Journal of Ecumenical Studies, 44 3, Summer 2009

BAPTISM OR EXPULSION: MARTIN LUTHER AND THE JEWS OF GERMANY David G. Singer

PRECIS As early as the third century, Christians grew increasingly hostile toward Jews; however, the Reformation ushered in a new phase in the relations between Judaism and Christianity. Reformation leaders narrowed the gap between the two religions when they renewed the emphasis on the authority of Scriptures and on God the Fa ther, while downplaying the adoration of Mary and the saints. Nevertheless, the leaders of the Reformation and their followers held varied and complex attitudes toward the Jews and post-Temple Judaism, ranging from anti-Judaism to philosemitic attitudes. Martin Luther exemplifies these ambivalent, even contradic tory attitudes. Initially, he was friendly toward and sympathetic with the Jews of Germany because he expected them to convert to his reformed form of Christianity, but he angrily turned against them when it became clear that most Jews would no more accept Protestantism than they had Catholicism. At the same time, he and other Protestant thinkers and leaders stimulated pro-Jewish attitudes by emphasiz ing the ongoing validity of the Hebrew Bible and the importance of study of the He brew language.

Without any doubt Martin Luther was the most important leader of the Ref ormation in central Europe and especially in Germany. He was initially friendly to the Jews because he hoped they would convert to his reformed church. Be cause he sought to strip Christianity of its medieval accretions, Luther narrowed the gap between Judaism and Christianity. Just as the Pharisees had built a new form of Judaism apart from the Temple cult at Jerusalem, so Luther also built a new and dynamic form of Christianity apart from the Catholic hierarchical and David G Singer (Reformed Jewish) holds a A (social sciences) and an M S (Russian history) from the University of Illinois and a Ph D in U S history with a minor in Latin American history (1973) from Loyola University of Chicago He also has studied at the Hebrew University of Jerusa lem, Roosevelt University, Chicago State University, the University of Chicago, Columbia Univer sity ( N Y C ) , and Northeastern Illinois University He has taught social sciences in several Chicagoarea schools, including Loyola and DeVry universities and the Spertus Institute of Judaica He has also taught languages and English as a Second Language at several area institutions and programs He has been an E S L instructor since 2006 at Goal Training Institute (Chicago and Skokie, IL) He is involved with conversation groups in German, French, Spanish, and Yiddish, as well as groups involved with philosophy, literature, and political concerns His The Christian Search for a New Zion Christian Love and Hate of the Jews from the Time of St Paul to the Present was published in 1999 by Aegina Press, Huntington, WV His articles have been published in American Jewish His torical Quarterly, Contemporary Jewry, Humanistic Judaism, Jewish Social Studies, Journal of Church and State, Shofar, and JES (Fall, 1985) Two of his articles have also appeared as book chapters, in Naomi W Cohen, ed , Essential Papers on Jewish Christian Relations in the United States (New York University Press, 1990), and David A Graeber, ed , Anti-Semitism m American ///story (University of Illinois Press, 1987)

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cultic center at Rome. Luther and the other Reformation leaders swept away many of the pagan and non-Jewish elements that had crept into Christianity over the ages. Gone were the adoration of saints and of Mary and the use of incense; in their place was a renewed emphasis on God the Father and the authority of Scriptures. Significantly, Luther's translation of the Hebrew Scriptures was based on the Jewish, not the Catholic, version; hence, Maccabees I and II were omitted in the Lutheran Bible. In the decade 1513-23, when Luther had hoped for the conversion of the Jews, he openly declared that both he and the Jews had suffered from Catholic bigotry. Shortly before he nailed his Ninety-five Theses to the door of All Saints Church in Wittenberg, he wrote that the Catholic clergy, not the Jews, were the ones who truly profaned the eucharist. (During the Middle Ages Jews were burned at the stake on the charge that they profaned the eucharist.) Significantly, these comments were included in Luther's lectures on the Epistle to the Hebrews, which was written by an author who sought to prove that faith in Christ was the fulfillment of Judaism. The Jews, Luther thought, were merely theologically misguided and would accept baptism once the truth of Christianity was revealed to them. A year after he made these comments, Luther again defended the Jews and criticized the Catholic Church for its attitudes toward the Jews. He pointed out that during Holy Week priests often inflamed the masses against the Jews for their alleged role in the Crucifixion. He then wrote his best-known defense of the Jews, "That Jesus Christ Was Born a Jew," in which he again blamed the Catholic Church for the refusal of most Jews to accept Christianity. The life of a pig, Luther exclaimed in his essay, was better than that of a Jew under the thumb of the Catholic hierarchy. He called on his followers to show only Christian love toward the Jews and to abolish the economic restrictions that had forced them into such occupations as money-lending. Everywhere Jews greeted Luther's pro-Jewish writings, which were distributed among both confessing Jews and Marranos.1 Many Protestants also approved of his defense of the Jews, and translations of his pro-Jewish essay as well as his other writings were distributed among French and Spanish intellectuals. Although many Jews did not like his emphasis on the Pauline doctrine of salvation by faith alone, they welcomed the split that he brought about in the unity of Western Christianity. No doubt, Luther probably knew that his call for a change in Christian attitudes toward the Jews would be used by his opponents to attack him; indeed, his Catholic enemies branded him a half-Jew. His emphasis on the Bible as the sole religious authority for Christians provided more evidence to his enemies that this allegation was indeed true. Cardinal Girolamo Aleandro, the papal legate at the Diet of Worms, spread the rumor that Luther really was a converted Jew. Luther's enemies were wrong: He did not want to Judaize Christians but, rather, to Christianize Jews.
'Marranos were Jews who "converted to Christianity in Spain between 1391 and 1442," as well as Portuguese Jews who were forcibly converted in 1496-97 (Moses A. Shulvass, The History of the Jewish People, vol. 3, The Late Middle Ages [Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 1985], p. 164).

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During the years 1513-23, Luther hoped for the success of his mission among the Jews of Germany. No doubt, he was encouraged by the conversion of two Jews who reportedly visited him while he attended the Diet of Worms. But, when Luther realized that, with few exceptions, the Jews would not convert to Protestantism any more than they had to Catholicism, he turned in bitter disap pointment and deep anger against them. Not only would the Jews not convert to Luther's version of reformed Christianity, but also, much to his consternation, he found out that they were disseminating their own religious literature among the Christians of Bohemia and Moravia, some of whom became full converts to Judaism.2 The Mosaic Law, he declared, was given only to the Jews and had no relevance for Christians. Two years later, after this pronouncement, he advised Judaizing Christians that if they were so fascinated by the Mosaic Law, then they ought to convert to Judaism; and, in the same year Luther refused to exert his influence to prevent the expulsion of the Jews from Saxony. In Luther's let ter of 1538 against the Sabbatarians, he admonished those Protestants who adopted Jewish religious practices, including circumcision and the observance of Saturday as the Lord's Day. In an effort to defame the Anabaptists and other radical Protestants, Luther stated that he had found indications of Jewish messi anic and legalistic tendencies among them. In actuality, Luther's suspicions were unfounded, for the Jews looked to the various rulers of the German states for protection and feared the antisemitic demagogues. Anabaptist Balthasar Hubmaier led popular riots in Regensburg that culminated in the burning of the local synagogue.3 Another radical Protes tant thinker, Meno Simons, regarded as valid only those passages in the Hebrew Scriptures that foreshadowed the coming of Jesus Christ; therefore, after the Advent Judaism was an invalid religion.4 In the Czech lands the Jews tried to stay neutral in the struggle between the Catholic Church and the followers of John Hus, but politically the Jews sided with the Holy Roman Emperor whose protection they sought. Like Luther, Hus was dubbed a Judaizer by his Catholic enemies who had only the flimsiest evidence for such an allegation.5 Faced with the real or imagined popularity of Judaizing practices among some Protestants and the almost universal refusal of the Jews to accept baptism, Luther grew ever more hostile toward them on both economic and religious grounds. In his early writings of 1519-20 on usury, Luther did not mention the Jews; but, beginning in the 1530's, he singled them out for criticism in his re marks about the taking of excessive interest.6 Luther then launched a bitter at tack on Judaism. The Jews, he declared, defamed Jesus and his mother, the Vir-

2 Ibid , 163, and Richard Guttendge, The German Evangelical Church and the Jews, 18791950 (New York Barnes and Noble Books, 1976), 163 The famous nineteenth-century, liberal, Viennese rabbi Adolph Jellinek was the descendent of Czech peasants of Hussite background who converted to Judaism in the eighteenth century ^Some scholars do not regard Hubmaier as an Anabaptist 4 Until recently, most Christians held this position as it was formulated by St Paul truth the Hussites often sang a translation of the Hebrew hymn, 'The One and Only," which proclaimed the unity of the Godhead 6 Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 15 vols (New York Co lumbia University Press, 1953), vol 3, 222

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gin Mary, thereby shaming and insulting all Christians.7 Shortly after he made these remarks, Luther wrote three anti-Jewish essays in 1543. In "David's Last Words," the mildest of the three essays, he reaffirmed the traditional Christian argument that the doctrine of the Trinity was foreshadowed in the Hebrew Scrip tures; and, in his essay "On the Ineffable Name," he criticized the Kabbalah. In the last of these essays, "Concerning the Jews and Their Lies," Luther launched a violent attack on the Jews that exceeded anything that he had written before. They were, he wrote, stubborn and fanatical; they perverted the meaning of Scriptures and slandered Christianity. No invective against the Jews was spared in Luther's diatribe against them. They were, among other things, drunk ards, adulterers, usurers, thieves, and disgusting vermin. These abusive terms did not exhaust the list of insults that Luther flung at the Jews. He compared them to pigs, asses, and animal excrement, and he likened them to the devila particularly injurious comparison, because the devil symbolized all evil in Lu ther's theology.8 Ironically, Luther, who led the break with the Catholic Church in Germany, adopted many of the medieval Catholic verbal attacks on the Jews. He also drew upon the anti-Jewish writings of Antonius Margarita, a Jew who converted first to Catholicism and then later embraced the Lutheran cause. Like many of the other enemies of the Jews, Luther thought that they sought to harm all gentiles and that he was merely exposing the Jews' evil plot, so that they could do no further harm. The Jewish religion, he alleged, required Jews to break their oaths to non-Jews and to rob, plunder, and even kill them by poison ing wells and springs as well as by other sinister methods, including the murder of gentile patients who were under the care of Jewish doctors.9 Because Jewish doctors were familiar with all the medicines that were used in the German lands, Luther asserted they could slowly poison a person over a number of years. Lu ther was in bad health throughout much of his adult life and became convinced that the Jews were trying to poison him.10 Certainly, Luther was suspicious of all his opponentsincluding Catholics, Turks, and Anabaptists, as well as the Jewsand described them in extreme terms, but his attacks on the Jews were particularly significant because he made concrete suggestions as to how the Jewish question should be resolved in the German lands. These suggestions, which were addressed to the German rulers who had Jews in their domains, were listed in his famous essay, "On the Jews and Their Lies," in which he suggested that all their prayer books and Talmudic writings should be taken from them and their synagogues and schools be burned. Their safe conduct passes on the roads should be revoked; they should be driven from rural areas; and their wealth should be taken from them. (Luther suggested that some of their confiscated wealth be given to Jewish converts to Christianity,
7 Martm Luther, Table Talk, ed and tr Theodore G Tappert (New York* Fortress Press, 1967), 426 8 Baron, A Social and Religious History, vol 13, 222 Julius Carlebach, Karl Marx and the Radical Critique of Judaism (London and Boston, MA Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 350, Mark U Edwards, Jr, Luther's Last Battles Politics and Polemics, 1531-46 (Ithaca, NY Cornell University Press, 1983), 131 '"Edwards, Luther s Last Battles, 9 Luther's assertion that a group of Jewish doctors were trying to poison him was similar to Stalin's assertion of the same

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so that they could support themselves.)11 Finally, young Jews should be forced to work as farm laborers so that they could earn an honest living.12 Luther angrily rejected the argument that the Jews were an indispensable source of revenue for the German civil authorities and the claim that they were a repressed group in German society. Rather, it was Christians who were held captive to Jewish usury, Luther retorted, and whatever good the Jews did for Germany was far outweighed by the harm that they did. The Jews, he said, were free to leave Germany at any time; short of that, he called upon the princes to implement his recommendations for the solution of the Jewish question. He urged the ecclesiastical authorities also to take action against the Jews by warning the Christian laity about them and their alleged lies. Luther accelerated and legitimized the anti-Jewish trend in Germany. In his time the rural gentry were particularly anti-Jewish. They were squeezed on all sides by the rising urban middle class, the angry peasant masses, and the growing power of the princes. In 1510, more than three decades before Luther wrote his anti-Jewish tract, the Elector Joachim had expelled the Jews from Brandenburg. Though no other German ruler took similar action, several princes did enact measures against the Jews as a result of Luther's writings. In May, 1543, Johann Friedrich, Elector of Saxony, revoked some of the privileges that he had extended to the Jews four years earlier. He explained that Luther's essays of 1543 made him aware of the danger of Jewish proselytizing and the seriousness of their attacks on Christianity. In the same year, Landgrave Phillip of Hesse added several new restrictions to his "Order concerning the Jews," which had been issued in 1539; and Johann of Kustrin, Margrave of Neumark, revoked the right of safe-conduct for the Jews who were under his jurisdiction.13 Nevertheless, Luther never defined the Jews as a racial group but only as a religious one. Nor did he ever deny the antiquity of the Jewish settlement in Germany but acknowledged that the Jews had settled there before the Christian era. Although Luther never lost hope that the Jews would eventually accept Christianity, those few Jews who did convert to Christianity were still suspect in Luther's eyes, an attitude that he may have inherited from the medieval church. Certainly, Luther enlisted the aid of such converts as former Rabbi Jacob (later Bernard) Gipher of Gppingen and the Spaniard Matthew Adrian for missionary work among the Jews, but Luther did not appoint baptized Jews to positions of authority in his church. There were no German counterparts to such men as Paul of Burgos and other Jewish converts who became bishops and abbots in the Spanish Catholic Church. Luther's mistrust of converted Jews as well as his hostility toward confessing Jews stemmed from his fear of Judaizers. Ironically, Jewish converts to Christianity inadvertently disseminated information about Judaism not because they wanted to Judaize Christians but because they wanted to eliminate any lingering Christian hostility toward them by assuring gentile
"in Catholic Spain the property of baptized Jews who had relapsed to their former religion was often given to those whose loyalty to the Church was above suspicion and whose families had been Christians for many generations (Old Christians) l2 ln Nazi-occupied Europe the Nazis boasted that they had forced many Jews to work on farms and m factories and thereby earn an honest living. n Edwards, Luther 's Last Battles, pp 135-136

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Christians that they were sincere converts to Christianity; they emphasized that Judaism was the logical fulfillment of their new religion, not its antithesis. Because of his fear of Judaizers, Luther feared that his emphasis on the au thority of the Bible, including the Hebrew Scriptures, would spur the rise of a Judaizing movement among Protestants.14 This fear was clearly revealed in Lu ther's concern about the popular study of Hebrew and the Bible in Germany, even though he regarded the Hebrew Scripturesas well as the Christian Scrip turesto be of divine inspiration.15 Much of the time that Luther lived at Wit tenberg was devoted to lectures and lessons that were inspired by the Hebrew Bible. Hebrew was the language of ancient Israel and the language in which the Hebrew Scriptures were written. Luther's translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into German was based on the Jewish canon, not the Roman Catholic version. To complete this translation, Luther undertook a serious study of the holy tongue.16 Though Luther's translation of Scriptures made it possible for the German people to read the Bible in their own language, he remained concerned that the popular study of Hebrew would stimulate the rise of Judaizing tenden cies and movements in Christianity. Thus, his opposition to the popular study of Hebrew was rooted in medieval Christian history. Christians noted that Jews often referred to texts in Hebrew when they re futed Christian doctrines and beliefs. Christian anti-Hebraists conceded, how ever, that Hebrew was God's medium for communicating with God's people in days of old; but, the anti-Hebraists continued, the Jews were the former Israel that still clung to a meaningless religion with moribund rituals and prayers that were written in a language that lacked true religious meaning. Hebrew and the Jews were closely linked in the minds of Christians. From the time of Nicholas de Lyra in the high Middle Ages until the period of the Reformation, Christians assumed that anyone who was knowledgeable in Hebrew must be a Jew or at least of Jewish origin. Luther certainly was exposed to these notions about the Hebrew language.17 His concern that the widespread study of Hebrew might lead to a Judaizing movement in Christianity was heightened in 1540 when three

,4 This concern extends back to the first four centuries of the Christian era Despite Paul's doc trine that faith in Jesus as the Messiah was the fulfillment of Judaism, a doctrine that was repeated and expanded by successive Christian thinkers and leaders, first-century Christians often attended the synagogue, thus, there was little to distinguish them from their fellow Jews except that they re garded Jesus as the Messiah At the same time the writers of the Gospels shifted the blame for the Crucifixion from the Roman authorities to the Jews, who were often depicted as having rejected Je sus and then having conspired to have him crucified Nevertheless, the Roman emperors often could not distinguish between Jews and Christians No doubt the bishops at the Council of Nicaea had this concern in mind when they moved the Lord's Day from Saturday to Sunday and fixed the date of Easter as separate from the dating of Passover (In the Orthodox churches, however, Easter must follow Passover ) Despite these efforts to distinguish between Judaism and Christianity, Judaizing sects and movements emerged from time to time among Christians, some of whom became full con verts to Judaism ,5 Luther's fear of Judaizers may explain his dislike of the biblical Book of Esther, which, he said, did "Judaize too much" (W Lee Humphreys, Crisis and Story Introduction to the Old Testa ment [Palo Alto, CA Mayfield Publishing Co, 1979], 225) "'Luther never fully mastered Hebrew but had to rely on the help of Jewish scholars ,7 Jerome Friedman, The Most Ancient Testimony Sixteenth-Century Christian-Hebraica in the Age of Renaissance Nostalgia (Athens, OH Ohio University Press, 1983), 16

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rabbis visited Luther to find out why he was so interested in Hebrew. When he replied that he wanted to recover the original and true text of the Bible, one of them, Rabbi Samara, told Luther that the Jews were pleased that he and other Protestants were studying Hebrew and Jewish literature, but the rabbi evoked an angry response when he suggested that such studies might provide the basis for Christian conversion to Judaism.18 Despite Luther's misgivings about the study of Hebrew, the Reformation sparked such a study of Hebrew as never before in the history of Europe. In 1500, fewer than 100 Christians in Europe could read Hebrew, and none of them could write it. In that year books in Hebrew were published primarily by Jewishowned presses for Jewish religious needs. However, just fifty years later Hebrew was being taught at most universities in Germany and Western Europe, and books in Hebrew for use by Christians were printed by Christian-owned publishing firms.19 A few German Christians, particularly those involved in the study of Hebrew, had doubts about Luther's diatribes against the Jews.20 These Christian Hebraists included Wolfgang Caputo, Justus Jonas, and particularly Andreas Oslander. In a letter to the confessing Jew Elijah Levitas, Oslander, the most prominent and outspoken of the German Christian Hebraists, criticized Luther's essay, "The Ineffable Name" (Vom Sehern Hamaphoras) so severely and pointed out so many errors in it that Luther's associates were afraid to show him a copy of the letter. (When Oslander learned that the contents of the letter had been made public at Wittenberg, he toned down some of the more biting remarks.)21 Nevertheless, Osiander persisted in his effort to disseminate the knowledge of Hebrew throughout the German lands. Osiander knew enough Hebrew when he was only twenty-two to become the tutor in Hebrew at Nuremberg, where he preached at the prestigious Church of St. Lawrence. Even when the Jews were banned from Nuremberg, Osiander continued his study of Hebrew under a Jewish teacher who had been given special permission to enter this Bavarian city. But, when the Emperor Charles V tried to reintroduce Catholicism in the Protestant areas of southern Germany, Osiander fled from Nuremberg in 1548. In the following year he became the professor of Hebrew at the recently established University of Knigsberg. Although he was not a Judaizer, Osiander was tolerant of Judaism and even defended the Jews against their enemies. When still a young man, he argued against the notorious blood libel and continued to defend the Jews throughout his life. Despite the efforts of Osiander and other Hebraists, the Jews of Germany remained second-class citizens until Napoleon's armies emancipated the Jews of the Rhineland. Following Napoleon's downfall, the Napoleonic reforms
,8 R Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven, CT Yale University Press, 1988), 150 ,9 Heiko A Oberman, The Roots of Anti-Semitism in the Age of Renaissance and Reformation, tr James I Porter (Philadelphia Fortress Press, 1984 [orig Wurzeln des Antisemitismus Christe nangst und Judenplage im Zeitalter von Humanismus und Reformation (Berlin Sevenn und Siedler, 1981)]), 30 20 The seventy of these diatribes may have been a factor in the subsequent decline in the sale ot his anti-Jewish tracts 2, Oberman, Roots of Anti-Semitism, 30

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were rescinded until the unification of Germany in the wake of the FrancoPrussian War, when the Jews were granted equal rights with their gentile neighbors. After Hitler became the chancellor of Germany in January, 1933, the Jews were declared subjects of the Reich and gradually lost their civil rights. Following the defeat of Nazi Germany in May, 1945, those Jews who survived the Holocaust regained their civil and property rights. In the post-World War II era, the Lutheran churches in Germany, the United States, and Australia sought to establish a dialogue with the Jews.22 In 1998, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America endorsed a document titled "Guidelines for Lutheran-Jewish Relations," which was written by its Consultative Panel on Lutheran-Jewish Relations of the Department for Ecumenical Relations.23 The document is of particular importance because, with almost 5,000,000 members, the E.L.C.A. is the largest Lutheran denomination in the United States and one of the most important churches in this country.24 These guidelines were an outgrowth of the E.L.C.A.'s "Declaration to the Jewish Community," which repudiated the anti-Jewish writings of Luther and expressed a desire to respect and understand Judaism and even to love the Jews. The 1998 document went beyond general statements to list various concrete measures that Lutherans might institute to promote better relations with the Jews. Among the several suggestions was that Lutherans attend a seder, the festive religious meal that commemorates the Exodus. Indeed, the authors of the document suggested that seders might be held in Lutheran churches and be led by a rabbi. At this and all other ecumenical events, Lutherans were urged to be aware of Jewish sensitivities. Jews, in turn, could be invited to Lutheran religious and social events. Lutherans were urged to respect Jewish beliefs and practices in order that a true dialogue might be established between the two faiths. Above all, declared the 1998 document, Lutherans ought not use these ecumenical occasions as opportunities to convert Jews to Christianity. The full implementation of these suggestions might lead to a true rapprochement between Jews and Lutherans.

"General Convention of the American Lutheran Church, "The American Lutheran Church and the Jewish Community" (1974), available at http//www be edu/research/cjl/meta-elements/texts/ cjrelations/resources/documents/protestant/ALC 1974 htm, Declaration of the Synod of the North Elbian Evangelical Lutheran Church, "Christians and Jews" (Rendsburg, Germany, 2001), available at http //www jcrelations net/enAtem^ 1468, Council of Presidents of the Lutheran Church of Australia, "Lutherans and the Jews" (1997,2007), available at http //www jcreiations net/en/9item=997 "Consultative Panel on Lutheran-Jewish Relations, Department for Ecumenical Affairs, Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, "Guidelines for Lutheran-Jewish Relations" (1998), available at http //archive elea org/ecumenical/interreligious/|ewish/guidelmes html 24 The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was a 1987 merger of the American Lutheran Church, the Lutheran Church in America, and the Association ot Evangelical Lutheran Churches

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