about Bhaichara , which are eroding their family and community life, including the Jats. A situation has arrived; they are apparently not worried about it, as they should be over this loss.
31 individual interests other than collective family interests to work for. Individualism is alien to its way of life that dissolves the family first into micro families and later essentially into crass individuals of heterogeneous interests working at cross purposes. Let us remember one impeccable lesson of history: Individualism as a philosophy and practice is a curse to social progress and social harmony. It is the product of industrial revolution that has harmen social march to peace and harmony while wealth it created went to benefit few and misery to overwhelming majority. It needs to be shunned in toto. Concerned families constitute the community to stand by. Its social-economic and cultural life is patterned to tender collective way of production, distribution and life style. Rights are there for the individual in a family but obligation to its collective will cannot be negated till death or separation. This breeds a communitarian approach in all walks of life. Rural India is thus different. Unique to live by. The camaraderie of family and village life is duly infectious and magnetic in effect. The urban life, on the other hand breeds and infects of individualism every moment and every hour associated as it is with commercial-industrial life and culture with individual as its first labour unit. Read on....
Individualism is a curse
The defining character of rural life is its habitual faith in collective wisdom and its neigbourly cooperation where family is its essential unit to operate. Individuals are there in the families but no
32
33 on the way to freedom after a long journey of sacrifices. The nation paid tributes to the fallen soldiers of the long struggle. It is a country of vast land mass, endowed with rich forest and mineral wealth and varied climatic zones to enjoy where a laborious but simple hearted labour force has sufficient grit to live and live with dignity that many others wish to possess. India arose from the ashes virtually, duly punished for the dream to be free and prosperous of its own. India and Pakistan rose to be born on the day as two independent nations out of one, much due to the machinations of a colonial master deeply wounded for loosing possession of the gem despite all tricks to confuse and confound. The newly born nation in India cultivated a sense of bright sun rise on that midnight hour to look to the future. It had inherited nothing from the old regime to rely upon for its onward journey on that hour of hope and despair but a steely structure, which knew only to rule. Only the grit of its population gave hope to depend on. Again, history seems to have played truant to its future and cheated this nation for not being vigilant of its crafty leaders. By 1991 they could muster enough courage to declare this nation again open to
IV
The Rural-Urban Divide

Before one can venture to proceed on the subject of this study let it be clear what India stands for. It is a country with vast natural and human resources who had had a dream -and a potentiality unsurpassed in its past history when Britishers left its shores in 1947 after a piched battle to stay on. They were reluctant to part with a gem of history they laboured hard to keep for long. But history stood against the colonialist. They could not stay any longer. People here were up for their natural right to manage its own affairs. Enough was enoungh; They had suffered too long. British colonialists had given a bloody nose and ravaged this nation without mercy with no sense of regret for sins to its history. Indians were not prepared to bear further. The day came. And it was the midnight hour of 14-15th. August 1947. Amidst agony, they rejoiced to win freedom at last. They remembered their valient ancestors of 1857-58 with tears of joy. It was a day to remember like 10th May of 1857, with no regret for the failures the nation had suffered
34 all those who had ravaged its future in the past to loot and share. The pace is astounding this time and the dissent not tolerated. The rush to obtain peculiar unifromity is both unprecedented and ruthless at the same time. It debased the morale and mores more than anything else this time by contrived consent. The level of the divde between rural and urban India, which has materialised since 1947 as a distinct reality by the time of this declaration, has made it easy to roll. Rural India is under complete seige never before. Urban India represents a new face on this land mass. It is rich and arrogant. It is malicious towards its working population, its future, its dream of peace and prosperity with justice to all. The urban dream is to dominate the world as East India Company once did it to India with ruthlessness and cunningness where need arises. It is out to take over rural India for resources to fulfill the dream it aspires for. Rural India stands deeply mauled and badly expropriated by the time this declaration came on the scene. It did not suspect the intentions of its leadership when they embarked upon the game right in 1950s in the name of development. The pinch started slowly and cunningly. Rural people simple by nature and honest in dealings could not understand the contours of the game that was laid primarily to rob them off their labour and resources.
35 The crafted electoral system soon started unfolding so as to hoodwink them, which they were hardly capable to understand its side effects. It was a completely new game for them to catch the mischief. Nonetheless, rural-urban divide soon came on the surface and started over turning the balance in favour of the rich and powerful. The present stage of development has made it easy to work this divide decisively in providing commanding position to the urban sector by the time liberalisation policy was declared as an official policy to enrich the rich and rob the poor in service of the powerful. It gave it a strength to take a plunge further. Presently, it has launched a land grab movement with furious speed and making rural population docile enough to merge its cultural identity too so that the desired uniformity is attained by the time leadership takes a plunge for regional domination as an easy target with due help from America to act as its police man for nations in the area. This is supposed to benefit native corporate companies to consolidate. The 2011 Census captures only the tip in terms of the crisis rural sector is facing for these deliberate policy measures. Between 1991 and 2001 over seventy lakhs people quit farming for whom cultivation was the main livlihood i.e on average close to 2000 farmers a day were made to abandon farming
36 in the country by the state. Where do they go? Nothing in employment data suggests they get absorbed in decent work in shining cities, except perhaps doing menial jobs for the rich and sleeping on footpaths or adding numbers in slum areas. In the decade between 2001 and 2011 the speed has quickened fast. None could have bargained for this fate when the mandarines defined development for them in 1991 in their eloquence best. It was done all in the name of a paradise. The future of young generation was placed at stake. Many from the rural areas were recruited for this sale like the British did in their time. But the unmistakeable reality stares now in the eyes to every ones despare who is not blind to self. The rate of growth in the number of cities was 10.07 % during 1991-01 and it has increased to 53.75 % in the current decade of 2001-11. It is not for nothing. One senior journalist has succintly put it: From the late 1990s, as the agrarian crisis began to bite, communities that had not resorted to migration before did so. The crisis however was contrived and without mandate, describing the hollowness of our democratic pretentions on international scale to hoodwink the gullibles. Let us watch the growth of population and its trend that indicates though mildly the course:
37
Year Total Rural Rural increse Urban Urban increase Rural increase over previous over previous minus urban
1901 238.4 212.5 1911 252.1 226.2 1921 251.3 223.2 1931 279.0 245.5 1941 318.7 274.5 1951 361.1 298.6 1961 439.2 360.3 1971 548.2 439.0 1981 683.3 523.9
13.7 -3.0 22.3 29.0 24.1 61.7
25.9 25.9 28.1 33.5 44.2 62.4 78.9
0.0 2.2 5.4 10.7 18.3 16.5 30.2 50.3 58.1 68.5 91.0
13.7 -5.2 16.9 18.4 5.8 45.2 48.5 34.5 46.7 45.3 -0.4
18.7 109.1 84.8 159.5
1991 846.3 628.7 104.8 217.6 2001 1028.7 742.5 113.8 286.1 2011 1210.2 833.1 90.6 377.1
(Figures rounded off and in millions)
At a time when Vidharba was reeling with agony due to ever rising number of farmers suicides and when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh assured Mumbaikars to elevate their city of pride to the status of Indian Shanghai soon and his ministry is taking steps to urbanise India to the extent of 44% by 2020 (as per reccommendations of Mackenzy report) we shuddered. Not many, though. Many rejoiced. Others remained sceptical or ignorant of the events to come alive. We are not amused, though, over the events.
38 Let us not mistake in judgenment. When the announcement came of this intent, it was merely a statement of fact that official efforts so far made in taming the tiger that have born fruit and the government is ready to take the road ahead in converting rural economy as a sure adjunct to serve the industrial-commercial complex. Rural India thus was officially put on the sacrificing block with glee. The spine shivered only of those who knew the pace of ruin rural India is forced to embrace. On its debris, the urban India is destined to shine! This realisation is still to sink even with those who love their abode in the country side with hope to share a moment of peace and tranquility among their own brethern. But there are still few souls who know for almost six decades now that the country is destined to be taken over by forces who are inimicle to the very existence of peasants and their fellow beings in rural India with dignity and peace. The foundation was laid much early by design. Its roadmap was well laid with the introduction of the draft Constitution in the Constituent Assembly on November 04, 1948 with the Law Minister giving a clarion call to throw away the village outside as a cesspool of conservatism, ignorance and lethargy in order to wish a bright future for an urban India.
39 Earlier, the forces wishing demise for rural India were weak and consolidating. By 1991 they had grown bold enough. Now, they feel empowered to take over. The ground was prepared meticuloously for the final plunge. The results are there to see and feel. The pauperised multitutde is at its knee in obedience by now and walk out. The scheme seems to have worked according to the script. By 1991 Indian establishment found the situation much congenial for the kill. The collapse by then of the Soviet block had paved the way for the American block to lay down ground rules and dictate economic prescriptions in international relations. New agreements were charted for trade and tariff taking agriculture in its ambit. Business community in India found the political establishment here quite pliable that embarked on the charted part with a stride. The outright robbery committed against the agricultural economy in India is unprecedented during last six decades. The only other example perhaps is found in America of late nineteenth and early twentieth century when Red Indian and later, settler peasants were uprooted and vanished. The expropriation of Indian peasantry, however, is truely tragic in scale and depth. Last two decades wrecked it. Peasants are gasping for breath and despair in resign. It cleared the path for money bags
40 to walk in and take over smoothly. Land and minerals are open for grab. New Agriculture policy spelt out by Atal Bihari Government in 2000 was an open declaration of this loot that was going on for decades. The divide by now is complete and distressing in effect. Nowhere the ever optimist peasant by profession is put to a situation of desparation when suicide remains the only option to him. Survival is closed to one as an option. And on the ruins of such a peasantry urban sector shines. This crusade on behalf of super rich - both native and foreign has left nearly 2.5 lakhs desparate peasants committing suicides in its trail, besides making rural India as a whole pauper and begging alms and justice. A minicule minority though has also come up as the beneficiary like the British did, to act as shock absorbers to sustain the system and maintain status quo in their own interest. The wheel has turned complete to the disadvantage of rural India who is suffereing untold misery and disrespect. The entire political establishment in the country is in good celeberation. It is gaga. The shinning trophy is a prize to be proud of. It is bold enough now to announce and declare the grand future opening for it, with no rival to contend and fear. Rural India is a wast territory as a prized possession
41
Khap system: a story in tradition

In such a grim setting the question of Khap has to be studied to know its stength and weakness as also the motive behind the present tirade. At the outset one blinding cobweb need be cleared. The so-called history of Khap so far dished out is a misleading treasure to believe in; whether it is available on internet or provided by the print media, including many academic type of publications. These have been written perhaps with different perceptions on Khap as an instution while it is a practice with the villagers since centuries, even before written history was available as a source material. At best these surmises in the name of khap history are estimates of individuals mainly guided by the very same education system to look upon India as ordained by the British Macaulay with a colonial mind. The drawback with such type of research lies in the stereotype pattern that is habitually followed giving no scope for understanding the problem freely
42 and with reason. The prescriptions from authorities in education establishment, designed as these are to kill freshness in thought, become dear to academics with devastating effect. This method shoud be rejected and efforts must start for a fresh approach. Written history only records prevalence of this practice, named as Khap. The scriptures, like wise, talk to remind the population of its obligation to the practice as a matter of maintaining social cohesion and peace. It has no other meaning substantially. The written account then in different periods by different people of variant viewpoints can at best be taken as mere scholarly exercises. The logical reading of human history of its development compels us to be more rational. To keep the interests of a moving society ahead, the results of such narrations have to be taken with precation since these may or may not be a guide to the future that can assure peace and prosperity to humanity. Khap thus first be defined and understood in its perspective. It need be remembered first that Khap is not an institution but a practice with the people. It is given a name but called with different nomenclatures in different areas and regional zones throughout the country and even beyond. To get at its worth in the circumstances, only essence of the system has to be underlined.
43 Let us understand Khap The informal panchayati system, called khap in one zone and named differently in other zones, is a system of self-governance having no hierarchy, no fixed or permanent leadership; informal in style and content; an universal practice through out the country. Centuries of practice turned into conventions, traditions and customs of convenience to operate as per tenets evolved over times. As said earlier, Khap, in short, is an assembly of people in rural areas at different levels and at different occassions according to the demand of the issues at hand, having common bonds of Bhaichara with rural India to help resolve its disputes and/or decide on issues of interest for common action. It is a system of collective wisdom for self-governance; regulate, resolve and settle issues within the confines of a defined area with common interests. It has a geographical connotation for jurisdiction.
Gotra Khap , on the other hand, is also an universal in nature when each and every caste community resorts to the practice of resolving family/ marital issues within the Kutumb and concerned community. It has a community connotation.
In our country, what is known as Khap was once called Little Republics to underline its essence of an effective method of self-governance under direct
44 democracy of its own make, as distinct from the prevelant representative form of political democracy devised under the constitutional frame. One is informal in nature while the later is formal with a definite hierarchal structure. Gotra Khap is a much later innovation, taking que from khaps though, but mainly looking into particular community issues like marital disputes that have started emerging lately in all over the communities due to a fully contrived socio-economic situation available in the country pandering to self interest. British for the first time sensed its strength during the mass rebellion against their rule in 1857-58 and took concerted administrative steps for demolishing its stength to avert any concerted opposition to their exploitative rule thereafter. They smelt disaster in such a Khap Panchayat system of self-governance to their domination and cunningly turned it into a formal institution of local-self administration under official supervision and dictation by enacting laws. The correspondence from Bahadurshah Zaffar to Haryana Sarvkhap at Sauram (Muzaffarnagar district) during the events of 1857 had alerted the British about this funtioning social practice here and were quite alarmed about its resilience. Sufficient official reports, including that of an investigating commission, concerning this turbulant
45 periond testify to this alarm and the way they later designed to face it. The universal term, Panchayat was usurped and utilised for the official structure it was replaced with. In common parlance, it is called sarkari panchayat in place of Bhaichara panchayat and Khap panchayat that enjoy mass support. It needs to be emphasised and repeated that conceptually khap and gotra khap are distinct practices in jurisdiction and composition. Former is a geographical entity encompassing every community living in its area of operation without discrimination of profession, caste or religion, while Gotra khap is an institutional practice each with particular community or caste Bhaichara to resolve disputes within the community regarding marriage or family affairs, on demand. Both have no permanent or fixed structures. Both assemble, discuss, mediate/decide and dissolve. It is the family in the sense of kindred or Kutumbh (with no parallel concept in English) that takes cognizance of dispute in the first instance to settle it. Gotra Khap or Khap at each level enters the scene only on demand and is unrestrictive of participation. In media both terms are used interchangeably creating much confusion of undesired category. Community spans two formats. One, Bhaichara belonging to a common ancesstory, is called Kutumb and then community called Biradari (caste Khap for
46 the media) may be living apart and at different places (with no proximate word for both Kutumb and Biradari in English) while, the other form of Bhaichara denotes a communality of socio-economic interests settled down within a common boundry long enough to generate a bond of oneness. It is called Khap. The first category, generally is charged with issues relating to marital disputes or problems that arise in course of an active family life or resolve/settle problems arising between families of the same Kutumb or Biradari. The second form is normally called upon to resolve /settle issues arising within the Bhaichara villages of common aims. Its field comprises all communities in its jurisdiction without any form of discrimination whatsoever. Later, with the intervention of alien forces like trade and commerce to start with and the industrial mode of production with capital as its driving force, a different form of governance took shape that came into conflict with participative democracy embodied into Khap in the form of modern state to cater to the interests of a monirity which assumed the role of ruler. Khap : a distinct system Khap is a different system than what is painted it to be, with no parallel in urban setting. It rests with inalienable characteristics that are born with its principle avocation and settled way of life and evolved
47 into a definite system of self-governance through a long period of practice in its struggle with nature to co-exist. The practice around Khaps evolved over a long period of history by gaining experience through series of hit and trial, since man/women started living in community at a common settlement, called village. It zealously guarded its cardinal principles of bond against transgression from outside force or within. Khap/Gotra Khap has no fixed tenure or structure. It meets at need and dissolve. Any dispute concerning marriage etc is first tackled by the Kutumbh that goes to Gotra Khap at a lower level if concerned parties prefer. The urban sector on the other hand rests on an an footing. It relishes individual freedom with least social obligations to worry about. Atomised individual with aspiration to enjoy live-in relationship in a night shelter is its modern avatar of freedom, solely dependent on state structure for social existence and security with capital as its only strength for survival. Apparently, the crusade is to dismantle the first so that the later pattern is adopted by one and all. It is a crude effort for uniformity by coercion. Neither Khap is a local mechanism for dispute resolution alone. It is more than that. It evolved as a peoples own mechanism for self-governance. It is designed to work informally, guided by customery principles of democratic norms and with a solid belief
48 in collective but, fluid leadership of elder panches of repute and respect, normally emerging by consent of all present, including the confidants of parties to dispute, if there is one to settle. Self renewal
49 Let another aspect of study be clear: Khap is an age old practice and not an institution, as is made out to be. It is a practice with the people since man started living in community within a definite locality of its own, called a village. Institution on the other hand implies a definite structure and a formal or informal chain of command that Khap does not possess. If accepted as an institution, it becomes an object of factional fight to gain control by vested interests entrenched in this time of market competition, which sadly is made today by many upstarts in ambitious politics and its social structure. Khap : not a pack of brutes When charges are levied that honour killings are common where khaps are prevalent, some facts of the history are ignored. First, it is wrong to assert that honour killings are confined only to areas where the system prevails by the name of Khap. So-called honour killings are as common agaist deviants in human history as wars are for greed or possession. In both cases, solution lies with obliterating the reasons. Mere idealistic appeals, sermons or laws do not solve either. Has never did. Find a country where both evils do not lie. Simply to lay the blame for honour killings on Khaps or enraged family members will not vanish this voilence in thin air. Why glamourise sexual vagarancy, in the first instance among youths and propagate banal individual right of free sex just
Khap is like flowing stream of water, with its inherent tendency for renewal every moment, keeping itself fresh and clean with a jealous eye against stagnation, most democratic in practice and having direct participantion of the population without any barrier of any sort, with no representative to dictate. In fact, it is the best form available of participative democracy, with no bar to share opinions with others, even the adversary of a known kind. None can claim superior place in it; not an effective voice for his/her riches in a Khap. To act otherwise, is against the very grains of Khap system and its ethos.
It is a practice in communitarian wisdom with a mechanisn for self correction. Otherwise, no such practice can continue for centuries with vigour and vitality that Khap system represents. Its life span testifies this aspect. Adverse propaganda apart, in fact its universal nature and unhindered participation of its members distinguishes community/Khap meetings from other formal structures. This feature provides it the strength, which no other form can claim.
50 to make a fertile ground for sex industry to flourish? Secondly, where is the need to minimise and ridicule the concept of honour in the society, unless there is some hidden agenda of some ulterior motive to achieve? Could the war of indepenedence ever be fought without any sense of honour among the young generation and still produce such valient fighters as Bhagat Singh, Chandershekhar Azad or Neta ji ever? The concept of honour is prevalent not only in India but in all the societies world over, except perhaps American world of shame who have lost any sense of pride or grief in the wild world of money grab or domination and having no family or Kutumbh / community bonds to worry about. In other parts of the world, situation is different. And unless one finds in wretched way of Americam Wall Street a life style model to be modern and search satisfaction, the sense of honour, humiliation pride or shame is likely to prevail. India is part of that universe which prides in its history of thought and practice as family or Khap denotes without regret. Thirdly, Khap is not a pack of brutes revelling to kill. It has a fine sense of belonging with an unmatched record of kinship with deep sensibilities to human relations. That is its strength and not a weakness. Likewise, one may recollect that family represents a system of relationship which it tends to safeguard
51 against unwanted intrussion by alien forces of capital and self interest to its rhythem of collective values. If one doens not ignore its history, the basic tenet of Khap in any matter of gravest deviant conduct for punishment is Ha, Maa, Dhik where capital punishment finds no place. It is a serious taboo rather. Principle of Ha, Maa, Dhik For the first violation the community expresses its disapproval. If the transgression is repeated second time the community collectively notifies its disgust against the failure. Only on grave violation the community rules its disassociation with the culprit, always with option to join ranks on reform. Killing is no option in this scheme of code. Dynamism unsurpassed Khap is as dynamic a system as any society can be with its functions and operations, going by its own traditions and custions. It emerged to this stage of maturity through centuries of learning by trial and error. It should not be allowed to usurp by any one and used for fulfilling selfish purposes. Unfortunately, though, the danger for such efforts is greater when electoral politics has entered a stage of degeneration with only one principle in front; grab power to rule over the people. To avert this danger to succeed, it is essential to start the cleaning operation that the ageold practice of no permanent leader or formal
52 structure be restored forthwith and full democratic practices zealously ensured in its functioning. Let us not ignore the fact of recent history that the practice of Khap in self governance by the people could survive despite even a parellel state structure that the British colonialists thrust upon rural India to make the population docile by inaugurating a formally instituted legal panchayat system for them to curb their initiative on social issues with a provision that nothing but official panchayats would exist in a village. This they tried even for other social fields in the country by enacting Rgistration of Societies Act in 1860 (remember within just three years of 1857). In rural India people do have faith more on their own practice than what a legal or official structure offers them to depend upon in times of need. This tells volumes about what and why Khap is so dear to the masses than what elite club describes it to be. It is a known fact of history that the wisdom to make this method irrelevant had dawned upon colonial rulers after what they were to experience during the wide scale rebellion of the masses in 1857 against their rule. And question arises why today the ruling elites so vehementally desire to disband this practice of Khap with the people at large and to what purpose like the colonial master did?
53 Where lies the vitality then: within the Khaps (whatever other name is given to this practice by the people in other parts) or the formal and official institution of official panchayats inaugurated by the British rulers and thereafter? Question begs dispassionate answer in context of the present controversy. Rhetorics alone wont do to answer questions of social and historical implications. The strength of Khap system lies in its informal character with no fixtures to chain the future, where every thing goes public. Underhand dealings and manipulated deliberations do not deliver. Contrived decisions do not translate on the ground. Upstart leadership goes bust just the moment it faces the wisdom of the mass assemblage to the issue for deliberation in open and without blinkers of individual interests. This ensures unqualified mass support for the practice. It is a common experience that the official panchayat is by now a government institution to rule at the village level and nothing more. Mere choosing the few by election periodically does not change its official and formal character. Despite election, official panchayats do not attract moral support of the people which Khap elicits in abundance. Official panchayat is no self-governing body of the people as is claimed it to be by its wise
54 proponents. People understands this truth to the bare. They use it for the limited purpose it is there. For the rest of the agenda, its informal practice is there. At its worst, khap is much better democratic than a panchayat samiti with BDPO/DM to rule over it or a local court presided over by a professional to adjudicate, with least vitality of any of these! These formal institutions of the state, despite claim to the contrary, have nothing to do with the aspirations of the masses, neither have the potentiality to fulfill any. Official panchayats co-exist with Khap/ Gotra Khap system in villages. These serve them in respective fields with ease. The trouble with official panchayats is its straight-jacket functioning as with any other bureaucratic department to deliver, having an assigned role under a particular law. Khap system is not bound by any such restriction, except its own traditions and customs to guide. The history of rural life and its Khap system is as old as collective habitations started taking shape out of its settled agriculture. To know khaps from only Harshwardhan times alone or from ancient written sciptures is merely a leaf from the history that is so far so good. But it cannot be reduced to this span of community life alone. It has a much more wider connotation. Go on......
55
VI
Myths analysed
To analyse, it will benefit all if myths created by vested interests in this connection are investigated and laid bare their worth first. The problem of fighting myths in a wider field of peoples life is, thus of much more importance than relating to Khap. Myths serve to blind the society for dark periods than rationality. In the Constituent Assembly The first myth about the Constitution of India as the litmus test of fidelity for anything and everything must be analysed for what it is worth, as also its biblical nature that seems to be the intent of creating at a time when representative democracy in practice stands bust world over, withput exception. By now, none can deny that state and representative democracy both combined as institutions of governance have come to be associated with the philosophy having individual as its cornerstone, debunking family and its community as worthless in the matter of governance. It will benefit to remember that the ethos of governance before the advent of the modern state in India was of selfRural India Under Siege
56 governance having community/village as its cornerstone where family used to work as a constituent part, with an inherent advantage. This abrupt change to a system based on individual as its subject forced upon by a foreign power here on the strength of its armed power proved disastrous to the social cohesion which was not the concern of Britishers. For a period the dual structure worked and after 1947 it gained momentum of its own with adoption of the new Constitution in 1949. In this context another facet of history is important to remember. With emergence of modern state in the era of industrial mode with capital as its driving force, democracy came to be associated with individual citizen alone as its subject of concern. Later, it adopted a representative form instead of participative democracy as it turned out very inconvenient with peoples power in focus. The inherent potential of peoples power in direct democracy was in conflict of interests with the state and industrial capital. This led to conversion into its representative character. The dynamics of this situation has led to the present stage when the state and representative democracy both have combined into an exploitative system to serve the interests of corporate capital as against interests of the people, more so against the
57 the interests of productive labour power. These can no longer work simultaneously for both. Since Indian rural economy largely represents labour power and industrial-commercial sector enjoys its association with urban centres, the state establishment is working now for take over of rural sector completely in the interest of corporate capital where rural population stands deprived. It so happened that Constitution of India lays down ground rules for this take over smoothly. This gives a reason for the corporate sector going escatacy over it and through corporate lovely media sings songs and asks others to follow about the biblical image of the Constitution whenever it has to win any battle for it. This happened also when it was to strike hard at the Khap practice in rural sector. It is true that a concerted effort was made to eulogise this document of governance as something sacred just after the days it was signed to make it operational; though before it was adopted the song was different and the nation was assured it will be improved upon to accomodate rural India. The need in fact arose for the ruling establishment to offset the side effect of a stinging criticsm of the draft by a good number of members in the Constituent Assembly so that a sense of faith is created on its health as a matter of necessasity.
58 Framers of the Indian Constitution knew what is required of them by the forces who are to become their main pillar of strength. And they did their best to satisfy the future requirements of these forces in the legal frame. They also knew this Constitution cannot outlaw everything this class does not like. Family, community and the village are the institutions that are red rag for the money bags. Like the British, new masters of the destiny of the nation did everything to make these institutions of the people irrelevant and powerless still, could not declare these as illegal entities, despite Gandhis litmus test on the subject. Neither, Khap practice was declared as illegal and unconstitutional concept despite their common dislike for everything rural except the votes in the elections. Let us, however, find out the dichotomy in the situation with more precision reverting back to what Constitutional framers did in their time. It may provide a better perspective to measure the emerging scenerio when foundation was being laid for future. But the effort to make Constitution as a litmus test for fidelity about traditions and customs of communities came up for the first time on Khap row. Now, the surmise is that Khap is an unconstitutional institution of uncouth ruralites and a shame to aspirant India for modernity.
59 A. Constitution, state and Khap To dispel this notion out of the way for a proper evaluation of the first charge regarding the constitutionality of Khap, the proper context may be placed here to remind the readers what had actually transpired when the present constitution was being given a shape and later adopted on 26 November, 1949 in the hope that it will work to the good of all as ordained. But it did not Let us recount a bit or two facts of the Constitution making process to understand the basic cause and how it started. It will be rewarding to recollect some of the lost moments to know why there is now so loud a clamour for judging the traditional khap system on the touchstone of constitutionality. This will reasonably explain the reason behind the demand for discarding family and its relevant community living in villages of India and how lot of champions have grown so bold on question of free sex and associated freedoms as a model for all to adopt. Unfortunately for those who aspire for an orderly and reasonable way of social life, tragedy started with the adoption of the Constitution itself. The provisional Cabinet had pleaded for a Constitution that sanctified individualism as its core philosophy on the strength of which there is a claim loud enough now to turn India upside down on matters as emotional as free
60 sex and individual right, more than the right of family collective and its community. First, let us understand that there is no valid ground to consider Constitution so sacrosanct as the demand is in the debate. It is as irrelevant as irrational. We may recount a small piece of history to judge the logic behind such a claim, for the advantage of society. In accordance with the general rule of its pedigree, draft of the proposed constitution expressed its faith in democracy when Jawaharlal Nehru presentd a resolution of faith on 13.12.1946, laying down the fundamental principles for Constituent Assembly in framing the document of governance and affirmed that We stand for democracy. It will be for this house to determine what shape to give to that democracy.(ibid, vol.1 Book1. p.57-65) One member wryly commented on the objectives thus: M.R.Masani (Bombay:General).I welcome this Resolution in spite of the fact that neither the word Democracy nor the word Socialist finds place in its Preamble. It is perhaps just as well that those words have been avoided because as one of us here put it in his Presidential Address at the Meerut Congress, terms like socialism or democracy can be made to cover a multitude of sins. The fog of words often covers realities.(ibid. page 92) Mohammed Sheriff warned: after 150 years of turmoil, after 150 years
61 of sacrifices undergone by the people of India ..we have uprooted British imperialism.. let not imperialism be perpetuated in another form.(ibid.p.69-70) The veterans, who had happened to preside over the destiny of a free nation and who sat down to craft the Indian Constitution, were not a homogenous lot. In fact they were of three distinct categories: One was the ruling section in a hurry. Remember the day a draft was introduced in the Constituent Assembly by the Law Minister on behalf of the Cabinet for approval and adoption. The day was 4th. November, 1948: he was categorical in one respect while narrating the salient features of his draft. There is a fine quote: I hold that these village republics have been the ruination of India. I am, therefore, surprised that those who condemn provincialism and communalism should come forward as champions of the village. What is the village but a sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrowmindedness and communalism? I am glad that the Draft Constitution has discarded the village and adopts the individual as its unit..(CA Debates, Book No. 2, Vol.No.VII 4. Nov.
1948, Fifth Reprint, 2009, LS Sectt. New Delhi, page39)
Let us contemplate: Conceding that the members in the First Provisional Cabinet and its Law Minister, as individuals had the right to hold opinion on matters
62 of such importance as the character of village in India, but had no legitimate authority to thrust their opinion on the country through a Drafting Committee, though this opinion later became an official and legal view after the adoption of the Constitution. And like them, Indians have a right to hold otherwise because everything legal may or may not be legitimate and correct. This is so far the recognised wisdom of jurisprudence. We assert that Indian village is in fact a neighbourhood community of families inhabiting therein and is as dynamic as living organism can be. By discarding village as its unit, the Draft Constitution discarded in fact both the family and the community for the individual as its unit for governance. In fact, the Law Minister on behalf of the First Cabinet after Independence was opting for individualism as the philosophy for the proposed Constitution instead of the community ethos. Quoting the British bureaucrat Metcalfe, the Law Minister on behalf of his Cabinet did nothing fresh than what British colonialist had viewed the Indian social structure first for its need in governance and later implanted it in the acedemic field to colour the thinking faculty of Indians. This British truth about rural India is being repeated nauseatingly since then by votaries of modern thought! These wisemen have no ground to
63 claim such wisdom, except repetition! Here was the first basic mischief with the people that laid the foundation for demolishing the family along with the community and their values on the basis of crass individualism, with shameless arrogance. The reaction to this bold and bald statement was equally sharp. The first member to speak on the next day Shri Damodar Swarup Seth (UP-Gen), while moving his amendment on the representative character of CA, said inter alia, ..our struggle for freedom reached the villages and it was because of the villages and because of their might that India became free. I want to ask whether there is any mention of the villages and any place for them in the structure of this great Constitution? No, nowhere, he replied himself..had there been such autonomous republics, neither the question of linguistic provinces nor of communal majorities or minorities or of backward classes would have arisen...joining the unions of their choice according to their culture...that it (Draft) is not in harmony with our present conditions, our culture and our customs. (ibid, page
212 dated 5th. Nov.1948)
Shri H.V.Kamath (CPB,Gen.) corrected the Law Minister by saying that the pathetic faith in village communities was not due to any Metcalfe, but our faith in the village republics and our rural
64 communities has grown and we have cherished it with all our heart. His (law minister) attitude yesterday was typical of the urban highbrow; and if that is going to be our attitude towards our rural folks, I can only say, God save us.... Perhaps the fault lies with the composition of the Drafting Committee, among the members of which no one, with the exception of Sriyut Munshi, has taken any active part in the struggle for our countrys freedom... We learn how our polity in ancient times was securely built on village communities which were autonomous and selfcontained; and that is why our civilisation has survived through all these ages. He went on The entire ethos of the proposed system was different from what was expected by the people We demanded the music of Veena or Sitar, but here we have the music of an English Band. That was because our Constitution makers were educated that way. I do not blame them rather, I would blame those people, or those of us, who entrusted them with this kind of work(ibid., p.219) Dr. P.S.Deshmukh said that I do not share the view that the past or our ancient civilisation is not worth utilising for the future building up of the Indian nation.(ibid, p252) Another retorted in spite of all that had been done (to village republics by the British rulers) for their suppression, they have survived.. Therefore,
65 village Panchayats (republics) is not to be condemned on that basis. Another prominent member, A C Guha said that I am afraid the Drafting committee has gone beyond the terms. I am afraid the whole Constitution that has been laid before us has gone beyond the main principles laid down by the CA and demanded that the village should be the real basis of (governing) machinery. (ibid, p 255-56) Prof. S.L Saksena I am certain that a very large majority of the House do not agree with this view of village republics. ..I personally feel that, if we bring these village panchayats all the light and all the knowledge which the country and the world have gathered, they will become the most potent force for holding the country together..can become models of good self-government.the Constitution should provide for establishment of village republics (i, p285) Shri G.B. Bhatt (Bombay) considering it as a whole I doubt seriously if it can at all be considered a Constitution which is Indian in spirit and in character. To forget or spurn the system of village panchayats, which has lifted us up and which has sustained us so far and to declare boldly it has been deliberately spurned..well in all humility I lodge my protest against it. .If the village is to be discarded, someone can also boldly demand that this Constitution be discarded, declared the member
66 equally loud in protest ( Vol. VII, page 316). K.Santhanam opined: in the long run local autonomy for each village must constitute the basic framework for the future freedom of this country (p.264). Chaudhry Ranbir Singh (Pb.G) quoting Gandhi said that whether in the political field or in the economic sphere decentralisation engenders a power which is much greater than other kinds of power. (ibid Vol.VII, p.288-89). Shri Mahabir Tyagi said What Gandhiji thought about Swaraj? It must not be forgotten that C. Assembly is the fruit of the labour of those who worked day and night for about thirty years in their attempt to win freedom. ...it is they who should have given us this Constitution. They alone are competent to draw up the Constitution. ...but since this Assembly was constituted by the British, we can not think of the other possibilities....But again we should see to it that the Gandhian outlook does not vanish from the country so soon after his death (ibid,p.360) BN Rau as Advisor and main architect if the drafting committee, came out in defence and stated that it was too late to make any attempt to change the basis of the Constitution which has gone so far. Bowing to sharp criticism, official side took to
67 the only known stratagem available to them that there is no time left to redraft Constitution in light of the criticism from the memebrs voicing opinion of the freedom struggle and promised a heaven in future. For the present, Article 40 was inserted to mollify the raised tempers. Jawahar lal Nehru said that there is no permanence in constitutions, it will grow and appealed to pass it (ibid, 322-23)! There was a another category that did not bite the bait : One of them Seth Damodar Swarup castigated it saying that this Constitution may even be the Magna Charta for capitalists of India, but so far as the poor and the tens of millions of toiling, starving and naked masses of India are concerned, there is nothing in it. He quoted another member from Congress Shankarrao Deo to say that this Constitution is bound to to be rejected if a referendum is taken . The framers of this constitution at best represent 14 per cent of the Indian masses. This is the bitter fact. (We) have failed to fulfil our duty for which we had assembled here due to various reasons and causes such as party politics this Constitution does not deserve to be passed. We should reject this Constitution (Vo. XI, p.694) Today after having a full picture of the constitution, I feel that I cannot make up my mind wholly to to appreciate and welcome this
68 Constitution, K. Hanumathaiya declared at the last reading, (Vol.X.p.616) while T.Prakasham said:I have been sitting here with a painful thought that we had been drifting, avoiding the soul of it as it were(697) The millions were ignored during British Raj and they were ignored in our country even after the British left and we also ignored them and we are proceeding with this Constitution (ibid). The Constitution may even be the Magna Carta for the capitalist of India, but so far as the poor and tens of millions of toiling, starving and naked masses of India are concerned, there is nothing in it for them, exclaimed Damodar swarup (p.694). I am afraid in this highly centralised Constitution of the Indian Republic there is possibility of there being apoplexy of the heart and paralysis at the ends, warned Mr. Deo (732), while Kamlapati Tripathi reminded Every one knows that effective power in the hands of the Centre can only be based on military strength and the concentration of military power is the sure road leading to the complete destruction of popular rights. This is historical thruth. Our Constitution obviously presents this danger(V.X, p863). Loknath Mishra said In this way we have made this irresponsible Constitution in the hope of giving responsible government to our people (p.798).
69 Mahabir Tyagi (UP) pointed out another obscenity of the adopted mode and warned ..I am most afraid of one aspect that democracy has created everywhere - of professional politicians . All democracies are run by professional politicians and I am afraid that is the main cause of their failure, because such people begin to live on democracy. It becomes with them a profession. The statecraft becomes their only source of living . This is the bane of democracy...If this democracy (of ours) is also run by such persons who will have nothing to fall back upon and who live on ministries and on the membership of Parliament then this democracy is doomed. I am sure (Vol.X, p.964) On the promise that in future Constitution will grow to the desired goal of decentralised polity a member declared that the dynamics of what is laid down may not allow the hope to materialise and argued that the wish for a healthy growth of the Constitution is misplaced. The dynamics of what has been released with the adoption of its philosophy will ultimately assert against the wish. The official view, however, prevailed in the CA on the intervention of leadership of the time, as was summed up by the advisor BN Rau. By now , however, it is clear that the undertaking on behalf of the leadership proved to be a poor consolation. Mr. Deo
70 proved prophetic and correct: the dynamics of what was released by the adoption of Constitution in 194950 asserted. And the result is disastrous to aspirations of the people in general. One aspect of the promise, however, did materialise; the Constitution of India did grow but in the opposite direction of what was desired then by the members. It did keep pace with the direction the Constitution virtually had laid and the members opposed, though it debunked the majority of the people for whom members then pleaded. The danger inherent in providing a philosophical basis for individualism in the Constitution was not foreseen by anyone so seriously and hence not contested. That is what happened at the cost of a heavy price for generations to bear. B. The Greate Debate:
71 One fact is incontrovertible: the whole period of Freedom struggle was permeated with two basic issues. One, what will be the future mode of socioeconomic system the country need to adopt. Second, what would India need as its mode of governance after British rule is over? Constituent Assembly debated and decided. On the result it was said: I am afraid that they have made a wrong approach to the problem summed up K.Santhanam forcefully (Vol.V.p.54). He was afraid that the overall structure would remain unchanged. It remained unchanged. The whole structure is drawn on the lines of Government of India Act, 1935, said Gokul Bhai Bhatt (Vol.VII, p.316). The long shadow of 1935 Act prevails till date. The great irony of history is stalking now; those who voted for such an unchanged structure were of the same pedigree who are now asking rural India to change instead in tune with the adopted path in cunningness. For a moment we may look a bit back for slight wisdom to know what happened. During freedom struggle the village republic had become a symbol of revolt against the centralised polity i.e. State, against the formal system, which in the modern age has stripped the individual and rendered him/her defenceless against the ruthlessness of state that is wedded more to serve
Centralised Polity v/s non-centralised Polity:

What was at stake in the long debate? Let us examine. Stake was relevant and important. It was the very future of the nation. Once these basic questions were decided in favour of the super rich, people were dumped again in the dustbin of history uncared for with the state structure strengthened to care for the choosen ward. The people stood disinherited and dishonoured.
72 the minority super rich. Khap represents the noncentralised polity as a reliable alternative with a hoary past to rely upon for a bright future. The Little Republic of which Khap is its incarnation, in much of Hindi zone and called in other areas with several titles, that is visualised as the only frame in which the ordinary people can be on their own, can feel and realise their own potential and engender a milieu behoving the human society with family and its neighbouring community as its strength to stand by. The concept of Little Republic endured the spirit and inspired them to fight against a centralised system of governance which the British had thrust upon India to serve a vested interest. One of its stalwarts in the freedom struggle had reminded that India lives in its villages. By saying this then he was stating an obvious truth and nonetheless important to remind the nation for its future to rely upon. Keeping fingers on pulse of the common man, Gandhi appreciated another truth of its social life, while left leaders failed, about Village Republics as a living organism and effective model true to the spirit of Indian ethos for self-governance and dispute resolution. In the centralised society of today one bomb on the power plant is enough to extinguish all lights and there is no single lamp to light up darkness. But
73 where many lamps burn with little oil in tiny mud pots, there will not be flood of light that dazzles but there will never be darkness Shankarrao Deo (Vol.X p. 694). But this was not to happen. There was regret, there was anguish on the point as to how and why that most vital institution was not in place where ought to have been in that document of destiny, the Constitution of India. The institution had a significance not only in the limited frame of the life of Indian nation. It was the symbol of the other alternative which could salvage the human civilisation in peril, when corporate capital is out to strangle it with resolve to rely on centralised state power. When it was stated by Manmohan Das that unless and untill our village people are educated, unless and untill they become politically conscious...the village panchayat system will do more harm than good.. and local influential classes will absorb to themselves all powers and priviledges (Vol. VII,p.308) Sarangdhar Das had argued that it was based on a superficial view of rural life of those who had lost contact with villages. If there is ignorance in the villages it is ignorance of English language and also our various written languages It has nothing to do with real life because as far as knowledge of nature and wisdom are concerned there is more
74 wisdom and more knowledge in the villages than in our modern cities(Vol.VII,p.286). Another member in CA said: The excuse has been given that we are not yet ready, we would need greater experience, better education, and more widespread consciousness of political power amongst the masses as well as its responsibilities to be able to work such radical forms of democratic government They did not realise the perversity of this logic. Had we agreed to such arguments in the past,...we should never, even now have obtained our independence and the right to selfgovernment which is now proud possession, exclaimed K.T.Shah (Vol. X p.619). Prakasham put the question straight when he declared that The village republic which is proposed to be established and worked is not a bullock cart village republic...when when we fill the whole country with these organisations... there will be no food famines..no cloth famine...these village republics will establish peace in our country.(Vol.VII,p.522). But sanity did not prevail and a centralised polity was adopted instead. There is one and the only one reason for this situation: because you are still unable to trust the people in full (ibid), which is indicative of a psyche of faith in the infallibility of the beaucratic system.
75 Believe the system, disbelieve the People is their evergreen motto to follow!! And our wisemen did it again to the sorrow of millions after millions! This was the basic point at issue in deliberations of the Constituent Assembly. It difficult for the leadership to face the logic shrewdly relied upon the advice of Mr. BN instead. It proved fatal. Tragedy struck. Emerging issues: The centralised system of governance has by now sapped out the energy of a young nation to thrive. To suit the interests of a minority, Westminster system with highly centralised structures was adopted instead on the bidding of British and Indian capital. Ostensibly, this minority became too apprehensive of participative democracy where people not only participate directly to discuss, analyse and decide on issues of self-governance but act as masters of its destiny, and donot depend upon representative to speak for them through some forum provided by the state. It forms the essence of little Republics that India stood proud of one day. The constitution talks of democracy but circumscribed it to a predecided forum of representatives to speak for the people instead, though Hind Swaraj was a favourite reader with the leaders for form sake.
the was and Rau
76 To ward off danger, representative system was favoured instead by adapting the colonial Act of 1935 with a bureaucratic super-structure as was available from British rule. Gandhi could sense a better form in participative democracy as repository of a higher essence of Indian ethos for governance and freedom can not mean anything else than recognition of the competence of the people to navigate life according to traditions and customs. Favouring a federation of 7-lakh Village Republics in tune with the aspirations of Independence struggle, this opinion found a resounding voice in the Constituent Assembly when the Law Minister appealed otherwise to adopt the colonial model. Circumstances however so conspired in favour of opting the centralised polity. Rural India felt cheated on this vital question of its life when the imported state structure was inherited instead. To talk about village panchayats, as ordained by Article 40, less said the better. It took 47 years for village panchayats to become part of the constitutional frame and much more to be on the ground, but not as unit of self-governance, like little republics. Panchayats, even after finding place in the scheme of Article 243 under Part IX of the Constitution are not more than the lowest unit of administration. Then, who is playing with the law of the land; rural
77 India or those elites who are controlling commanding heights of the structure? Not the people. The question cannot be brushed aside alleging it as irrelevant and superficial. People need it be asked and asked more fervantly today from those who arrogate unquestioned wisdom to themselves on such issues of mass relevance as culture and living mode with equal right to exist in this world. Theory teaches In conditions of today, the basic question of political science is to define relation between society and the state and it is agreed that society takes precedence over the institution of state. In fact it is understood that state is the servant and not the master of society. This is theory. In practice, however, the state is a monster today and has assumed the role of the master of society with coercive power, supplemented by an elaborate system of mental slavery, as organ of governance for obedience. Its education system is helping it. This is perversity of theory as also perversity of morality. The state, as its own creation has overtaken the society for good or bad. This dichotomy between theory and practice of state is the fundamental question to resolve if man has to breathe in fresh air and make sense of a serene life. Another facet of the situation is the limited span with a man as an
78 individual, while the man in society is to think of a perspective with generations to come. Currently, the society operates with two distinct types of structures. The primary one is the type of informal institutions it has evolved and perfected through a process spanning centuries of hit and trial for growth. It is a continuous process never to end and perfection is always relative to time and space. The second is the type of formal and contractual formation like state with a defined role and ordained power jurisdiction. The Principle of Eminent Domain is a later invention by the state and a perverstion of theory by deceipt to enjoy colonial obedience and uncouth possessions. This principle of eminent domain has nothing to do with any concept of orderly behaviour to serve humanity, but for a particular or sectarian object. It is a transgression of political mandate of the master by its servant and cannot be reconciled for obedience. It is an extraneous and incongruent extension of delegated authority that cannot enjoy command over the people for good and demand respect too from them for violations of the oath. The illegitimate usurpation of power by the state for itself, has to go by making up the deficiency so caused to the common good for past forays. The British rulers did it to colonial India and Independent
79 India cannot go on enjoying sinful gains from the service of an illegitimate child and claim seat on high table in the comity of free nations too. C. Feudal and Patriarchy Let us see another allegation. Credit goes to Indian lefts to popularise the term feudal in political discource and now is a standard abuse the leaders of every party posses in his/her lexicon to denounce opponents. Situation has come to a pass that feudal is the word of choice to use by any Tom, Dick and Harry who happens to describe any family head in rural India on any account. If reference is made to khap, feudal word of choice and patriarchy if the issue relates to women! Such is the level of prejudice. It is doubtful if the practitioners of this terminology really understand the essence that is attached to it in political economy; but they are happy with the term. Under it the term was used to denote certain negative features of socioeconomic life of yester years, largely in West, which hardly find place at the beginning of 21st century even in the field of culture any more, any where. The lord versus serf relationship of feudal variety has been replaced by master-servant relationship of capitalist variety almost in every field of human activity. Landlord is now land-owner. A keep is now in a live-in relationship and prostitutes are proudly
80 called sex workers! India is no exception. Still many seem to feel comfortable with this terminology of bygone period for fancy sake, otherwise it carries no substantial meaning now, unless one intends to rebuke family relationship. By the way, what is feudal and serf relationship in the practice of Khap in these days? During the whole debate in the media nothing of the type ever was specified. The wisemen of the modern world must answer this query explicitly before repeating the charge like a robot and nauceatingly, lest motives stand questioned with no less force.
81 love and sex to name one, while this art in depravity remained a point of loathness with the common man. The art with common man, however, remained tied to objects in nature instead.
Patriarchy is the next epithet which is very popular these days with all sundry supporters of feminism of questionable history. It has a dual intent to depict the society into male-female divide firstly to induct an alien cultural mode in India and demolish the family institution for a specific purpose to fulfil. It is curious that these critics do not plead for matriarcy either to replace but champion individualism instead.
Again, they must answer whom this crash individualism benefit in todays world? They probably would not answer this question too. But they must not expect that the people are so dull headed as to embrace such a social death instead. D. Myth about invincibility of money The most intriguing aspect of this campaign against Khaps and Gotra Khaps is the ridicule these crusaders heap on the concept of Bhaichara. A myth is created around that Bhaichara is a worthless concept for a modern world of their belief. They seem to be content with money relationship instead. For them the concept is totally irrelevant, alien and dispensable with no regret to the social cost.
Feudal system of production was confined to agriculture and the allied functions like animal husbandry essentially for subsistence, while the role of money remained confined to a medium for exchange. Such a relationship cannot be found now any where. It has been replaced by money and capital relationship in matters of production and distribution, specifically, with a corresponding socio-cultural infrastructure available every where.
Moreover, this fancy for the word feudal betrays a low level of understanding about the other side of feudal period in history. It was in this period that community assertion had emerged with practices which gave meaning to social content and it immuned itself in bargain from the depravity of lords, in matters
82 Yes, Bhaichara is irrelevant and dispensable for a world having money/capital as its first God to live by. For them, capital has replaced man for survival, placing Bhaicharaas superfluous. There is nothing unexpected in this abnormal situation where India is involved in a desperate contest between one culture of family-labour based agriculture mainly represented by rural India and individuallabour based Industrial culture of urban India for dominance. While Industrial culture loves leg-pulling and cutthroat market instincts, rural life survives on Bhaichara, co-sharing and cooperation! Two are incompatibles. This is the truth of the situation. Is it open for urbanite elite to use state power and force their way of life and values on the rural folks? Perhaps, they are suffering from arrogance par excellance on this aspect. They can have no such claim of righteousness either. Rural India lives its own life as a birth right. This right is not endowed by any one who can exercise reclaim it at wish. In nutshell, the present crusade against society is a war between these two distinct world of cultures that feverishly contest for supremacy in India. It is a war not of choice with rural society but thrust upon it by the crusaders of industrial culture out to dominate the sky. Let analysis continue...
83
VII
Charges examined
It is by now clear that rural way of life and its Khap system are under severe attack for wrong reasons and for unworthy cause to serve. It is also known that the current tirade came in the backdrop of so-called honour killings that is the effect of a definite but sponsored cause. It would be instructive if the cause that led to the effect in honour killings is examined dispassionately and honestly in the interest of society and its future to pinpoint the subject of crime. The efforts in reaction by Khap Panchayats, if any, or the family relations concerned as is the case, to stem this rot in society that is beseiged for a sponsored change in its ethos is also related to this sponsored cause that has resulted in killings. In fact, honour killings have come in wake of serious provocations, with a definite background, as an action undertaken in self-defence by the families when they felt threatened to the extent of extinction. The reactions from both rural community and the urbanite elite group on this account are sharp against each other to the extant of rage.
84 The resourceful urbanite club of elites have unleashed an unprecedented tirade against the very rural way of life accusing it of anti-national conduct, having a potentiality to frighten the FDI in the country away by its feudal and conservative way of life and in course started debunking a whole community on various counts that are dubious and outrightly false, forgetting in the process to value FDI more than its citizens and their rights. Remember, the present campaign against rural way of life in general and Khap in particular is a cover fire on behalf of Indian state establishment as it is moving now sufficiently fast towards clearing a path for urban takeover, overtly and covertly, including the foreign money bags. And purpose is to make sex entertainment free and hassle free and without any inhibition. The uneasiness over this bid in rural area of the country was not difficult to feel, but when the elite hit at the raw nerve on a matter such sensitive as love, marriage and sex, the tremour is the result. In this context, let us examine the set of myths the recent campaign have sponsored to malign the rural population affecting its way of life against their will and without authority in a democratic set up of its own make. The pith and substance of the charges came out clearly whose purpose is to bulldoze rural sector flat by the urban section of Indian society as a
85 happy ground for freedom of choice to flourish without hurdles. The motive was amply clear when it hit out at the very concept of Bhaichara, which levers the system of Khap. The charge is that rural uncouths are vary of change to make sex available on demand and are stubornly sticking to this outworn concept finding its expression in Khap. They fear change, the allegation goes. For whom? For cat walk industry? When urban India can flourish wihout this concept of Bhaichara, they say, where is the necessaity for rural folks to cling to it and loose the race for plentiful riches? And when urbanites are so caring for them to be in riches! The logic is perverse and deceitful for a life of sin. It is a bad counsel; worth a dustbin. The logic has come to justify the concept of freedom of choice, more particularly in context of sexual depravity which they are advancing, without any sense of shame. Finding support from Supreme Court, executive wing and the Law commission on khap, love, sex and family relations, now these jihadist elements are bold enough to demand the head, heart and its will to survive with dignity from the ruralites.
Khap system is sought to be extinguished to avert any worthwhile challenge to a rule of capitalist dispensation in the land of promise without contest
86 for which free sex is being utilised as a weapon to take over rural economy by the super rich. Khap is under attack only because it is its defence mechanism since ages. This inference is sufficiently clear from the challenge to the concept of Bhaichara. It is in fact the political economy behind the present tirade against rural country in the name of fighting Talibani, castist and feudal Khap! Where remains the ambiguity, if one is not a block headed creature. Let there be clarity on one point. None can blame rural India for its forced poverty of these sixty years. None in senses can blame it for no change in its economic status. Forget about fiction characters from Munshi Prem Chand, none can compete rural India for hard labour and honesty of purpose. Rural India stands highly expropriated in independent India, more than what British did in their times. Give an ear to the facts, if you dare to know the extant of loot on this account that made it paupered Rural India never refused change nor it can. But sponsored change in the interest of looters? Why it should go for it to bite the bait? Many may be enamoured to the riches of the urbanites and their crass material possessions but sensible persons know where lies the filth. Urban centres are cesspool of unmatched individualism, selfishness, cut throat mechinations, sexual depravity and stinkning deceit.
87 The Change and Sponsored Change Rural India stands accused to be a cesspool of conservative and caste prejudices with instinct not to change. The charge is being repeated ad nauseam, since November, 1948 by all and sundry with glee. But to whose benefit? This aspect of the question is as important as the original one lest vested interests go scot free of the loop. Nonetheless, the question should be examined afresh. Yes, rural India must change as others are changing. There is no point in marking times; if one marks time unnecessarily, time will consume him/ her in course. There can be no doubt about it. Marking time is important sometimes for a leap though. The pointless wait also is no option for any one in hope for a bright future. Agreed. Without reservations. However, one clarity must prevail. What change? Without a clarity about the nature of change, plunge for it sounds a deliberate trap for sure disaster. This is not because there is some hesitation for accepting change but because the country once stood cheated previously at a crucial point in its modern history when a similar ambiguity was used to term the query to Gandhiji from Bhagat Singh and his friends as untimely about the future course the country is to take after getting freedom.
88 So a caution. Starting with a premise that villages are cesspool of ignorance that represent dark ages of history, when these detractors allege that rural India is averse to change and Khaps are its bulwark of conservative forces, not allowing it to modernise, a question nags. Change, yes but to whose benefit? It would benefit to remember that this allegation against rural sector is not new; the campaign started well in the begining of the new innings. It was levelled in 1948 by the aspirant rich when Indian Constitution was under contemplation as a document to lay down the future of the country after British left. It is time to reply to the canard again. A reasonable explanation is required, though a few members of the then Constituent Assembly aptly had replied to the charge against by modernists of dubious variety. The nature of change is as important a question as the will to change for the better. Change per se is no change for life. Change must satisfy the future. One change is like the water flows in a stream for renewal and for keeping itself alive and kicking. The other change is to turn the bubbling stream into a stinking drain for industrial residue. Change is essential in times of need for a society/ community to survive. Perhaps, no one will dispute this too. But a change against the future of a heavy
89 majority of the people is no change. What is the objection to this formulation in this context? India itself has much changed after 1947. Ruralites too. One change was to occur in natural course of history as it has been doing in the past, even during the British period, despite merciless expropriation by the foreign rulers. As an independent nation India has changed a lot too. There can be no contest on this score. During this journey of six decades after independence, the change has benefitted to some and ruined the others. Why? It is not a secret that a minicule but pungently arrogant section of population is now assertive of its existence as a powerful bull in the countrys precincts. Its trajectory is the same that took shape during British rule surviving on borrowed priviledges from the rulers; it grew at the cost of working population with the grace of state power. Major section of them gets paid of public money for playing cards in govenment offices and lording over citizenary who happen to be at their doors for mercy. By misusing the official patronage during the last six decades these elites have now attained the renewed status of a fortune with no parellel. These are the main stay of status quo now acting as a powerful bulwark of reaction in the country who plead for a close proximity with imperial aspirations and asking rural India to get out of their way for good.
90 The question about the nature of change is more relevant when the Indian economy is made to advance with zero growth in employment and easy take over of its natural resources in land, forests, water and mines with the peasantry in service for the enclaved rich turning this vast section as pauper fit for Jhuggijhonpdies in the urban centres. Rural India is now asked to accept the fresh position of a facilitating server in the streets while its able bodied daughters to serve the frayed nerves at command enjoying five-star comfort for a change in a rugged and dreary life! It is out to advise rural population for accepting this change peacefully, under its benign law and order to bet, expressing faith in a Constitution that makes it possible in a free country and where freedom of choice for sex relations is the new mantra as a sure path for fame and riches, with of course hazards of a profession to bear. If such conditions are acceptable, riches go aplenty in the proposed dispensation of slavery of new type that the slogan of change implies. The only pre-requisite is to forget about the good old frame of human relations without any sense of loss and regret. Then enjoy as the other club members are doing. Here lies the choice, gentlemen. Grab it if it suits your taste and temper. It is the new definition of freedom on behalf of these elites!
91 With such a pre-decided frame from a hopless but powerful minority to play hanka to hunt such a majority of its citizens with a natural right to execise its will, the proposed change is no change but a retrograde prescription for slavery to the rich. To follow such a path of destruction is nothing but a blindness that leads to hell. Simply because this minority terms it as a change cannot be accepted as the final truth that brooks no deliberation. Any such change that props individualism and destroys family, community, neighbourhood Bhaichara with resourceless existence is bound to affect the future of this country,destroying its rythem irretreivably. No sensible person can support such a path to ruin and degradation unbound. Such a direction of the change is definitely to the disadvantage of rural population, living and surviving on agriculture with allied mode of production. The whole system stands contrived to serve the superrich and against the deprived, right from the begining. Balancesheet of this change since 1947 is disheartening and cannot evoke an iota of fresh confidence in its intentions. There is another facet to the charge of no change in this campaign. Rural India is accused of being temperamentally conservative and averse to change, thereby giving a message that in adopting science,
92 and new technology while its economy needs modernisation urgently, it is averse temperamentaly in adopting a rational temper to change. History belies this charge. Peasantry has proved its grit for innovations to improve its mode of operation. Choosen path : anti-national, anti-people There is no reason to believe that the change which has been thrust upon this country during these six decades after 1947 on plain account is worth aspiring. Except this elite club there is no beneficiery who can claim peace and prosperity of a kind they had a dream to achieve and hence can not be a point of celeberation by them. Rural India is one such a sufferer at the hands of destiny, much like Red Indians in America of thirtees of last century. (Read:
Grapes of wrath to have a glimps of this traged in history)
93 to survive in misery by turning his/her village community as irrelevant for support in need. The aim largely succeeded to the rule. The nation was robbed of the opportunity on this count and protests were diplomatically side tracked with fatal consequences for the future of the country. Weakness lies here. Those in the Constituent Assembly who pleaded for rural India found themselves helpless in the end. Their warnings however proved correct to the dot. Compromise, did not work. The result is damning. Elite club is basking. And ultimately, Western thought prevailed in the final draft of the Constitution and rural India was given a short shrift with certain clever but clumsy subterfuses to assuage wounded tempers. Community and family were out and the individual found its place instead as a basic unit of its care. Remember, this served the cause of industrial-cumcommercial interests to find solid ground in the country at the cost of rural population. It worked fine as planned during the last six decades and made rural India almost bankrupt of its strength and vitality. This current crusade is the final assault to demolish it by roots and branches. The arrogant elites stand charged with a historic crime against almost 80% of Indian people. With a sense of superior wisdom, they helped bulldoze a
As mentioned earlier, roots of this warfare against rural India to demolish its mores and culture, goes back to the time when future of the country was being decided after British rulers left its shores for good in 1947. It was decided then that the individual will be its basic unit of governance, rather than family, community or the village, just to copy a model of Western world to pursue. It was destined to make individual wholly dependent on the mercy of/ subservient to the state sturcture as a helpless soul
94 change in the basic fabric of Indian society with no hope for them to survive with dignity. It had no democratic mandate while, perpetrators were the sole beneficieries of this turn around. Constitution is flouted by whom Fact is glaring: the state, for the benefit of this elite, thrust upon the country a mode of development that goes against many specific articles in the Constitution promising a just order, which they themselves had adopted in 1949 to a great hahulla of self praise over this achievement. The same state structure that the British rulers had devised to rule over Indians for greed, has worked the same way after 1947 with little change despite the new constitution! It balatantly trampled upon a sacred promise to change for the better through the Constituent Assembly with no remorse or regret to this day with untold miseries heaped upon common men and women of this country with no fault of theirs, despite hard and honest labour for survival in this world of extreme expropriation. See again, to be brief, what the Article 38, 39 and 40 of Indian Constitution laid down after members after members in the Constituent Assembly decried the mal-intent of the Drafting Committee against the Indian ethos. To smoothen the then
95 tempers, assurances were advanced having little substance. . See. Article 38 directed that: (1) The state shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice, social, economic and political, shall inform all institutions of the national life. (2) The state shall, in particular, strive to minimise the inequalities in income and endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities, not only amongst individuals but also amongst groups of people residing in different areas or engaged in different avocations. Article 39 stipulates that: The state shall, in particular, direct its policy towards securing (a) that the citizens, men and women equally, have the right to an adequate means of livlihood (b) that the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good; (c) that the operation of the economic system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production to the common detriment;
96 (d) ...... that citizens are not forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited strength to age or strength (f) that children are given opportunities and facilities to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity and that childhood and youth are protected against exploitation and against moral and material abondonment. Article 40 lays down that the state shall take steps to organise village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self-government. Though these provisions so made were a mere caricature what the aspirations of the people had demanded of a free country, what had reluctantly been conceeded thus is actually translated in action during the last six decades of home rule? No comment is necessary more than to say that the provisions so described are observed more in breach than observation till date and the dreams so roused are wholly shattered in this respect with no hope in the near future to redeem, unless and untill people start getting assertive of these rights. See, what has in fact happened. By design, the concentration of wealth in the hands of few, despite Constitutional directives to the contrary, has grown
97 at tremendous speed while the inequality in society is at unprecedented scale as a result of a deliberate planning to Amercianise India society. The share in national wealth for rural India was 63 % in 1952. It has reduced to mere 14.6% in the year 2010 and is scheduled to be reduced to 6% by the year 2015 on design. What there remains of a Constitution of then in the circumstances? Not much in substance indeed, to demand unalloyed allegiance. A killing quote: Will you still need me, will you still feed me, when Im 64" asked the Beatles in the song When Im SixtyFour. Like the average age of its ruling elite, today India is 64 years old as an independent nation, and its people are asking their government both questions. The answer is a resounding, No. The politicians do not need the people to stay in power, thanks to the easily manipulated electoral process it invented. Nor will the state feed them equitably despite the politically expedient promises to do so. Market forces playing havoc The issue has come into sharp focus when the country was made to crawl before the market forces and the super rich started playing their game
98 unchecked. It is the market that teaches man to be selfish and makes stealing and treachery the art to others.Present day world is what has been made to be. Market is no friend to man or woman. It dehumanises man, no less woman. The system too looses its sense of proportion and priority. At times, corruption can become an issue with it rather than the issue of farmers dying in lakhs all because of its colonial policies of internal expropriation. Remember, British parliament was sensitive enough in nineteenth century when it took due notice of famines and deaths of Indian farmers, all because of its own policies; but now in 21st. century the Parliament of indepenedent India feels no obligation towards farmers killing themselves all because of its own policies that pauperised rural India. Moreover, presently it is not the market of Adam Smith or Ricardo period. Those who openly declared their intention to go for market forces in 1991 in India knew this bare truth. Still, they marketed it without least care for the consequences for the common citizens, barring a handfull of super rich. Market is no free game now. It is controlled, contrived and manipulated by the super rich, world over. It is the basic requirement of the market forces to capitalise everything in its reach, including human values and emotions. Commodification of anything
99 and everything in human relations too for the benefit of super-profit is inherent in the game. Stii it was opted deliberately with no mind for social deficit. The political elite has contributed hugely to bring the country to this stage when every one is scared of the future. But the citizen has also let his inner fabric disintegrate. Poverty is a factor, and the state has used it to keep itself rich and the people poor. It gave Indians the delusion that they could be independent of state benevolence and good economics would minimize the role of bad politics. The rollout of expensiveand leaky welfare schemes designed to win votes at the time of election, and subsequent deliberate lack of implementation is snuffing out Indias dreams. Moral corruption in policymaking and its ideology, disguised in calls for inclusive growth and welfare schemes, has atrophied our muscle at 64, making us less attractive as a model for the world to follow. Loving us even less are our corporate houses, which are taking their businesses and their charitable impulses abroad. Tata, Mahindra, Ambani, Narayana Murthy, Nilekani, which became super rich at the cost of hunger and suicides of farmers and common men thanks to the reforms of dubious character, have all given millions to Harvard, Yale, Cornell and Penn State universities that hardly need the money, but where
100 they believe it will be a better business, whose patriotism vanishes the moment they are asked to behave or profit reduces by a mere paisa. Fruits of development As per Human Development Report, India languishes at 126th rank out of 177 countries at the age of 64 years. The International Food Policy Research Institutes Global Hunger Index ranks India 94th. out of 118 countries surveyed. The World Food Programme estimates over half of our children suffer from severe or moderate malnourishment. Sixty seven out of 1000 thousand children born in India die before the age of five. Despite a national policy for compulsory primary education, only 50 per cent of children have access to proper education. And even these appalling numbers are often generous figures, quite far from the truth! Director of the UN Research Institute for Social Development says that the Indian governments claims of poverty reduction are not reliable; he notes ... Indian data is always controversial. Professor Brij Kothari of IIM Ahmedabad maintains that the 65.4 percent literacy rate published by the 2001 census is highly exaggerated, and not based on proper evaluation of the childrens ability to read and write. Millions of those classified as literate cannot actually read, his study found. This is official data of achievement.
101 How is India doing On the basis of the National Sample Survey data on calorie intake for 1999-2000, Professor Utsa Patnaik found that 70 per cent of the Indian population was at or below the poverty line fixed by the Planning Commission in 1979 - having 2400 calories per person per day. She also calculated that an average family of five was consuming at least 200 kg of grain less each year than 50 years ago. Food grains were available, but the poor did not have the money to purchase their requirement. Such is the story of development for the common man during these last 64 years of market benevolence. The World Banks own estimate of poverty in 2007 has been radically revised by new cost of living data which draws the new poverty line at 1.25 dollars at 2005 purchasing power parity. On this basis a shocking 41.6 per cent of Indias population - or 456 million people live below the poverty line. This is about one third of the worlds poor population. Even this World Bank data is an underestimate because it does not adequately cover the rural areas where the vast majority of the poor live. The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector in its report, entitled Report on the Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganised Sector says that over 394.9 million
102 workers (86 % of working population) belong to the unorganised sector and work under utterly deplorable conditions with extremely few livelihood options. The Commissions data is based on National Sample Survey (NSS) studies. Going by its statistics, it was found that while 235 million people are in a position to take care of themselves, an unbelievable 836 million people, or 77 per cent of the population, require assistance from state or any other social security network for mere survival. Objective criteria needed According to Multidimensional Poverty Indicators developed by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative and applied by the Human Development Index (HDI) 2010, the proportion of BPL families in India is 55.4 per cent of the population. Bihar fares poorest, with 61.4 per cent of the people below the poverty line, while Kerela has the lowest fraction of BPL people - 40.9 per cent. For the opportunity to live in dignity, less said the better. Almost 80% of the population has been written off the care register of the rulers now; for them only about 20% of population remains as real India for its care. The whole planning process and executive function works for this minicule per centage. The welfare schemes for the rest in fact are mere lollipop that too under compulsions of electoral
103 politics with little to ameliorate the pangs of large scale deprivation ever let loose by its liberal policies for the benefit of big fishes - both Indian and foreign. The level of mental and physical servility can be gauged from the fact that Indian leadership had meakly accepted the advice from American representative to India at the conclave that met to finalise the aggreement on WTO in 1994, to plan for 20 % of real India as its global market. There were no questions asked by the media then. Again, when Indian rulers had launched its march to liberalise economy for the benefit of corporate capital, the same media conveniently forgot to remind the leaders of Constitutional provisions, violation of which has ruined these 80% further in respect of the little chance they had to find an opportunity for a mere survival in the wild world of sharks. No tears shed by media to this date for them and no regrets for lost opportunity either for the deprived, due to flouting of Constitutional provisions. This is perhaps enough to recount about the respect the ruling establishment has about the Constitution of the land when it asks rural India to obey it on Khap, at the cost of their very life. And what is the reason the same media is keeping silent about the disrespect to Constitution of India by this establishment so long?
104 Reason is not difficult to understand. It is because this violation worked in favour of the rich and rich, against the deprived Perhaps, dutifully, media is deprived. working to keep a lid on its masters deeds. All said, the rich and its media has little respect of such niceities of a just and equitable order. Lies and damn lies (2) It is alleged that Khap is a Jat Institution. Let us examine: To gain control of the situation and succeed, the current crusade against Khaps is crude enough to sow seeds of discord and disruption in the rural camp, while striking at its very roots. It fears unity of the adversary most. Understandable. Secondly, the campaign has popped up certain myths to sustain, raising important issues in trail that go to alert the nation over what is in store for it to bear. And, naturally this is not without design. These people hardly ever do without one. But, why? It surprised many in the profession when all of a sudden a powerful section of media, disregarding its own code not to help flaring up caste, regional and religious divide, so shamelessly resorted to fanning caste prejudice by describing Khap as a Jat institution and continued hammering repeatedly that it is confined only to North India. It is not possible to whip up caste and regional
105 passions without purpose. What are the forces behind such a game of divide and rule and what can be its purpose? Who are going to benefit then? It will be interesting to probe the truth behind this gameplan. While projecting this campaign against Jats, the politics behind remains clearly to frighten down protests from other communities and leaving the Jats alone to fight the powerful adversary. By mellowing the anger thus against this outrage against debunking the age-old practice in a cavalier fashion worked to the advantage of culprits in the game and provided a fine cover for them to hide behind in this sniper warfare. Unfortunately for rural India, the other communities rated the present crusade as against Jats and kept themselves aloof from the protest. As designed, they could not grasp the common danger inherent in the campaign. In consequence, the establishment found new zeal to interefere in life of the communities, which both the law of the land and practice so far do not allow it to do. But the monster worked to plan and to their entire satisfaction! There is another aspect. It was alleged that the problem of khap is confined merely to certain areas in north India. Thereby the idea was to create a feeling that its appeal is limited to a small area while what these wisemen are pleading about relates to the
106 majority area. Later, same media conceded that incidents of honour killing do occur in MP, Maharashtra and deep in South as also in other communities with the same intensity, finding community support against errant elements. Barring western countries, perhaps there is no country in the world where question of family honour is so cheap as the protogonists of flirt sex are desiring it to be so common and hassle free. (3) About its feudal parentage less said the better. Who is a Lord and who is a Serf in Khap? Yes, there are elders in the khap to help and guide the deliberation. Still they are not like advocates in the court to plead on the strength of a contract. None can dispute this. Then what is wrong if elders are there in a meeting to resolve dispute among kins or a Bhaichara conclave? Only seniles object. (4) When there is a crusade to fight out Bhaichara reason exists: content that campaign for free love has taken sufficient roots among the rural youth by now courtesy their intense work of last two decades of liberal fancy for commercialisation of social life and an education system that breeds crass individualism, the community feeling among rural people perhaps is something as a hurdle still to move ahead in enticing the rural belt and small townships for commercialisation of women and youth in sex
107 oriented ventures more openly and with speed for easy profit, including the highly paying sex and entertainment industries. (5) The same is true about the charge that rural India is conservative in character and a hurdle in the path of modern India. Again, it is alleged that Khap is anti-development; specially when the country is on the path of becoming world power such conservative institutions as Khap are creating problems in the path. The absurdity of such a charge is self-evident. The only relevance of this charge in context of the present controversy in relation to questions of love, marrigae and sex means conversly that khap should not oppose free sex and their right of freedom of choice in such matters. Why khap or for that matter anybody should support such a demand for vagarancy? In whose favour such a demand goes? Answer, without ifs and buts. This charge can be true only if it is conceded that by modernity they mean industrial-commercial culture where it is money, and not human relations, that dominate; where you do not need fellow members of the family and community but the money alone to regulate relations from economic to social, cultural and sexual, to bet.
108 In defence of free sex is the concept of a right for the individual to roam free and do whatever one likes, with no concern for those parents who do bonebreacking labour to bring up him/her in comfort. In such a scenerio parents are supposed to observe obligation to the kids with no comparable rights? It also boils down to contempt for the institutions like family, community and the place of birth for the sake of sexual freedom! This is what is happening. At this, one can claim a degree of success proudly for the labour this long-drawn campaign has put in, to demolish the base of these social institutions to the glee of corporate capital and convert the female organs of procreation and feeding the infants into profitable commodities as organs of recreation. Heave a sigh of relief; animal world is free from such a marauding onslaught of the market! Sex-infected Youth The first charge against those who happen to exercise command over Indian society for such long as six decades by default remains that it is they, as a class, who have deliberately made the youth of this country as brute and criminal in matters of sex. They have to answer first why they played with the life of the nation in such a crude fashion? If they claim that such a depravity about sex is in
109 the very nature of youth, let them answer as to why there were no cases of honour killings so rampant before 1947 as these are today? There is another aspect to this question that tells a grim tale: If the present sexual surge is such a driving force coming naturally with youths - both boys and girls, as is made out to be by the vested interests day and night to justify any and every act of deviant behaviour, how to explain its lack of such depravity about sexual behaviour among the virtually naked aborigines roaming on this planet, including India even today? It then has to be accepted that this is the bane of the type of modernity for which these gentlemen are working hard to convert the whole society. Their charge against rural India for being conservative and against development boils down to this conclusion to which there is so tough resistence all around. In fact, the ruling establishment stands charged that this modern edition of sexual urge now visible among the youths is the product of this effort to make the nation modern of their model. This urge is being artificially inflamed for a purpose that is not honourable and is made to look as a natural course with man/woman to live by! It is a crime against humanity and the very future of a country they have committed.They fear the youth power for change and are out to infect it with another deadly intoxicant.
110 Let us understand the problem:
111 going against social norms of sexual behaviour in a civilised society? The culprit lies here who for personal profit are using media and education to incite crass sensualism of sorts. Certainly, jurisprudence must ask law courts to chargesheet all those who are pleading for free sex for entertainment and pushing the youths and parents both to this situation of turmoil and committing crimes. The dramatic change the government is working hard to bring about relating to the supposed right of unfettered love, is free sex, under the garb of freedon of choice. It glorifies the philosophy of existentialism from J.P Sartre, which has gripped American and other European countries, more for financial interests than anything else for a way of life. The change in the stance of Indian establishment is both painful and shameless just to serve corporate capital who is in quest of super profit out of male/ female sex. On all these accounts the ruling elites are desirous to foist a way of life that suites them for their financial interests to be in peace with the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) coming to the country with all accompanying moral and sexual vices , on invitation for benefit of Indian big capital. First, the government started posing FDI as an essential condition since 1991, throwing out selfreliance as a policy, for countrys development and
Love, marriage, honour killing and development

The core accusation relates to the question of honour killing. One thing is sure; the rustics of rural India are no brutes; they are human beings with a better sense of human values, emotions and sensibilities and the practioners of Khap do never conspire even when they decide to punish deviant kins; if at all, comes last of the options. They are more attached to their own kins. To take the life of kins is not as easy with them as is alleged to be. For punishment, murder is not so convenient option as is made. Neither the problem of family honour is so cheap with man or his family to dispense it so conveniently, as desired. When a mother or father happens to kill any of his/her kin for any reason whatsoever, remember, the intensity of provocation involved. Who has provided this level of provocation in the first instance? None else than the policy that has put the society to such a stage of crass individualism and this very club of elites who is out to has placed rural India on a war with itself and for selfish ends and charging the victims to be brutes and murderers. Who is instigating the young for such deviant behaviour and push parents and relatives to force them to resort to such methods against such kins,
112 now the argument goes to make a congenial atmosphere for these investers from Europe, with their culture of sex as a tool for entertainment and making profit from such industries whose raw material is male/female sex. The whole corporate media is towing the line to make India soft and easy on the matter of female/male sex and has become a drum boy of this modernity, accusing rural India in return as a hurdle with its mode of life. In addition, the experience testifies that rustics are more castists than these modernly educated elites. The recent census data corborates that the prejudice against female births is more pronounced in this section of population with a skewed mindset because of the education and economic systen they have devised rather than the rustics in India with no such education! Still, they fancy time and out of time about their love for modernity!! If these contentions are wrong, let one question be answered forthrightly. The question is: who has benefitted from this campaign of two decades for making sex as liberal as is available on demand in European markets? It has led to provide congenial or homely enviornment with humour tours, live-in relationship, homosexuality or contract marriages for big cats here on professional jaunts or just on a visit in search of low cost freewheeling, as a tool of
113 entertainment and simultaneously boosted designer apparel industry, film industry, tourism and hotel industry, cosmetic industry, beauty and massage parlours, advertisement and modelling industries, cat walks, fashion industry, and the like when productive industries are low profit ventures. And female sex is made to be the central pin to revolve around for these new profitable venture or a few vagabond like youths from rural families to shine under love? None other than the club of these fat cats - foreign or native. This market and the concerned industries cannot flourish until woman is liberated from homely sense of shame for selling sex. This job is accomplished through the socalled liberating philosophy of feminism with such concepts like freedom of choice and individuality - the base of existential concept of life and bereft of social content pushing the young girls out of homes to the wilderness of market as a means to fame, riches and flourish. To turn rural India as the biggest supplier of young girls for this market in search of low-cost, highest return and least risk industry newly invented on the strength of freudian concepts, rural uncouths are now asked to follow this prescription of a rotten life style, no matter how obnoxious it may be to social more in the country for stability, peace and harmony.
114 The present system of regimenting the thinking faculty of the people, including its education pattern by the ruling establishment is designed to serve the urban sector of dubious intent, may allure a section of youths from rural families to its side who are in dark about what is awaiting them. But it is sure that rural Bharat is not amused with this campaign to convert it; modernity or no modernity. It will be many times happy with its own conservative life style, if given a chance to survive, rather than prefer a halfclad, non-clad but decadent body of selfish life these urbanites prefer to flaunt as its modernity. In the present campaign this is the model they are asking rural India to adopt. This section of elites perhaps arrogates to itself the right to decide for others how they are to lead their lives, without even nominal consultations and is out to dictate terms for existence as citizens. These brown Sahibs, radiant with arrogance on questions of right and wrong, are claiming the whole wisdom on issues, social and cultural involved and are out to decide what the other India has to follow. The threat of legal murders to practitioners of dissent to their system of values speaks volumes in this regard. The whole debate smacks of it. This is purely an imperial mindset, and surely, it has nothing to do with democratic values.
115 Traditions and customs: Another funny accusation against rural folks is their adherence to traditions and customs, as if this is enough a crime to invite low grade citizenship, specially when questions of marriage and dispute resolution are under scrutiny; both aspects so close to their life style. If someone is averse to tradition or custom terming it feudal, the position will be ridiculous. Take a simple example to understand: tradition is to treat the mother unlike a Bhabi or a wife in conduct and behaviour, which has come through ages. Does it make this differential conduct feudal and sufficient cause to leave it? Then what to replace with? It begs reasonable answer. Britain goes by an unwritten Constitution, consisting mainly of traditions and customs! Is it logical to brand Britain of today then as a feudal state, which it is not by any standard. Custom has a life Custom ipso facto does not make it feudal. Unless it chains the society to move ahead, custom is a code for social conduct. It is for the society to decide the question of rationality and not any messiah on its behalf. Let no one beat rural India on this account irrationally. Undeniably, Khap functions with its own unwritten code. It does not make it uncontrolled bull.
116
117 culture. Let them deny the charge - without abuses and epithets. Their new found love for the Constitution, supremacy of the Parliament over the people is merely one example to illustrate a larger tragedy of sorts. The committment to principles of Indian Lefts and what they practise in fact are again a curious subject of much fascinating wisdom. One can understand their predicament on questions of politics in search of state power, when capitalism world over has proved more tricky for them on the question of capturing state power, the bankruptcy of thought and action this section of opinion has shown on understanding rural India, is purely puerile to say it mildly. Indian left does not agree that urban India represents a culture of force in favour of retrogressive Capital which is out to gobble up rural India by nasty means. It also does not agree that rural India represents Labour power. They see progress in the womb of capitalism instead to deliver a just and equitable world for them to enjoy.This is tragic. One can understand the non-left parties when these berate the rural people for their emotional attachment to land they till, homes they adorn and love to regulate their own life. They are status quoist by faith. But when these socalled leftists in general and the communists in particular too talk and act
The tragedy with Communists on Khap question

Lefts in India are what they agitate on the Khap question! It does not surprises. Apart from corporate media, Indian lefts, more so the Marxists, are most vociferous on this account against rural India in general and Khap system of social action in particular for being tradition bound and conservative. They are bending their energy to the full for changing rural India according to their wish. For this, they have come up to provide an ideological ground to this movement in search of centralised power for a modern state with none to challenge, while rural population is supposed to play spoil game in their quest. The tragedy with India communists of all hues is larger than what they have been saying on Khap. Rhetoric apart, post-independence Indian communists/socialists have lived a political life of duality (different from dialectics!); they were found miserably short of communist thought rooted in Indian soil and remained busy throughout in fighting for the growth of capitalism basically and did everything they could to consolidate its system, which has gripped the nation with frightening tantacles around, including its degenerating mode of life and
118 like status quoist, it may surprise many. Not us. We are insiders. We know the reality from inside the corridors what principles and practices Indian communist do have. Before the collapse of Soviet experiment, many of us were also playing the same old tunes of theory and practice that delivered only the same stinking old capitalist garbage with much ferocity. Indian communists did it by frightening people with such fanciful words as semi-feudal, semi-colonial and imperialism, while cajoling the same forces to play the games of state power. Industrial spree, with public or private capital, necessarily produced individualism on both accounts. This is the lesson of old soviet experiment where communists worked on a flawed political economy on wrong premises and helped strengthen capitalism in former soviet block too. The logic of fighting feudal remnants to strengthen capitalist growth as prelude to socialist movement in India of semi-feudal character proved a useful smoke screen for strengthening capitalism. It is a flawed philosophy. To justify their wrong prognosis, the leftists are inventing feudal elements in the rural families to find an ideological cover for their support of capitalist growth instead in the name of ushering modernity of a doubtful pedigree.
119 It is no communism. It is neither Marxism. It cannot be so in 21st. century India. One should refrain to prescribe path of deliverance for other nations. What these gentlemen have been preaching can at best reflect economic or historical determinism, with no relation to the reality on the ground where people dream to live and smell in peace. On Khap question however, the difference between nonleft and left parties was visible only on electoral calculations. Lefts did not care about vote calculations because they have nothing to loose or gain on this account on pan India level while non-left parties cannot afford to annoy rural India directly; so these people talked with tongue in cheek or at times glibly on such issues. But the lefts did their worst. At least for those who understand Indian leftists from within, there is nothing surprising when these gentlemen of all hues are exhibiting their new found faith in professional courts and official panchayats. Likewise, when they tend emotionally to eulogise the present Constitution of India as something sacrosant as a scripture, while out to berate khaps, is really amusing. If one does not forget, they were the first to declare their intent to wreck this bourgeois document from within if chance places them in power by utilising it, though they did nothing like it later. They proved to be happy collaborators for capitalist growth.
120 Let us see them a bit more closely. Forget for a moment about the shallow understanding of communist parties of any kind working in the country at this stage, regarding the political economy and the corresponding superstructure of feudalism, capitalism and socialism and watch them closely working on a different context. The basic flaw with so-called communists or communist parties emnates from their understanding of political economy and the tasks today. The leadership of communist parties, fancifully describe India as an un-developed semi-colonial and semifeudal state, while working with its structure out to become a world power and advising it in Parliament and outside it how best to do the job! By the way, who benefitted from this ideological muddle, except the corporate capital and the state that rule the country while communists/socialists stood marginalised? To become a world power today is nothing but to aspire for turning into an imperialist country for the sake of its corporate capital and capture as wide a market as possible, while grabbing resources in other countrie for super profits, which the Indian state is facilitating for long. This it cannot do while remaining as a semi-colonial, semifeudal state. Only a developed capitalist country after achieving a
121 definite level of maturity can aspire to be one in order to serve corporate capital. With their curious understanding of historical materialism, and relying on history from western world, this leadership has been pleading to clear the so-called feudal moss first, in the interest of faster capitalist growth as a pre-condition for socialism to arrive in after capitalism is sufficiently strengthened following the laid down chain. Having such a flawed understanding as its tool, this leadership is performing two important tasks simultaneously; fighting rural India for the alleged preservation of feudal moss of castism, clinging to traditions/customs, its conservative approach in matters of love, sex and marriage affairs and its concept of Bhaichara. Secondly, to help consolidate capitalist growth by collaborating with progressive forces of status quo, in Parliament and outside! This logic of the conceptual moss leads them to where they are today on Khap question and talk rubbish about rural India unnecessarily. On the question of family, attitude of the lefts is similarly favouring individuality and individual libety bordering J.P.Satre more than Marx. They could not ananlyse objectively the type of damage collapse of family as an institution did to the Soviet experiment leading to its collapse with no social base to stand
122 upon. These wisemen think that because a father or a husband leads the family it is a rotten egg worth unceremonious burial! These left leaders are very furious when Khaps become active for safeguarding family life. But they have no problems with Khaps if these start functioning like NGOs instead of safeguarding the family life and its mores. And this what they are advising them to change accordingly to. Then who is working for whom and for what purpose? But the most distressing is the attitude of lefts in India, more like their Italians, French and American friends on the question of love, marriage and sex; full with madness that borders around pleading for live-in relationship as a replacement and still think Indian proletariat will accept them as saviours. The level of respect people used to have for Indian communists during the period of freedon struggle for their sacrifices, dedication to the cause and a restrained way of life on these aspects of social life has evoporated because of their present muddle. They proclaim from house-tops their fidelity on socialism and commitment to work for it as a step towards communism while, one can find them busy in strengthening capitalism on the premise that India has to be cleared of feudal moss first. In the process, they tend to forget that for clearing this moss and
123 strengthen capitalism first, their advocacy leads them to work for consolidating individualism of the worst kind and consequently dissolving the institution of family as a fountain head of communitarian way of life at grass root level. Astonishingly, the Marxists, within brackets, have turned followers of Sartre in this game of pushing individualism to the fore at the cost of society! Do the communist workers understand this politics of their respective leadership where they are leading them to? Probably not. The level of regimentation of thought, as the signal achievement of this leadrship to keep the flock in tune, ensures this blindness. On calm contemplation these workers are required to question their self consciousness and answer what they are doing blindly on the bidding of a leadership, which willy-nilly have strengthened capitalism instead in the country so far and helped in misleading the masses out of track to wilderness Criticism of Khaps: How Much Valid It is alleged that Khap is arbitrary in conduct and action where few rich people decide in the name of the people. It is an outrage against democracy, they say. Unfortunately, these people have their own notion about democracy, which stand masculated by such interpretations as suits their sectarian interest. This is the story of six decades of representative democracy
124 in the country. For example they claim that once votes are casts, representatives declared elected, people have no right to direct them or ask questions till the term expires. The charge against Khap as being arbitrary comes from such voteries of democracy and is simply humbug and betraying complete ignorance of this practice of the rural folks. In fact, some where a guilty mind works when such an absurd charge is made against Khap; it is the parliamentary system of theirs where a handful of leaders of political parties decide every thing in the name of electors. Highjacking of democracy by a hand full of representatives have robbed the sheen off this system completely by now and does not deliver. To tackle issues at hand, it is within the purview of a concerned family first to resolve. On failure, the matter goes to the Kutumb to settle. Thereafter, the issue is reffered to the community or Gotra Khaps for help in resolving it. Similarly, if any issue the villages fails to decide, the Khap of Bhaichara intervenes on call one after the other where needed. To force the rural population for resorting to official courts in such matters is something that even British rulers did not dare. When the wisemen of this variety seek to malign Khap by terming as kangroo courts the motive is to malign and hit it deeply by hatred. Yes, people decide on their issues when necessasity arises. What is wrong about it? How any
125 one can challenge the people on this account when they exercise their natural right in such matters of self-governance? They cannot be forced to approach courts necessarily for adjudication. To decide for themselves on matters essentially personal/ familial is as natural a right with them as with any other. Couples : declared brothers-sisters The cat came out of bag when it was alleged that these Khaps, after declaring a marriage void, acted so crudely arbitrary asking the married couples to become brother and sister again in relationship! The argument itself was dramatic than logical. It betrays complete common sense and testifies ignorance about rural idioms and lacks understanding about its life itself. One question remains: When a professional court of British vintage presided over by a paid person whom elites presume is blessed with superior wisdom, declares the concerned couple no longer husband and wife; with conjugal rights no longer valid after the sanction of the divorce, what remains the nature of relationship between such a former husband and former wife? Husband and wife? No. Then what? Bua-Phupha, Mother-son? No. Brother-sister? Yes, any thing but wife. Because they cannot exercise legitimate sexual relationship any longer.
126 Then, if it is called divorce by an official court, our wisemen are very happy. But if uncouths of rural origin happen to call divorce as brother-sister relationship instead, the whole rural world turns a complete disaster in the eyes of these gentlemen! including the very learned judges sitting in higher echelons of Judicature who are keen to declare khaps unconstitutional and a shame to civilised world. Such is the level of bias against rural folks. Reasons for the crusade Dreaming an imperial future for the country to dominate the world as a super power, the crusaders allege that the conservative forces entrenched in the rural belt like Khap are proving a stumbling block to a golden opportunity to move ahead faster. According to these new jihadists, it is essential for India to get modernised and congenial for the requirements of foreigners so that they feel homely here, otherwise flow of FDI will dry up. It will not work, they say, if Khaps remain tied to age old ties of Bhaichara like feudal hang overs and keep taboos on free sex, thereby frightening away FDI. It is distressing that media on, its part, is working over-time to make things easy for this game to succeed and mobilising opinion against rural mores, simply because it is the requirement of trade and industry to flourish with foreign collaborations.
127 The tirade Few years back an incident was widely reported when an outraged mother in Western UP murdered her errant daughter, while other members were asleep and punished her for a wrong the family had never experienced earlier. However, the incident did not click for the campaign on free sex by the crusaders who were waiting in the wings. To succeed this part of jihadists invented Khaps as muderers of love lorn youngsters and a new term honour killing entered currency in the media with much enthusiasm. A full throated country wide campaign thereafter continued for years to put blame on Khap system for such murders, though in almost every case parents or close relatives were found involed. Still tirade against khap remained the target. One aspect is noteworthy: despite stringent actions by law courts in such cases of murders in recent years, such occurances did not subside. Unfortunately, the phenomenon was not studied that deterant law is not the answer in such cases of murders. Still, cases of defiance of family code for the sake of sexual deprivity and elopements with a rising urge for self in command, specially among educated rural youths are on the increase. What brought this situation to this pass? Surely, there is no mystry about it. The present situation is the natural outcome of a concerted move to induct
128 alien mores and cultural shift duly built assiduously slowly and surely in our society through various means at the disposal of the resourceful class. After a laborious effort of almost six decades, crash individualism has gained sufficient currency in the society to strike at the roots of indigenous cultural mode and its value system to make way for an industrial mode to survive. There goes a tale: accidently one fellow got his nose snapped. Continuously teased as Nakta (shameless), he devised a stratagem to get over this problem by bragging that God has blessed him by presence in his abode. Curiocity took many more to him for blessings from God. He told that it is possible only if ones nose is chopped. When another fool followed his advice and came to complain that God has not blessed despite being a Nakta as advised, the primer told that you also tell others that God has blessed him now, otherwise people will tease you to hell. Perhaps, who hold sex as entertainment made available freely, are out to take refuge in S. Freud as philospher and smell danger in Khap to achieve sizeable company for comfort, after frayed nerves with a day of over-work for the masters! Two ignoble examples The elite club must be happy about what it has achieved already for its efforts. A recent incident is
129 symbolic. It was a shameful scene for the common citizens to watch, when media persons were out recently on the roads of Mumbai to defend the interests of a slain collegue in media for indulging in shameless sexual indulgence in course of his official position with a small time actress who was out to trade her sex in search of a better space in glamour world to earn gold and be on page one or three of the media for a wider market opportunity in the entertainment industry and seek a place of honour among super-rich. Another success story of free love to be happy about for the elite. It is instructive to rural population more as a scary story for them to worry about. Read on: On 19 september in 2009, in an incident first of its kind, two caring families were slated to be cleared out under a joint operation by the jilted lovers in a village nearby Rohtak in Haryana. On her part, the girl strangulated all the seven available members of her family, including the children, one by one while they laid unconscious by poison, the boy tricked and saved his family. Soon after the murders in the night, dead bodies lying around, both celeberated their love and freedom of choice to their hearts content. Heartless murders for sex right! Family members or any khap had issued no talibani fatwa against the two!! Simple fact is that both the mothers of the boy and girl were aware of
130 what they were indulging in and were silently working to avert the disaster by their own means. How come such a pass in a rural family having a tranquil past? Both the coveted lovers are in jail as under trials with no regret, but neither enjoying the cherished freedon as honourable citizens too. What hands put them to the path of crime and ruin even as individuals and for what? Perhaps, none will come clean. It was perhaps a moment of satisfaction for these elites on this spectacular achievement of their effort when sex is as saleable as a soap cake on the shelf without a wink of hesitation or shame, but a spectacle of grief for the country to be proud of. But the murder? Again, better no question asked. This is a small price for the cherished goal of sex freedom! and GDP to soar to new heights, with comensurate job opportunity for a deprived soul and bliss for the lovers in Kablana for rest of their life! However, this leaves a tale no one will invite for his/her siblings to visit, even if the family is banished for a sober thought. This is new times, but of a different variety than what was desired for a peaceful existence with dignity, if dignity itself is not synonymous with wealth.
131
VIII
Rural India under siege

In fact, the whole rural sector is under siege for long enough to make it crawl. The scheme worked, in the name of development that proved more illusive and destructive. In the process country side is now more of a begging bowl, despite bone breaking labour. Peasant economy is on the collapse while agriculture is made to feed industry to the full. It is a dichotomy of sorts, but true. Six decades of ruthless and insidious expropriation of rural India has no parallel in world history for its sweep. The current phase of land grab campaign and mine-minerals occupation with state collaboration is intended to complete the squeeze. Lest some misunderstand, let facts speak. When the new rulers in 1947 embarked upon industrial spree who financed the enterprise? Post-second world war India was as bankrupt as any other belligerant nation gasped, with hardly any spare capital to move. In addition, British left it with more debt burden to carry for years to come. Partition in addition made it virtually bleed; with a disarrayed super-structure all
132 around. On this debit, it embarked on its march to industrialise and industrialise quickly. How? Can any body guess! Even wildly. The only sector remained with it to bank upon was agriculture. Insidious expropriation of rural economy was embarked upon with no mind to its victims. The worst was to cheat the rural population over its entitlement and take away a bountiful booty to finance their fanciful enterprise. Some bare facts that speak much louder than the labouriuously built myths to hoodwink the gullible: In contrast to the urbanite organised sector, a highly discriminatory criteria was devised to determine the rate of entitlements for unorganised sector workers, including the working family of peasants. It worked wonders for the ruling elites and provided them the requisite wherewithal for financing its industrial plunge and laying the solid foundation for its exploitative machinery. The result: One working unit at the lowest rung i.e a class four employee in the organised sector cannot get on average less than10,000 rupees a month, per sixth pay commission while, the whole family of five units is supposed to live by rupees 390 a month. It is an eloquent enough testimony to this insidious take out from the rural economy to finance the urban sector at ease. (for more detail watch how
133 Minimum Support Price is fixed by a commission to rob agriculture economy of its resources) The Planning Commission is doing the job for it nicely. And the World Bank is quite vigilant to oversee its job. When Monetek Ahluwalia tells Rs 390 is an adequate sum for rural labour and defends this discrimination taking refuge under some Tendulkar committee the pinch can not be less painful. According to the mandarins of Agriculture Costs and Prices Commission Indian farmer works only for 156 days a year as unskilled one. The entitlement for his family labour is calculated for this period only while computing MSP and this is much below the statutory minimum wage his agriculture worker is supposed to get for a days work on his field. One rough estimate tells a stunning story: on this account of entitlement alone nearly 5 lakhs crores of rupees are extracted from agricultural economy each year to finance the urban sector without telling the unlettered peasants. Similar account about the compound interest on agricultural loans is another pathetic tale, which even British rulers had forbidden under two specific laws adopted during 1883-84. Read Margret Kennedy in her treatise Inflation and Interest Free Money to realise what this compound interest business does to agriculture when
134 its growth is destined to be mathematical in progression while compound interest was devised for industrial loans as per its geometrical growth. But the rulers in 20th. and 21st. century India with pretensions of democratic faith were wise enough to rob the agriculture to serve urban sectors by resorting to compound interest and siphon off crores each year. Result: 2.5 Lakh ever-optimist peasants found cornered and committed suicide to save their honour on account of compound interest. No celeberate economist ever told the country what crime has been committed in the name of development. And to round up the job, there is a ferocious crusade against rural way of life in the name of fighting feudal and obscurantist hangovers for the final assault on this population to take it over for consummation. There can not be any other message. The critics of Khaps/ Gotra Khaps among the intellectual community are mainly those who are themselves crusaders of existential freedom in the name of love and giving the family and community mores a go by in pursuit of an elusive satisfaction within a world of dissatisfaction and failures at the hands of superior competitors in the market. When corporate media leads crusaders pack, it does not look as innocent. The term Khap itself is a
135 bug with them. The class and caste prejudice this time in their campaign however is intense and temper highly vituperative. Narration starts with provocative abuse and ends by angry threats. One-sided arguments are galore. Logic is crafted to suite their side of the make-belief stories. Surely, this is not for nothing. There is a definite object to achieve, and achieve fast! It is to take woman and the youth hitched to their bandwagon of liberal commercialisation, fit for the market. These days, feverish training starts in the schools from the primary level. Universities thereafter marvel in taking the job over seriously in cultivating individualism of the worst type. The sustained campaign against Khap/Gotra khap at this particular juncture surprised many; but not to those who are keeping an vigilant eye on the undercurrent war-like situation that is taking shape in the country for almost last two decades for complete takeover of the system by manipulating available power structure as well as the Constitution of India, in the name of development and importing a modern way of life of its own choice. The bid is in step to the policy statement of 1991 that the structural change undertaken at the behest of IMF is irretrievable.
136 Modern state cannot tolerate dissenting structures of potential challenge to its existence, being the instrument of rule over majority in the interest of minority. Constitution of India testifies to its nervousness all because of its minority character in its bid to consolidate hold over the society, notwithstanding written word in it to assure right of dissent. The increasing polarisation among the social forces due to enhanced pace of deprivation of the vast masses resulting in inequality has led to this stage of concentration and consolidation of state power.visa vis the people - a corollary to the mode of development choosen deliberately. Millions after millions have been ruined during these six decades over the development trail. They have paid the price for the enrichment of Indian corporates like Ambanies, Tatas and the likes to amass wealth that has given them sharp teeths enough to land in other countries as East India Company had done on Indian shores to loot, while native masses are forced to survive like beggars and lepers in the market of human deprivation. Like the British did, Indian establishment is posing as if these corporates are doing India good to be sharks in other lands. It makes the country a super power to live by pride in its stength as East India Company did to Britain in the past!
137 To evaluate properly the intentions behind this campaign for a forceful change over, the question of timing is also an important factor for consideration. At this stage of industrial development,it is not mere coincidence that the question of free sex and freedom of choice with due emphasis on individual liberty is sponsored when the country has reached a definite level of industrial development with a sharp urge with corporate capital to collaborate with western corporate capital and attain the status of a super power. In this background, the attack first on Khap has come only because it acts as a system of social security for the institution of family, its mores that seemingly come in its way of complete takeover. The corporate agenda on this question has reached a point of decisive assertion. The crusaders feel confident that their past labour is going to pay dividends now or never. The war is at decisive level. They feel emboldened enough to demolish villages now openly and pointedly. As custodian of rural values Gotra Khaps and Khaps or Bhaichara assemblies, being an informal system of social interaction and dispute resolution with rural India, also known by many such other names, are in for an intense berating. both as concept and practice. The shrill chorus to ban these institutions signify this all out assault.
138 The dare-devil campaign in favour of gay sex or unnatural sex and opening doors wide for live-in relationship, is that unmistakeable turning point the corporate capital has gained foothold through efforts for the past two decades of liberalism. The malaise lies deep. Opening the country to FDI and collaboration regime in the economic field from the West, corporate world needs congenial atmosphere for entertainment of western investors who revel in sexual forays as entertainment. Smooth ground is being prepared by free India with feverish speed and removing all hurdles like family norms, which British rulers had feared to tread in their times. The country is being prepared for these valuable guests with such infrastructure in place. Is it a mere sublime coincidence that, on one hand unnatural sex and live-in relations are made acceptable to Indian mind just on the eve of Commonwealth Games and, on the other a high pitch campaign is released for banning the custodians of family ethos like Gotra Khaps in tow? You are in a hurry to ban beggars in the Capital, decriminalising gay sex, legitimising live-in relationship and clamping ban on Khaps in the interest of corporate capital to gain fabulous profits simply because these institutions do not approve of an alien agenda!! Deny if one can pl.
139 It cannot be overlooked that Corporate India has reached a state of such strength that it now needs un-hindered, uninhibited and free sex not only as another field of earning profit for various branches of industries but also as a entertainment medicine it requires for tired muscles for themselves as also for damn tired employees with nerve and bone breaking work-loads that it has made inevitable for them for survival, with Freudian philosophy to heart and Pavlovian science to harness. It is a sham of an understanding to proclaim that the remnants of feudal moss in the shape of family and its mores are working as a road block for socialist movement. Corporate capital rightly understands this truth and this is the reason why corporate media and its bulwark in middle class is so furious about Khaps when working to safeguard family mores. They have no problem with Khaps if these start working for lepers and female foetcide instead of guarding the family mores. This is what many teft leaders are also advising the Khaps to change tack accordingly! Then who is working for whom? Perhaps, nobody had visualised when war between these two distinct cultures opened in Independent India within the confines of family that would lead to so violent reactions as have occurred recently resulting in murders of wayward youngsters
140 or unbending parents by their own near and dear kin on matters of free sex, love and marriage beyond traditional values of the community. This occurred because families exist within the ambit of community pressures of shame and glory so important for man to relish or repent in its social milieu. It can not be wished away so lightly, enen if law wishes otherwise. The surprise is because murdering even the habitual offenders is not the rule among village community that governs such matters since times immemorial.But normal are not the times now, apparently. It is a full-fledged war going on within the families and have reached a stage of zero tolerance. Killings of kins by family members is the product of this extra-ordinary present situation. War to takeover rural India In fact, this is a war to takeover rural India. And now, in this chain the present tirade has come to bring down rural India in synic with this object. The whole media and the so-called feminist civil society, with sizeable support from political establishment with left badge around their necks, are vociferous to utilise executive and legislative powers of the state in suppressing rural India for exercising its right to follow what it consider appropriate in traditions and customs of its choice. The minority on the strength of usurped power wants to subdue this majority.
141 Apparently, the Khap system has ultimately come now into conflict with the formal institutions of State over the issues of family and community relations when till recently both co-existed without much crossing each others path. One may keep a note that Khap system of both the categories has been quite alive since days immemorial and no body ever took adverse notice of it, though British rulers had grown very suspicious of its strength and its reach after a deep going probe into its role during the revolt in 1857. They did what they could to replace Khap by Zail in 1879 and other formal structures of their own, like civil and criminal courts, police and revenue departments in the interest of governance, along with proclaiming the socalled Principal of Eminent Domain over common resources. British utilised the principle of Eminent Domain, meaning thereby supremacy of the rulers, to control the natural resources of this country for their own imperial interests. The state establishment in free India is keen to harness this colonial principle to be intrusive and peep in even the precincts of family relationships between parents and their siblings, which the British masters could not dare to do. During past six decades of Independence too Khaps were never found wanting on subjects of their social interests. These played crucial role in social
142 reforms in the past at important junctures and mustered acceptability in the region. Suddenly these institutions have come under attack for indulging in the same type of activities i.e. exercising constitutionally recognised right of assembly, interaction and mediation in family disputes of community interests! The practice is not confined to one caste or religion either. Since there is no such practice with the urbanites, rural India is sought to be penalised for their community practice merely to push urban agenda on the community conscious rural people through sheer force of state apparatus -including legislative and the executive. Curiously, the demand for banning Gotra Khaps has become shrill recently when these institutions intervened in wayward activities of their own wards indulging in delinquent and uncivilised behaviour with regard to love, marriage and sex, lapping up the bait being dangled before them by a sponsored campaign for corporate gain. Apparently, to indulge in love and sex, without any sense of honour, is the new motto with this profit hungry beast and is desperate to enlist the services of rural India in its enterprise. The posture is taken as if such un-honourable and delinquent behaviour
143 is the norm of societal conduct and Khaps are villain in the ointment that needs prohibition by law! In effect these self styled champions of free love are out to claim a right that does not exist in the society. In any case, such a delinquent conduct cannot be the norm in a reasonable context of social life to sustain with any reasonable sense of prudence. To advance this agenda, target is set clearly on rural youth to push him/her to a life of degraded individualism of crass variety, pampering sexual craze as a source of entertainment and turning it to be a primary motive of life. For this, demolish thus the institution of family with visible scorn for social values, on a dubious plea of love as an absolute right of fundamental nature is the motto. Ludicrous though is the effort to justify elopement from their families with love marriage as a sure ladder for modernity to attain. The deceitful behaviour involved is not their concern! For love, obligation to parents and family is quite disposable value of feudal vantage to them, leading to such bizarre incidents like what happened in Kabulpur village a few months back when a love-blind girl took help from her boy friend in the same locality to wipe out her whole family, including children. The girl belonged to a father who did his best to earn money sufficient to finance her study in the university nearby, only to translate his
144 obligation towards a sibling learning lessons these years in free love and getting training to be a crass individual instead duly helped by the whole system of formal and informal education prevalent in the country of late. This happened in an area where hardly one could find any such incident two decades earlier. To the gullible, girl and the boy were quite modern in the making but nonetheless a new phenomenon of devastating consequence to the emotions nurtured by rural India. The concept of individualism nurtured by the corresponding education system is duly being helped by the media to make sex as the elixer of life for this youth as an intoxicant of potential mischief that Kabulpur tragedy testifies. This is what ourseats of learning like Universities and colleges are doing on behalf of this corporate agenda now. See an appropriate example near at hand: MDU University, at Rohtak in response to one query under RTI, claims that it feels no obligation to consult parents before utilising the service of students, beyond the scope of syllabus for which they are enrolled in the university, on the ground that one is adult and needs no such care, though the same institution gets signature of perents/ guardians before one is enrolled for studies.
145 Technically, the authorities of the university are within the ambit of law though, but forget their obligation to the families of their wards and treat the students practically as an individual entity enjoying legal right as an individual free from supervision of the family. And when the teachers thus drum the right of an adult to be free from any obligation to his family, for taking decisions thereby laying the ground for sinister individualism to creep in, one cannot be surprised what the girl did in Kabulpur. Ostensibly, this is legalism to cover a wrong that is untenable on socially legitimate grounds in a society that chereishes familial relationship life long. It is worth note that this tirade against rural India is a war against its way of life for take over and grab its resources as well. In this treacherous game some fake arguments are being trotted as the final truth. Ludicrous also is the effort to convert Constitution of India and the concept of rule of law as something sacrosanct more than what these are to the ruling establishment. Efforts to turn constitution as a litmus test for the existence of society is a foolish effort to expand the ambit of political science. It cannot be applied to justify the imprudent activities of some youngsters bordering on criminality, which goes to demolish social cohesion in trail. Such action do recoil in course of time -tomorrow if not
146 today. History is the best teacher in such matters for imprudents, if any one has the wish to learn. And, now the protagonists of individual freedom are citing the same imperfect document to be so sacrosanct as to decry the Khaps on this very account! This is at least a very shallow basis to argue their case for demolishing the valuable institution like Khap. The truth about rule of law is more ludicrous to argue against rural community practices. Law is what the rulers decide and thrust on the unwilling people. Mostly they are ignorant about the law adopted in their name. To make such laws as litmus test to judge legitimacy of institutions of family, neighbourhood community and Kha system is ludicurous and atrocious exercise indeed. If rural India insists to follow its own traditions and customs, more so in relation to family affairs, no one can reasonably argue it otherwise. In addition, the present set of jurisprudence too does not exclude traditions and customs to rely upon for enacting laws. Moreover, customary laws have their own validity which can be flouted at great peril. Let us learn the lessons of the present crusade against rural India and beware.
147
IX
Lessons to learn
The recent tirade against the way of life and its political economy was not unusual for its timing; it fully tallies with the collective interest of the corporate world that is out to tighten its grip over people and the community resources, including its human talents to plough for its riches. Young males and females are viewed as special zones of interest by them for a lucrative business. In this game rural India with its social mores and cultural milieu is considered as big speed-breaker to be removed as early as possible. Surprising element was merely the method it used to rub rural India at its senstivities. The tirade throws many lessons to learn so that we can look both inward and outward to search ourselves and save the nation and its future generation from humiliation. Centralised v/s non-centralised polity The first important lesson from this crusade against Khap, in count as also in importance, is in relation to the basic character of modern state world wide that it is a well armed instrument of expropriation for the benefit of the corporate capital and serve their collective interests, having a well trained force to work
148 against the common people in general and working population in particular to the detriment of their future they wish to aspire. Indian state has gone over by now completely to the camp of corporate capital- native and foreign both with a strong urge to attain an emerging imperialist agenda at hand. To achieve this object a serious attack has come on the rural life. It is in hurry and it has thrown away its legacy of struggle for Independence against imperial Britain. In pursuance, it seeks a highly centralised polity and is keen to reconstruct the rquisite cultural mould as against the time tested ethos of its own social life. Khap represents non-centralised polity Against this, there is a social system of self defence with the rural population to regulate its own life, at least in the areas where the state establishment is not intrusive so far, provided this system is freed from aberrations it has acquired of late from alien systems like electoral politics and selfish or sectarian motives. It has a great potentiality to let the humanity survive and survive with peace, dignity, without coercion and expropriation. True, in nothern areas, it is called by the name of Khap, but the practice is universal with differnt names or no name. It has a potentiality to develop as an
149 dependable alternative to centralised state if corporate capital is made to surrender. It will be a better replacement for self governance in a noncentralised polity provided people are trained to refine it to answer the call of present times. Gotra Khap on the other hand is a powerful mechanism with the families and their concerned communities to self regulate their familial life. Second important point is : People need a change from the present one. Industrial life and culture has landed the humanity to a blind tunnel of destruction in the interest of a few. For to live a useful life with peace a different world is necessary to have. This is an evergreen wish to aspire. But there are changes which do not go in the interest of all: few may be victims of this change, while others may be beneficiaries. So there cannot be a change of vital nature that is to the liking of all. The change which these crusaders against khap presently are demanding from rural population is definitely that will go in favour of the ruling minority in the interest of corporate capital without murmur. Rural India rejects it. And must assert forcefully and intelligently. The current campaign against rural population and their avocation teaches that the word change is ambigous unless specified as to its content and goal to achieve.
150 Many are ecstatic that the country is heading to a bright future with the collapse of feudal bonds. Still crusaders find few hot heads as recalcitrant. To move ahead, they rule that such few should not be allowed to veto change. In a short while, peoples representative may be called upon to legislate in favour of this change and then other organs of state power like police and law courts may step in for stringent measures. Lastly, at need its well-equipped armed forces are there to intervene as armies have done recently in many countries like Egypt, Yemen and Libya in the name of democracy and change. Here one assertion is essential to be made that mandated representatives cannot claim the right of a master and force change of dubious character and value. In all sensible understanding of democratic conduct under political science, the people themselves are the real masters of their own destiny and they have to assert their right to command and stop such usurpers in their tracks. Rural India suffers today not because they are rustics and lazy lizards, but because their economy is the victim of a particular mode of production that was selected by the state establishment after the British rulers left India. All because of this, the disarmed and largely deprived rural sector is in shambles in terms of its economy while cultural and
151 social life is being changed subltly and forcefully that will ring disaster, if the danger is not met properly. To meet this danger the only instrument left in its hand still is the system of Khap/Gotra Khap to relie upon in time of need. But it is under serious threat of extinction at the hands of powerfull loby against it. One has to be aware of it The next important lesson that can be safely drawn from this crusade is regarding the anti-people character of the entire political establishment in the country. Political parties and their leaders of all colours and hues are working for maintaing the present state structure that serves the forces inimical to the interests of rural India. Alternative political force is the only hope that does not aspire for political or administrative positions and priviledges in bargain. Ostensibly, the country is set for turmoil not because there is something intrinsically bad with its organism, but for the wrong prescription that it is asked to breathe in. Neither the turmoil is asked for. It has been thrust upon the people surreptitiously for ulterior motives. One of the questions that disturb most is of direction itself the turmoil subtly aims at. So far India survived numerous onslaughts and upheavals in its troubled history on the strength of its social institutions like
152 family, neighbourhood community and its native village as a social security mechanism. It did not pass through such troublesome passages as the West did only because of its family and community mores. But the aim of the vested interests now is to dispense with these very institutions to clear its way and be sure to win the war too. Can we afford it? The question begs dispassionate answer. The only other important lesson to learn from history is for the people to be vigilant about its future and a future safe for the coming generations. Do not believe the myths. Do not believe the political class. Do not aspire to become rulers. Safeguard your social institutions from decay and conspiracies. It can be ensured only by keeping an atmosphere of initiative for collective action to advance the cause of a rational way of life in peace and plenty with a right to self-governance. Assertion is the only way for direct democracy where people exercise their own wisdom to govern themselves. Let us discard the very concept of representative democracy and move forward to clean our own stables too of the moss. No other viable alternative is at hand. Can we afford to ignore the writting on the wall? Well, at our common peril. End
153
Related readings
1. Constituent Assembly Debates, Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi-1 2. 50 years of Anti-Panchayat Raj , Sahyog Pustak Kuteer, Nagli rajapur, Nizamudin East, New Delhi-13 3. Hind Swaraj, Navjivan Press, Varanasi 4. Self-Rule Laws, MP, 1998, Sahyog Pustak Kuteer, Nagli rajapur ,New Delhi-13 5. The Spirit and form of Indian Polity, Aurbindo Ghosh 6. Uttarbharat Ke Jataon Ki Shashan Vyawastha, M.C Pradhan, 1990, AI Jat Mahasabha, Vasant Vihar, New Delhi 7. Family, Private property and the State, F. Engels 8. Marx on Malthus, PPH, New Delhi 9. Grapes of Wrath-John Steinbeck 10 Confessions of an Economic Hitman- John Perkins 11. Mans Worldly Goods- Leo Huberman
154 Annex. A
Theodore Roosevelt on Americas own disposable Indians and their Land Theodore Roosevelt, Chapter I: Ranching in the Bad Lands, Hunting Trips of a Ranchman, 1885 I suppose I should be ashamed to say that I take the Western view of the Indian. I dont go so far as to think that the only good Indians are dead Indians, but I believe nine out of every ten are, and I shouldnt like to inquire too closely into the case of the tenth. The most vicious cowboy has more moral principle than the average Indian. Turn three hundred low families of New York into New Jersey, support them for fifty years in vicious idleness, and you will have some idea of what the Indians are. Reckless, revengeful, fiendishly cruel, they rob and murder, not the cowboys, who can take care of themselves, but the defenseless, lone settlers on the plains. As for the soldiers, an Indian chief once asked Sheridan for a cannon. What! Do you want to kill my soldiers with it? asked the general. No, replied the chief, want to kill the cowboy; kill soldier with a club. Theodore Roosevelt, speech, January 1886 Robs comment: Roosevelts The Winning of the West contains several false or unsupported claims. Among them: That the US was generous to the Indians, paying them many times what their land was worth. That the Indians broke as many treaties as the white men did. That they broke treaties at all without provocation. That just and honorable nations can operate by breaking treaties whenever they choose. That international law and morality dont apply to indigenous people. His claim in Hunting Trips of a Ranchman is also problematical. The western (i.e. Plains) Indians may have been nomadic, but what about all the Indians west of the Rockies and east of the Mississippi? What is Roosevelts rationale for taking their land? In Hunting Trips Roosevelt doesnt offer a rationale, but you can imagine what hed say. He made it clear in The Winning of the West that any excuse would suffice. If the Indians were nomadic, they didnt own the land. If they were settled, they didnt deserve the land. If they signed treaties giving them legal ownership, the US had the right to abrogate the treaties whenever circumstances change
155 The Book

During its long period of Independence struggle and immediately thereafter a serious debate raged throughout (read Constituent Assembly Debates for detailed reference) what shape the country is to take for good governance. In the given circumstance the country was destined to be a federation of its constituents with high degree of autonomy to govern its internal life. However, situation so conspired that a strong structure at the centre with a strong tendency to a centralised polity was thrust upon the newly free nation with a seeming federal structure. It has led to many disturbing features to emerge during the last six decades of its functioning with lacerating wounds all around. By now it is troubled nation. At its present stage of development, the ruling corporate capital is pushing the country to a highly regimented state for governance to serve its emerging imperialist agenda. It has started hurting the common man in the street and lanes. To fulfill the agenda of taking over rural India, corporate capital in collaboration with a powerful media at its command and obliging state structure, the fresh attack on the very life style of rural India came and the campaign is on for over two years and more, hitting at tthe very collactive system to govern its internal life in the villages. Khap system came under severe attack. The book is a small effort to answer some of the important aspects in the raging debate.
Self-sketch
At 17, while a student, I had joined the communist ranks. It was in November, 1952. Family background was enough to keep away from idol-worship. When a sudden logic for the personality-cult of Stalin was thrown it did not appeal to us. Thereafter, the Communist Party of India, in 1956, sought to change tack on certain fundamental issues. That astounded our young minds and it could not satisfy the searching queries. The splits since 1964 bewildered us more. Stepped into journalistic activities in May, 1966 with Tehrik H/F and other Hindi/ English publications thereafter. It was a turbulent period. But all these factions within the known communist formations failed to answer the task and proved wanting on basic issues of theory and practice. Later, in the early part of 1969 it was an incidental introduction to Socialist Unity Centre as the only genuine communist party in Indian soil that brought a few of us to its fold after a series of discussion on important issues of principle that troubled all like us at the time. At the national level, I was inducted to work in its trade union body in later part of 1969; elected me as one of the vice-presidents and later in 1985 as a member to its secretariat. In 1985, I was inducted to work in the newly floated Peasants and Workers organization (AIKKMS) as its General Secretary apart from another front floated in 1983 to work on Democratic Rights (CPDRS) as the General Secretary, while retired Justice VR Krishna Iyer was elected as the President. In the party, I was elected first as member of its National Control Commission in 1988 and later its Chairperson. While engaged in organisational activities, certain features were marked that did not square with the claim in theory of this party. Inner-struggle for almost a year proved fruitless. In the meantime, the collapse of soviet experiment in building socialism was another important reason to look afresh into the whole range of related questions in theory and practice, specifically the relevant mode of production for the society. The relevance of industrial mode vis-a-vis agriculture came up for scrutiny. We as group decided to seek answers for the fresh situation and say goodbye to SUC and search for better course of philosophical approach in life. Resultantly, we stand firm by rural India in its struggle to face the present turmoil.
Rural India Under Siege Rural India Under Siege

Rural India Under Siege

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Descrizione originale:

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Rural India Under Siege

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

RURAL INDIA UNDER SIEGE

Save Family, Community And Khap