Current Trends of Islam in Bangladesh Author(s): Emajuddin Ahamed Reviewed work(s): Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.

18, No. 25 (Jun. 18, 1983), pp. 1114-1119 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4372230 . Accessed: 26/11/2011 05:12
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Current

Trends

of

Islam

in

Bangladesh

Emajuddin Ahamed
7his paper seeks to anzalyse the current trends i.4 Islam in Bangladesh, the assunmption uniderlying the 'analysis beinig that there has beent an upsurge of Islamiic actitvities in the country, particularly sinice the mid-1970s. certaill steps takenl by the govern nentmay have hlelped this upThle paper arguies that Wuhile itself caninot be solelyS attributed to any 'Islamic revivalism'or resurgence of 'Islanic surge, the upsuarger fundamentalism' but rather to the iniitiative takein inl this regard by some oil-rich Muslim countries in West Asia who have encouraged antd in manty cases geneerqusly fitanced islamic missionary activities in Bangladeshi. An equally crucial factor conitributinig to the upsurge of Islamic activities in thte country has been the certain internal developments inzcluding;- imposition ;of restrictions upon political activities, the coopti9n by the regime of hitherto discarded rightist elements who now form its support base, the sagging oll of which have driven the masses of the economy and the consequenit acuite economic distress people to the promised clomfort and peace of Islam.
WHERE there are free flows of political activities, Islamic ideology generalIly becomes separated from the mainstream of politics; but where the and where flow of politics is etimaciated deinocratic institutions are weak and subjected to repression by the conservative regimes, religious activities get imiixedup vith politics and tend to overflood the social terrain. Islamic slogans are used not only by the ideologues of national liberation movements and champions .of progressive forces but also by the conswvative and reactionary regimes.' They become powerful weapons in the armoury of the ex ploited classes in their pursuit of socioeconomic changes; they also offer a vast arsenal of weapons to the privileged classes in their attempt to perpetuate the status quo. In this part of the world, however, Islamic slogans have in most cases strengthened the hands of the privileged classes; that bas been possible in a social environment where the flows of political activities are feeble, and the democratic institutions and organisations are weak and fragmented. It needs no elaboration that the Muslims of this region fought for a separate state of their own where they believed they could shape their destiny and set up a socio-economic systemn tailored to their needs. Pakistan emerged as an independent state but within less than twenty four years the Muslims of East Bengal (now Bangladesh) had to fight a war of liberation against the Islamic state of Pakistan. In independent Bangladesh, secularismnwas announced as one of the fundamental principles of state policy. Within a period of five years, however, the Zia Government replaced it by "absolute faith and trust in the Allah Almighty" through a proclamation in 1977. Vigorous efforts have 1114 been made both by the government and non-government institutions and organisations to upho'd and propagate the ideals and values of Islamnsince then. Is it due Islatnic revivalism? Is the resurgence of Islamic fundanmentalism in West Asia any way responsible for this trend? Have the sagging economic activities or the Jack of free floNvof political activities in Bangladesh anything to do with this? These are some of the questions that are examined in this paper, firts of all, by delineating the steps undertaken by the Bangladesh government since 1977; secondly by describing the increasingly growing activities of religious institutions and organisations; and finally by examining the functions and programmes of the Is'amrbased political parties in Bangladesh. ISLrMISAION General Zia, taking up certain steps during his tenure of five years, modified considerably the secular nature of the Bangladesh Constitution, though the Mujib Government had declared its firm conmmitmentto the principle of secularism. The 1972 Constitution was secular in that it not only decsared secularism as one of the fundamental principles of state policy but at the same time certain measures were ptescribed for the implementation of secularism such as (a) the abolition of all forms of communlismn, (b) political recognition of no religion by the state, (c) no forms of exploitation of religion for political ends, (d) no types of discrimination on religious grounds.3 It wvasstrongly felt that separation of re1igion from politics would bring to an end of all kinds of exploitation by the vasted interestsi4 One of the first actions in this regard o! the Zia Government was the inserRahim tioni of Bis,nillah-ar Rahttm,an-ar (In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful) at the beginning of the Constitution.5 Article 8(1) of the Constitution, which declared secu'larism as one of the fundamental principles of -state policy, Was amended anld in place of secularism "absolute trust and faith in the Alnighty Allah" wvas inserted. Artic'e 12 which contained the mechaof nisms for imnplementation the principle of secularism, was totally ocnitted. Moreover; a new clause was added to Article 25, declang the intentions of the state for "stabilising, preserving and strengthening fraternal ties with the Muslim states on the basis of Islamic solidarity". Apart from these constitutional such changes, other symbolic nmeasures as hanging of posters in the governnment offices with quotations frcm the Holy Quoran, calling for the dispensation of justice, display of Quoranic verses and Prophet's advice in public places, flying of Eid-Mubarak festoons with the national flags on Eid festivals, issue of messages by the heads of the government on religious occasions like i'd-i-Miladunnabi, Shab-i-Barat and Mubarram and offering of munajat (prayer) on special occasions were undertaken.6 Attempts were also made to project Islam and the principles of 'S,hariat'through radio and television, and to introduce cQmpulsorily the practice of Azan (call to prayer) through radio and television five times a day. Even at the administrative level some changes were made. A new administrative division, Division of Religious Affairs, under a full-fledged Minister was created. The Islamic Academy, which was merely a -small institution, became trahsformed into Foundation with. extensive netIAJamic work of research facilities. 'The Govern-

ECONOMIC AND POLIfICAL WVEEKLY ment also proposed to set uip an Islamic University along with an Islamic Research Centre attached to it, and the site for them was selected. In bis personal stvle, Islamic orientation began to be reflected more and more ancd General Zia began to preface his public speeches with "Bismillah-ar Rahman-ar Rahim". Under his leadership Bangladesh became an influential member of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OTC), and the 3-member Al-Kuds C.ommittee and. Tslamic Solidarity Front. The Ershad Gover nment also seems to be interested in continuing the process of Islamisation. The establishment of Zakat Fund headed 1b the President of Bangladesh himself, and the proposed education policy of the government intending to introduce Arabic and Islamiat from Class I in the -schools are indicative of the regime's interest in the Islamisation process.7 G-eneralErshad, the Chief Martial Law Administratorand the head of the government has stated categorically that the principles of Islam would, be incorporated in the Constitution of Bangladesh.8 In a mammoth meeting of the Bangladesh Jamiat-ul Mudderessin (BJM) on january 20, 1983 he stated that cultural life of the Banzladeshis would be firmly based on Islamic principles.9
R1OL1EOF NON-C0VERNMEN-T INSTTrrIONS

June 18, 1983 Kakrail Mosque. situated almost in the heart of Dhaka. and draws large crowds from all walks of life - students, teachers, doctors, engineers. offeicls and ordinary people. In the "Estema", its annual assembly, held in Tongi. an inclustrial town near Dhaka, in 1982, there was a gathering of more than one million people both from within and outside Bangladesh. A large nurtnher of top level government functionaries, including the head of government, attended this "Estema". The "mazars" (shrines) of the stifis and pirs have traditionally been great centres for the preaching of Islam and teaching of the Quoranic principles and Siunnah in Bangladesh. Sufis and Pirs came to this region from Arabia and Central Asia and played an important part in the expansion of Islamic creed. Living in a society, dominated by inequity and injustice and torn by caste distinctions, many people become attracted by the holy and ideal lives of these sufis and pirs during their lifetime and after their deaths, their "rmazars" (tombs) became venerable centres of numerous God-fearing people and their followers. People visit these shrines in large numbers for peace of mind and spiritual strength attained throuigh tareequiat" (mystic procedures) by way of enriching the qlil (heart) itn the comipanyof the erudite and well-versed divines.12 There are hundreds of such shrines in Bangladesh. The Shah jalal Darga of Sylhet. Shah Niamat and Baizid B3o.stami Shrine of Ghittagong, Shah Makhb(dum l)arga of Pabna, Mirpur 'Mazar of l)haka and the Khan jahan Ali Darga of KhulnA are the inost renlowned ones. The Biswa Zaker Manjil (International Meditation Cenitre) of Atrashi, Faridpur, founded and conducted by Shah Sufi Hazrat Mouilana -ffshmatullah. popularly known as the Pir Saheb of Atrashi, has been the biggest of such centres these days.13Hundreds of people from different parts of the countrv come to these shrines everv dav and on the occasion like annual "Urs" several hundred thousands assemble. The nutmberof visitors to the High Court Mazar and the Mirpur Mazar, the two most renowned of such centres in Dhaka city, has increased tenfold. The Atrashi Darga a big complex in a rniral setting but having all the ameinities. including a mosque, a madrassa and a rest house for several thousand people. An International Research Centre is also proposed to be set uip here. In its annual assembly several hiundIredthouisand people met togcthler la.st x'e.ar. Tho.se who( came

S AND ORGANISATION

has always had a large religious in.stitutions and organisabcons led bv tra(litionally Oriented Islamic seholars. These instituitions and organisations uphold and preach the teachings of the Quioranand Sinnah and train a large nu1mberof persons every year, who continuie the
Bangladesh

ntimber of

tradition.

These

institutions

and orga-

nisations mav be classified in three groups. The first group includes such in.stitutions as madrassas, mosques ancl
tal-Aig jamats. The centres, formed

around the

Mazars (tombs) of the

famous sulfis and saints and widely u-sed

for prayer and meditation, belong to the second group. The third group consists of the numerous socio-religious and cultural organisations which

function not onlv for social welfare and relief but also for the cause of Islam. In hundreds of madrassasa large nuimber of persons continue their studies. of the Quaran and Sunnah.10 Tnese institutions are quite old and even during the British era manv traditional Muslim familie4 received their education in these mnaclrassas. Though mo(1cm subjects like .science :and mathler

matics have been introduced as a part after independence in of the curriculumn 1971, these institutions have remained basically traditional. Recently, a_ separate directorate has been set up fox madrassa education. One remarkable feature of these institutions has been their large-scale expansion and development both in quantity and quality. In 1975-76, the nuzmberof madrassas in Bangladesh was 1830, with 18,728 teachers and 2,911,91 students of both sexes; but in 1978 the nuimberof madrassas shot up to 2386. with 23,612 teachers and 4,412,00 students. These institutions train the Imams for mosques and teachers of Arabic and Islamiat for schools and colleges. Only a few, of the bright students come u-p for higher education in the universities. In addition to hundreds of madrassas, there are thousands of mosques in the country, and these mosques are the active centres of socio-religious activiOrganisations such as Banglaties dlesh Masiid Mission. Masjid Swmai and Baitush Sharaf co-ordinate the activities of some of these mosques and chalk out programmes for religious-cuitural activities. These programmes iticlude propagation of Islam, 'spread of Islamic education, social service anid social refoTrn in line with the- principles of the Ouoran and Sunnab. As the centres for daily and congregational prayer, these mosques have always plaved an important role. but what is significant is that both the number of rnosquies andl the quialitv of service they have been rendering these days have increased and intensified considerablv. The construietionof ncw mogques. extension, repair and beautification of old ones have become a unique feature of Islamic upsurge in Bangladesh, and in some cases with the fund derived from West Asia. Bv far the largest and probably the leust known religiouis mnovementin the Mutslimworld in general and in Bangladesh in particular is the Tablig Jamat. This movement originated in this part of the world in the early 1940s and developed as a kind of Islamic equivalent of moral rearmament having such -rofessed objectives -as strengthening of faith among the Muslims, motivating them to acquire knowledge of 'self' and how down to the Almighty Allah. Devotion to Allah as a means of self-purification, respect to others ('Tashidun Niyat') andi missionary works ('safr') important constitute the three most does part.s of Tablig. The Tablig Jamnat niot possess any well-organised instittutional framnewo hult it ho)lds meetsrk: ing(s, semlina.rs a1nd .svrnpo.sin alt the

1115

June 18, 1983

'ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY ciety. The World Islam Mission, is a humanitarian org%anisation rendering services to the orphans and disabled. Guided by a number of religious leaders, the Ittehadul Ummah aims at bringing about unity among the Islamic forces within Bangladesh and use it for the Islarnisation of society. The Counci; for Islamic Socio-Cultural organisation intends to co-ordinate the activities of the various socio-religious and missionary organisations which are operating in Bangladesh.
POI.ICAL ISLATNM-BA.SED
PARTIES

inc'uded peasants, labourers,students, teachers civil servants, army officials, journalistsand even politicians. It is noteworthythat the two former Presialongvitha number dents of Bangladesh of their ministersvisited the Dargaand soughtblessingfrom the Pir Saheb.The Present Chief MartialLaw Administrator too has gone to the Pir Sahebsever;altimes. The Pir Saheb instructs his to follow the true path of fol'lowers Islam,and many believe that the Biswa Zaker Manjil is likely to reshape the Societyon Islamicprinciples Bangladesh and sunnab. and ctiiA numberof socio-religious have also been workturalorganisations objectives in ing to achieve the samue amongthese are Prominent Bangladesh. MasBangladesh the IslhmicFouindation, Samity,Quojid Mission.IslamPrachar Islamic ranicSchoolSociety,Bangladesh Bangr'adesh Cenftre, JamiatulMudderssin, WorldIslam Mission Quoranand Ittehadul Ummahand the CounSuinnah, Organisacil for Islamic Socio-Cultural tion. The Islamic Foundationhas undertaken the task of training the Imams of mosques as community leaders. Ho'ding discussionmeets, symposiums and workshops and seminars, organising carryingon researchworks on various aspects of Islam, it has already made of itself popular. The pubilication Islamic Encyclopaedia is one of its outstanding works. Bangladesh Masjid Mission has planned to turn the mosties of the country into centres of
socio-religIlous

activities- with a view to

enlighttening the society through the 1nosq0ite-based programmes. The Islamn Prachar Samity has been engaged in tpreaching Is'am and finding new convcrts throuigh its network of service delivery- sxystems and welfare projects. It intenids to strengthen the belief of the Mtislims in the Quoran and Sunnab. The Quoranic School Society aims g.t making the 'Muslim children more Islam-oriented through its character building programmes. Bangladesh Islamic Centre has already undertaken on research wvorks tle teachings of the Quoran and his taken up translation of Nvorks the Arabic, Urdu and Persian l)ooks into Bengali. It also provides cooperation to. similar organisations engaged in slmilar projects. The* Bangladesh jamiatul Muddere>sinl is one of the Tbiggest organisations

wNorkingin this area, having more than

one hundred thouisand members, mostlv

teachers and students of fromn the madrassas..14 It preaches the ideal of I.s'amiez w;ax of life andl tends to generate I.sllmics con.sciouzsne.ss in the .so1116

While the Islamic institution and socio-religious organisations are engaged in preaching Islam and teaching Islamic priinciples at the societal level, the Islam based political parties operate at the Lpoliticallevel, having practicaUlythe same objectives in view, that is, making Bangladesh an Islamic State. When' the Government control was relaxed after the imposition of the first, Martial Law in 1975 and limited opportunities *vere provided to political parties under the Political Parties Regulations (PPR) 1976. there were only a few Islambased political parties and only three of them, the Muslim League, Council Mus'im League and Islamic Democratic League, were recognised by the government. The number of such parties has increased since then, and prominent among the existing Islam-based political parties are the Muslim League, Islamic Democratic League, Jamaat-iIslam, Nizam-i-Islam, Islamic Party, Islamlic Repubjamniat-e-Ulema-e-Islam, lican Party, Bangladesh justice Party and the Bangladesh Khelafat Andolon. Some of these parties are led by ynodern educated leaders, while in most of them the leaders are traditionally oriented fundamentalists. Soomeof these parties are very active wvhileothers are still in their formative stages, The Muslim League, which championed the cause of a separate homeland for the Muslims'in India on the basis of the two-nation theory, is in fact an extension of Pakistan Muslim League in Bangladesh. The emergence of Bangladesh has undermined the basis of the two-nation theorv but the Mus.itn League still advocates that Bangladesh should be an Islamic State and with that end in view it desires for a change in the flag and national anthem of Bangladesh. The Islamic Democratic League has a close affinity with the Muslim Leaaue in terms of programme and ideology; it also stands for the establishmlent of Islatnic raj in Bangladesh. In the last National Assenmblv 1.979, thle ions, held in Fieihrimarv E*lect

Muslim League and Islamic Democratic League jointly put up candidates in 265 seats out of 300 and secured 20 seats, scoring 8 per cent of the votes cast.15 Khan A Sabur, the leader of the Musliri League, won in three Consstituencies. The Islamic "Partyand Nizam-i-Islain advocate the principles of Islatmic justice and rules of Shariat. These parties demand that the existing laws should be brought in conformity with the injunctions of the Quoran and Sunnah, and no law shou'd be passed in Bangladesh which is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam. These parties also stand for a closer bonds of unity among the
Muslim
states.16

The Bangladesh Khilafat Andolon founded by Hafez zi Huzur after the 1981 Presidential Election, is a new party. Its proglammes inc'udes introduction of the principles of the Quoran and Sunnah, reorientation of the judicial system in the light of Islam, reform of education system in the light of the Quoran and Sunnah, reorganisation of Zakats and Wakfs, etc." Hafez zi Huzur became the Presidential candidate in 1981 and be secured the third highest vote, scoring 3,87,215 (1.79 per cent) of the votes cast., He was enthusiastically supported by the IslanmicRepub'ican Party and Bangladesh justice Party.

Of the Islam-based political parties in Bangladesh, Jamaat-i-Islam is the most well-knit and well-organised having a discip ined cadre both among the stlndents and voouths. While the Muslim League lives in the past and 'appeal of Nizamn-i-Islam and Jamiat-eUlema-e-Islam and Bangladesh Khilafat Andolon is confined to the orthodox Ulema and students of madrassas, Jamaat-i-Islam has its influence over the young as well as the old, the orthodox as well as the modem educatecd sections. It is designed on a pattern similar to revolutionary cadre-based parties, operating through concentric circles of cells exerting their influences out. Jamaat-i-lslarnselects its members by a highI'v selective process; one begins as an associate member for sometime. receiving -essons in party ideology, before becoming entitled to full membership. Unlike other parties, it has developed a stable party fund from regular contributions of its memhers and s 'mpathisers. moreover,also operates jamnaat-i-Islam, hlirough a number of front organisations such us Is'ami Chatra Shibir (ICS) and Islami Juba Shibir (IYS) and *other religious-cultural organisation6 as the Missionl andl BalnglaM.asjid7 Bang>ladlesh

ECONOMIC AN) PIOLITICALWEEKLY

June 18, 1983

is desh Islamic Centre. Jwmnaat-i-lslam. The Awami League, which is one of processes are closed and where the denot that keen to capture state powei the secular political parties in Bangla- imocratic instituitions and organisations now because it feels it may not last long desh, started as the Awapni Muslim aire weak and truncated, this social unless effectively backedl by Islamic League on June 1.949.19 The United force, getting [ixed up with political Society. That is wvhy it attempts to Front, which was organi4ed before the activities, strengthens the forces of con'reconstruct and purify the thoughts of general elections of 1954 in East Bengal servatism. When during the late 1930s and by people"'11 its front organisations and could not ignore Islam. The introducother institutiovnsthrough highly educa- tion to the 21-point programme of the early 1940s the Bengali Muslims tive proceges such as seminars, United Front asserts that no law in apprehended that as an economically symposia, discussion meets, group dis- repugnance to the principles of Quoran backward community they would concussions, work-camps and other social and Sunnah would be enacted. VVhile tinue to be exploited by the Hindu activities. Its mrainaim at the moment adopting the 1958 Constitution of landlords, businessmen and indusis to generate Islamic consciousness Pakistan, which was in fact the only trialists, they took shelter under the of among the people. Its mnode indoctri- acceptable political formula evolved in banner of Islam and supported the nation is very attractive, and it puts Pakistan, the makers of Constitution Muslim League which championed the great emphasis on character-building showed due respect to Islamic senti- cause of Islam and of the Muslims in and disciplined action. and made similar commitments. India. The Muslim League, mainly m-nents Jamaat-i-Islam and its front organisa- The 1956 Constitution of Pakistan was counting on the support of the Muslims tions have always maintained contacts declared as the Constitution of the of East Bengal, eventually succeeded in wvithsimilar parties in other parts of Islamic Republic of Pakistan; it was bringing Pakistan to life in 1947 on the world, particularly with those in laid down in the Constitution that the the basis of two-nation theorv. Pakistan Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Mialaysia and "Sovereignity over the entire universe was supposed to be the home of the so on. In Bangladesh, the influences of belongs to Almighty Allah alone and Muslims wvhere they could shape their Jamaat-i-Isldm,Chatra Shibir and Yubo the authority to be exercised by the destiny and build up the appropriate Shi-bir are steadily increasing not only people of Pakistan within the limits socio-economic structure suiting their among the traditional eletnents hut also prescribed by Him is a sacred trust." genius. .among the modern educated young The Constitution emphasised the bonds The ruling elites in Pakistan, howmnen. Two years ago, Islami Chatra of uinity among the Muslim states. ever, from the very beginning pursued Shibir von a big victory in the Chitta- Provisions were made for the establish- certain policies which alienated the gong University Central Students' ment of an institute for research on, Bengalis. The policy of cultural assimiUnion e!ection. The Islami Chatra and study of, the Principles of Islam. lation pursued in Pakistan was bom Shibir is one of the strongest students The Constitution of 1962 also contained out of distrust of the 4engalis. Not fronts in the Universities of Dhaka, the Islamic provision in elaborate form. only that, the policy of centralised Rajshahi and Jahangirnagar. Even the Legal Framework Order administrationand the increasing -monoThe foregoing discussion indicates (LFC), on the basis of which the polisation of political power by West that Bangladesh has been experiencing general elections 1970 in Pakistan were Pakistanis deprived the Bengalis of any of Islamic upsurge since held in two wings, contained the share in the decision-making process. a new Nwave the mid-1970s. How one can explain Islamic provisions.20 The growing discontent found exAfter independence in 1971 the pression in the formation of the Awami this trend? For a proper assessrmentof the current trend of Islaamin Bangla- Awami League Government declared League as the national party of the desh it is uiseful to view Islam, first of its firm commitment to secularism and Bengalis. The denial of the legitimate all, as a value systenmand secondly, as banned all the Islam-hased parties (such demand of East Bengal in getting a social force. As a value system, it is as the Council Mtuslim League, Con- Bengali as one of the state languages stable and being immanent in the social vention Muslim League, Nizam-i-Islam in Pakistan led to the tragic events of ethos it fowss almost constantly at a and Jamaat-i-Islam)but did not ignore February 21, 1952 which ultimately recertain level of social consciousness the religious susceptibilities of the sulted in a vibrant linguistic nawhich the political forces in the society people. The government allowed the tionalism. cannot ignore. As a social force, Islam formation of Sirat Committees for the The imposition of Martial Law in is dynamic, and it moves with the observance of Eid-e-Milad un-Nabi 158, and the kind of economic growth pressures of timne and circumstances throughout the country and retained that took place under martial law depending on the nature of political the study of Arabic and Islamiat in the regime further shortened economic disprocess prevailing in a society. As a school curriculum. The government also parity between the txvo wings.2' Even social force it is profoundly influenced strengthened the functioning of the the elementary .princip'es of Islam such by newv developments both within the Islamic Academy. The practices of be- as human rights, equality of opporginning the radio and television pro- tunity, equal rights and so on were societv and outside. grammes arndother state functions with violated. Under the circumstances recitation from the Quaran, and holding Islamic values lost their appeal to the ISLAM AS A VALUE SYSTEM of receptions on Eid days continued as people, and the leaders of East Bengal As a religion and a stable value realised that they had been exploited system in Bangladesh, Islam has always before. in the name of Islam. The ignoble retnained a guiding force. Islamic tradiISLAM AS A SOCIAL FOnRCdefeat of the Muslim League in the tions, customs, institutions and beliefs As a social force Islam is dynamic; in general elections of 1954 (the United of their every day life, and are part are often fhe only familiar forms of critical times it has served as a rallying Front won 223 out of 237 Muslimn won their social being and consciousness. point, of course in an environment Seats while the Muslim League institutions and or- only 2 seats) and the enthusiasms of Any social or political system tends to where political be evaluated * within this cognitive ganisations are strong and political the progressive forces encouraged the are PrOCeSSeS free. Where th\epolitical Awami L,eague inz droppinlgthe word framzework.

1$217

June

18, 1983

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY

'Muslim' from its title and throwing it tutions and organisatioins, mainly of open to non-Muslims also. (This was charitable and missionary character, duly done in its annual session on construction of new mosques and October 23, 1955.) The Awami League madrassas, and the riepair, extension and other progressive parties began to and beautification of the old ones are put greater emphasis on political and but overt manifestations of this phenoeconomic issues, ignore the slogan of menon. The rejuveniation- some of of 'Islam-in-danger" and demand regio- the Islam-bused political parties can nal autonomy, and ultimately pledged a-. be explained in terms of this enso to create an exploitation free society. hanced role of the Muslim states of The Six-Point Programme of the Awa- West Asia and North Africa. It is not mi League, which was a reaction tnlikely that any change of policy at against, and a challenge to, the poiicy that end would affect the fo,rtunes of neasures of the ruling elites, was de- some of these institutions and organisigned to bring about a fundamental sations. change in the power-structure of PakisInternCal developments in Bangladesh tan. In the general elections of 1970, too have influenced the growth and the Awami League won a landslide functioning of Islamic institutions and victory, securing 160 seats out of 162 organisations. When the Islam-based in East Pakistan. The massive support political parties we'e banned by' the for the secular political and economic Awami Leaguie government, they had programmesof the Awami League and no other alternative but to extend and the total rejection of the Islama-based intensify their religious activities. parties by the people created a political Large-scale organisation of Sirat Comsituation which evenitually led to the nmittees for the celebration of I'd-eemnergenceof Bangladesh. Milaadun-Nabi and holding of large The Axvami League Government meetings on such occasions as the Shabafter independence in 1971 announced e-Barat and Muharrarn can partly be its firm commitment to secularism ancd explained by the attitucle of the Islamb)annedthe Islam-based political parties. b)asedpolitical parties under the changhe Tl socio-ecoilotnnic conditions how- e(l circumstances. ever deteriolrated fast after independAfter the August 1975 massacres, an ence, the price level of the essential event deeply resented by all except the consumer goods skyrocketed; trade an(d extreme right and extreme left, these cx)mmerce dwindled; law and order parties received a fresh lease of life. situations deteriorated and despite Certain political steps, undertaken by large-scale international aid and assis- General Zia, mainly with a view to tance the economy in Bangladesh did broadening his 'power base by enlisting not improve.22 the support of the hitherto discarded The economic crisis was compounded rightist elements and wooing the newly by political problems. Class conflicts, affluent 'West Asia, helped rehabilitate which had so long been postponed by these elements and eventually brought the prominence of the regional auto- some of these parties into political nomy demands, began to surface after limelight. Shah Azizur Rahman, one of independence. The Aiwni League was the prominent Muslim League leaders, a middle-class based and urban-centred becamnethe Prime Minister of Banglapolitical party. The exigency of circum- desh under Zia's Presidentship. A large stances had forced it to adopt certain component of Zia's Bangladesh NatioAs socialist programmes.23 the economy nalist Party (BNP) wvasrecruited from was on the verge of collapse by the the former Muslim League. Moulana Mannan, one of the leaders of Banglamiddle of 1974, government despertely desh Jamiatul Mudderessin (BJM) was sought foreign aid from the wester and oil-rich West Asian countries. put in charge of the Ministry of EduSince the middle of the 1970s, follow- cation. The series of Constitutionkl ing the hike in oil prices, the Muslim amendments beginning from 1977, and states of West Asia and North Africa even the present regime's Zakat Coonhave become aware of their enhanced mittee headed by the President of role on the world scene. Some of them Bangladesh can be viewed in this light. The dargas and khankas of Sufis and have taken up programmes to shape the world in their own images and Pirs have always remiiained venerable have been financing missionay pro- centres for the people of East Bengal. grammneswith the help of their new- The increasing depression in the economic activities, the massive unemployfound wealth. Bangladeslh society has been deeply ment and underemployment aimong influenced biy this new phenlomenon. both the educated and illiterate youth, The proliferation of Islam-lbased nai'sE the deteriorating law and order sltua'111U

tions in the violence-prone society and the consequent uneasiness and tension in all walks of life have been responsible for bigger congregations at these centres in recent times. In sum, there has been a new upsurge of Islamic activities in Bangladesh, particularly from the raid-seventies. More and more Islaca-based institutions and organisations are emerging and the existing ones are getting stronger. Islamrbased political parties are getting more well-knit and organised. Certain steps undertaken by the government and certain policy-statemen-ts made by governmnentfunctionaries are a!so helping this process. The current trends of Islam in Bangladesh are not however due to Is:amic revivalism or resurgence of Islamic f'undamentalisnm. These are due partly to the role some of the ambitious Muslim states of West Asia and North Africa are playing all over the worlid, including Bangladesh and partly due to internal developments in Bangldesh such as the restricted nature of political activities, co-option of the hitherto discarded rightist elements as the support base of the regime and sagging &conomic activities, with the consequent uneasiness and distress of the people who are driven to Isluamfor comfort and peace.

Notes
1 A Vasilyev, 'lslami in the Present DJay Worlc', zInternationalAffairs, November 1981, pp 52-58.

Tlhe Constitution of the People's liepublic of Batglkadesh.The Preamble, Articles 8(1), 12 and 27-41; of the People's ReGovernment public of Bangladesh, Ministry of

3 4

Laaw and Parliamentary affairs, L)haka, 1972. Ilbid, Particularly Article 12 of the Constitution. A F S Ahmed, "Bangladesh"; Government of the People's RepubAic of Bangladesh, Ministry of Infornation and Broadcasting, Dhaka, December 16, 1972, p 29. For the full text of the Proclamation (Amendment) Order, 1977, see The Bantgladesh Observer, April 23. 1977; see also the Constittotiontof the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 'as amended upto February 28, 1979. K M Mohsin, 'Trends of Islam in Banglades,h', a paper presented in the symposium on Islam in Bangladesh, Dhaka, Decenmber 24-26, 1982. A Majid Khan, Jatir Proyojone Shikhsha (Education Suitable to a Nation), Ministry of 'Education': Sports and Culture, Govern t of the People's Repubhlicof gadesh, Dhaka, Novepbejr 7, 1982,
p 9,

9 10

11

12

13 14

15
I6

The Ittefaq, December 17, 1982. The $angldesli Observer, January 21, 1983. The number of madrassas in 1980 waS more than 2,500. For details see 1980 Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh, Dhaka June 1981, p 121. In 1.979 there were 1,19,180 mosques in Bangladesh, the rate of annual growth being more than 10 per cent since 1977. Nafeesuddin Siddique, 'Mystic Procedures and Practices', a seminar paper read in the Islamic Cultural Studies Conference in North Brisbane, August 11-12, 1979. For more on Biswa Zaker Manjil, see Mahfuzal Huq, "The True Way", Faridpur, 1982. This organisation has started an ambitious project of building an Islamic Institution at Mohakhali, Dhaka. The Islamic Institution Complex is to cost more than $ 8 million. For election results, see The Dai. nik Bangla, 8 March, 199. See the Election Manifestoes of these Parties, published in part in The Bangladesh Times, Decembei
25, 1979.

17 Abdul Awal, GhosanaPatra, Dhaka, October 20, 1981. 18 Ghulam Azam, "A Guide to Islamic Movement", Azmi Publications,

Dacca, 1968. 19 In the 1949 Constitution some of of the objectives of the parly, were stated to be: to promnote and maintain the religious, cultural, social, educational and economic interests of the Muslims of Pakistan and to ensure similar rights to non-Muslim citizens; to strengthen the bond of brotherhood among the Muslims all over the world and to esta,blish and strengthen friendly relationship with the neighbouring countries: to disseminate the true knowledge of Islam and its high moral and religious principles among the people. 2(0 People's Republic of Bangladesh, "Bangladesh: Contemporary Events and Documents", Dacca (n d). 21 For more on this, see Emajuddin Ahumed, The Six-Point Programme: Its Class Basis', The Dacca Univer.ity Studies, Jne 1979, pp 29-47 22 For more on this, see Emajuddin Ahamed "Bureaucratic Elites in Segmented Economic Growth: Pakistan and Bangladesh", University Press, Dhaka: 1980; and "Flow of External Resources into Bangladesh", Ministrv of Finance. Dhaka, 1981. 23 Emajuddin Abamed, 'Dominant -Bureaucratic Elites in Bangladesh', The Indian Political Science Re4iew. January 1979, 1, pp 30-48.

DISCUSSION

Theory of Administration
B Venkateswarlu
SATYA Deva's rejoinder (March 5. 1983) to my criticism (January22, 1983) of his article 'Teory of Administration' (Novemnber27, 1982) takes care this time not to mention the 'Marxist theory of administration'. Instemd, he uses the phrase 'Marxist point of view'. In fact, this is exactly what I tried tc explain in my criticism. Various aspects of the capitalist state machinery, which include bureaucracy, military, iudicature, etc, and which are together called the state apparatus, can be studied scientifically only from the marxist point of view. This study must help to grasp fully the nature of the capitalist state as an instrument of reproduction of oppression. Study of these various aspects of the capitalist state should help one to understand scientifically the functioning of the state and not to arrive at 'theories' like 'theory of administration' or 'theory of organisation' etc. All those passages from Marx's "The Civil War in France" were quoted in my criticism to eznphasise that they constitute an important part of the marxist theory of state. The state, as one of the ;most important aspects of the 'superstructure', with its organs viz, bureaucracy, military, judicature etc - is, I believe, regarded as possessing relative independence in marxist theory. I am sure Satya Deva is not unaware -about the fact that Lenin wrote "The State and Revolution" bec'ause of the "necessity of theoretically elaborating the question of the state". When I said 'political theory' I meant the theory of state. For this, and also for saying that his "Marx's theory of administration in socialist society" should actually be political theory, Satya Deva has accused me of becoming "a victim of reification". I have made my point clear in the beginning of mv criticism itself by arguing that "it is part of capital's mechanism on the lines of division of lajbour to obftuscate the social reality and its criticism". In calling the political set-up in the Paris Commune the dictatorship of the proletariat, my intention was to emphasise the relative independence of
politics.

such as bureaucracy, military, judicature, etc, in capitalist society, for the perpetration of class rule, and in socialist society to do away with the persistence of clas.ses and class rule by establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. These agencies perform the repressive and ideological functions oi the state. Study of these agencies and of their functioning from the amar,xist point of view must help one to grasp the nature of the state. It is only through this process that the process of de-reification of the so-called 'theories of administration' can occur. If we study the agencies of the state and their functioning as autonomous entities by separating them from the state with a view to arriving at 'theories of administration' and 'theories of organisation', we would not only he trapped in the process of reification on the lines of bourgeois thinkers like Woodrov Wilson (who separated adniinistration from the state, i e, politics) and Max Weber (who found an ideal type in bureaucracy attributing 'rationality') but would become the victims of superreification. For, after all, we, outwitting the bourgeois thinkers, try to explain the already reified aspects of the state from the marxist point of view, and thereby radiclise them and legitimise them. This would certaly help, in the words of Satya Deva himself, "to update them and make them more relevant, valuable, balanced (sic) and interesting".
USES OF INTR-DIscnn'LINA-RY APPROACH

DisINwCrFUNCIIONS OF ST1ATE AcmNcrEs The state consists of certain agencies

Satyua Deva, in the course of his argument, had mentioned the 'interdisciplinary approach' for the purpose of del-reification.I do not think he is uinaware of the sociological origins of the interdisciplinary approach which can be found again in the imperialist strategy of the West in the post-war period in the field of higher education, one of the results of which is distinct development theories. What is, after all, interdisciplinary approach? Is it not a hotchpotch of liberal political theoly (that ignores basic economic forces), the technical exercise of economics (that neglects and obscures class relations), history (with its timid empiricism), and sociology (with its empty abstraction)? This kind of 'unified social science' was given impetus in the social sciences by none other than people like Seymour Martin Lipset who believed in systems theornT.To quote Lipset, The concern for development has forced the social sciences to think in terms of conceptual approaches which include the polity, economy, .society, and personality. As a result, for the first tirne, there has been a reai movement towards social science 1119