Summary The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in the southeast differs from the rest of Bangladesh, both in physical

characteristics and population. The twelve ethnic groups that originally comprised 98 percent of the population in the hills each have their own distinct culture, religion, and language. The British, who annexed the area in 1860, gave the area a special status, acknowledging the distinct identity of the indigenous population. After independence from British rule in 1947, the successive governments of East Pakistan and later Bangladesh failed to acknowledge the deteriorating situation and the legitimate demands of the indigenous peoples for recognition of their separate identity. Instead, during Pakistani rule the Kaptai Dam was constructed, displacing one-fifth of the indigenous population and the special status of the area was abolished. After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the indigenous peoples in the CHT were refused constitutional recognition of their separate identity and from 1976 onward the Bangladesh government's reaction was militarization and flooding the area with landless Bengalis from the plains. These policies resulted in an escalation of the conflict and a further alienation between the Bengali majority in the plains and the indigenous people who took up arms in defense. Negotiations between indigenous leaders and successive governments of Bangladesh repeatedly failed, but on 2 December 1997 a peace accord was signed. Slow implementation and no acceptance of the accord by a section of the indigenous population, however, remain factors of instability in the area. Moreover, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has headed the government since October 2001, has earlier agitated strongly against the peace accord, and since the present government came to power it has already taken several measures in violation of the accord. Ethnicity, Conflict And Resolution: Ethnicity is a group living collectively among a large group. Behind it their cultural factor is most effective. Razia Akter Banu, Du, Pol Science, 14/09/2011 In political theory, "ethnicity" describes a group possessing some degree of coherence and solidarity, composed of people who are aware, perhaps only
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latently, of having common origins and interests. Thus, an ethnic group is not a mere aggregate of people but a self-conscious collection of people united, or closely related, by shared experiences and a common history. Governance and

conflict resolution in multi-ethnic societies, Kumar Rupesinghe, United Nations University

Several criteria about this definition must be met before a group can be called ethnic group or ethnic community. First, the group must have a name for itself. Second, language is also a powerful indicator of ethnic and national identity. Third is religion that has historically been an important marker of the ethnic identity. A fourth feature, shared culture constitutes a complex of distinctive elements of any ethnic groups. Ethnic Conflict: Ethnic conflicts within a state belong to identity conflicts that are a type of internal conflicts. Besides identity conflicts there are other types of internal conflicts such as ideological conflicts, governance conflicts, racial conflicts and environmental conflicts. Sometimes the term ethnic conflict is used to describe a wide range of internal conflicts. Michael E. Brown (ed.), Ethnic Conflict and International Security, p. 4. According to Michael E. Brown, an ethnic conflict is a dispute about important political, economic, cultural, or territorial issues between two or more ethnic communities. Michael E. Brown (ed.), Ethnic Conflict and International Security, p. 5. Conflict Resolution: With most conflicts it is important to find a resolution. Unsolved conflict can lead to resentment. An interpersonal conflict may be any form of confrontation or interaction between groups that hinders the achievement of group goals. Conflict Resolution by Annick & Vincent - A Group

Project
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In Western approaches to conflict resolution it is assumed that the problem is getting the parties to the conference table through negotiations and that it is possible to get a win/win solution agreeable to both sides. In this approach a high priority is given to getting all the parties to reach an understanding of their specific interest and how those interests can be satisfied using problem-solving approaches and negotiations.

Governance and conflict resolution in multi-ethnic societies, Kumar Rupesinghe, United Nations University
Conflict resolution is a wide range of methods of addressing sources of conflict whether at the inter-personal level or between states and of finding means of resolving a given conflict or of continuing it in less destructive forms than, say, armed conflict. Processes of conflict resolution generally include negotiation, mediation, diplomacy and creative peace-building. The term "conflict resolution" is sometimes used interchangeably with the terms dispute resolution or alternative dispute resolution. The processes of arbitration, litigation, and formal complaint processes through an ombudsman, are part of dispute resolution, and therefore they are also part of "conflict resolution." The concept of conflict resolution can also encompass the use of non-violent methods such as civil resistance (also often called nonviolent resistance) by a party to a conflict as a means of pursuing its goals, on the grounds that such means are more likely than armed struggle to lead to effective resolution of the conflict.

Bercovitch, Jacob and Jackson, Richard. 2009. Conflict Resolution in the Twenty-first Century: Principles, Methods, and Approaches. University of Michigan

Chittagong Hill Tracts The Chittagong Hill Tracts is situated in southeastern Bangladesh and is home to 11 indigenous groups, 1 numbering approximately 500,000 people, 2 who differ markedly from the Bengali majority in language, culture, physical appearance, religion, dress, eating habits, architecture and farming methods. The 5,093 square miles called the Chittagong Hill Tracts1 comprises ten percent of the total land area of Bangladesh (91,695.75 sq. miles). It is home to several indigenous peoples since time immemorial. Officially referred to as tribes2 and known collectively as the Jumma people - a term derived from jum, the practice of shifting cultivation, common to most of the indigenous peoples - they are the Bawm, Chak, Chakma, Khumi, Khyang, Lushai, Marma, Mro (Mru), Pankhua, Tanchangya and Tripura. Most of the indigenous peoples belong to the TibetoBurmese language group, with the Chakma and Tangchangya belonging to the Indo-Aryan branch. Historically, the indigenous peoples are known to be living in the CHT for centuries, with their own forms of governance and sociopolitical institutions. Today, there are about 600,000 indigenous peoples in the CHT, out of a total population of approximately a million (974,445: 1991 Census).3 nearly half a million people were brought into the region through a government-sponsored population transfer programme during 1979-84.4 Until the 1950s, half of the total land area of CHT was characterized by moderate to dense forest cover. Sixty percent of the total forestland of Bangladesh (2,600,000 hectares) is in the CHT, of which 6,318 acres have reportedly been converted into pulp wood plantation to meet the demands of the paper mill industry in the first decade of the 21st century. There are also reports of large reserves of natural gas, coal and copper.5 Geography of the Chittagong Hill Tracts The Chittagong Hill Tracts are comprised of three hill districtsRangamati, Bandarban, and Khagrachari. The region lies in the southeastern part of Bangladesh and occupies a physical area of 5,093 square miles, constituting 10 percent of the total land area of Bangladesh. It is situated between 21o 25 and 23o 45 north latitude, and between 91o 45 and 92o 50 east longitude. It is surrounded by the Indian states of Tripura on the north and Mizoram on the east, by Myanmar on the south and east and the Chittagong district on the west. The terrain in the CHT is part of the great hill massan offshoot of the Himalayan
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rangeoccupying parts of India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh. The hills inside Bangladesh rise up to a maximum of 4,000 feet, with the ranges running generally northwest to southeast and dividing the area into a number of large valleys. The valleys are covered for the most part with dense virgin forest, interspersed with small waterways and swamps of all sizes and description.3 The districts comprise seven valleys formed by the Feni, Karnafuli, Chengi, Myani, Kassalong, Sangu, and Matamuhuri rivers and their tributaries. There are numerous hills, ravines, and cliffs covered with dense vegetation. Geographically the CHT can be divided into two broad ecological zones: hilly valleys and agricultural plains. The CHT is a unique territory of Bangladesh with mountains and beautiful landscapes in stark contrast to the alluvial, monsoon-flooded plains of the rest of Bangladesh. The Population of the Chittagong Hill Tracts In the hills of the CHT, it is not only the landscapes that are dramatically different from the plains, but the original inhabitants are also strikingly different from the overwhelming majority of Bengali people. The total population of the CHT, as per the 1991 census, was approximately 974,000. Out of this number, hill people constituted 500,000 and the Bengalis 470,000. The thirteen ethnic groups living in the CHT region are of Sino-Tibetan descent belonging to Mongolian groups. There are diversities amongst the ethnic groups themselves, which have their own distinct languages, customs, religious beliefs, and systems of sociopolitical organization. They even choose to live in different habitats. The Chakmas, Marmas, and Tripura live in valleys. The Khumi, Murang, Lushai, Bawm, Pankhu, Kuki, Khyang, Tanchangya, Chak, and Riang live on hill ridges. Among the hill people in the CHT, the Chakmas are the most dominant and largest group, comprising about 30 percent; they are Buddhists. The Marmas, the second largest, comprising about twenty percent of the CHT population, are also Buddhists. The third largestthe Tripurasare Hindus. The rest of the tribal peoplethe Lushai, Pankhu and Bawmare Christians. There are minority groups who are animists or followers of variations of various religions. The Chakmas speak a dialect close to Chittagonian, a dialect that is spoken by the local people of Chittagong, which is a deviation of the Bangla language. They also have a script resembling Burmese, but they seldom use the script. The Marmas speak and write using a dialect close to Burmese. The Tripura speak a version of Tripura dialect as spoken in the Indian province of Tripura and written in Bangla script. The remaining minority groups have their own dialects, but most do not have a script. Significantly, Bangla, the state language of Bangladesh, is the lingua franca for
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inter-tribal communication and is understood by most tribes. Thus, ethnicity has had a significant impact on these groups. They share a common trait in that they are non-Bengali. However, they have many differences that have affected their level of development and access to resources. Moreover, these differences have prevented them from speaking in one voice, with the other ethnic groups at times unwilling to accept the dominance of the Chakmas. 3 R. H. Sneyd Hutchinson, The Bengalis are of mixed Proto-Australoid and Caucasoid origin. The early Bengali settlement in the CHT took place during the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, and the first half of the twentieth centurys for various reasons. Settlers were basically farm laborers, small businessmen, fishermen, etc. However, subsequent settlement of Bengalis during the Pakistan and Bangladesh periods was large enough to give rise to resentment and hostility. During the mid-eighteenth century, Bengali cultivators were settled in the region to work on the rajahs land and to teach lowland farming to the Chakmas in general. During the nineteenth century only tribal chiefs were permitted to own land and the Bengali immigrants became sharecroppers.4 It was only later that some of the immigrants purchased land. Nevertheless, the Bengali population in the CHT remained small, and at the time of the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947, it amounted to only about 2 percent. But after the partition the Bengali population began to rise. Since the independence of Bangladesh, Bengali settlement in the CHT has increased rapidly. The Bengalis now account for nearly half of the CHT population. This has given rise to allegations of displacement and usurpation of land. Background The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in southeastern Bangladesh, bordering India and Myanmar, covers an area of 13,190 square kilometers (sq. kms) that constitutes about 10 per cent of the total land area of Bangladesh. The area is divided into three districts--Rangamati, Khagrachari and Bandarban--for administrative purposes. The region consists of several valleys running in a northwest to southeasterly direction, with ridges rising to 3000 feet. More than 90 per cent of the area is covered by hills with only 129,000 hectares (ha) of cropped land. About 87 per cent of the land is covered with forest totaling 11,475 sq. kms mostly owned by the government (Dasgupta and Ahmed, 1998). This upland, forested area is in sharp contrast to the landscape of other parts of Bangladesh, which are flat and subject to regular monsoon flooding.
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The average population density of CHT is 103 persons per sq. km. as against the national average of 1040 persons per sq. km. On the other hand, cropland per capita in CHT is 0.23 acres (0.09 ha), while the national average is 0.13 acres (0.05 ha) (World Bank 2004; Adnan 2004; Rahman 2001). Although compared to the national average the CHT seems to be under populated, the difference in per capita cropped land is comparatively low. Most of the valleys of the CHT area are covered with thick virgin forests interspersed by small waterways and swamps of all sizes and descriptions. The main features of the vegetation are semi-evergreen (deciduous) or tropical evergreen, dominated by tall trees. Because of its geographical setting and the pristine nature of the CHT area, the potential of crop production from this region is not high; rather, a huge prospect for eco-tourism exists in the area. Thus the need for environmental conservation of natural forest lands of the CHT area is very important. The hill tracts are rich in commercial natural resources, especially different types of forest and mineral resources such as timber, bamboo, fruits, medicinal plants and gas. Oil via exploration has also been actively pursued in recent years. In addition to these resources, a huge stock of fish also exists in the lakes and rivers of the CHT area. Natural gas with a reserve of 0.16 trillion cubic feet has been discovered at Sumutang in Khagrachari Hill district. Good quality natural gas at Ruma in Bandarban, petroleum at Alikadam, and reserves of coal at Lama have also been found (Haque, 2001). Large quantities of hand rocks, limestone and sandstone have also been discovered at certain places in the hill regions. However, commercial exploitation of these mineral resources could not be achieved due to the prolonged political unrest prevailing in the region. Before the 1950s the CHT region was inhabited mostly by the tribal people (Dasgupta and Ahmed, 1998) who differ significantly from the mainstream population of Bangladesh. They are of Sino-Tibetan descent, have a distinctive appearance with Mongolian features, and are predominantly Buddhists with small numbers of Hindus. Currently a total of at least 13 ethnic groups live in the CHT. The three principal groups are Chakma, Marma and Tripura The other groups are Murong, Tanchangya, Bown, Pankho, Chak, Khyang, Khumi, Lushai, Mro and Rakhain. They differ linguistically and their social organization, marriage customs, birth and death rites, food and agricultural techniques, and other social and cultural customs also differ from each other. These tribal groups are collectively known as
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Jumma for their slash and burn style of agriculture, which is also known as Jhum cultivation. The Jumma people are distinct and different from the Bengali people of Bangladesh in respect of race, language, culture and religion. Available documents of the indigenous ethnic groups of the CHT indicate that notions of private property rights regarding land were not only absent, but also unnecessary for their way of life as they used to depend on shifting cultivation. Their customary practices for allocating and using common land were not written down in the form of legal codes. Instead, they were handed down from one generation to another as part of an oral tradition. However, CHT Regulation-1900 enacted during the colonial period laid down specific rules on rights of entry and residence in the CHT, as well as land settlements and transfers. This regulation made it difficult for people from outside to acquire rights to land in the CHT. Unfortunately, some of these restrictive measures on outsiders were withdrawn even before the end of the British rule. Later, during the succeeding Pakistani and Bangladeshi periods, through a series of legislative amendments and executive orders, the remaining restrictions on outsiders were lifted. In the process, the erstwhile indigenous common land of the tribal people has been converted to state and private property (Adnan, 2004). Also, as noted by Loffler, the amendments to Rule 34 of the CHT Regulation-1900 by the Pakistani and Bangladeshi governments effectively served to legalize the settlement of more and more immigrants from the plains (Loffler, 1991). Eventually this caused the continuing loss of ancestral lands of the tribal people and increased settlement activities, growth of private rubber plantations, and opening of commercial and industrialized enterprises by the outsiders from the flood plains. At present, the tribal people do not customarily own any land. They live and work on common land which belongs to the government. However, the use of common land by the tribal people is not new in the region because, since the British colonial period, the indigenous villagers who lost their access to the former common land eventually moved on to the state owned reserve forests. The result was an innovation based upon their traditional resource management patterns to retain forest cover for long-term use. This gave birth to the village common forests (VCF) of today, which are directly managed, protected and used by indigenous village communities (Roy and Halim, 2001). These VCFs are now under severe threat due to a variety of factors including rapid population increases and consequent growth of village settlements, the spread of sedentary agriculture, horticulture and tree plantations, and frequent in-migration and out-migration. The problems in the CHT region had largely begun with the building of the Kaptai Hydroelectric Dam between 1957 and 1963, when the area was administered by Pakistan. This dam flooded at least 54,000 acres of settled cultivable land, farmed
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by the tribes, and displaced over 100,000 tribal people (about 25 per cent of the regions population). Compensation for lost land was inadequate and over 40,000 tribal people crossed the border into India (Khan, 1994; Amnesty International, 2000). At the time of the Kaptai dam construction, the Pakistan Government announced its intention to open up the area for economic development and encouraged poor Bengali families to settle there. This policy was even more vigorously pursued by the Bangladesh Government after independence in 1971 (Amnesty International, 2000). Later, in 1979, a Bangladesh Government program, which relocated hundreds of thousands of poor Bengalis into the Hill Tracts put additional stress on the situation and reduced the tribal people to a minority status within the region (Khan, 1994). The Government settlement programs increased the number of Bengali inhabitants in the CHT from three per cent of the regions total population in 1947 to about 50 per cent in 1997 (US Department of State, 1998). The settlers were attracted by the then government scheme to provide five acres of hilly land, four acres of mixed forest land and 2.5 acres of cropped land for each newly settled Bengali family (Haque, 2001). The people were also settled with the help of the army and the army started building bases in the Hill Tracts. Consequently, these caused outnumbering of the Jummas and evicted thousands of individual indigenous people from their ancestral lands. The latest official census report accounted for 501,144 tribal persons (about 53 per cent of the total) in the CHT region, belonging to 13 ethnically heterogeneous groups (Dasgupta and Ahmed, 1998). The entire CHT region has been kept open since the beginning of 1950s for unrestricted migration and acquisition of land titles by non-indigenous people in violation of the letter and spirit of the CHT Regulation-1900, which provided the basic legal framework for civil, revenue and judicial administration in the CHT (Adnan, 2004). Moreover, although general Bangladeshis and CHT regulations acknowledge the CHT people as indigenous, this was not formally acknowledged in the national constitution of Bangladesh, which was adopted in 1972. It did not include any provision recognizing the distinct identities of the non-Bengali ethnic groups of the CHT; rather a Bengali Nationality was imposed by definition on all citizens of Bangladesh, irrespective of their linguistic, ethnic or cultural attributes (Article-9). Eventually, this led to a demand for autonomy for the CHT by the indigenous community. They also wanted the government to impose a ban on further Bengali settlement in the region. However, it has been reported that successive governments did not heed the land grabbing activities of the settlers; instead they adopted a tactic of expansion of Islamisation in the region by
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sponsoring the Bengali settlers (Talukdar, 2005). As a result, the indigenous communities were deprived of justice to regain their ancestral lands. The conflict over land, together with the threat of assimilation into the majority culture of Bangladesh, provided the background to the armed conflict between the Bengali settlers, tribals and law enforcing agencies in the CHT area. The Shanti Bahini (Peace Force) was formed in 1972 by the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghati SamitiPCJSS (Chittagong Hill Tribal Peoples Coordination Association) in self-defense and, it is believed, with unofficial support from the Indian Government (Khan, 1994; Rahman, 1998). Within a short period the Shanti Bahini emerged in huge numbers with modern arms. The Government deployed more armed forces to keep the law and order situation under control but it could not stop bloodshed, loss of lives and the insecurity prevailing between the tribal people and the settlers. The violence in the CHT area has long been the cause of violation of human rights of the inhabitants (both tribals and settlers) as well as ecosystem destruction, loss of biodiversity and natural resource degradation. The forests were destroyed by the establishment of military camps and security operations. Still today jhum cultivation is the most prevalent form of cultivation in the entire CHT region. The practice of shifting cultivation was found to be ecologically stable and sustainable when the fallow period was about 10 to 15 years. But in recent years, the erosion and soil fertility problems have become severe with decreased fallow period due to increased populationthus not allowing enough time for replenishment of soil fertility through natural processes. It is also largely responsible for massive and frequent land slides, siltation in the lakes of adjoining areas, subsequent floods, and continuous regression of valuable forest species (Rahman, 2001). The forced settlement by the Bengalis from the plain land in the CHT region has dramatically increased the population density of this area and thus the pressure on the limited cropped land and illegal logging of trees. Most of the fertile land is reportedly occupied by Bengali settlers while the Jummas are pushed into less productive areas where long term cultivation is impossible (Dictaan-Bang-oa, 2004). Moreover, as tribes lost their ancestral lands, they moved into the deep forests and began shifting cultivation in new areas. A study by Bandarban-based Soil Conservation and Water Management Centre found soil loss during rainy season as follows: gentle slope-41.3 metric tons per hectare (MT/h), moderate slope-35.4 MT/h and steep slope-42.1 MT/h (Rahman, 2001). Such loss is caused due to rampant destruction of forests for jhum cultivation. The consequent erosion of land and deforestation could gradually cause severe water crisis in the CHT region. Furthermore, this could cause a loss of biodiversity and bring on ecological disaster in the whole area. The psychological and physical relationships between
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the quality of human life and the quality of the natural environment could also deteriorate. For this reason, any new institutional arrangement designed to solve the problems of the CHT needs to consider the issues of human rights, indigenous rights, and environmental governance of the area holistically (the difference of inner meaning between the human rights and indigenous rights is explained in the next section). The Bangladesh Government has realised the loss of great resources in the CHT area caused by the disturbances and has been trying to solve this political problem mainly by applying force. As a result, any discussion regarding settlement of the problem has ended without any result. Ultimately, by the establishment of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council and by giving greater autonomy and power to the Regional Council, the then government negotiated a peace accord with the representatives of the Shanti bahini and the PCJSS in December, 1997. Although the government claims that the peace accord upholds the political, social, cultural, educational and economic rights of all the people of the CHT region, much controversy has arisen over the accord among the different political, tribal and Bengali settler groups. Moreover, the peace accord has not yet been able to stop the incidents of violence in the CHT region. It is important, therefore, to review the peace accord for the CHT in Bangladesh and examine whether it reconciles the issues of human rights of the Bengali settlers, upholds the indigenous rights of the tribal people, and ensures environmental governance for the preservation of nature and environment in CHT. The purpose of this paper is to review the peace accord, its status of implementation and thus to critically analyze it from the point of view of reconciling the above-mentioned issues. HISTORY OF CONFLICT IN THE CHT Historically an independent area, larger than it is today, the present conflict in the CHT may be traced back to the Mughal period which sought to impose its authority in the area. The only concession to repeated attempts by the Mughal emperors, the CHT remained outside their jurisdiction with the exception of an annual payment of cotton bales as a mark of suzerainty (Treaty of 1713). In 1776, the CHT peoples waged a war of resistance against the British East India Company, and the CHT remained relatively autonomous from British control until 1860, when it was annexed to the province of Bengal (Act No.XXII of 1860). Between1860-80 the British government introduced a toll tax on the export of forestry products and declared one-fourth of the total CHT land area as reserved forests to be converted into tree plantations. Cultivation of lands within the
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reserved forests became a criminal act.6 The British period saw the adoption of the Forest Act of 1927 which continues to set the parameters for Bangladesh forest policy. During the turn of the century, the CHT was recognized as an indigenous area with a certain amount of autonomy by Regulation 1 of 1900 popularly known as the 1900 Regulations. The 1900 Regulations also restricted the immigration of non-indigenous peoples into the CHT. It was given a special status as a Totally Excluded Area as provided by the Government of India Act of 1935, which meant relative autonomy for the CHT under the jurisdiction of their traditional chieftains, with direct administration by the central government. Ceded to the Pakistan nation-state in 1947, such special status and immigration restrictions were abolished resulting in the systemic exploitation and appropriation of the land and resources, and the destabilization of Jhum cultivators accompanied by large-scale state sponsored migration of Bengali settlers into the CHT which interacted to ruthlessly trample on the identity, culture, religion and aspirations of the hill people.7 The Pakistan period also saw the Kaptai HydroElectric Project (1959-63) and the Karnaphuli Paper Mills established in the CHT. The Kaptai Dam inundated 40% of the CHTs total arable land and displaced more than 100,000 indigenous peoples, mostly from among the Chakmas. The indigenous peoples received little or no compensation. The trauma of being ousted by the dam remains the most bitter experience of the hill people. The Kaptai Dam deprived the hill people of their best land and increased pressure on the remaining land and forest resources.9 Of the Governments Rupees 280 million appropriations for rehabilitation, only Rupees 20 million was reportedly released.10 About 40, 000 of these developmental refugees left for the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh where they remain to this day as stateless refugees, under constant threat of eviction.11 The Move for Autonomy The partitioning of the Indian sub-continent became a divisive issue among the CHT peoples. While some favored being included under Pakistan, the majority preferred to be under India which was to be secular; Pakistan comprising its two wings, East and West, was created as a homeland for the Muslims in undivided India. The indigenous peoples, under the leadership of their traditional chieftains formed the Hillmen Association in 1946 and proposed a confederation under the Indian government with the CHT as a princely state. This proposal fell on deaf ears, and the CHT was included in East Pakistan by the Radcliffe Boundary Commission, reportedly to provide a hinterland for the port city of Chittagong.
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Political organization among the CHT peoples existed as early as 1915, when the Chakma Jubok Samiti (Chakma youth association) was formed, followed in 1920, with the establishment of the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samiti (CHT Peoples Association). In 1966, a student organization, called the CHT Welfare Association was formed under the leadership of JB Larma and Ananta Bihari Khisa this organization later launched the Rangamati Communist Party (1970). With the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, based on Bengali hegemony as a building block of national identity, the indigenous peoples of the CHT became further marginalized. In 1972, a CHT delegation led by MN Larma presented then Prime Minister and founder of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman with a four-point manifesto: (i) demand for autonomy of the CHT with its own legislature; (ii) retention of the Regulation 1900 in the constitution; (iii) continuation of the offices of the indigenous kings; and (iv) restrictions on amending the 1900 Regulations and prohibition of Bengali settlement in the CHT. This was rejected; the indigenous peoples urged to embrace Bengali nationalism and assimilate into the majority culture.12 1972 also saw the birth of the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) whose main purpose was autonomy for the indigenous peoples according to the vision of the CHT people. It was based on the Panchayat system, with members elected by the village members. Its armed wing, known popularly as the Shanti Bahini (peace brigade) was formed in 1973 to defend against the terror, rape, torture and looting by the Bengali settlers and the armed forces.13 In 1975, in response to demands for autonomy, Major- General Ziaur Rehmans administration increased the military presence in the area in the name of national security. Since then the CHT has been fully militarized. The History of the Conflict The historical origin of the CHT problem may be traced back to the Mogul period. The Mogul influence in the CHT became visible in the second half of the seventeenth century. The Chakma chiefs invited Bengalis to trade certain daily necessities such as dried fish, chicken, salt, tobacco, molasses, and black cloth, which were not available in the hills.5 The Chakma chief promised to pay the Mogul administrator in Chittagong for permission to trade these items. In 1724, however, Jalal Khan, the Chakma chief (the chiefs gave themselves Muslim names to appease the Mogul6), refused to pay the tribute. Consequently he was attacked by the Mogul dewan, or state minister, Kishan Chand, and fled to Arakan, where he died afterwards. By 1737, Chief Shermust Khan yielded to the Mogul authority. Under the influence of the Moguls a new administrative post designated as dewan was introduced in the Chakma tribal administration, and continued up to 1900. Commercial relations paved the
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way for political power and soon the Moguls gained ascendancy. The payment of annual tribute, although originally agreed to voluntarily, was subsequently rejected by the Chakma chiefs. However, the tribal chiefs could do nothing to undo the damage done by the military defeat. In all likelihood, the humiliating experiences of these times became entrenched in their collective psyche, and were transmitted through generations. In 1760, Mir Qasim Ali Khan, the nawab, or deputy governor, of Bengal, ceded the area to the British East India Company. Troubles ensued in 1777, when Chief Sherdaulat Khan (1765-82) stopped payment of taxes to the East India Company. In retaliation the company sent troops to occupy the area. During the subsequent period intermittent war took place between the two sides. Eventually, Jan Baksh Khan, Sherdaulats son and successor, submitted to Warren Hastings in 1785. It may be pointed out here that Jan Baksh had precipitated the crisis by prohibiting the entry of plains people into the area; and he had to submit to the English only when supplies of necessaries from the plains were stopped. British Period Mogul rule lasted from 1666 until 1760, when the region was ceded to the East India Company. The Chakma domination was not interfered with until the Hill Tracts Manual was introduced in the year 1901. Under the CHT Regulation of 1900, the hill tracts were divided into three revenue circles, each headed by a rajah. The three circles, known as the Chakma, the Mong, and the Bohmang, together were constituted with representatives from all tribes. A hierarchical system of authority was created, with each circle divided into mouzas (369 mouzas, each headed by a headman), and each mouza comprising a number of villages (each headed by their own karbaris). The headmen of the mouzas had the power to collect revenue, settle disputes, and allocate land for shifting cultivation.7 However, though the system introduced by the British provided for the tribals to administer the district, the ultimate authority rested with the British-appointed deputy commissioner. Basically, the Regulation was an imperialistic tool used to rule and exploit the tribals by raising revenues and taxes without impediment.8 The CHT Regulation of 1900 designated the CHT as excluded area and left the tribal people to themselves to help preserve minority tribal culture and heritage. 5 Dr. Mizanur Rahman Shelly, ed., The Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh: the Untold Story (Dhaka, Bangladesh: Centre for Development Research, Bangladesh, 1992), 27. 6 Ibid. 7 Philip Gain, Life and Nature at Risk, in The Chittagong Hill Tracts: Life and Nature at Risk, ed. Raja Devashish Roy,
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et al. (Dhaka, Bangladesh: Society for Environment and Human Development, 2000), 17. 8 Zainal Abedin. CHT: That Sheds Blood (Dhaka, Bangladesh: Sunzida Anzuman, 1997), 29. Pakistan Period The constitution of Pakistan changed the status of the CHT from excluded area to tribal area. Since then the Bengalis started to settle in the CHT region. This period also witnessed a most devastating impact of modernization and development on the people of the CHT. The Kaptai Dam, a huge US-funded hydroelectric project, was constructed on the Karnafuli River in Rangamati, causing the displacement of a huge number of hill people, rendering 100,000 people homeless, and inundating 40 percent of the prime land.9 Even today, thousands of victims of the Kaptai Dam construction continue to languish in India as stateless persons, and many of them are dispersed within the CHT region as internally displaced persons. Bangladesh Period The constitution of Bangladesh in its preamble enunciated nationalism, socialism, democracy, and secularism as state principles. During the constitutional debate Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Father of the Nation and the then Prime Minister of the country, emphasized the exclusive primacy of Bengali culture, heritage, language, and the sacrifices made by Bengalis in the liberation struggle. The constitution declared Bangladesh as a unitary state and Bengali as the state language. The constitution also declared that citizens of Bangladesh were to be known as Bengalis. Manabendra Narayan Larma, the lone representative of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the Parliament, refused to endorse the constitution, since it did not recognize the existence of other national communities or sub-national identities. During the constitution-making process, the demands of a hill peoples delegation under the leadership of Larma were rejected by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who urged them to become Bengalis and forget their tribal identities, and reportedly threatened to turn them into minorities in the CHT by sending Bengalis to move there.10 Bangladesh itself was the creation of a protest movement, defying the imposition of the hegemony of Pakistani nationalism, which was not flexible enough to accommodate other nationalities. It is ironic that the leadership of Bangladesh at that time not only refused to accommodate minority communities, but also imposed their own brand of nationalism upon them.

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However, Manabendra Narayan Larma rejected the imposition of Bengali nationalism. The failure of the state to recognize the identity of hill people and their political and economic marginalization led Larma to form the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samhiti Samiti (PCJSSthe Chittagong Hill Tracts Peoples Solidarity Association) in March 1972. Subsequently, a military wing called Shanti Bahini was added to it. Thus the seeds of Jumma nationalisman identity that the PCJSS now claims for the hill peoplewere sown.11 Shanti Bahini began its operation when they ambushed a Bangladesh military convoy in 1977. After the ambush, the CHT region was placed under the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Twenty-fourth Division of the Bangladesh Army and the Bangladesh military began counterinsurgency operations. Thus, an opportunity for accommodation and co-existence was lost and the nation was faced with what amounted to an armed insurgency movement. 9 Political Responses of the Governments of Bangladesh (1972-2001) Upon its independence in 1971, Bangladesh inherited a problem in the CHT that had long historical roots, but which was exacerbated during the Pakistan period. The successive governments of Bangladesh perceived the problem in their own ways and sought solutions accordingly. However, the policies adopted by the different regimes failed to contain, curb, or bring about a cessation of hostilities. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1972-1975) The response of the Mujib government demonstrated both political and military approaches. While addressing a huge gathering at Rangamati during the 1973 election campaign, Sheikh Mujib categorically stated his governments intention to pay attention to the special needs of the tribals. At the same time, he declared that from that day forward they would be considered Bengalis12a counter-productive statement, since the tribals interpreted it as an invitation to surrender their distinctive identity. Eventually, in order to contain the militant insurgency movement, the government of Bangladesh deployed security forces to aid civil power, in accordance with existing laws of the country. Following the army coup of mid-1975, tribal insurgency became more aggressive, with India serving as a safe haven for the insurgents.13 Ziaur Rahman (1975-1981) The Zia regime perceived the CHT issue primarily as an economic one and held that economic development of the region would eventually undermine the appeal and strength of the movement. The Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board
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(CHTDB) was created in January 1976, which in addition to other activities embarked on community development programs. A Multisectoral Development Program was undertaken with a view tocreate the necessary conditions for the longer-term socioeconomic development of the region. But with increasing militancy and armed action by the Shanti Bahini, the government was compelled to deploy armed forces in October 1976 in aid of civil law and order agencies. As a political measure to appease the insurgents, General Zia, the president, appointed Rajmata (the mother of the Chakma king) Benita Roy as advisor to the president, later to be replaced by A.S. Prue Choudhury. However, the political move did not produce the intended results, as both advisors belonged to the royal family and the insurgents did not have much confidence in their efficacy. The government of Bangladesh, as a next step, looked for ways and means to build a broad-based consensus. On 2 July 1977, the Tribal Convention, a forum representing tribal people, was formed. The Tribal Convention held talks, preparatory to official level negotiation, for an enduring political solution that would be built on consensus. Despite initial interest in the process, the PCJSS subsequently backed out due to the partys internal problems. However, before the governments renewed efforts for creating conditions for dialogue to find a political solution could materialize, the process was halted due to the assassination of Ziaur Rahman in May 1981. During 1979-81 about one hundred thousand landless Bengalis were settled in the CHT, raising the ratio of settlers to tribals to 27.05 percent.14 This caused great resentment among the tribals, especially as each settler family was allocated five acres of hilly land or four acres of mixed land composed primarily of rice land. 12 Shelly, The Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, 129. 13 Life Is Not Ours, 16. 14 Shelly, 134 Justice Abdus Sattar (May 1981-March 1982) Justice Sattar, during his short tenure, received a delegation on 5 February 1982, led by the Presidents Advisor on CHT affairs, Subimal Dewan, and comprised of tribals and Bengalis. The discussions did not result in any concrete decision. Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982-1990) The Ershad government followed a three-fold approach: it continued counterinsurgency operations; it took steps to develop socioeconomic structures;
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and it pursued initiatives to ensure a comprehensive political settlement. The government declared the CHT a Special Economic Area (SEA) in August 1985, with the objective of integrating tribals and non-tribals into the mainstream of economic activities. The expectation was that this would lead to an overall development of the region. In 1982 a liaison committee, formed for communication purposes and headed by Upendra Lal Chakma, failed largely because PCJSS questioned the legitimacy of the committee. A rift in the PCJSS leadership, which was also partly responsible for the rejection of the committee, led to the killing of M.N. Larma on 10 November 1983. The Priti faction surrendered to the government on 29 April 1985, signaling an indirect victory of the policy pursued by the regime. The Tribal Convention was revived on 30 August 1983, with the objective of creating public support for a negotiated settlement. The government announced some important measures in October 1983, including the suspension of Bengali settlement, the granting of amnesty to insurgents, and a proposal for direct dialogue with the PCJSS leadership.15 the first ever dialogue was held on 21 October 1985, as congenial conditions were created by these announcements and by the activities of the liaison committee. The dialogue proved inconsequential, but both sides undertook to continue the process. On 9 September 1987, the government set up a National Committee for the CHT with the then Minister for Planning as the head, with the mandate to take necessary steps for resuming dialogue with PCJSS and recommend action for solving the problems. The second dialogue, held on 17-18 December 1987, was indeed a repeat performance. The PCJSS put forward a five-point demand with twenty-five other detailed demands added. The government rejected these demands, as they were incompatible with the constitution of Bangladesh. Though the meeting ended in a deadlock, both sides agreed to meet again. The third dialogue, held on 24-25 January 1988, also failed. The PCJSS refused to modify their demands as suggested by the government, who requested that they conform to the spirit and provisions of the constitution. Both the fourth and fifth attempts at constructive dialogue during 1988 failed because both sides adhered to their earlier positions. The political strategy of involving representatives of the three hill districts in a number of meetings in the
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latter part of 1988 resulted in a Memorandum of Understanding. This led to a shift in the position of the PCJSS, who now called for holding the sixth dialogue. Accordingly, on 14-15 December 1988, the sixth dialogue was held. At this dialogue PCJSS demanded regional autonomy in place of their earlier stance in favor of provincial autonomy. Their other demands remained unchanged. The government, while agreeing to the PCJSS position, put forward a proposal containing nine points. The PCJSS refrained from giving their decision but agreed to do so at the seventh meeting. The seventh dialogue could not be held, as the PCJSS did not make the necessary gesture by the stipulated deadline (January 1989). The government then took some legal and executive measures. During February 1989, the Parliament enacted the Rangamati Hill Tracts Local Government Council Act of 1989, the Khagrachari Hill Tracts Local Government Council Act of 1989, the Bandarban Hill Tracts Local Government Council Act of 1989, and the Hill District (Repeal and Enforcement of Law and Special Provision) Act of 1989. The Special Affairs Ministry was constituted by the government in July 1990 to look after the affairs of the CHT. All of these moves led towards a positive outcome. First, a beginning was made in the direction of autonomy. Second, the smaller 15 Syed Anwar Husain, War and Peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracts: Retrospect and Prospect (Dhaka, Bangladesh: Agamee Prakashani, 1999), 44. tribes for the first time came to be involved in the political process which had for so long been dominated by the Chakmas, the Marmas, and the Tripuras. Primary education, agriculture, and health and family planning were transferred to newly constituted district councils, which were comprised of elected tribal representatives. Another important political initiative taken by the government to solve the CHT crisis during these years was the declaration of four general amnesties. Some 2,294 insurgents surrendered and 30,390 tribals returned from camps across the border.16 Khaleda Zia (1991-1996) The government led by Khaleda Zia declared a general amnesty for the insurgents with an offer of cash rewards for surrendering their arms. In a major policy statement made at Khagrachari on 12 May 1992, Khaleda Zia expressed the hope
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that it was possible to find a political solution through constitutional process and within the constitutional framework. During July 1992, the government appointed a nine-member committee (with everyone on the committee being members of Parliament) to look into the CHT issue, with a directive to submit recommendations within two months. The government attached utmost importance to the very sensitive issue of land ownership. But decisions on the issue had to be preceded by a cadastral survey, which was extremely expensive and time consuming. The local administration was entrusted with responsibilities for relief and rehabilitation. Since the fiscal year 1989-90, fifty thousand families affected by insurgency had been covered under various relief and rehabilitation programs such as pacification, rehabilitation of non-tribal families, rehabilitation of tribal families, and rehabilitation of returnees from India. For the fiscal year 1992-1993, Tk. 399 million (approximately US $1.05 million) were allocated under these four programs.17 The three Local Government Councils also received annual grants for development purposes, which had some positive impact on the local people and encouraged many tribals to return. The perceptible increase in the number of returnees was a reflection of the confidence of tribals in the democratically elected government. The insurgency situation appeared to improve, with the PCJSS declaring a unilateral ceasefire on 10 August 1992. The Parliamentary Committee headed by Ret. Col. Oli Ahmed for conducting negotiations with the PCJSS held seven dialogues, and a sub-committee headed by Rashed Khan Menon, Member of the Parliament, held six dialogues. But the process stopped by mid-1994, while refugee repatriation stopped by the beginning of 1995, perhaps owing to the increasing preoccupation of the ruling party with instability in the political arena. Sheikh Hasina (May 1996-2001) The Awami League in election campaigns in both 1991 and 1996 stood committed to addressing the demand for a political solution to the CHT crisis. During her election campaign in the CHT in 1996, Sheikh Hasina promised to form a parliamentary committee to resolve the crisis politically. It also seemed that the people of the CHT had great expectations from the Awami League government. Members of parliament from constituencies in the CHT belonged to the Awami
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League, which facilitated the peace deal between the two sides. On September 30, the prime minister announced the formation of an eleven-member national committee under the chairmanship of Abul Hasnat Abdullah, Chief Whip. The single objective for the committee was tosuggest a way to find a permanent political solution within the framework of the state sovereignty ofBangladesh. During December 21-24, the first meeting took place between this committee and the PCJSS,represented by Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma, also known as Shantu Larma. Unlike this first meeting, PCJSS members came to Dhaka for the remaining seven meetings, which demonstrated their confidence in the peace process.18. The historic peace accord was signed on 2 December 1997. Thus, the process of the alienation of the tribals that began in the early seventies gradually seemed to reach the stage of integration some twenty-five years later. However, enduring peace appears to be elusive, and there are rumblings of dissatisfaction over the implementation of the accord.

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