1

Sociology, Political Science, Anthropology: Institutionalization, Professionalization

and Internationalization in Argentina1
Miguel Murmis
1. Introduction

The full institutionalization of Sociology, Political Science and Anthropology and their
later development in Argentina has been a discontinuous process, strongly marked by
political changes. These political changes often represented breaks in political institutional
life. Activities in the Social Sciences have been also attuned to struggles in Universities,
such as those that occurred when private universities were established. More generally, our
sciences were always connected to political trends prevailing among students and
professors frequently conducive to strong confrontations. International links and financial
contributions received varied local responses and contributed also a heavy quota of conflict
and discontinuity. Differences in disciplinary orientations have often become the source of
harsh and sometimes destructive conflicts.

If the general process we will present has been marked by discontinuities, these start
with the relation between the institutionalized disciplines and the disciplinary activities that
preceded them. The sign of discontinuity presided over the whole gamut of activities

1
The following text is based upon the experiences and knowledge of the author.
As student representative, I participated in the creation of the first Sociology Program in
1957. Since then I have been connected to the field of sociology and of the social sciences.
The elaboration of these experiences and information was enriched and supplemented by
my work with the texts included in the Bibliography, Thus, the bibliography includes only
texts about the process studied and not works by the original social scientists considered,
excepting texts about the process itself. No theoretical, comparative or general historical
texts are included. An effort was made to check the accuracy of the references I make in the
text. Some supplementary statistical information was utilized as well as information
gathered in interviews. This means that my text is not strictly a result of a process of
scientific sociological research.
This study was made possible by a generous invitation of the Maison des Sciences
de l´Homme and by the support and contributions of the colleagues participating in our
team as well as by other colleagues who engaged in intellectual dialogue with us during our
Parisian stay. These contributions and dialogues played a significant role in the
development of a theoretical and comparative framework for our collective work.
 2

covering fields as dissimilar as the theoretical and methodological orientations utilized and
the organizational set ups being established.
Our sciences were established and developed within this framework. Perhaps their
capacity to grow and generate achievements is a response to the challenge imposed by the
dual threat of conflict and discontinuity. Thus, institutionalization has not been the
culminating point of a linear process of civilization-like evolution, creating the conditions
for the establishment of the social sciences. It was not an automatic outgrowth of more
advanced levels of social development. It has been a process of resurgence and expansion
that kept repeating itself through sometimes destructive experiences. In the final analysis,
we see that there is a constant growth, a quantitative expansion that brings to the fore the
question of quality in teaching and research.
Although there were strong national reasons for the emergence of the
institutionalized forms, it is clear that the ghost of the social sciences was already traveling
through Europe and Latin-America, fuelled by the American model. France2 establishes its
first undergraduate program one year after the Argentine one, while it took Italy, a late
starter, a few more years. Not too long after the Argentine first program, formal
undergraduate program are established in several countries, such as the ones covered in our
Project.

The establishment of undergraduate programs emerges as a combination of

scientific concerns and of an intense interest in national politics and social problems. The
first University Program in Sociology was created in 1957 as an expression of Illuminist
beliefs, with the strong motivation of showing to the whole country and especially to the
working class what was the true nature and condition of national society. They felt that this
mission was made possible by the possession of a social science capable of dispelling the
emotional illusion that were the basis of the persistent and massive devotion to Peronism.
As many Illuminist endeavors, this endeavor is associated to a historical change in which
arms and violence have a significant say. From that time on, reality and projects changed,
got diversified and many times displaced each other.

2
Sainsaulieu, Renaud (1988) ;Orvieto Pinto, (1976) ; Germani (1959).
 3

We will now present the process of institutionalization and professionalization of

three social sciences, i.e. sociology, anthropology and political science. We will distinguish
three time periods, preceded by a short consideration of disciplinary activities previous to
the attainment of full institutionalization and consequent professionalization.
1. 1955-1966 Institutionalization and its problems: breaks, continuity and
projection towards the future in a context of military coups and
illegitimate elected governments
2. 1966-1983 Break with the past and responses: repression and social
struggles in the context of military coups and of a popular government..
3. 1983-2003 Expansion and problems of quality in a context of elected
governments.3

2. Early Disciplinary Work

The beginnings of these disciplines and their early forms of partial institutionalization
appear in the academic field through the growing establishment of university chairs.4
Together with the growing activity of University chairs, we have to pay attention to
a second type of activity, linked to the contributions of important studies carried out outside
the academic milieu. Most of these studies were conducted by technicians working for state
organizations and also by independent scholars committed to the study of national society.
A third form of contact with disciplinary problems derived from political, interpretive and
even literary works.
In Sociology, the first chair was established in 1889 in the Facultad de Filosofía y
Letras of the Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). This was the first chair in Sociology in
Latin America. One year after it is established it is discontinued and reappears three years
later. Afterwards, chairs are well established in different Schools and Universities. These
chairs and even the Institutes that are created later on concentrate their work in the study of
general theories about society.5 The products of these activities are destined to satisfy
teaching requirements. By the end of this period there is a failed attempt at establishing a
3
The general synthesis presented separately in this volume offers more detailed information about historical
events.
4
J.C.Agulla (1996); A.Poviña (1945); E.Zimmerman (1994); R.Levene (1947)
5
H.González Bollo (1999)
 4

working relationship with the American Sociological Association.6 During this period Gino
Germani initiates some small empirical projects at the UBA, and also offers Sociology
lectures in a private association (the CLES) congregating intellectuals displaced form the
University by the Peronist government.7
The other approaches to the knowledge of society that we mentioned above are
richer and more productive. Technicians hired by the National Government, such as Juan
Bialet Massé and Juan Niklison publish studies about the condition of the workers and the
predicament of the aboriginal peoples. Their studies are based on carefully conducted
fieldwork.
At the beginning of the 20th.century, an independent intellectual, José Ingenieros,
publishes studies about labor regulations and other aspects of labor conditions, later
included in a book entitled Sociología Argentina. He engages in a lively polemics with
another early analyst, José María Ramos Mejía8, author of a book on the masses in
Argentine History. During the 30´s Carlos O..Bunge, an economist, publishes “La Nueva
Argentina”, a book assembling a variety of statistical data. About a decade later, this book
served as one of the bases of Gino Germani´s analyses9.
As for the contributions closer to political life, we have to mention that political
struggles and even literature become mobilized by the discussions about the social
question, a lively topic since the final part of the 19th century. A feverish concern with
social reform, gives rise to proposals and also to vibrant criticism from both the right and
the left. Literary works start describing the world of poverty, the problems of migrants and
the crises in the middle class, as it is the case with the plays of Florencio Sánchez.
In the case of Anthropology, in 1932 there were seven centers already connected to
the international scene through the Congresos de Americanistas of 1912 and 1932. In the
city of La Plata there was a Museum of Anthropology with a strong commitment to
Physical Anthropology. National and foreign specialists were active in the museum, which
was directed for a long period by the German specialist Robert Lehmann-Nitsche.10

6
H.González Bollo & D.Pereyra (2003)
7
F.Neiburg (1995), H.González Bollo (1999)
8
González s/d, González (2000)
9
J.C.Agulla (1996), G.Germani (1968)
10
S.Bilbao (2002); R.Guber y S. Visacovsky (2000)
 5

In the case of Political Science, at the beginning of the 20th.Century there was a general
prevalence of the formalistic approach, dominant in Law Schools. Toward 1930, there appear some
studies of political actors. These studies are made by independent intellectuals. Two developments in
the area indicate that it also existed a vigorous intellectual atmosphere. Firstly, the Revista Argentina
de Ciencia Política was published in Buenos Aires between 1910 and 1928. Secondly, in Rosario, a
big city of the interior of the country, the University establishes a degree and a Master program in
Political Science. In fact, the subject was treated only as part of the study of Public Law.11
No professional career was created in connection with the activities we have been
mentioning. During the 50´s the situation changes and specialized careers are established,
constituting the bases of a process of professionalization.
When this stage is reached, the antecedents and early forms of disciplinary work have a
differential weight in our different fields. In Sociology there is a radical break with the past. In the
other fields there a tendency to discontinuity, although the early work attains a significance much
greater that in Sociology.

3. First Period 1955-66: Full Institutionalization and Its Problems: breaks, continuity and
projection towards the future

3.1. Full Institutionalization

During this period our three disciplines reach the stage of full institutionalization. The salient
event of the period is the creation of the Sociology career in 1957.
Some of the basic steps conducting to this creation were done relying on the intervention of
the state. At the time the Government was in the hands of a military dictatorship that had overthrown
Gral. Peron , during his second term of office as elected President. At the time there was a general
feeling about the need to reform the University after two unsatisfactory regimes. The sequence of a
period of conservative exclusionary and routine control followed by a period of Peronist clientelistic,
repressive and indifferent to academic excellence created the conditions for a generalized acceptance
of the need for a change. The military Government made it possible to start a profound academic
change. This was not the result of a direct commitment of the state to the improvement of university

11
P. Bulcourf y M.D´Alessandro (2002), A.Fernández (2002); J.Pinto (comp.)(2003)
 6

life. In fact, the Government reacted to the pressures coming to the University community, active
participant in the overthrow of the Peronist Government, and capable of obtaining a de facto control
of the Universities.12 This active alliance did not last long: as the Government pushed for the
establishment of private Universities, basically Catholic, and an intense conflict erupts. At the same
time the process of change includes some cases of displacement of centers engaged in valuable
work13.
In 1958, the new University authorities are elected following the procedure established by a
the new by-laws, that were the product of the participation of professors, alumni and students.14
The new regulations followed the principles of the University Reform movement of 1918, but they
also made legal the establishment of primate Universities, at the time only confessional. The
confessional character of the projected private Universities made them deeply antagonistic with
respect to the secular commitment of Reformismo. Some of these Catholic Universities immediately
established careers in the areas we are studying. At the same time, in most National Universities a
process of organizational reform took place, establishing the election of authorities by professors,
students and alumni, crating Departments and revitalizing Institutes with the aim of making research
central in University life. At the same time the Universities tried to establish creative connections
with different sectors in society and trying to provide academic contributions to the solution of social
problems,
The Reform of the University system, that the National academic institutions expected would
institute the principles of the University Reform movement, unexpectedly opened the question of the
legal recognition of private Universities and of their right to grant professional degrees. This
question was rapidly closed against the vigorous opposition of the secular academic forces, it left a
line of rupture in the academic world. More that a process of reconciliation between both types of
universities, the initial confrontation moved towards a plateau of silent separation. The harsher forms
of conflict became weakened, a situation that was enhanced by the creation of non confessional
private Universities, in many cases oriented towards the profitability resulting form the expansion of
the demand for education at the University level..
The first Sociology undergraduate program was created as the Reform pact with the
Government was disintegrating. Within this framework, the project emphasized its break with the

12
R.Almaraz, M.Corchón y R.Zemborain (2001)
13
R:Richard-Jorba (2004)
14
T.Halperin Donghi (2002); C.Rotunno y E.Díaz de Guijarro (comps) (2003)
 7

past and its commitment to the establishment of new models of theoretical orientation and research
practices.
This was not the case in the other two disciplines, Anthropology and Political Science: here
we find forms of connection with preexisting traditions and institutional apparatuses.
This process of expansion was somewhat confined to the area of the capital city and
neighboring cities. It took time before new degree programs were established in the interior of the
country.
At this time a rupture developed between the Sociology Chairs of the interior of the country,
basically oriented towards formalistic analysis of society and the new programs, with their strong
empirical orientation. This differences became the basis for an intense confrontation when
opportunities of financial support started to become available.
Activities in our discipline were present outside the area of Buenos Aires and its surroundings
such as a traditional Chair of Sociology in Cordoba, a career in Political Science, in fact a form of
legal analysis, while an attempt at the creation of an Institute of Anthropology in Tucuman failed15.
From now on Sociology in Buenos Aires plays the role of the dynamic social science, capable
of attracting students and of producing research results. The intellectual attraction and creativity of
the Buenos Aires program is linked to the role in the teaching and research activities of social
historians, grouped around José Luis Romero, and active in interdisciplinary work with sociologists.
Social Anthropology and Social Psychology were also new areas opened by the G.Germani´s
approach, attracting interested researchers and students.
We will now look more closely at each of our disciplines and then we will look at some other
institutional developments relevant to the processes of institutionalization and professionalization.
3.1.1 Sociology as an undergraduate Program.
Sociology´s undergraduate program was created as part of the activities of a preexisting institution,
the Facultad de Filosofía y Letras of the Universidad de Buenos Aires. The institutionalization of the
teaching activities conducting to the Bachelor´s degree went together with revitalization of the
Institute of Sociology. making of it an active research center. Students had to become connected to
research projects because the fulfillment of a quota of 200 hours in research was a prerequisite for
the Bachelor’s degree. Graduates of other disciplines were encouraged to become connected to the
Institute by offering them a special curriculum conducive to a degree of Specialist in Sociology. As

15
S.Bilbao (2002)
 8

there were no Sociology graduates this channel of incorporation was vital to satisfy the need for
Teaching and Research Assistants to take care of the growing number of students. The career started
with 67 students and in 1966, a t the end of our period it had 2000.. The Institute organized scores of
research projects, linked to the study of the national social structure, and quite soon many Working
Papers and books were published. As part of the goal to make Sociology a field connected to
national culture and open to public opinion, Germani engaged in an intense editorial activity partly
channeled through a new publishing house organized by himself and other social scientists, the
editorial Paidós. Editorial activities expanded later on when the University organized the Editorial
Eudeba.16
The creation of the new Sociology Program was a clear case of cooperation
between professors and students, within the spirit of the new academic framework.
Gino Germani played a decisive role in the design of the degree program and of the
research program and student delegates to Governing Council of the Facultad played a
fundamental role in the process of obtaining the support of the Governing bodies of the Facultad
and of the University for the initiative.
Soon after the establishment of the new institutions, Germani took steps to supplement
the funds allocated to the Department in the Facultad´s budget with support from the Ford
Foundation. At the same time Conicet (the National Council for Scientific Research and
Technology) began its Scholarships and Subsidies program. Germani organized a program of
scholarship for University teachers interested in engaging in specialized studies in Sociology in
foreign Universities. American and French sociologists were invited to visit the School and
collaborate with its activities: some of these scholars stayed for several periods, made more than
one visit and organized research projects. In 1961 the Institute organized the Jornadas Argentinas
y Latinoamericanas de Sociología which took place in Buenos Aires.
In 1959, the Universidad Católica Argentina establishes bachelor’s degree in Sociology.
In 1963, the Universidad del Salvador establishes a similar program. By this time, there are
chairs and Institutes in five universities located in the interior of the country.17
When moving from Sociology to Political Science and Anthropology we have to keep in
mind that these disciplines were institutionalized following scientific and ideological models
different from the ones inspiring the creation of Sociology in the UBA:
16
E.Verón (1974), G.Germani (1968)
17
Ministerio de Educación (2003)
 9

3.1.2 Undergraduate Programs in Political Science. Some Catholic private Universities organized
bachelor´s programs before the approval of the law that granted them the right to confer
professional degrees. It is so that appears the Political Science career in the Universidad del
Salvador, the Jesuit University. This affiliation implies that there is a connection with
traditional ideological pattern, which includes theology as part of the required curriculum. It
also is associated to the aim of connecting with elites en different power areas. The Jesuit
University tended not to hire full-time professors and in some occasion they were affected by
financial crises and the payments to professors were discontinued. Thus, the institutional
apparatus was more fragile than it was the case in Universities more committed to research and
teaching, but at the same time it had the robustness derived form the fact of being part of the
activities of a religious order. It also inherited the active life typical of the formalistic
orientation. The Asociaciòn Argentina de Ciencia Política was created in 1957 and it became a
member of the international association (IPSA).
Political Science as a general area had a long history of teaching, text production and connection
with the state apparatus, as it was especially the case with the field of diplomacy traditionally
included in the area of Political Science. But the activities that defined the area were always part of
basically juridical approaches.
The oldest academic center of teaching was reorganized in 1968 The original program of this
unit of the Universidad Nacional del Litoral included the granting of Doctoral degrees in Political
Science and Diplomacy. The reorganization had the goal of diminishing the dominant role of Public
and International Law and increase the attention paid to political systems and institutions. During
this period this traditional school keeps changing its institutional location y its foci of interest. Only
at the end of the 60¨s it acquires and eclectic profile incorporating sociological, philosophical and
other up-to-date approaches.
Meanwhile, practitioners applying the more traditional approach stayed quite active. The
Argentine Political Science Association. organized its Second Congress in 1960.18
3.1.3 Anthropology careers. The two bachelor´s degree programs created in 1958 were
clearly following disciplinary traditions and represented extensions of existing
institutional setups. Both careers are created in National Universities, one in the
Facultad de Humanidades of the Universidad de La Plata, and the other in the

18
P.Bulcourf y M.D¨Alessandro (2002) ; A.Fernández (2002)
 10

Facultad de Filosofía y Letras of the Universidad de Buenos Aires. The discipline was
present in different points in the interior of the country, basing itself in many cases in
independent explorers who became anthropologists.
In La Plata the preexisting activities of the museum expand and the same prevailing
orientation persistss. The second program, established in Buenos Aires has a base in the
Museo Etnográfico and in the activities of preexisting chairs. The resources that are
channeled towards the new program are quite diverse in terms of areas of specialization and
approaches. There was Physical Anthropology tainted with racism: an Austrian scholar with a
significant Nazi past has a major role in the areas, cultural anthropology oriented towards the
description of the spirit of the Volk, archeology and modest tradition of fieldwork in
Ethnology.
The establishment of these two careers is the institutional novelty of the period. With
their expansion to become bachelor´s program a polemical issue comes to the fore, the
acceptance or rejection of Social Anthropology.19
3.2 Other components of the institutional apparatus.
The creation of two types of governmental agencies was of paramount importance for
the construction of an institutional set-up capable of providing support to the new
academic disciplines. The first type consists of Centers for financial support of
research. The major creation in this area was the Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones
Científicas y Técnicas (1958). It was designed following the model of the French
CNRS. A Researcher Career was established, as well as a subsidies program for
research and a program of grants for studies and projects in foreign Universities and
institution.
The second type of supporting institutions were those oriented towards developmental
programs and requiring the help of experts and assistants.
As the period advanced, there also were important developments in the private
sector. The Di Tella Foundation created a Sociology Center, which quite soon allows
Germani and other researchers to distance themselves form the University. A Center of
Sociopolitical studies connected to the Socialist Youth and financed by a Maecenas of

19
R.Guber y S.Visacovsky (2000)
 11

the same orientation was another indication of the hope about the practical relevance of
Sociology.
Publishing Houses also play a significant role, publishing mainly classical works but
including also some studies by national researchers. The editorial organized by the
Universidad de Buenos Aires published classic and contemporary works and studies by
American, French and German scholars. We have already mentioned a private firm,
Paidós, with a very influential catalogue.20

Given the existence of an institutional apparatus, partly new but also partly preexistent,
besides the professional demand of the University there is also a growing demand .
outside Academia. Conicet expands the labor market in so far as it offers opportunities
to engage in research work or to spend a longer time in professional studies. Public
Development Agencies start defining a new type of demand as they hire people capable
to engage in applied research and project design. A different type of link-generating
occupations is the one we find in the Universidad del Salvador, where the concern with
the public sector is oriented towards International Relations and centers of state power.
Not too long after the first graduations, jobs in private mercantile activities
made its appearance and started to expand.

3.3 Relationships between disciplines

In this period we the beginnings of a process that becomes strong during the next
period. Sociology becomes the basic point of reference and orientation or, at least, it
acts as an interdisciplinary bridge. In the case of Political Science the influence of the
sociological approach is manifested by the attention people working in this discipline
lend to the work of political sociologists. Classical works a re published, such as
books by Michels and Lipset and they act as conceptual and research inspiration.
In Anthropology, students start pushing for the study of topics such as social
movements, migratory flows o political processes. They exert pressure towards the
creation of a degree in Social Anthropology. Topics traditionally studied by
sociologists were seen as being a basic concern for practicing anthropologist. Another

20
A.Blanco (2002) y (2003)
 12

factor for the interdisciplinary connection was the existence of a common language
derived from the early interest in Social Anthropology that was present in Sociology
programs. A common course in Introductory Sociology created a connection between
students in the two disciplines. This disciplinary commitment was also linked to a
social and political commitment that led to the participation of Anthropology students,
together with a Sociology students, in one of the first armed organizations, located in
a remote area that was one of the loci of anthropological studies.

3.4 Internationalization
Two big grants of American Foundations are obtained by Instituto de Sociología. the
Ford Foundation grant (U$S 210.000) and the Rockefeller foundation grant (U$S
35.000) Almost half of the Ford grant was destined to contracts for foreign experts and
professors, while de second item in importance, representing a quarter of the total, was
to be used for scholarships for graduate studies and specialization in foreign
Universities.
Connections were established with international organizations such as
Unesco, Cepal, Flacso, OEA and some formal links permitted the organization of and
participation in seminars as well as some publishing ventures and small research
projects. A multi-country research project on Social Stratification was set up by Gino
Germani in collaboration with Sociology chairs in Chile, Uruguay and Brasil. Several
important documents and texts resulted fro the project, but the comparative component
was not thoroughly completed. Another example of a research project giving rise to
intercountry collaboration was the study of types of workers in Chile, with the
participation of Alain Touraine and Lucien Brams froms and a professor of the School
of Sociology.
In Anthropology, projects of this type seem not to have existed.
Meanwhile, in Political Science , as we have already mentioned there were
regular contacts with foreign scholars and international academic venues, established
through the agency of the local professional organization. The French political scientist
G.Burdeau and the American Dahl were invited to the national congress. The
 13

Argentine Association sent a big group of Argentine participants to the V World

Congress of Political Science.
Cepal (Ecla), a UN organization was created and inspired by an Argentine economist,
Raúl Prebisch, and had among its staff quite a few Argentine experts and scholars.
Cepal´s study of Argentine development was one of the most influential works during
this period, becoming a basic source for Argentine social scientists
During this period, in Argentina there were no graduate schools in modern social
sciences. Thus, studies in other countries played a decisive formative role. At the time
there were two main types of destination. One, was Flacso in Chile, where many
international organizations were located, and the other were the major Universities in
the USA and France. Courses at Flacso brought with them solid contacts between
students from different Latin American countries as well as Latin American isntructors.
Even, studies in the USA and Europe brought contacts with Latin-American students,
previously non existent i Argentine: for some Argentine students this was the first
exposure to people of Latin American countries. Needless to say these exposures
shaped the future researchers and instructors and served to establish enduring links.
Visits and lectures and joint activities by visiting scholars of different
orientations and coming from different countries expanded the cultural and disciplinary
horizons of instructors and students, especially in Sociology. Although there was variety
among the invited professors, the standard type of American approach was prevalent.
Translations of foreign works by Publishing Houses and even for ad hoc
reproductions for courses were a quite intense and influential form of connection with
foreign approaches.
A major element in these developments were the subsidies originating in
American Foundations. These subsidies made it possible to have a quantitative and
qualitative expansion of sociological activities. At the same time they helped make
different types of American approaches the key element in local teaching and research.
The acceptance of these subsided generated one of the major conflicts to be faced by
the new sociological institutions.21 The opposition of students and of part of the

21
E.Verón (1974)
 14

professors and researchers made of this question a major issue in different areas of
university life.

3.5 Orientations
The creation of the Sociology program brought with it the prevalence of American
bibliography, not only in the field of Sociology but also in the related fields of Social
Psychology and Social Anthropology. French bibliography was used the Sociology of
Labor and in Social History. Beyond the use of course bibliography there use a
commitment to the idea of theoretical empirical knowledge, connected to model of
American Sociology. The encounter of this model with Marxism, fostered by some
professors and students, took place with Marxists feeling that the new orientation could
provide a basis for verification and for a more rigorous application of Marxist tenets.
The ideal of scientific knowledge was accepted by some Marxists. Such a connection
was soon denounced by currents of thought rejecting the scientific ideal.
There was interest in transcendental humanism, although it only became operative in
very few cases.
These developments took place, as we already indicated, without connection
with studies and interpretations originated in the pre-institutionalization period, and
with a certain degree of confrontation with the Sociology of the chairs.
At the same time there was growing dissatisfaction with the process of
institutional construction. The critique of forms of organization such as the
departmental model merged with the opposition of foreign financing.
As we already indicated, in Anthropology we find more continuity with previous
forms of academic activity characterized by more diversity. Nevertheless,
there was disconnections with field work and ethnological studies and search for a
new social anthropological approach.
Political Science starts the period with the reaffirmation of a traditional formalistic approach,
which is soon subject to critique and to a process of displacement by American oriented and
sociologically based doctrines.
Thus, in both disciplines we find a movement towards research oriented styles of work linked
to theoretical approaches based in sociological issues.
 15

Second period 1966-83: Breaking currents and responses, repression and social
struggles.

4.1 The National Context

This second period is a time of pressures towards the breaking up of the model of empirical
research and theoretical accumulation build during the first period. The breaking up process takes
place through different mechanisms and processes that go from the political critique to military
repression. There is heavy State control of teaching, research and applied uses of social sciences in
the public sector. The major point of rupture is located in public universities. At the same time this
attack gives rise to a response. There is displacement of the empirical-theoretical style towards
private institutions, the Centros de Investigaciones. Those Centers represent an institutional break
but they maintain the continuity in the style of research work.
The period opens and finishes with military interventions (1966-73 and 1976-83). These
interventions differ in terms of the degree and radicalism of the repression they impose. Between
them there is a short period of constitutional government (1973-76) during which there are marked
changes in orientation, as it starts as nationalist and-socialist and ends as extreme right. Massive
popular mobilizations occur during this period and armed organizations expand, engage in frequent
and varied forms of activity and are finally destroyed.
Each of these governments had a different relationship with activities in the field of social
sciences.
The prevalence of times during which constitutional institutions did not exist brings with it
direct, not mediated, forms of connection with political life on the part of intellectuals and of cultural
institutions such as the University.
The elimination of University autonomy and the repressive traditionalist policies in regard to
the cultural world put into practice by the 1966-73 Dictatorship, accompanied by popular
mobilizations of a previously unknown extension and intensity (Cordobazos 1969 and 1971)
provokes a move towards direct action. Intellectuals work in contact with popular organizations (e.g.
CGT de los Argentinos) and study forms of popular struggle. During the Peronist interlude an ample
opening of the State towards forms of social mobilization accompanies the more militant
connections of intellectuals. Theses connections are mediated by the identification with the political
 16

party in power and its fractions present in the State apparatus. At the same time other political
orientations independent of the government continue organizational work started during the previous
dictatorship. With the new dictatorship, which employs a strategy of annihilation, mobilization
disappears spaces of social action with the State apparatus are cleansed and contact with armed
organizations remains one of the few forms of political participation, often conducive to death and
disappearance.
4.2 The institutional context and the intellectual field.
In all three governments of this period, University autonomy as established in 1958 was
absent from public Universities, although in clearly different degree. During both military
dictatorships and during the last part of the interlude, right wing University presidents were imposed
by the State. During most of the interlude Rectors are Peronists. A well known intellectual who
became Rector of the University of Buenos Aires expressed his conviction that a new national and
popular approach required strict ideological control to eliminate ideological penetration.
In fact, the frontier between our first period and the second one is clearly delineated by a
highly symbolical decision of the governing council of the Universidad de Buenos Aires which
brands the military government as illegal. After a public meeting at one of the Faculties, the police
attacks professors and students: this episode is know as the “Noche de los bastones largos” (Night of
the long sticks). Thousands of university professors resign. A few Sociology professors who decided
not to resign and resist by maintaining their scientific standards were soon fired. In the Department
of Sociology, only four professors were left. There was a reaction of solidarity in the Department of
Sociology of the Universidad Católica. Reprimanded by the ecclesiastic authorities , the Director and
33 professors resign. Only 5 professors are left.
In Universities of the interior of the country were there were Institutes or Chairs of Sociology
(Tucumán, Cuyo and Córdoba), there were no changes.
Finally, in Sociology at the UBA, the most important chairs and directive positions are
occupied by a group defining themselves as practitioners of the “national sociology”, based on
Peronist thinking. The incorporation of this group showed that the authorities were willing to
maintain the Department as a functioning unit, but with the further political aim of finding an
alternative to Sociology as it was practiced and to leftwing forms of commitment. At the same time a
possibility of ideological legitimation of the regime was opened.
 17

Private universities, confessional and secular, were already important. Some of them such as
the Jesuit university (Universidad del Salvador) and the Universidad de Belgrano hired former
professors of public Universities.
The consolidation of the social sciences during the first period made it possible for some
social scientists occupied governmental positions during one of phases of the 1966-73 dictatorship.
During the Peronist interlude many social scientists and University professors occupied important
positions in the government.
Student organizations provide the only form of critical expression during this period. There
was a lethal change after the 1976 coup: 8 out of 11 members of the Governing committee of one of
the major student unions, the Engineering union, disappeared soon after the coup. This coup brought
with it massive repression and expulsions of professors and researchers, some of whom disappeared.
Towards the end of this dictatorship, some students´ organizations are reorganized in conditions of
clandestine work.22
Meanwhile several developments were activating the role of the private sector in the Social
Sciences. Ideological developments mentioned above reached the Jesuit University, the Universidad
del Salvador. By the beginnings of the 70´s students and some instructors at the University started
defining themselves as committed to the “national and popular” line, thus following the pace
established by intellectuals of the Jesuit Order, although the Order was sharply divided between
progressive and reactionary wings. The 1976-83 dictatorship hits with particular violence
Universities of the interior of the country, some of them new and seen as outposts of modernity and
in many cases very active during the time of the interlude. Professors and students became victims of
the repressive process, especially those in the social sciences that by the time included many young
scholars who were graduates of the careers established during the first period. In the School of
Sociology of UBA, the new Director is the old Professor of Sociology of the Peronist period, a right
wing lawyer and politician. Sociology professors are replaced with Navy officers teaching
Geopolitics, or with right wing historians or geographers.
The private creation that that is one of the defining features of this period is the
establishment of private centers of research and teaching. The process started during the first period.
We have mentioned the biggest and most powerful institution, the Instituto di Tella, that included
several Centers and also gave shelter to some which were independently created.

22
M.Toer (1988)
 18

The existence of private Centers redefined the context in which social scientists
conducted their activities, so that a new professional structure emerged, different from the one
present in central countries as well as in most of the countries where these sciences are active.
The persistence of state organisms devoted to work on programming and
development, with lower restrictions to entry than it was the case in universities was a major
determinant in shaping the professional set up of the discipline. In most cases, social scientists had
academic jobs and applied activities at the same time. The repressive rigor of the 1976-1983
dictatorship reached the State agencies and thus professionals working in theses institutions were
jailed and were also among the disappeared.
Armed organizations developed a complex institutional apparatus with the aim of
recruiting or attracting people from different areas of specialization and activity, among them
intellectuals and academic workers.
Journals, scientific and cultural centers attempted to maintain continuity in their
fields: they laso were subject to repression. The Revista Latinoamericana de Sociología, founded in
the previous period, is published during part of the second period. After an interruption in 1971, it
finally disappears in 1974. A central point of reference in the social sciences is the Journal
Desarrollo Economico published by the Instituto de Desarrollo Económico y Social (IDES): the
Journal and the Institute maintain their activities. Among publishing houses Paidós is active, Eudeba
is subject to the avatars of the Universidad de Buenos Aires and a major publishing house, Siglo XXI
opens a branch in Argentina, based on a previous small house, Signos. Although there are variants in
terms of rupture and continuity, both repression and electoral victory push academics towards a
search for commitment to activities linked to the people.
The 1966 military government starts with a strongly repressive policy towards
academia and intellectuals. It proclaims its commitment to the Catholic faith and to the moralization
of culture. An artistic show at the diTella Institute is closed by the police, a humoristic journal is
forbidden, the nation is consecrated to Maria´s Sacred Heart, the postal circulation of the Uruguayan
journal Marcha as well as the circulation of all sorts of books, including books in the social sciences
are also forbidden.
Silvia Sigal 23sees this period as characterized by a fragile cultural field, whose
fragility is increased by the combination of governmental repression and politicization of cultural

23
S.Sigal (2002)
 19

criteria by the intellectuals themselves. Fragility and politicization did not result in the subordination
of intellectuals to politics, but on the contrary to a demand of centrality, based on the assumed
primacy of ideology. Different types of pressure were, in fact, at work: in some cases there was a
demand for militancy, in others social scientists were asked to make relevant and useful professional
contributions.

4.3 Continuity and breaks in the three disciplines

The defining feature of this period is the establishment in sociology, and more generally in
the social sciences of at least two different styles of work. While in the Universidad de Buenos Aires
the style of work that Germani introduced was dismissed and condemned, that style of work gains
continuity through the creation and development of private Centers24. Some private Universities also
accept the approach that characterized the Universidad de Buenos Aires during the period of
institutionalization.
The breaking up within the social sciences took different forms. During the 1966-73 military
dictatorship the national sociology we already mentioned tried to build a national-popular Anti-
Marxist, or at least A-Marxist orientation. As it was said, instead of explaining peronism on the
basis of sociology this group decided to explain sociology on the basis of Peronism. During the
interlude, there was a search for a national sociology, but with a stronger Marxist thread.25 Towards
the end of the Peronist government the rejection of empirical theoretical Sociology became
radicalized, as Sociology was moved to the School of Law and then temporarily closed. Later on the
program was opened, the professors being committed to routine types of teaching and belonging in
some cases to the Armed Forces. All classic critical elements were excluded from the teaching of
Sociology.
The displacement of the modern sociological approach was less marked in private
Universities. Within a framework of continuity different forms of diversification were introduced. In
some cases, Marxism was introduced in Department and institutions up to then alien to such
orientation.
On the other hand, in Political Science, the Jesuit University allowed its program to
maintain a continuity with its previous commitment to diversity.

24
J.J.Brunner y A.Barrios (s/d)
25
F.Delich (1977), R.Sidicaro (1992)
 20

There was also a diversity of lines in Anthropology, although there was also a strong
trend towards the national-popular orientations.
Thus, in an atmosphere marked by struggles and repression, the institutional apparatys
of the social sciences grows together with a growth of diversification.
4.4 The institutional apparatus of the social sciences: the new programs and centers
4.4.1 The period sees the expansion of undergraduate programs in the social sciences and the
emergence of a few graduate degree programs. This expansion is not only quantitative but it is also
marked by the participation of our three social sciences and by the activation of programs in cities of
the interior of the country
During the interlude FLACSO, the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, opens a
National Center in Argentina. A Masters program in Political Science is established but it is
discontinued during the 1976-83 dictatorship. Nevertheless some time later and under the same
government an MA program in Social Sciences is established, with specializations in Sociology,
Political Science, Education and International Relations.
In 1968, the School of Political Science of the Jesuit University proceeds to redesign
its curriculum, with the aim of modernizing its courses and of lending more weight to an approach
based on American Political Science.
In 1974 an Anthropology Program was opened in a University of the interior, the
Universidad de Misiones. The program was organized by an Anthropologist who had studied in
Buenos Aires and who later on got a Ph.D. degree in the USA
In the same year an experienced Argentine anthropologist with an American degree
organized a Centro de Antropología social at IDES the respected private center that published
Desarrollo Económico.
In 1973 and 74, during the interlude, careers in Social Anthropology are created the
universities of Salta and Mar del Plata, but with the end of the interlude they disappear. A
specialization graduate course in Social Anthropology created in the Facultad de Filosofìa y Letras
at the UBA endures the same fate.
In La Plata, the Universidad Católica establishes a program in Sociology while the
National University fails in the attempt of creating such a program.
4.4.2 The novelty of the period is the organization of a multiplicity of independent centers.
The Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas del Instituto di Tella, created in the previous period,
 21

opens its activities during this period by receiving a Ford Foundation emergency grant. Three years
later it receives another grant of greater magnitude. Some of the new Centers started within the
Instituto and later became independent, while the opposite process brings centers, looking for
coverage, to the larger structure of the ITDT. The Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad (CEDES)
moves away from the mother institution. Other Centers such as the Centro de investigaciones sobre
la sociedad, el estado y la administraciòn (CISEA) and the Centro de Estudios urbanos y regionales
(CEUR) are connected to the ITDT at some point of their existence. Thus, the
process has a certain flexibility, with Centers moving in and out of the major Institute, through
friendly or conflictive encounters.
A Center with a different origin is the Centro de Investigaciones en ciencias sociales
(CICSO) created by former instructors-researchers of the universities of Buenos Aires and Córdoba,
most of them left outside the National Universities. The aim of the Center was to promote research
activities and courses utilizing the Marxist approach. For several years the Center was financed with
contributions of members and students. Several years later the Center obtained a grant from, Sarec,
the Swedish agency,
Although most of the Centers were created as research centers, several of them incorporated
teaching activities and a few established formal programs. Ceur established a Specialization program
that later became an M.A. program. The Fundaciòn Bariloche, which also had an active Centro de
Sociologia organized M.A. courses for Argentine and other Latin-American students. The Fundacion
was an exception in terms of its location in the interior of the country: researchers, instructors and
students moved to a Southern part of the country.
The Centers we have been talking of up to now come from the general matrix of the
modernization process at the University, presided by a secular progressive ideology. These Centers
served as seats for people returning to the country with graduate degrees
During the period, other centers were organized by people coming from other perspectives
The Centro de Investigaciones Laborales, that got French support, was organized by Catholic
intellectuals.
Another variant was the connection with social programs and NGO´s: CEPA, Centro de
Estudios y Promociòn Agraria engaged in research connected to specific development projects.
 22

An original set up was the one within which the Instituto Argentino de Desarrollo Econòmico
(IADE) acted. It was connected to an important national coooperative banking concern and grouped
intellectuals of the Comunist Party and of center-left groups of congenial orientations.
With the exception of a couple of centers, almost all Centers were financed by foreign
contributions. They later started selling their services as consultants.
4.4.3 A parallel development in terms of grouping researchers occurred in public agencies.
During quite a few years there were social scientists participating in the State apparatus. The work
they conducted had most of the time applied goals, although in some cases they were able to
contribute research oriented towards the definition of large scale plans. The most important loci of
this type of work were the Consejo Nacional de Desarrollo, el Consejo Federal de Inversiones, el
Ministerio de Agricultura, la Escuela de Graduados del Instituto de Tecnología Agropecuaria. Some
of the most important studies of the social structure of economic sectors were carried our in these
institutions. Some of the groups enjoyed continuity in their work, as they originated in the previous
period. The 1976-83 dictatorship established harsh measures of control and in some of the agencies
experts and technicians disappeared.
4.4.4 It will be interesting to look now at collaborative efforts.
An innovative form of joint work involving structural research and practical proposals was
the study conducted by the Chair of Rural Sociology of the Universidad de Rosario and National
and Provincial Ministries of Agriculture.26
A powerful type of combination was the joint work of National agencies and International
agencias. A case in point is the collaboration between CIDA (Comité Interameriano de Desarrollo
Agrario), an agency of the Organization of American States, and Consejo Federal de Inversiones
(CFI) of Argentina. The resulting study, that was started during our previous period, became a classic
piece in the field of theory and practice of land tenure.
4.4.5. Production of research and interpretive works increased significantly during the period.
A list of publications in the social sciences includes 620 studies published during this period as
compared to 120 during the precedent period. Another list, which concentrates on Political Science
located 52 texts as compared to 16 in the previous period27.
4.5 Relationships between disciplines.

26
N. Giarracca (1999)
27
J.C.Agulla (1996)
 23

A contact specific to the interlude is the ideological connection between the national sociology
orientation and some academic anthropologists. The common field of work was defined by the study
of national reality from the point of view of a common national popular ideology.
More generally, in Anthropology it occurs a reorientation towards Social Anthropology. This
implied a decrease in the interest in geographical areas less integrated into capitalism and a move
towards the study of urban areas. This approach puts Anthropology very close to Sociology.
In Political Science there three developments that point towards closer connection with
Sociology: 1. the introduction of the so called behavioral orientations, 2. the connection between
sociologists and political scientists working in small centers without a definite disciplinary profile,
the relevance of works in political sociology to the new style of work in political science, a relevance
that makes these texts founding studies for the political scientists.
Among sociologists there is a persistent interest in political sociology. Concern for the
political crisis enhances this interest. Field work grows in importance. Areas of different social
characteristics are covered, while topics such as marginality receive increasing attention. These
two factors bring nearer Sociology and Political Science, on the one hand, and Anthropology on
the other.
In this period Political Science and Anthropology developed a visibility, that at the
beginning of the process of institutionalization was held only by Sociology.
4.6 Internationalization and its Mechanisms
4.6.1. National social sciences are connected with external centers through a variety of
mechanisms. Subsidies represent the better known connection. In this terraint it is necessary to
distinguish between support from private foundations and other types of support such as the direct
contributions of embassies, organisms of cooperation, international organisms and academic
institutions.
During this period subsidies to private centers were the most important type of transfer. In
some cases these subsidies were decisive for the existence of the local centers. The research project
on Marginality, began at ILPES, a research and training center associated with Cepal, and Desal, a
Catholic action center, and then located at the di Tella Institute gave rise to polemics and false
accusations that made evident the conflict about foreign financing.
The utilization of foreign funds originated many discussions and conflicts. Besides the
nationality of the funding institutions, such type of activity brought up the question of research by
 24

command. This problem goes beyond the question of financing by foundations: it is also applicable
to work for public agencies, ong´s and a great part of research conducted in universities. It was often
the case that both critics and participants expressed their concern for the degree of influence exerted
by the “customer”. When the funding institutions are foreign the question of internationalization
becomes the problem of the subordination of national concerns and styles of work to forms and
contacts established by the foreign funding institution..

4.6.2 Another form of contact has to do with participation in an international milieu of

academic work and applied projects.
Participation in International Congresses taking place out of the country became gradually
more frequent. At the same time that it served to allow for the circulation of the results of academic
work in an international milieu and to expose local academics to ideas and types of research present
in foreign circles, it had the somewhat unexpected result of allowing the reestablishment of links
beteen local academics, between those working out of Argentina and those who stayed in the
country.
There was an influential contact for social scientists working in public agencies and sent to
international courses at Ilpes in Stgo. de Chile. where they were exposed to the thought of CEPAL, a
creative form of Latin-American thought.
As for the connection between researchers and research centers, the creation of Clacso in
1966 was a significant step given its operative nature. The first three Secretaries General were
Argentineans and the seat of the organization was Buenos Airs, for a long period. Clacso´s initial
aim of encompassing all orientation was marred by conflicts with Marxist researchers. The
organization was funded by the Ford Foundation, and after an initial period a conflict erupted
between both institutions.
The participation of Argentine social scientists in the academic and developmental activities
of other countries was another creative form of contact. It had a massive and dramatic expression in
their participation in Chilean Universities and agencies. The American sponsored coup against
Allende cut these activities and made most of them return to Argentina. As they arrived during the
interlude, many of them had to move again a few years later.
The three governments of this period were associated to movements of academics, although
in different forms. While the interlude attracted people who were out of the country it ended with a
 25

thorough process of University cleansing that pushed many people out of the country. Both
dictatorial governments generated masses of exiles. Although some of the points of destination were
the rich countries such as USA, Canada and European nations, a significant situation occurred with
regard to Latin-American countries. The participation of Argentine social scientists in academic and
development institutions in Mexico, Brasil, Perú, Ecuador or Venezuela generated links that did not
exist before and became solid and persistent.
Another form of connections between social scientists of the region with the incorporation of
graduate students were the MA programs in Rural Sociology organized by Clacso as a sort of roving
venture. Each two year program took place successively in a different country: Paraguay, Ecuador,
Costa Rica and República Dominicana.
Together with the general movement of students enrolled in graduate programs in central
countries, the Latin-American component had at the time an important expression in the MA courses
offered by Flacso in Mexico and in Ecuador. These programs were part of an institutional program of
expansion of the presence of Flacso in Latin America. It was coupled with the development of
formation of bodies of instructors and research of different nationalities, mostly Latin American.
The movement towards foreign Universities offering graduate degrees was funded by
Conicet. In some cases foreign Universities offered grants.

4.7 The occupational fate of the graduates and the scope of professionalization
From 1960 until the 70´s the number students getting degrees in social science in the main
state universities grew from 85 to 3200 and the share of enrollments in the social sciences went from
17% to 20%, reaching 32%, its highest point, in 1970, although it is to be taken into account that
economics is included among the social sciences.28
As usual, universities are the most important field for employment open for graduates. This
field is severely curtailed by 1976-83 dictatorship. Nevertheless, earlier in the period there is gradual
but constant expansion of theses areas, with chairs and programs of specialization in universities
located in the interior of the country. The number of students reached a peak during the interlude and
experimented a precipitous fall during the final period. Nevertheless, a fact that makes this
employment merely partial is the scarcity of full time positions, especially in the social sciences.
While in the UBA, full time positions are close to 80% in the basic sciences, in the social sciences it

28
Ministerio de Educación (1996)
 26

is below 15%. In the country as a whole and for all disciplines, only 14% of the teaching staff hold
full time positions. The salaries in part time positions (dedicaciòn simple) represent less than 10% of
the full time salaries.29
Conicet´s scholarships were an important quasi-occupational field for people who wanted to
conduct research of take specialization courses. The emergence of the first MA courses prolonged
the duration of study programs. As preciously mentioned, studies in foreign Universities were the
other way of making it possible to continue with programs of academic work.
Public agencies offer jobs, with variable degrees of discrimination and repression. Ngo´s
grow before the great repression of the 176-83 dictatorship. They become a dynamic area where
students and specialists in the social sciences work, and the same time engage in forms of social
activism.
Private enterprises grow in numbers and size, although at a modest pace. The initial demand
linked to market studies becomes more diversified. In some cases social sciences graduates establish
small market studies enterprises, and later some firms conducting electoral studies. Growth of the
firms brings with it agreements with big foreign firms or firms in neighboring countries, and
sometimes straight sellouts.
4.8 Orientations
As we have been showing up to now, this period is marked by a strong attack against the
social sciences of that employed an empirical-theoretical style of work. In some cases the attack took
strong negative forms, such it occurred when the Sociology program was closed. In other cases it
took the form of an attack based on the spousal of an alternative approach geared towards the
exclusion of the preciously established one. The most important rejection of this type took first the
denomination of national sociology but sometimes it defined itself more sharply as revolutionary
Peronist.
This approach got some support among anthropologist and in the schools of political science
at the Jesuit University (Salvador) and the state university of Rosario.
Among some of the revolutionary Peronist groups that initiated the criticism and the new
approach it occurred a move towards Marxist views. This move was particularly important among
militant groups of a Catholic orientation. In fact these approaches tended to concentrate on the

29
M.Kisilevsky (2000)
 27

construction of interpretations linked to political decisions, without connection with research or with
analyses of a social science nature.
The break occurred in many State and private Universities but it did not occur in all of them.
There were movements in different directions. In the Jesuit University the period started with a
movement towards the expansion of the influences coming from American style orientations. In the
Catholic University there was a combination of American style sociology and conservative Catholic
social thought. Even in the Universidad de Buenos Aires Department of Sociology, some groups of
instructors persisted with orientations defying the prevalent one. In the private Universidad de
Belgrano there was a diversity of orientations, mostly of the American type of approach.
The Centers of research, mostly newly created, were the locus of continuity with the style of
work institutionalized in the previous period. In fact, the Centers expanded the scope of research
including new topics and novel orientations but within a basic trend of continuity..
While some of the centers were thematically specialized, as it was the case with Cepa and
rural topics, and Ceil and labor studies, or theoretically committed, as Cicso and Marxism, most of
the centers incorporated a wide range of topics moving beyond the structural studies of the Germani
type. As questions of a political, ideological and communicational content were incorporated this
made for interdisciplinary collaboration between our social sciences.
One limitation to continuity and diversity was the weight of repression;
many social scientists disappeared or went into exile

Third -period: Expansion and problems of quality in a context of elected governments

5.1 National Context

During this period all governments were elected governments: it is the longest period with
constitutional governments elected by universal suffrage in Argentine history. There was a
radical increase in dependence on foreign capital and on imperialist powers.
Unemployment and poverty reached the highest rates in recorded history. Social
movements, mostly of the unemployed, were very active.

5.2 Stabilization and expansion of the social sciences.

The social sciences became more diversified in terms of institutions and orientations.
Public Universities became autonomous again, and their authorities are elected by
professors, graduates and students.
 28

Some Universities, public and private, developed a commitment to scientific excellence.

Public Universities established research subsidies for instructors and students. Quite a few
M.A. programs and some Ph.D, programs were created,30 Private and international Centers
are active in research, teaching and consultancy. There is a growing participation in local
and international Congresses. Work in state agencies expands considerably.
It is a period of expansion of the social sciences of international style. This implies a
break with the previous period of repression or total political immersion.

5.3 Cultural context and cultural institutions

In the cultural sphere there was a process of revitalization linked to the enthusiasm
generated by the fall of the military dictatorship.
Artistic activities, lectures, journals and magazines, films and visits by foreign intellectuals
and artists, - favored by the overvalued currency - become part of everyday life. A youth
culture, linked mostly to rock, attracts large numbers of youngsters: mass concerts in
football stadiums are very successful,
New themes define a new cultural environment. As the promises of social and economic
change fail, the cultural enthusiasm with which this period starts evolves into a concern
with unresolved issues. Topics such as the disappeared and the punishment of the culprits
make human rights a central concern. Ngo´s organize campaigns around these topics that
stay with us until present times. Somewhat later topics related to socioeconomic crisis
become central: poverty, unemployment, precarious work and informality attract the
activity of many researchers. With time, topics such as drugs and insecurity establish a
connection between people’s everyday concerns and social science research. Social
scientists are invited to participate in newspapers and TV programs.
Together with stability, came participation of social scientists in state agencies, in
Parliament and in majority and oppositional parties,
Research is favored by university subsidies. Conicet continues its sponsorship activities
and a new agency is created, to subsidize long term research projects.

30
O.Barsky y V.Sigal (2003)
 29

At the same time the disproportion between size of the Universities budget and number
of students grows greater. New appointments do not respect the established principle of
open contests with qualified referees. The proportion of full time professors becomes much
smaller: this situation brings with it the growth in the number of instructors having several
jobs. Conflicts between student movements and university authorities coexist with
negotiated exchanges of favors between them.
The process of expansion of universities expresses itself in the existence of 36 state
universities and 42 private universities. Both types of Universities include some universities
committed to academic excellence. Good private Universities are very expensive.
A major problem faced by Universities is the low quality of secondary instruction,
especially in some locations.
Hundreds of M.A. programs are created, recently joined by Ph D programs. One of the
reasons for this growth has to with the increasing importance of graduate degrees as
requirement for different types of jobs. The National Ministry of Education has created an
agency devoted to the evaluation of these new programs. Many of the activities of
evaluation are financed by international banks. The Universidad de Buenos Aires has
rejected such funds.

5.4 Institution building in the social sciences.

5.4.1 Sociology

The fall of the dictatorship brought with it the reestablishment of professors with an
empirical-theoretical orientation and a reorganization of the Sociology program The
number of students grew and the gamut of orientations among professors expanded. There
is diversity in the basic courses, but the major form of establishing diversity was the
creation of several dozens second year and advanced optional courses. The existence of
diversity at all levels of the career makes it possible to complete all degree studies
following one line of thought, almost without contact with other orientations. Diversity can
become the seedbed for unilateral formation.
 30

The Institute of Sociology was reorganized and it incorporated many research projects
by professors, with assistance of graduates and students. Nevertheless, there are still a good
proportion of professors who do not engage in research activities.
Participation in Congresses is made possible by local subsidies and foreign invitations.
Congresses become a regular feature not only in the Capital city but also in cities in the
interior of the country. Some international Congresses become almost a must such as is the
case with ones organized by the Asociación Latinoamericana de Sociología, or the Latin
American Studies Association. There are also more specialized event such as the ones
organized by the Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios del Trabajo and Asociación
Latinoamericana de Sociología Rural.
The expansion in activities goes together with the opening of new programs: in 2003,
The Ministerio lists 12 Bachelor´s programs in Sociology, with an equal share of public and
private Universities. In some cases the program includes studies towards a bachelor´s
degree and also studies oriented towards teaching activities, as Sociology is becoming part
of the high school curriculum.
Within the growing field of M.A. programs, FLACSO, an international organization has
a leading role; two years ago it opened a Ph.D. program with partial financing from the
Hewlett Foundation. A private University, the Universidad de Belgrano has maintained a
Ph.D. program for many years. The Facultad de Ciencias Sociales of the UBA has recently
opened a Ph.D. program. The local offerings of graduate programs coexist with the
attraction of foreign Universities. The USA, Canada, France, the UK attract many students,
while Spain is gaining more candidates and Brazil, with an important program of
scholarships, is becoming an important center.
Outside of the Universities, private centers maintain a significant role in research,
although most of them are active in consultancy, in work with ngo´s and in teaching.
Another expression of expansion is specialization. Specialized professional associations
are organized. An example of this development is the Asociación de Estudios del Trabajo,
created in 1993: it publishes an interdisciplinary Journal. Desarrollo Económico is a
prestigious Journal which publishes interdisciplinary material. These Journals utilize the
system of anonimous referees. Other Journals, such as Sociology, of the Department of
 31

Sociology of the UBA is somewhat irregular in publication. There also Journals published
by young sociologists, as El Ojo Mocho which have attained certain continuity.
Publishing has been more limited than in the past as a result of economic problems and
competition from Spanish publishers, as well as a fall in sales in sociology. Small
publishing houses have published books by local scholars.

5.4.2 Political Science

The career of Political Science was created in the UBA in 1985, when
Francisco Delich, a social scientist, was Rector of the UBA . Thus, it had to wait more than
15 years after Sociology and Anthropology Programs were established. This creation was
accompanied by certain ceremonial dignity: Norberto Bobbio gave the inaugural lecture. It
started with 137 students. It was set up as an independent program not affiliated to a
Facultad. Later it became part of the Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, created in 1988. As a
discipline which might attract young students, it still generated opposition, as it was the
case of one of the major newspapers, La Nación.
In 1992 there was a change in curriculum to update contents and introduce areas of
specialization. Since then there are five areas of study: political theory and philosophy,
compared politics, political analysis and studies of public opinion, design and
implementation of public policies and, finally, international relations.
In 1998, there were already 520 graduates. For 2003 there is estimation of 3000 students
and about 300 instructors, 15% appointed by a jury, and 80% having paying jobs.
At the beginning of our period there were 6 bachelor´s programs in political
science, two of them in public universities.
The field of political science acquires visibility and national existence. In 1985 the
UBA established a Committee for the Study of the State and its Problems. Then, the Office
of the President of the Republic incorporated the University Committee into a new
consultative organ. Prestigious international scholars, such as Linz, Sartori and Calabresi
were invited to work with the Committee in the elaboration of a report on “presidential vs.
parliamentarian systems”.
The national scope of the discipline is attained through contacts between Universities.
The Rosario program establishes common activities with Córdoba and Mendoza.
 32

The Asociación Argentina de Ciencia Política, which maintained the tradition of utilizing
legal approaches is dissolved. A competing organization, the SAAP takes the role of
national organization and becomes a member of IPSA. In 1991 the International Congress
takes place in Buenos Aires. Then, the 1993 Argentine Congress offers an opportunity for
the victorious presentation of the modern approach, with the presence of several invited
foreign specialists and more than 100 papers. presented for discussion.
Several private centers are in activity, at least during part of the period, although their
major field is international relations. There are also private centers espousing a leftist
approach, such as Eural, directed by A.Borón, and Clade, directed by José Nun.
The journal Revista argentina de relaciones internacionals makes a short reappearance.
The journal Crítica y Utopía directed by F.Delich is published until 1989. More recently
appear publications congregating young graduates and students such as El Politicólogo
FLACSO opens an MA program in international relations. Later on, MA programs in
several Universities initiate their activities. A private University, the Universidad de
Belgrano continues with its PhD. Program. In 1983 the Universidad de Belgrano organized
a symposium on the Problems of Democracy.

5,5,3. Anthropology.

The growth of Anthropology is more limited than the expansion in the two other
disciplines.
In 2003, there were 11 universities, 2 of them private, with Anthropology programs.
Some of these programs were specialized in Archeology or in the formation of technicians.
There were 3 bachelor´s programs in anthropology, 3 of them defining themselves as
specialized in Social Anthropology. The two original programs in Buenos Aires and La
Plata, and the already mentioned Misiones program are joined by undergraduate programs
in Buenos Aires province and in the Northwestern region, a traditional area of
anthropological and archeological research. As part of the Facultad de Filosofia y Letras of
UBA, the Anthropology program offers also a Ph.D.degree, the doctoral degree being part
of the traditional set of disciplines in the Facultad.
 33

There is a widening of the discipline, in terms of topics as well as in terms of

geographical areas of interest. There isn’t anymore a concentration in the study of
aboriginal peoples located in marginal areas. A multiplicity of social situations become
object of study, such as shanty towns, rural towns, feasts and ceremonials of the lower and
the upper classes, neighborhoods, soccer, polo, millenarian movements, community life
and voting patterns, migrants and frontiers. Some prestigious anthropologists moved from
fields such as rural anthropology and opened new areas of study like science or cultural
identity, while others persist in the study of classical topics, but introducing new
approaches.
This widening of interests is linked to the growth of social anthropology within the
general area of anthropology.
Nevertheless, among anthropologists this expansion coexists with a feeling of loss. Thus,
it is said that “anthropology has been losing areas such as the studies of popular culture and
folklore, now in the hands of other disciplines such as sociology, literature or literary
theory.” New areas, more related to the study of society and politics are seen as being only
in the process of opening additional fields.
In 1988 , year of the 30th. Anniversary of the creation of the first undergraduate program,
a national Congress was organized. The process of thematic widening mentioned above is
accompanied by contacts with sociologists and historians, who are often invited to make
special presentations in anthropological meetings.
Traditional areas of work such as archeology continue active. Although they are mostly
not connected to social anthropology there are attempts at developing a social archeology.
There is an area of work that saw a dramatic development during this period, i.e. legal
anthropology. The commitment of national and foreign anthropologists made it possible to
identify desaparecidos.,

5.6 Relationship between disciplines

On the one hand, this period shows the persistence of the already mentioned trend towards
confluence between sociology and anthropology and between sociology and political
science.
 34

On the other hand, as the disciplines develop they tend to look for specific spaces. Those
spaces are defined by topics, research methods and theoretical points of reference. A further
step in this direction is the activation of professional communities. In the case of political
science there is a conscious search for community, as a rsponse to the conviction that a lack
of it is a central obstacle to the solid establishment of the discipline.

5.7 Internationalization

Also in this area we find contrasting tendencies. On the one hand, the relationship of the
three disciplines with centers and agencies of central and Latin-American countries, while
on the other there is a withdrawal of funds.
It is not the case of a complete disappearance of external funds. There is a certain degree
of differentiation, with French funds joining the traditional American sources. Antorchas is
an interesting case of the channeling of entrepreneurial funds through a network of groups
in several Latin-American countries. This experiment is about to end, as Antorchas is about
to discontinue its activities.
The decrease in foreign funds is accompanied by the increase in local public funds
through Conicet and the Agencia. Some of these funds come from external agencies.
These agencies have funded graduate studies in foreign countries. The period of
economic and labor market crisis changed the nature of the interest in studying in foreign
countries. From a process of improvement and specialization of people interested in
returning to the country of origin we moved to a process of hidden migration. The presence
of Latin American countries in the process of specialization and search for higher degrees
has become significant as it is the case with Flacso´s courses in México and Ecuador. Brasil
is a very interesting case because it is receiving many Argentine students and offering
scholarships, without obtaining reciprocity from Argentina.
The settlement of Argentine students in countries where they get their degrees or the
definitive or temporary settlement of exiles establishes professional and intellectual links.
A phenomenon that represents a qualitative change in patterns of internationalization is
the circulation inside the Latin-American area which became very intense. International
 35

disciplinary Congresses, some of them interdisciplinary as is the case with Lasa, have
become regular forms of encounter.
Embassies and agencies of the central countries finance exhanges. During part of this
period, the rate of exchange of the Argentine peso made it possible to invite and pay figures
such as Castel, Touraine, Giddens or Beck. The presence of foreign specialists is also part
of many of the new graduate programs. In many cases connections with foreign universities
and specialists are seen as decisive market weapon. Usually these contacts are not
accompanied by foreign subsidies to local graduate courses
Foreign universities opened branches in Argentina, offering courses to national students
(Bolonia) or to their own (NYU)
Contacts with countries of destination are maintained through the establishment of bi-
national institutions. Argentina-Canada centers in different university cities are very active
and help promote contacts between Canadian agencies and local Ngo´s
The dramatic avatars of Argentine society have brought with them a revival in the
interest of latin-americanists. This traditional form of contact between central and
dependent countries has reached an intense expression in the recent Congresos de
Americanistas.

5.8 Professionalization: Graduates and the labor market

A basic determinant to be taken into account is the economic cycle, with its hectic
movements in recent years.
In all three disciplines there has taken place a process of diversification, with a great
growth of positions en governmental agencies and, to a lesser degree, in ngo´s. The creation
of many Universities and many programs increased the already major role of Universities
in the labor market. Nevertheless, we have to take into account the fact that most jobs in
Universities are part time.
Holding multiple occupations is a central characteristic of members of these three
disciplines´ labor market
A more recent form of connection with the state is the activity of consultant to MP´s
which is practiced by some sociologists, but especially by political scientists. Beyond this
 36

professional activity, during this period social scientists have been engaged in politically
significant activities, acting as Ministers, consultants and advisers to Ministers and to the
President of the Republic,. There were also some cases of parliamentarians or provincial
governors..
The growth of electoral studies generates jobs and made some sociologists familiar
figures in TV, newspapers and popular magazines. Several firms formed by local social
scientists are now linked to international chains. Personnel selection, especially at the
executive level, and market studies are areas of private activity in which social scientists
are very active, both as owners or executives and of grassroots personnel.
Journalism is a field that has offered job opportunities for social scientists, although in a
limited degree. Some the problems they encounter and the type of adaptation required for
these types of jobs can be exemplified by the firing of a journalist cum social scientist by
one the major newspapers because of his role as trade union organizer.

5.9 Orientations

The third period has been characterized by the development of a diversity of orientations.
Whereas some new approaches become consolidated and give rise to actual studies, others
do not move beyond the level of general statements. The varied experiences of the social
scientists who stayed in the country as well the contributions of those who left and then
came back are an important source of diversity. At the same time, a diversity of social
organizations, most of them new, and state agencies demand the attention and the
collaboration of social scientists.
Changes and diversity differ according to discipline.

5.9.1 Sociology
The lively sociological landscape can be examined following several dimensions.31
1. Theory is a first dimension. During this period, differing approaches, already present
in previous periods, become consolidated. This is the case with the classic American

31
R.Sautu (comp.) (1999)
 37

style, the studies based on the so called national thinkers, and the more traditional
Marxists analyses.
A European form of analysis of social structure grows considerably. At the same time
theoretically oriented empirical studies become revitalized around specific concepts
such exclusion, disaffiliation or poverty, closely related to social problems concerns.
New Marxist approaches reactivate studies of social classes and stratification.
Structural analyses are combined with the study of actor’s perspectives and
sociability patterns.
A form of treating theory that became widespread was precisely not to treat
theory as a basic component of research. Many descriptive studies, often generated
by state agencies and hortatory pieces using descriptions as illustrations are examples
of attempts at a-theoretical work.

2. A second relevant dimension has to do with the development of data collection and
analysis. The utilization of different quantitative and qualitative methods define
diverse styles of work, without creating a more comprehensive methodology capable
of favoring complementarity. Recent forms of quantitative analysis, formalized
techniques of qualitative analysis and the systematic analysis of texts and written
sources became separate alternatives utilized by sociologists of differing theoretical
orientations. As in the case of theory, there are also many studies devoid of any
methodological concerns.

3. A third dimension not as generally applicable as the previous ones, has to do with the
relationship with other disciplines. The linkage between sociological studies and
topics and approaches in economics and history is the most notable one. When these
linkages exist, a basic question is the type of relationship established. We often
encounter lines of work where the sociological approach is entirely subsumed by the
concerns and style of work typical of the other discipline.

4. Finally, the dimension “linkage with applied sociology” modifies significantly the
style of work of sociologists. Two basic types of applied activities can be
 38

distinguished: those related to ngo´s (and sometimes political parties or trade unions),
and those related state agencies or international agencies which sometimes operate
through state agencies. In both cases, there is a set of topics that are prevalent, such
as poverty, exclusion, or more general displacement by the capitalist system. A
further topic present in the ngo´s agenda is human rights. Applied studies differ also
in the degree of closeness to direct intervention.

Thus, the existing diversity is really great. There are Schools and Departments where
diversity means war and a war where losing has serious consequences. We may ask if
there are cases where diversity brings with it dialogue. There are impassable frontiers,
but there is also communication, albeit limited and not continuous.
Congresses and Symposia provide the loci for communication.
There is more dialogue between young researchers and senior sociologists than between
senior sociologists. Unfortunately these loci are not always loci for the communication of
ideas but an occasion for the ritual presentation of papers associated to academic
survival.

5.9.2 Political science

During this period, a process started during the previous one becomes central in the
discipline. An approach called by its practitioners empirical, strongly influenced by the
American behavioral theory reaches a dominant position. The Jesuit University leads the
process and is followed by the Universidad de Rosario (previously Universidad del
Litoral) which had the oldest program in the field.
The dominance of this approach generates the possibility of a dialogue. Starting
from this common interest a difficult new step is taken. This step was oriented towards
an enrichment of the achieved commonality, It was favored by confluence on a common
topic, the question of the transition to democracy, prevalent since 1983. An attempt was
made at linking the political behavioral approach with topics and orientations related to
structural, institutional and ideological themes.
 39

Although this attempt at a synthesis represents the mainstream, there are also alternative
approaches committed to develop a style of work linked to the political thought of
national political figures or of national thinkers.

5.9.3Anthropology
The movement towards the dominance of Social Anthropology ,
With a rejection of traditional forms of an anthropology centered in the study of
“otherness” prevails during this period. The VI th. National Congress of Anthropology
consecrates this move.
It the “others” are still studied: they are not approached as peculiar forms of social life
separated from national life, not as folkloric survivals but as groups located in a system
of relations of production and in national political and social organization.
In some cases, this view is connected to a search for joint work with popular
action organizations or with governmental promotion plans.
Thus, we find in anthropology concerns and styles of action that we mentioned in
looking at sociology. Topics such as poverty, exclusion, lack of infrastructure or crisis of
middle class groups become central and are associated with a more activist style of work.
These concerns are not separated from an interest in the utilization of stricter
research techniques. A search for appropriate methods of qualitative analysis and for
more sophisticated quantitative techniques, such as cluster analysis and regression,
modify the more traditional ethnographic methodology. In the theoretical field, some
approaches coming from cultural studies and identity theory bear witness to the
acceptance of newer theoretical approaches.
Thus, we see changes parallel to those occurring in the other two disciplines, mostly
sociology.

5.6 Orientations and common features

In all three disciplines and after a series of avatars we reach a point in which the major
feature is the existence of great theoretical, methodological and thematic diversity. As a
result we have significant contributions to the understanding of national reality, resulting
 40

from disciplined research. Nevertheless, we do not have a synthetic view of social

structure and its movements. There is a somewhat exaggerated dependence on imported
theories, reaching the point of an acceptance of fashions and of the demands of
international consumers. Production is plentiful, but the criteria about quality are not
clear. Budget scarcity limits the action of public Universities. Internal institutional and
intradisciplinary conflicts still define the framework within which intellectual work has
to be carried out.

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