TRANSATLANTIC TRAVEL DURING THE 19TH CENTURY:

The period of 1820 -1880 played host to huge immigration waves and a vast increase in transatlantic trade. Many historians argue that this period shows one of mans most glorious technological and mechanical achievements. However during this time period many souls, ships, and goods have perished; succumbing to the wrath of the North Atlantic. This papers goal is to prove that although steam travel did improve some aspects of travelling, the North Atlantic ocean was not made safer by the introduction of steamships until the later part of the 19th century. This is proven through personal narratives of passengers on both sail and steam vessels juxtaposed with primary source data on ships.

The Perils of sea travel during the dreadful transition from sail to steam.

James Johnson Jr.

Professor E. Ivison HST401

Francis MacDonald (1825 1878) departed Scotland for New York during the fall of 1848. The ship that carried him was a Barque, the Augusta.1 The Augusta was transferring pig Iron and immigrants to New York on his transatlantic voyage most likely to maximize profit.2 MacDonald kept a journal to warn his then fianc Ms. Eliza Wallace what daily life was like on a transatlantic sail ship voyage. Eliza successfully made her transatlantic voyage during 1849 to join Francis and the two were married in Brooklyn on September 21st 1850.3 Both emigrated from Scotland during neighboring Irelands peak potato famine years.4 The journal holds a great historical significance since it was an unpublished manuscript documenting the norms of sea travel during the mid-19th century. Francis made his journey during a period which many historians claim to be one of mankinds most innovative and accomplished periods of mechanical achievement. This of course was referring to the transition from sail to steam. After reading the journal carefully it raises questions about the types of dangers the Augusta witnessed on her transatlantic sea voyage during the fall of 1848. MacDonald spent most of his time during the voyage in his bed, due to sea sickness. He also accounts for many potentially life threatening situations with great detail. What does the MacDonald journal show us about the norms of sea travel while on his ship, the Augusta, in 1848? What dangers did his sail ship face and how often did this occur in his writing? MacDonald provides us with great insight into numerous occasions where someone could have lost their life, however the Augusta did not sink. Although no one is listed as dying in his journal, we can gather that this journey was indeed a hazardous one. Will other primary sources of both sail and steam trans-Atlantic

MacDonald, Francis. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848. Staten Island Institute of Arts & Sciences, Staten Island, N.Y. 2 Ibid. 3 Ivison, Eric. The MacDonald Collection - A Documentary History. n.d. http://www.library.csi.cuny.edu/siias/macdonald/MacDonald.html (accessed 3 23, 2011). 4 GET NOTE

trekking yield similar information pertaining to the perils at sea? While examining the perils faced by the Augusta we must also analyze other accounts of sea travel during this period. Other primary sources both of sail and steam powered vessels show us many instances where ships have become wrecks of the Atlantic ocean due to a number of reasons. What explanations and opinions do other historians have to offer concerning the state of sea travel during the period of 1820 1880? More importantly, after researching primary sources of horrors at sea, how do others view the transition from sail to steam on the North Atlantic? Obviously MacDonalds journal cannot answer the latter part of my final question; but primary sources of transatlantic steamship travel can. However he writes about numerous occasions where the Augusta escaped disaster. Whether a squall or structural damage the dangerous circumstances were always a result of nature, seamanship and/or technology. Macdonalds writing is a valuable source of knowledge; however it does not help us in addressing the wider historical perspective on the dangers of mid-19th century sea travel. We must study secondary sources so we can begin to understand the different ideas proposed by authors and professional Historians alike and compare to see which ones are most concrete. This paper will prove that transatlantic travel during the 19th century was at all times potentially catastrophic. Furthermore, this paper will reveal that although the introduction of steamships shortened the trip, they were not necessarily safer than sailing vessels until the eve of the 20th century. Historiography:

There has been a great deal of work produced on 19th century sea travel. This is due to the popularity of sub topics such as but not limited to; Immigration, Shipwrecks, Technology, Economics, Naval and Military, Sociology, etc. In order to incorporate and analyze my secondary sources properly, they must be categorized by content. First and foremost, Noel R. P. Bonsors North Atlantic Seaway, is an invaluable resource when examining sea travel during the 19th century.5 His work is the standard for this topic and shall assist anyone researching from straying into inaccuracies; writing fallacy and fable. North Atlantic Seaway is a maritime historians bible; it includes information such as when and where vessels were made, their weight and length, as well as much more useful information. He also provides the reader with information on vessels that were renamed, sold, wrecked, or lost. His work will serve as the main secondary source for describing and analyzing vessels. Raymond L Cohn is a professor of Economics at Illinois State University and he contributes to The Journal of Economic History. In his article, The Transition from Sail to Steam in Immigration to the United States, he explores historical demography and more importantly, historical technology.6 Cohn provides us with financial explanations regarding the transition from sail to steam. On the other hand, Steam Conquers the Atlantic by David Budlong Tyler describes this transition from sail to steam from a technological and financial point of view.7 Along with the valuable information contained in his work, he also provides the reader with numerous illustrations and appendices which further enhances the readers understanding of his thesis. Lucille H. Campey acquired her M.A. in medieval history from Leeds University, and then completed a doctorate on emigration history from the University of Aberdeen. Her
5 6

Bonsor, N. R. P. North Atlantic Seaway. (Prescot, United Kingdom, 1955). Cohn, Raymond L. "The Transition from Sail to Steam in Immigration to the United States." The Journal of Economic History 65, no. 2 (2005): 469-495. 7 Tyler,David Budlong. Steam Conquers the Atlantic. 1 ed. New York & London: D. Appleton-Century Company Inc, 1939.

book,Fast sailing and copper-bottomed: Aberdeen sailing ships and the emigrant Scots they carried to Canada, 1774-1855 is an excellent resource for maritime history during the age of sail.8 Other works that have been produced more recently are long term case studies of events or in-depth studies of one particular vessel. An example of the earlier is William H. Flayharts Perils of the Atlantic: Steamship Disasters 1850 to the Present.9 Flayhart covers five well renowned steamship disasters during the period of 1850 to 1880 (where my study ends). These steamships are the Acrtic (1854), Atlantic (1873), SS Pennsylvania (1873), and the Rusland (1877).10 He also devotes a chapter to the Ville du Havre (1873), a horrific wreck which I have discovered a personal narrative from. There are of course, other secondary works which will be seen throughout my research; however they are explained more in depth later. Primary Sources: For the raw information, we must interpret a wide variety of letters, journals and other firsthand accounts of sea travel during this period. Our point of departure for primary source analysis is the journal of Francis MacDonald.11 His journey took place during the fall of 1848 on board the Barque Augusta, which hailed from Glasgow, Scotland and was inbound for New York City.12 Although the Augusta successfully completed her voyage, she still encountered many potentially life threatening situations and incurred some structural damage. Similar to MacDonald's journal was the one kept by Gordon Michie Ewing in 1855 while on board the
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Campey,Lucille H. Fast sailing and copper-bottomed: Aberdeen sailing ships and the emigrant Scots they carried to Canada, 1774-1855 . Jane Gibson. Canada: Hignell Printing Limited, 2002. 9 Flayhart,William H. Perils of the Atlantic: Steamship Disasters 1850 to the Present. 1 ed. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2003. 10 Ibid s.v. Table of Contents. 11 MacDonald, Francis. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848. Staten Island Institute of Arts & Sciences, Staten Island, N.Y. 12 Barque: s.v. Illustration #1

Barque Jane Boyd.13 Ewing's voyage was completed as well however his journal when paired with MacDonald's journal show us the norms of sea travel during the mid-19th century from a sail ship perspective. They both attest to the perils caused by weather (or nature) alone. Charles Dickens book, American notes for general circulation, is yet another well written account of what sea travel was like.14 The first two chapters of this book cover his January 1842 journey from England to the United States on board the steamship Britannia.15 The Britannia also completed her voyage successfully but she almost wrecked near what the Captain had thought was the entrance to Halifax Harbor, Massachusetts.16 This was due to a combination of poor seamanship and low visibility. Another sail ship that was nearly wrecked was the Albion of Greenock. The Albion of Greenock was mastered by Captain Bryce Allan, who kept a journal of his voyage from Greenock, Scotland to Quebec, North America.17 However the story of this nearly wrecked vessel's situation is quite different from that of the Augusta or Britannia. The sail ship Albion left Scotland in 1847, heading for Quebec and all was fine until about forty miles off of Cape Race where the ship encountered a very unique dilemma.18 The Albion was sent out too early in the spring which was a poor and incompetent decision on behalf of this particular vessels owner. With the first two ships being damaged by weather alone, the Britannia and the Albion serve as perfect examples of what happened when incompetence was added to the ever changing weather of the North Atlantic Ocean. Britannia also helps balance out the sources by being
13

Ewing, Gordon Michie. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Jane Boyd 1855. (Accessed 12/5/2010 via theshipslist.com) 14 Dickens, Charles. American notes for general circulation. Edited by Patricia Ingham. Lodon: Penguin Books, 2000. (Chapters I-II only). 15 Ibid p. 1. 16 Ibid p. 42. 17 Allan, Bryce (Captain). Locked in the Ice Voyage of the Albion, Personal Journal of the Captain on his voyage covering April 13th 1847 to June 4th 1847. (accessed on Nov. 4 2010). 18 Ibid.

categorized as a paddle steamer from this period who was nearly wrecked. Most importantly, the Augusta (1848), Britannia (1842), Albion (1847) and Jane Boyd (1855) indeed show the high frequency and variety of perils caused by weather alone as well as what has occurred when incompetence and poor technology were added in to this equation. The second portion of primary sources are devoted to those vessels which have succumbed to the wrath of the North Atlantic. The French Steamship Ville du Havre, departed New York in 1873 for her home port of Havre, France.19 Miss Madeline Curtis Mixter was on board the Ville du Havre with her family during this trip, which was the doomed vessel's last.20 In an unpublished letter to her uncles, Miss Curtis-Mixter tells of the collision between the Ville du Havre and the British Iron Clipper ship Loch Earn.21 This was one of the 19th centurys worst maritime disasters, which was a result of bad weather and incompetence. Another event which shows the strong relationship between poor seamanship and disastrous outcomes is the fate of the Brigantine John.22 In a newspaper article, the incompetence of this sail ship's Captain is detailed which resulted in the loss of around 200 lives one gloomy evening in 1855.23 This ship's hull was stove in when it smashed into the Manacle Rocks.24 The newspaper article also mentions that the Captain of the ship was arrested on charges of Manslaughter. Besides his incompetence, Captain Rawle was also sailing an un-seaworthy vessel; being well aged (built in 1810) and having
19

Wolcott, Oliver Jr, A Sad Tale That Must Be Told Madeline Curtis Mixters Account of the Loss of the Ville du Havre, American Neptune 57, No.3. (1997): 229-36. 20 Ibid. 21 Mixter Curtis, Madeline. Unpublished Personal Letters to her Uncles after the Sinking of the Ville du Havre in Late November of 1873. 22 Brigantine s.v. Illustration #2. 23 Quebec Mercury, Tuesday, May 29th, 1855. Page 3, Col. 1C. Wreck of an Emigrant Ship - Two Hundred Lives Lost. 24 Ibid. For Mannacle Rocks s.v. Cornwall in Focus: Shipwrecks on The Manacles Rocks. The Manacles Rocks lie just over a mile east of Manacle Point on the east coast of the Lizard Peninsula. Their name is derived from the Cornish for Church Rocks or Maen Eglos, they are a treacherous crescent of submerged and semisubmerged rocks notorious for claiming the lives of many hundreds of seafarers. Although quite scattered they can be defined as three main groups of rocks. http://www.cornwallinfocus.co.uk/history/manacles.php (accessed on April 1, 2011).

undergone two separate repairs in 1847 and 1853.25 Poor technology and Incompetence were the causes of this particular shipwreck. My third and final primary source of shipwrecks on the North Atlantic Ocean is a narrative of a survivor. Mr. Charles Brew was on board the steamship Austria when she was wrecked in quite a unique way during 1858.26 The fate of the steamship Austria is unlike any other near wreck or shipwreck discussed so far. An order was given to fumigate the ships steerage by the Physician of the vessel. The process of Fumigation was done by dipping a red hot chain into a bucket of tar.27 Unfortunately, the man who was holding the scolding chain dropped it because it was too hot, resulting in the ship going ablaze.28 Crew and passengers alike were asphyxiated by the smoke, drowned, or burned alive in this horrific account of yet another ships tragic story. The burning of the steamship Austria can be attributed to poor technology and incompetence. The weather also played a role in this shipwreck believe it or not. It turns out that the ship was heading into the wind, which in turn accelerated the spreading of the fire!29 Methodology: As far as the aforementioned primary sources go, they serve two main purposes: to show frequency and variety of hazardous events, and secondly to prove that steam travel was not in essence safer than travel by means of sail. Additionally, these personal narratives give us a glimpse into what these hazardous situations were like. The primary sources are quite well balanced, covering three steamships and four sail vessels through journals, logs, personal

25 26

Ibid. Brew, Charles. Loss of the Austria Narrative of a survivor, accessed via Old Mersy Times (online) Oct. 14th 1858. http://www.old-merseytimes.co.uk/SSAustria.html (accessed 12/3/2010). 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 Devens, R.M. Our First Century: One Hundred Great and Memorable Events in the History of Our Country. C.A. Nichols & Co., Springfield Mass. (1876): Pp. 678.

correspondence, and survivor accounts via newspaper (to note a few). The incidents of concern that occurred on all four sail and all three steamships are separated by years, respectively. Out of these seven ships, the fate of three of them was shipwreck. The stories of survivors from the successful four vessels when compared to the three of lesser fortune show us frequency and variety of peril; could it be poor seamanship, insufficient technology or rough weather? With the use of some statistics alongside other secondary accounts of shipwreck we will gather the answers to the previously posed questions. After a careful analysis of the primary sources, I will utilize what I have found to defend my arguments against other renowned scholars of this topic. In essence this will be the real test, a comparison of my findings with those who have spent years if not a lifetime in this particular field. However, this paper will prove that the transition from sail to steam did not necessarily make trans-Atlantic travel safer. For comparative secondary source analysis, N.R.P. Bonsors work will serve as the overseer of information on all ships which he accounts for and are included in this study. All primary sources will be examined for what they tell us and his book shall allow us to gain a fact based, unbiased view of each individual ship studied. The data gathered from North Atlantic Seaway is used side by side with primary sources of perils at sea, in order to understand each particular vessel. Cohn and Tyler assist this study by giving us valuable information on the economics and technology of the shipping industry, respectively. Campeys book aids this research because it solely concerns itself with sail ships. I must stress the point that this research will not turn all of its attention to immigrant vessels due to the fact that this transition from sail to steam was sought by for trade as well. Souzas anthropology-driven case study suggests that sail tried to compete with steam in the transatlantic trade industry through increased risk taking and technological adaptation. The Dry Tortugas are a bit out of my focal range for this study, but
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what she has to say about how sail tried to compete with steam vessels will aid this study. Clayton Evans book shows us all what sailing was like during the early mid 19th century through his look at aspects of rescue at sea (or lack thereof at this time). Argument I: To understand some common dangers of sea travel we will look at the journal of Mr. Francis MacDonald. Through his writing and knowledge of sailing, we can gather that he was an educated man; he also happens to know a good deal about business as well. Being an educated man makes Francis journal even more valuable because in his writing he vividly describes parts of the ship that have been damaged. Nautical Encyclopedias are only needed for a few of the words and terms he uses which is excellent considering this document was originally written over 160 years ago. This particular journal is handwritten by ink in a paper book and was donated by descendants of the writer.30 His journal holds a good deal of historical significance and is a well written, descriptive source. It serves as a time machine if you will; giving the reader a glimpse into daily life while sailing across the North Atlantic ocean. Francis MacDonald was a 23 year old Scottish emigrant bound for New York when he departed Glasgow, Scotland on September 16th 1848.31 We can tell from his writing that he was a man with a good education. It would be fair to assume that his family had some sort of wealth or above average social class due to his access to education while growing up. The Barque Augusta weighed in at roughly 599 tons and was launched December of 1841.32 We can gather that his ship was most likely in very good structural standing, having been built only 7 years prior to his journey.
30

Ivison, Eric. The MacDonald Collection - A Documentary History. n.d. http://www.library.csi.cuny.edu/siias/macdonald/MacDonald.html (accessed March 23, 2011). 31 Ibid. 32 Esther Clark Wright, D. Litt. Saint John Ships and Their Builders. February 9, 1998. http://www.fortunecity.com/littleitaly/amalfi/13/shipa.htm (accessed November 20, 2010). It is unclear whether the Augusta was a 3 or 4 mast Barque.

The most frequent of dangers as described by Francis are bad weather. Even with the technology available to sailors today weather has always played a part in the damaging and destruction of vessels. The barque was an open seagoing ship that held either four or five square sails on her three forward masts.33 The mast at the stern of this ship carried a gaff sail.34 Ships of this category usually have two types of sails. A square sail is one hung by a yard, or a pole in essence that extends outward on a 90 degree angle from the given mast. A fore and aft sail would have the forward edge attached either partially of wholly to a mast.35 These two general classes of sails serve the purpose of gaining power from wind and steering the vessel, respectively. The barque was used for passenger and commercial transport and in many cases such as this one, both at once. In laymens terms, this class of ship was very structurally sound. Although a barque like the Augusta was very well equipped to handle the perils of natures wrath on the North Atlantic, she had indeed incurred many structural damages due to weather alone. On 10 October 1848 at ten oclock in the evening, a heavy sea struck the ship ahead of the main rigging washing in the whole of the fore part of the cabin [and] stateroom bulkheads, carrying away the wheel-chains and slightly starting the stern post, stove the long boat and carried away the poop rail36 Even though she managed to stay afloat, the damage had been dealt. MacDonald doesnt mention how and when repairs were made to the vessel. However he does comment on some of the damaged parts of the ship in order to show his audience the raw, unpredictable power of the sea. He explains what the sea did to an iron davit, which were explained by him astwo upright pieces of iron with a bend at the top where one of the boats

33 34

Oxford encyclopedia of maritime history volume I, p. 268 s.v. Barque Encyclopedia of Nautical Knowledge, index, s.v. gaff sail 35 Encyclopedia of Nautical Knowledge, P. 472 s.v. sail 36 MacDonald, Mr. Francis. "Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848." Compiled by Staten Island Institute of Arts and Sciences. Unpublished Manuscript, 1848. p. 45

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hang upon.37 In further showing the strength of the sea, he describes the davits in laymans terms, Just fancy a round pillar of iron three inches diameter broken right through the middle.38 A davit was a pair of iron rods, were used as a crane to lower and pick up boats, anchors or other permanent equipment a vessel needs.39 While recording this same event, he also writes that one of the harness casks was broke loose and washed over the mate bruising him a good deal [and] broke his left arm just above the elbows.40 A harness cask was the term used for a container commonly made of wood that would be secured or fastened to the deck of a ship.41 Most commonly these casks held salt meat which was soaked in salt water for preservation purposes, to be kept at hand ready for use. The point being, almost anything on a ship can be turned into a lethal weapon once the weather takes a turn for the worse. The following evening, on 11 October 1848, Francis wrote: At 8 p.m. lightening commenced The two compasses that were in the binnacle were broken with the lightening The foresail jib and mainsail were blown to atoms with the violence of the winds. At midnight the ship was taken back in a sudden squall [and] split the foretop mast staysail.42 The foresail jib is a triangular shaped sail that is situated above the bowsprit in the front of a properly rigged vessel.43 A mainsail is the largest sail and the foretop mast staysail is another triangular shaped sail however it differs from a foresail jib in location.44 The destruction of a staysail and a mainsail must have been a huge concern for Captain Crow since the mainsail is the

37 38

Ibid p. 46a Ibid. 39 Encyclopedia of Nautical Knowledge, P. 123 s.v. Davit, 40 MacDonald, Mr. Francis. "Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848." Compiled by Staten Island Institute of Arts and Sciences. Unpublished Manuscript, 1848. p.46b. 41 Encyclopedia of Nautical Knowledge, p. 221 s.v. Harness 42 MacDonald, Mr. Francis. "Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848." Compiled by Staten Island Institute of Arts and Sciences. Unpublished Manuscript, 1848. p. 54. 43 Oxford Encyclopedia of maritime history, p. index s.v. foresail jib 44 Ibid p. index s.v. staysail

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largest rigged square sail on a sailing vessel. Although that is a situation that no passenger or Captain would wish to face, things could always be worse on the sporadic North Atlantic. The winds that caused the aforementioned damage have dealt results for other ships that were far worse than the outcome of the Augustas brush with disaster. When the wind chops as MacDonald referred to it, he is saying that the wind changed its direction suddenly and completely; which didnt allow sailors to adjust their sails, if they were even able to work on deck (weather pending). This chopping of the winds could have foundered the Augusta, meaning that she would have rolled over and sunk. MacDonald notes in his journal while describing this event that many other ships have been lost to foundering as a direct result of the wild winds of the North Atlantic. Other examples will yield similar results when telling of what the weather of the ocean can do to a ship on its own. Now let us take a look at some other actions that hold poor consequences. Francis provides us with an excellent example of incompetence and poor seamanship as causes of perilous situations before the Augusta had even reached open waters! When he accounts for the second mate going overboard he wrote, He had been on the bowsprit and let go his hold. A rope was thrown him which he caught [and] was taken on board again. He was a little tipsy.45 Falling off of a boat into a river is no laughing matter and everyone aboard the Augusta had almost been acquainted with death before the ship had hit the open waters of the Atlantic. Given the circumstances, a member of the Captain's crew being drunk and incapable to do his duty was a norm in the life of many sailors at this time although dumb and unacceptable by todays standards. This puts not only the fate of the ship at risk, but all souls on board as well. At one month into his voyage Francis records another situation regarding poor seamanship and
45

MacDonald, Mr. Francis. "Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848." Compiled by Staten Island Institute of Arts and Sciences. Unpublished Manuscript, 1848. p. 5.

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incompetence. On the 16th and 17th of October sailors, one and then four, respectively had refused Captains orders to work due to the horrific weather. On this first occasion which occurred on the 16th of October a sailor gave the Captain very insolent language... is refusing to work.46 The reasoning behind this particular sailor's refusal to work on the deck during the evening according to Francis was the violent weather. The following afternoon four seamen refused to work without cause, as Francis put it.47 We do know that the weather was still abhorrent on the 17th as was the 16th with the Augusta pitching, rolling, and creaking from holding such a heavy cargo and battling such violent gales. Similar situations have resulted in mutiny: a loss of lives and investments, mainly the ship herself and whatever persons and goods were being transported. Furthermore on the incompetence subject, the Augusta did encounter a situation where bad weather (fog), poor seamanship (no sailor on night watch), and insufficient technology (no lighting at night) all boiled down into what could have been a disaster. On the 25th of October Francis logged a potentially deadly collision that was avoided a few nights prior to the entry date. He wrote that it was very dark during nighttime and although the Augusta had kept a good lookout, the other vessel wasnt visible until she became much closer. In this instance we observed her [and] immediately lit a torch, wh[ic]h gave a fine light [and] is of great benefit to the other vessel as, it shows her the position of our sails [and] knowing that, she can tell how we are steering [and] so keep clear of us.48 The primitive means of lighting a torch or lantern was the only course of action in this situation. However, the other vessel did not yield to the Augusta or change her course to abort a collision. It is at this point that Captain Crow ...ordered the man at the helm to (put <s>) cuff round which means to bring the vessel's head to the wind so that we would not sail. {B}y doing so we were saved. The vessel passed within a
46 47

Ibid p. 54. Ibid. 48 Ibid p. 72.

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few feet of us.49 After the quick and cunning decision making by Master Crowe which saved the Augusta, he attempted to hail the other vessel but there was no reply (probably to scold the other Captain!).50 Since the other ship did not reply to Captain Crowe's hail, they might not have had lookouts on the deck and their captain was possibly sleeping since her course was not altered at all. The story of the trip made by Francis MacDonald onboard the Barque Augusta is quite normal. Indeed all of these dangerous and life threatening situations they faced are not isolated events. As you will see many others who have kept journals or logs of their voyages has had equal or rougher times. The MacDonald journal serves as a portrait of the norms of seafaring life at this time. My research will show that what we have considered this far to be perilous situations, they are similar to a scratch on ones arm when compared to the broader, upcoming accounts of this period. However in order to answer our broader historical questions which call for the juxtaposing of sail and steam through this century of transition, we must analyze other primary sources. Argument II: Through researching perils of sea travel throughout the period of 1820 to 1880, I have discovered that the potentially catastrophic situations that the Augusta managed to overcome are not in any way isolated events. Further research reveals the horrific norms of 19th century maritime travel. Personal accounts of other individuals give us a glimpse into the perils associated with the crossing of the North Atlantic. Similar problems resurface in the writings of
49 50

Ibid p. 73a. Ibid. The view that Captain Crowe was trying to scold the Captain and or crew of this unidentified vessel is my personal opinion after evaluating the situation. Mr. MacDonald does not indicate why he attempted to hail the other vessel, perhaps it was to see if the Captain and crew were alright since she had no lookouts at night.

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other people, such as emigrants, passengers, and in some cases Captains of ships. The problems the Augusta overcame were not the only type of hazards occurring, they are rather the general recurring themes in which almost any nineteenth century vessel found herself in. Charles Dickens, a famous novelist of the Victorian era, was born in England during 1812. On his first trip the United States during 1842, he wrote one of his earliest works titled, American notes for general circulation. Chapter the Second, is subtitled The passage out. His first chapter is mostly background information regarding his journey before he and his wife departed England. At the rough age of thirty, he boarded the Britannia steam packet. Britannia was a side wheel steamer registering in at 1135 tons, 207 ft. in length.51 She had a wooden hull, one exhaust funnel, and three masts which were rigged for sail; giving her a top speed of 9 knots.52 The Britannia was built in 1840 an early member of the Cunard Line of ships.53 Dickens was excellent in expressing and depicting through words, however MacDonald had a more extensive knowledge of ships. His official date of departure was January 3rd 1842. He and his wife had a state room onboard Britannia and on that mid-winter day they were departed England for Halifax and Boston.54 Ten days into his journey, Dickens shows signs of being shaken, a heavy gale of wind, which came slowly up at sunset, when we were about ten days out.55 Soon after encountering this gale things began to only get worse for Mr. Dickens, The laboring of the ship in the troubled sea on this night I shall never forget everything was sliding and bumping about,
51

Bowen,Frank C. A Century of Atlantic Travel: 1830-1930. Boston : Little, Brown & Co., 1930. Pp. 38-42. (accessed via theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/pictures/britannia.htm (accessed March 11 2011). 52 Ibid. 53 Unknown, "The Britannia Steam-Ship." Illustrated London News, October 23, 1847. (Accessed via theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/pictures/britannia.htm (accessed on March 11 2011). 54 Dickens, Charles. American notes for general circulation. Edited by Patricia Ingham. London: Penguin Books, 2000. Chapter I: The Passage Out. 55 Ibid p. 32.

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and when it certainly did seem difficult to comprehend the possibility of anything afloat being more disturbed, without toppling over and going down.56 But what the agitation of a steam-vessel is, on a bad winter's night in the wild Atlantic, it is impossible for the most vivid imagination to conceive. To say that she is flung down on her side in the waves, with her masts dipping into them, and that, springing up again, she rolls over on the other side, until a heavy sea strikes her with the noise of a hundred great guns, and hurls her backthat she stops, and staggers, and shivers, as though stunned, and then, with a violent throbbing at her heart, darts onward like a monster goaded into madness, to be beaten down, and battered, and crushed, and leaped on by the angry seathat thunder, lightning, hail, and rain, and wind, are all in fierce contention for the mastery that every plank has its groan, every nail its shriek, and every drop of water in the great ocean its howling voiceis nothing. To say that all is grand, and all appalling and horrible in the last degree, is nothing. Words cannot express it. Thoughts cannot convey it. Only a dream can call it up again, in all its fury, rage, and passion. 57 His quote on the violence of the sea and the punishment Britannia endured after only ten days at sea are starting to show a relationship to the MacDonald Journal. As a result of the fierce weather conditions, Dickens wrote that they had suffered some structural damage to the Britannia. A life boat was mangled from one blow of water that the sea hit her with and that was the least of the vessels problems. Britannia had lost the wooden planking which powered her paddle wheels, the topmasts were damaged, plus the knotting and rigging of the vessels sails were in a tangled mess.58

56 57

Ibid p. 33. Ibid pp. 33-34. 58 Britannia s.v. Illustration #4.

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As if the situation couldnt get any worse for the thirty year old writer and all others on board, five days after the violent weather dealt the Britannia a beating (15 days into his trip in total), the paddle steamer ran into further dangers. He described the evenings events based on the assumption that they were close to Halifax Harbor. There was ...little wind and a bright moonindeed, we had made the Light at its outer entrance, and put the pilot in chargewhen suddenly the ship struck upon a bank of mud.59 The Britannia soon got off of the mud in which she had grounded on and found herself in more danger. The paddle wheels which gave her the momentum were not only damaged from the previous storm but were also scraping the sea floors basin. The vessel soon began to drift near the shores of the Harbor after her steam powered paddles had become ineffective. It was strange enough, in the silence of midnight, and the dead stillness that seemed to be created by the sudden and unexpected stoppage of the engine which had been clanking and blasting in our ears incessantly for so many days, to watch the look of blank astonishment expressed in every face: beginning with the officers60 Dickens was in arms reach of land vegetation they were so close to the shoreline. After the Captain and his crew fired a few rockets and displayed some lights for others to see distress, It was decided that a boat should be sent ashore. He accounts for the panic that took place once the Captain boarded the life boat, and with the current state of seafaring during the mid-19th century, who wouldnt be? Upon his return, the Captain identified their location to be somewhere Dickens referred to as the Eastern Passage. The Britannia was surrounded by rocks, banks and all other types of obstacles one would not want their hull to meet. The avoidance of this near

59 60

Ibid p. 47. Ibid p. 43-44.

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disaster is accredited to pure luck since the Britannia drifted out of danger.61 Nearly having her hull stove-in on the other hand rests with the error of the man piloting the vessel and the familiar enemy of weather. Although instead of waves or winds, it was fog. As we will see with other accounts as well, the level of technology was primitive when compared to that of todays. There are many instances where human error has directly caused or played a role in risking the safety of people, goods, and vessels. The Albion of Greenock was mastered by Captain Bryce Allan, who kept a journal of his voyage from Greenock, Scotland to Quebec, North America.62 However the story of this vessel's situation is quite different from the Augusta and Britannia. The Albion of Greenock departed Scotland on March 25th 1847 and all was going fine on her voyage to Quebec until April 10th about forty miles off of Cape Race, when she ran into problems that most cannot imagine as perilous or even possible.63 This vessel is classified as a 'ship' which when decoded from the registry stands for a three masted vessel, square rigged sails on all.64 This ship is registered as being built during 1845 in Greenock and she displaced a total of 414 tons.65 During this particular 1847 voyage, she only carried about 19 passengers with her, mostly women. The events that Captain Allan recorded in his journal provide us with a new topic thus far regarding perils at sea. On April 13th 1847 he wrote, Four of us entered the ice in company, the Great Britain, Eromanga and St. Andrew. I hope, if we all get out safe, this will be a warning not
61 62

Ibid. Allan, Bryce (Captain). Locked in the Ice Voyage of the Albion, Personal Journal of the Captain on his voyage covering April 13th 1847 to June 4th 1847. (accessed via: University of Waterloo webpage.) http://jubilation.uwaterloo.ca/~marj/genealogy/ice.html (accessed on Nov. 4 2010). 63 Ibid. 64 Campey,Lucille H. Fast sailing and copper-bottomed: Aberdeen sailing ships and the emigrant Scots they carried to Canada, 1774-1855 . Jane Gibson. Canada: Hignell Printing Limited, 2002. p. 95. 65 Ibid.

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to dispatch ships so early in the Spring.66 Perils at sea such as icebergs are well known by almost all. At any rate, Captain Allans situation was quite different from running into a chunk of ice. He found himself along with the nineteen passengers on board his ship surrounded by ice completely. The Captains journal is fascinating. He found himself initiating rations for all on board, crew and passengers alike. The horrific weather continued for numerous weeks, starvation became a realistic nightmare scenario which did in fact begin to occur.67 On the 10th of May 1847, Captain Allan put pen to paper, writing the following: the ice was again solid and found to be six feet thick. The Albion was as firm as if in drydock and although it was four miles to the Belle isle Captain Ramsay again paid a visit. The two masters talked things over and when Ramsay left Bryce remarked "He is, like the rest of us, very anxious to get out and heartily tired of the Canada trade."68 Scared for the health of his passengers and their evident risk of starvation as well as the potential damage to his vessels hull, Captain Allan put his men to work at attempting to break the six foot thick sheets of ice surrounding the Albion. It was a week later on the 17th of May that the Captain ordered all able bodied crew and passengers to begin hacking at the ice with picks and shovels. At this point in time, they were out of food and supplies. The fear of starving and or freezing to death began to settle in the minds of those present as a distinct possibility. Two days prior, on the 15th of May the vessel Eromanga broke free and continued onward towards Quebec, leaving the Albion stuck in frozen waters. Master Bryce Allans last two journal entries sum up his extraordinary experience adequately:

66

Allan, Bryce (Captain). Locked in the Ice Voyage of the Albion, Personal Journal of the Captain on his voyage covering April 13th 1847 to June 4th 1847. (accessed via: University of Waterloo webpage.) http://jubilation.uwaterloo.ca/~marj/genealogy/ice.html (accessed on Nov. 4 2010). 67 Ibid. 68 Ibid.

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Monday 24th May. It blew a gale yesterday from the South which broke up the ice and caused a heavy swell to come up. The ship made a fearful noise; the heavy ice beating alongside caused us to shake and quiver all over. Today I am thankful to say we have a last got into clear water. We were 46 days from the time we enter the ice until we got out again and 28 of these we never had a man at the helm; the ship was frozen so hard that it would not move Friday 4th June at four in the morning the Albion arrived at Quebec...."69 The near tragedy that all aboard the Albion had managed to overcome was caused by the incompetent decision which sent the Albion and three other vessels into a newly discovered extremely dangerous type of weather. The Captain was correct in his writing when he said that he hopes this will serve as an example of a reason why ships shouldnt be sent during the early spring months because the conditions are still of late winter. Although separated by eight years, the Albion of Greenock and the Jane Boyd were smaller sailing vessels in which the Scottish and Irish immigration wave was carried out through. A journal written by Gordon 'Michie' Ewing on his 1855 voyage from Aberdeen, Scotland to Quebec, North America on board the Jane Boyd tells his story.70 The Jane Boyd was constructed in 1837 hailing from Aberdeen, Scotland and was a barque, registering at 387 tons.71 This ship was slightly smaller than the Augusta although they were of the same class. They differed in displacement by a little over 200 tons. Ewing doesnt account for any structural damage to the Jane Boyd if any did occur, besides minor issues such as broken rigging and falling sails on one occasion. I would not be surprised if this ship had made her transatlantic journey without major
69 70

Ibid. Ewing, Gordon Michie. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Jane Boyd 1855. (Accessed 12/5/2010 via theshipslist.com) 71 Campey,Lucille H. Fast sailing and copper-bottomed: Aberdeen sailing ships and the emigrant Scots they carried to Canada, 1774-1855 . Jane Gibson. Canada: Hignell Printing Limited, 2002. p. 96.

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structural damage because she was built by a reputable firm. Herman Ganson, Master of the Jane Boyd was a well respected Captain in the maritime community and the builder Walter Hood was a partner to the owner, George Thompson who founded the Aberdeen Line.72 The journal kept by Mr. Ewing depicts the same main themes as Francis MacDonald's did; intense winds and waves with the nauseating pitching and rolling of the vessel, resulting in injuries from being 'knocked about.'73 Although it may appear that this account does not fit the mold for dangers at sea, it aids my research by showing the perilous norms of sea travel which one can find in almost any account of maritime travel in this period. The most profound damage occurring on his journey was due to the rolling and pitching of the Jane Boyd which Mr. Ewing describes in great detail on April 18th of 1855: We had a very rough night again with a strong head wind and the ship rolling and pitching, and everything knocking about in all directions. No one can move about without taking hold. The ship often lying along with her deck almost on the waters edge when she rolls. The Steward told me he has been four times with the vessel and they never had such rough weather. Nothing will sit or even lie unless it be fixed. On the 22nd of May Mr. Ewing logs a similar account to that of the MacDonald journal when he further comments on the pitching and rolling of his ship. Just as a deckhand had broken his arm from the violent way in which ships were tossed about, passengers and crew sustained minor injuries while inside of the ship in a slightly different manor, yet still attributed to weather.74 In describing the event, he warns the reader of the primitive method used to prevent injuries while a
72 73

Ibid. p. 178. Ewing, Gordon Michie. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Jane Boyd 1855. (Accessed 12/5/2010 via theshipslist.com) 74 Ibid.

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vessel is rocking so forcefully, ...keep in bed when the sea is rough, or always keep a good hold, and watch the roll of the ship...roll goes the ship, and I lose my hold, and away we went...We were not hurt, but several people have got severe knocks by losing their hold.75 Most importantly, the Augusta (1848), Britannia (1842), Albion (1847) and Jane Boyd (1855) indeed show the presence of both a high frequency and wide variety of perils at sea. Most importantly, all aforementioned vessels mostly through poor weather suffered different ranges of structural damage. Technology played a role in Dickens' account of the Britannia with her paddle wheels and the inability to move the vessel within certain circumstances. Incompetence showed up again as well. For instance when the Britannia ran aground and especially when the owner of the Albion decided to send the ship out so early in the spring. I am convinced that the majority of maritime travel during the 19th century posed perilous situations. As we have seen so far, the three recurring themes (rough weather, incompetence, and poor technology) in causing hazardous situations have not yielded results such as a mass loss of life, investments, or proerpty. Let us now look to narratives of survivors which are far more rare than the previously discussed narratives. The often unexpected and unpredictable forces of nature on the sea have already proven to be a main cause in near wrecks. Bad weather has proven to be one of the biggest factors in the damaging and wrecking of ships. The other accounts I have examined from the period of 1820 to 1880, support the stance of weather being the biggest contributing factor to the horrors which we will soon be discussing, accounts of full shipwrecks. The factors that influence wrecks are the Captain and his subordinates who are in control of the vessel, the state of the vessel, and the available technology. In simpleton terms; you would have had a much better chance of reaching
75

Ibid.

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your destination safely (whether youre a passenger in steerage or a piece of cargo shifting and tumbling about in the hold) with a sober and responsible captain and crew who took pride in their trade as well as a well-built boat with adequate technology. At any rate, it is when poor seamanship and/or incompetence as well as aspects of technology are combined with the phenomenally, forever present, undesired weather; the usual damage seen in earlier examples evolves into the all too familiar tragic-horror narratives. Which of course, are courtesy of some truly lucky people who wrote their stories for one reason or another. If a dangerous weather situation like wild winds or high rolling seas occurred and there was incompetence found of captain and crew, the odds of damages and deaths would therefore definitely increase. The Brigantine John for example was well departed from Plymouth heading for Quebec during early May of 1855.76 This Brigantine was a wood hull sailing vessel, however if differs from a standard Barque because the former has only two masts with square sails on the fore mast, but not the aft mast.77 This ship was quite well aged being built during 1810 in Chester and registered at 465 tons.78 With that being said, the Brigantine John on this specific journey held within her 149 adult immigrants, 96 children and 16 infants.79 In command was Master Rawle, the man whos shoulder it fell upon to provide safe passage for the passengers of the John to Canada. Master Rawle set sail and began the voyage around four pm on May 3rd 1855. The sail was full and they were moving. At 9:30 p.m. the Second Mate spotted the

76

Quebec Mercury, Tuesday, May 29th, 1855. Page 3, Col. 1C. Wreck of an Emigrant Ship - Two Hundred Lives Lost. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/Wrecks/John1855.htm (accessed on November 17 2010). 77 Brigantine s.v. Illustration #2. 78 Scrapbook entry dated May 19th, 1855. Another tale of emigrant suffering from GGGPa's scrapbook, JOHN. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/descriptions/gggsketch.html#john (accessed on December 18 2010). 79 Quebec Mercury, Tuesday, May 29th, 1855. Page 3, Col. 1C. Wreck of an Emigrant Ship - Two Hundred Lives Lost. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/Wrecks/John1855.htm (accessed on November 17 2010).

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Falmouth Light, a landmark of the area used for navigation at night. Nearly a half hour later, the Captain went below to lay down leaving the second Mate on watch.80 The Second Mate nervously asked for the Captains whereabouts because he thought that they might have drifted too close to land. The Captain to the deck roughly around 10:00 p.m. scorning the Second Mates remarks.81 Sure enough not a moment later the Brigantine ran aground on the Manacle rocks; which immediately stove in her hull.82 Master Rawles immediate course of action was to run her aground near shore, which proves to be logical considering the damage incurred. Full sail was rigged and the John made 9 knots towards her rounding on the beach but once there the tide washed her out again. The last ditch effort to stop this vessel was the dropping of her anchor which resulted in her grounding heavily. After this occurred, the Captain himself and three other crew members jumped into one of the ships four various boats while one passenger swam to shore using a ladder as a flotation device.83 To his dissatisfaction, Captain Rawle wound up leaving his escape boat because no one was there to answer his call to be lowered. The man who had luckily reached shore while clinging to a ladder assisted the makeshift coast guard in locating the exact whereabouts of the wrecked vessel, the four safe and sound seamen refused to venture back out. The coast guard assistance was disbanded for the remainder of the evening and was continued the following day, May 4th. At this time it was too late for the passengers of the emigrant ship John. Throughout the remainder of the night of the third going into the fourth, the passengers were ordered by Captain Rawle to not lower any life boats because they were perfectly safe which was contrary to what the passengers believed should be

80 81

Ibid. Ibid. 82 Ibid. 83 Scrapbook entry dated May 19th, 1855. Another tale of emigrant suffering from GGGPa's scrapbook, JOHN. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/descriptions/gggsketch.html#john (accessed on December 18 2010).

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done.84 The Captain reasoned that the rescue boats would indeed reach them before high tide and flood waves would strike and really endanger them. At approximately 1:00 am on May 4th, 1855 the tide began to rise up the side of the John and by 2:00 am, a wall of water crashed heavily over the ship further damaging her as well as washing passengers over the side of the vessel.85 One-hundred and ninety six men, women and children perished that evening.86 When the rescue boats arrived the crew was the first to secure seats, with their luggage!87 At no point in time during this event did neither captain nor did crew do anything to aid in the wellbeing and safety of their passengers. They were obviously much more concerned with their own personal wellbeing considering none of the crew perished. Not to mention the fact that most of these sailors were intoxicated throughout the majority of the endeavor!88 This example is by far the most valuable in regards to Incompetence and flat out foolishness. As a result of his poor decisions, Captain Rawle was responsible for the loss of 196 lives and the wrecking of his vessel. He was then charged and found guilty of manslaughter.89 Luckily for the surviving passengers the steamer Avon, under command of Lieutenant Rundle rescued 50 of the surviving 93 passengers and brought them back to land on May 8th 1855. The steamship Austria was a steamship that sank on 13 September 1858, in one of the worst transatlantic maritime disasters ever recorded, claiming the lives of 449 passengers and

84

Quebec Mercury, Tuesday, May 29th, 1855. Page 3, Col. 1C. Wreck of an Emigrant Ship - Two Hundred Lives Lost. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/Wrecks/John1855.htm (accessed on November 17 2010). 85 Ibid. 86 Scrapbook entry dated May 19th, 1855. Another tale of emigrant suffering from GGGPa's scrapbook, JOHN. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/descriptions/gggsketch.html#john (accessed on December 18 2010). 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid.

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crew.90 The Austria was built by Caird & Co. of Greenock, Scotland and was launched on June 23rd 1857. She weighed roughly 2,684 tons, was over 300 ft. in length, with three masts and single screw propeller propulsion.91 The unfortunate fate of those on board the steamer Austria is a disturbing theme of poor technology that we have not encountered thus far. As the story goes, a decision was made by captain Heydtmann and the ships physician to fumigate steerage. The fourth mate was charged with that duty and this was carried out by dipping a red-hot chain into a bucket of tar; the chain became too hot for the boatswain to hold, and it was dropped onto the deck, which immediately burst into flames.92 Although the ship was traveling at only half speed it was impossible to stop the engines as the engine crew had become asphyxiated.93 When the helmsman abandoned the wheel, the ship swung into the wind, spreading the flames down the length of the ship, racing through the deck of the vessel as passengers jumped into the sea.94 The passing Barque, Maurice of France rescued most of the survivors, and the Catarina of Norway picked up more the next morning. As the blackened hulk was left to sink, all but 65 of 538 passengers were lost. The author included renderings of drawings showing the horrific sight.95 Weather is very dangerous at times for us to overcome, even with our technology of present times. Rough seas and turbulent winds are problems that haunt sailors today because not much can be done (if anything) to alter or make seafaring safer under these conditions. Fog on

90

Brew, Charles. Loss of the Austria Narrative of a survivor, accessed via Old Mersy Times (online) Oct. 14th 1858. http://www.old-merseytimes.co.uk/SSAustria.html (accessed 12/3/2010). 91 Devens, R.M. Our First Century: One Hundred Great and Memorable Events in the History of Our Country. C.A. Nichols & Co., Springfield Mass. (1876): Pp. 678-82. 92 Brew, Charles. Loss of the Austria Narrative of a survivor, accessed via Old Mersy Times (online) Oct. 14th 1858. http://www.old-merseytimes.co.uk/SSAustria.html (accessed 12/3/2010). 93 Ibid. 94 Ibid. 95 Devens, R.M. Our First Century: One Hundred Great and Memorable Events in the History of Our Country. C.A. Nichols & Co., Springfield Mass. (1876): Pp. 678-82.

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the other hand, is a problem for example with uncharted rocks or even worse, a British Iron Clipper Ship.96 Imagine being in control of an enormous and beautiful passenger ocean liner and not being able to spot others vessels at night and not knowing who cannot see you as well!97 The Ville du Havre, a French screw steamship sailed from New York on September 15th 1873 for Havre, France. She was a vision of grandeur during these days, the second largest ship in the world! The Ville du Havre was originally Napoleon III built in 1866 with a gross tonnage of 3,376, and a top speed of 13 knots.98 Between the years of 1871 73 compound engines and screw propulsion were included as a few of her many upgrades; the hull of the vessel was also lengthened from 366 to 422 feet.99 During this period paddlewheel steamers like the Napoleon III were becoming outdated and obsolete. The new trend was screw (or propeller) propulsion which had been around for many decades however it wasnt until later in the 19th century that the screw propulsion system was made practical.100 After the fate of the Ville du Havre was dealt, Miss Madeline Curtis Mixter wrote a letter to her two uncles describing from her perspective, the events which led to this glorious steamers demise. She was a seventeen year old passenger on this voyage and travelled with her younger sister Helen Kortwright Mixter who was only nine years of age. Also accompanying the two young ladies was Mr. and Mrs. Charles Mixter (her parents) and Madeline and Helens Grandfather, Nathaniel W. Curtis, all of Boston, MA. By mid-November 1873, the Ville du Havre was already well on her way to France and in the open and unpredictable waters of the North Atlantic. On the 17th of November she encountered heavy fog which lasted for five days.
96 97

S.v. Clipper Ship Illustration #3 S.v. Loss of The Austria Illustration #5 98 Bonsor, N. R. P. North Atlantic Seaway. (Prescot, United Kingdom, 1955). Vol. 2, p. 652. 99 Ibid. 100 Tyler,David Budlong. Steam Conquers the Atlantic. 1 ed. New York & London: D. Appleton-Century Company Inc, 1939. Pp. 371.

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Unfortunately around the same time another ship, the British Iron Clipper ship Loch Earn left London bound for New York. Both vessels were fortunate enough to have shred a similar departing time and route with the American ship Trimountain which was headed for New York, coming from Bristol, England. All three of these ships play the cast what Flayhart calls the worst maritime disaster prior to the sinking of the Titanic.101 At 2:00 am on November 22nd 1873, Miss Mixter writes: we were awakened by a crash and a sudden stopping of the steamer. Some thought the screw had broken but voices were heard from above speaking of a ship. We then knew that a collision had taken place, but whether we were in danger or not was still uncertain102 Captain Surmont, was just awakening before 2 a.m. that morning when he had realized that the Loch earn was heading straight for his starboard side, at full sail. Before Captain Surmont could reach the bridge of his vessel, the Loch Earn struck the Ville du Havre at full nautical speed directly opposite the mainmast.103 Although the Ville du Havre was a steamship she still held two masts since steam powered vessels werent always reliable for reasons like mechanical breakdowns and lack of fuels for example. All lifeboats were launched, and out of eight, only one reached the Loch Earn to ask for aid and assistance in taking on survivors. Captain Robertson of the Loch Earn immediately assessed his own vessel and concluded that her iron bulkheads were seaworthy. He was not concerned about the state of the Ville du Havre until life boats began showing up. Captain Robertson granted permission for survivors to board his ship and dispatched three of his own vessels smaller crafts to aid in the rescue. The Ville du
101

Flayhart,William H. Perils of the Atlantic: Steamship Disasters 1850 to the Present. 1 ed. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2003. 102 Mixter Curtis, Madeline. Unpublished Personal Letters to her Uncles after the Sinking of the Ville du Havre in Late November of 1873. (accessed via: note 17). 103 Wolcott, Oliver Jr, A Sad Tale That Must Be Told Madeline Curtis Mixters Account of the Loss of the Ville du Havre, American Neptune 57, No.3. (1997): 229-36.

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Havre had a huge gash in her starboard side and was completely foundered within fifteen minutes of the collision. In the words of Ms. Mixter, she stated that, after fifteen minutes, not a vestige of our ship was to be seen.104 Mixter then recalls the terrifying moments with her family before going down with the ship: We stood all together waiting for our end. The solemn stillness was suddenly broken by the falling of the mast. The bow of the vessel disappeared under the waterThere was a sudden surging of the water, a rushing sound, and I found myself carried down, down, down. I thought I should never rise again I rose to the surface, seized a board and lay there swimming and resting amidst the sea crying for help.105 Miss Madeline Curtis Mixter was fortunate enough to be saved by one of the Loch Earns boats in what she estimated to be a half an hour after the sinking of the Ville du Havre. Once aboard the Loch Earn, she triumphantly reunites with her nine year old sister who sadly enough is the only other survivor out of their family. In all only 27 passengers, 6 officers, and 53 crew members survived the collision and foundering of the Ville du Havre.106 It is also astonishing to note that not one of these individuals who were saved was assisted by one of the boats from the Ville du Havre. She went down so quick that it must have been extremely difficult to coordinate the lowering of all her boats in less than 15 minutes.107 Argument III:

104

Mixter Curtis, Madeline. Unpublished Personal Letters to her Uncles after the Sinking of the Ville du Havre in Late November of 1873. (accessed via: note 101). 105 Ibid. 106 Wolcott, Oliver Jr, A Sad Tale That Must Be Told Madeline Curtis Mixters Account of the Loss of the Ville du Havre, American Neptune 57, No.3. (1997): 229-36. 107 S.v. The Sinking of the Steamship Ville du Havre Illustration #6

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The Brigantine John (1855) and the Single screw steamers Austria (1858) and Ville du Havre (1873) have all been wrecked due to either one or a a combination of the remaining two aspects that were combined with bad and unpredictable weather: poor seamanship and a much earlier stage in logistical technology in comparison to todays standards. For these three shipwrecked vessels alone, roughly 844 souls perished from collision, drowning or being burned alive and then drowning (in the case of the Austria). Earlier in describing single screw steamers Austria and the Ville du Havre, I mentioned that they held three and two masts, respectively. All of the earlier paddle wheel steamships held two to three masts also, which is not a statement of confidence in steam power by any means. This was because the transition from sail to steam was a very unstable and uncertain one. On many other occasions steam vessels, both the earlier model paddle and later screw (or propeller) have broken down, ran out of fuel, or exploded and burned at sea. As we have seen, whether a sail or steam vessel, there were a wide variety and high frequency of perilous situations that took place on the North Atlantic during the 19th century. Records that I have found indicate that there have been more steamship losses than that of sail during this period. By 1817, there were 10 steamboats running routes from New York to Albany. This shows us that steam production under weigh before 1920. The earlier versions of steam vessels were powered by a paddle wheel on either side of the middle point of the vessel. They also had a number of rigged masts in order the steam engine failed or simply for more power. A similar ship, the Savannah took a test run around my hometown, Staten Island after being launched on August 22, 1818; which was over thirty years before Francis arrived in the United States. The Savannah crossed the North Atlantic from New York and arrived in Liverpool, completing her voyage in circa 29 days, but she barely made speed from coal, rather it was her sails that provided most of the power. However steamships were young as far as proven

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ability and not showing signs of being fiscally sound at this point due to the little available cargo room from the huge amount of fuel that was necessary for power. As industrialists began to see the possibilities of this new concept, some were weary while others invested, invented, and jumped right in; on either side of the Atlantic. This could be attributed to better record keeping towards the later part of the century. But I am only interested in discussing the period of 1820-1880. Steam as I previously stated was in a transitional stage which obviously began with an experimental stage during the early 1800s. Although steam proved plausible, they seldom left rivers and lakes during the first half of the century. There are exceptions of course, the steamboat Savannah crossed the North Atlantic ocean during 1818. However it was not profitable because like (although not as bad as) the Britannia, the Savannahs engine and fuel supply took up too much room to turn a profit. Another reason steam didnt take off was because the United States did not have a great enough supply of coal at this time. A huge amount of steam would have to be burned to gain a few pounds of pressure. Steam was slow to develop into the massive ocean liners of the late 19th century when compared to these industrial experiments of the 1850s. This did in fact stimulate the economies of both North America and Western Europe because now men could travel freely in search of work to provide for their families wherever they may have been. I consider steam to have left the experimental stage during the late 1840s early 1850s and to have been made much more safer and reliable during the 1890s. The sad stories of those fortunate souls who escaped death are a testament to the fact that steamships had a long, dreadful transition into becoming a safer means of transportation; they did not dominate the Atlantic ocean as others may believe. Cohn in his article suggests that The steamship shortened the length of the voyage from a minimum of five or six weeks to less than
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two weeks and reduced the variability of arrival time. I find this to be obviously true, however steamships also reduced the cost of migration, led to a rise in volume, and increased the areas in Europe from which immigrants came.108 Cohn argues that the transition took roughly 15 years. However I cannot agree due to the staggering amount of lives and ships lost. Steam did not conquer the Atlantic until the eve of the 20th century. It was not until 1864 that close to 50% of immigrants came into New York by means of steamship in contrast to steam.109 I feel that Cohns study is not accurate methodically speaking because to judge this transition one cannot solely focus on immigration. At any rate, it is when we add the statistics of trade and immigration that we can see the true transition of steam. Tyler provides us with excellent data concerning the coal efficiency as well as the fact that most liners did not adopt screw propulsion until the 1880s, which made steamships much more fiscally sound.110 Moreover, most historians agree that the evolution from sail to steam dominance in trade occurred over 50 years, 1850 1900.111 Lucille Campey was correct about sailing at this time. That being one of the most important factors of this time was an experienced and knowledgeable captain and a well-built ship. So in essence she is saying that with good seamanship and structural sound technology pertaining to the design and construction of a vessel, the odds are in the passengers favor of making it safely to their destination. This is true because even today our advanced technology still succumbs to the force of weather most of the time. With the aspects of weather always

108 109

Cohn 2005 p. 470 Cohn p. 472. Table I: Arrivals by steamship at New York, 1852-1876. 110 Tyler p. 371. 111 C. Knick Harley. Ocean Freight Rates and Productivity, 1740-1913: The Primacy of Mechanical Invention Reaffirmed. Cambridge University Press. The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Dec., 1988), pp. 851-876. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2121620 (accessed March 12 2011).

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against man than the other aspects of technology and seamanship would dictate the odds of safe passage. During the window in between 1820 and 1880, 81 steamships alone have been considered officially wrecked.112 They are considered wrecked ships because they foundered, whether from fire, collision with other ships, rocks, icebergs and reefs. There are also ships that have been designated as abandoned, missing and wrecked in general. From these 81 steamships that have wrecked, only 34 have records of lives lost. The total estimated loses for these 34 out of 81 wrecked vessels were 5,322 lives.113 It is very possible that more people were killed at sea by a variety of ways, especially since the port of departure could have kept poor records. Cohn is wrong in saying that the steamship decreased mortality. In fact, it increased mortality because when a major steamship wrecks on the ocean, she is carrying many more immigrants than most ocean going sail packets could hold. Fayharts work is a plausible starting point for arguing the state of steam ships during mid-century and whether or not they had completed this transitional phase. For example, the American owned and operated Collins Line. The Arctic was a paddle wheel steamer of the Collins line, built in New York during 1850. She weighed roughly 2,850 tons and was 285 ft. in length.114 Her features included one exhaust funnel, three masts, wooden hull and a top speed of 12 knots.115 On September 27 1854 she collided with the French steamship Vesta near Cape Race losing circa 285-351 lives.116 The paddle steamer President went missing in 1841 with 136 persons and the City of Glasgow vanished in 1854 with 480, but there were no survivors to

112 113

http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/Wrecks/nalosses.htm Ibid. 114 Bonsor, N. R. P. North Atlantic Seaway. (Prescot, United Kingdom, 1955) vol. 1, p. 207. 115 Ibid. 116 Ibid.

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provide gripping or lurid details the Arctic would be the first steamship wreck to achieve international recognition.117 Less than 2 years later, the Collins line suffered another devastating loss to their fleet. The Pacific was built in 1849 in New York by Jacob Bell and owned/operated by the Collins line.118 Her total tonnage was circa 2,700 with 281 ft. in length.119 A paddle wheel steamer with a wooden hull similar to the Arctic with one funnel, and three masts rigged for sail.120 The Pacific was never heard from again during an 1856 transatlantic voyage and with her 186-286 lives were lost.121 No matter what way we look at this transition, the Atlantic ocean proves that the sea can still be a harsh taskmaster as Flayhart puts it. Even throughout the 20th century ships have been lost on the Atlantic, although at a much lower frequency. For writers to look at this transition and describe it with words such as glorious; they are indeed biased by mans mechanical achievements. Yes of course this was a pivotal mechanical accomplishment, but when looking at lives and investments lost during this period the statistics and stories speak for themselves.

117 118

Flayhart p. 19 Bonsor, N. R. P. North Atlantic Seaway. (Prescot, United Kingdom, 1955) vol. 1, p. 207. 119 Ibid. 120 Flayhart p. 19 121 Ibid.

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Illustrations:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Barque A glimpse of what the Augusta and Jane Boyd looked like Brigantine A glimpse of what the John looked like. Clipper Ship A glimpse of the general class of ship the Loch Earn belonged to. Britannia Lithograph and deck plans. Loss of The Austria Artists renderings of this disaster. Ville du Havre - Collision between Loch Earn and Ville du Havre & The Ville du Havre undergoing her transformation from Napoleon III.

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Illustration #1: Barque The Barque has three or more masts with square sails on all except the mizzen (aft) mast. Augusta (1848) & Jane Boyd (1855)

Illustration # 2: Brigantine The Brigantine has Two Masts, square sails on the foremast, but not on the aft mast. John (1855)

Both images taken from www.theshipslist.com ships rigging page.

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Illustration # 3: Clipper Ship Top: Iron Clipper Ship Cornwallis Vessel Black Ball 1862 Part Page From An Issue 1862. The Illustrated London News. [accessed via: http://www.cqout.com/item.asp?id=4099402]. Bottom: 1860s artist rendering of a Clipper Ship.

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Illustration # 4: Britannia Top: The Britannia Steam-Ship, Illustrated London News of Oct 23, 1847. [accessed via: theshipslist.com/britannia1840]. Bottom: Deck plans of the Steam Ship Britannia 1840. *Note the amount of room which the ships paddles, engine, and fuel (coal) storage took up on this early steam ship. [accessed via: http://www.norwayheritage.com/gallery/gallery/Steamship_Companies/Cunard_Line/ 04britannia].
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Illustration #5: Austria Top: 19th century artists rendering of the burning of the Steam Ship Austria. Burning of the steamship 'Austria', 13 September 1858 National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London [accessed via: http://www.nmmprints.com/image.php?id=658507]. Bottom: Burning of the Steamship Austria Sept. 13th 1858. 2011 SPRINGFIELD MUSEUMS artist unknown. [accessed via: http://www.springfieldmuseums.org]
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Illustration # 6: The Ville du Havre Top: The Ville du Havre while undergoing her transition from Napoleon III to Ville du Havre (1860s) [accessed via: Collection French Liners @ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Ville_du_Havre.jpg]. Bottom: Lithograph of the collision between the Ville du Havre and Loch Earn Nov. 22nd 1873. [accessed via: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SS_Ville_du_Havre - artist unknown].

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Bibliography Primary Sources: Allan, Bryce (Captain). Locked in the Ice Voyage of the Albion, Personal Journal of the Captain on his voyage covering April 13th 1847 to June 4th 1847. http://jubilation.uwaterloo.ca/~marj/genealogy/ice.html (accessed on 12/3/2010). Brew, Charles. Loss of the Austria Narrative of a survivor, accessed via Old Mersy Times (online) Oct. 14th 1858. http://www.old-merseytimes.co.uk/SSAustria.html (accessed 12/3/2010). Ewing, Gordon Michie. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Jane Boyd 1855. accessed via: theshipslist.com Devens, R.M. Our First Century: One Hundred Great and Memorable Events in the History of Our Country. C.A. Nichols & Co., Springfield Mass. (1876): Pp. 673-680. Dickens, Charles. American notes for general circulation. Edited by Patricia Ingham. London: Penguin Books, 2000. Chapter the Second: The Passage Out. pp. 1-47 account of the structural damage to the paddle steamer Britannia during her 1842 voyage. MacDonald, Francis. Personal Journal of his Trans-Atlantic Voyage on board the Barque Augusta, 1848. Staten Island Institute of Arts & Sciences, Staten Island, N.Y. Mixter Curtis, Madeline. Personal Letters to her Uncles after the Sinking of the Ville du Havre in Late November of 1873. (accessed via American Neptune Vol 57, 3. (Summer 1997) Pp. 229-36. Quebec Mercury, Tuesday, May 29th, 1855: Newspaper article about the ship John. p. 3 Col. C :http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/Wrecks/John1855.htm (accessed on 0/12/2010). Scrapbook entry dated May 19th, 1855. Another tale of emigrant suffering from GGGPa's scrapbook, JOHN. (accessed via: theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/descriptions/gggsketch.html#john (accessed on December 18 2010). Unknown, "The Britannia Steam-Ship." Illustrated London News, October 23, 1847. (Accessed via theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/pictures/britannia.htm (accessed on March 11 2011).

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Secondary Sources: Bonsor, N. R. P. North Atlantic seaway. Prescot, United Kingdom; (1955) Bowen, Frank C. A Century of Atlantic Travel: 1830-1930. Boston : Little, Brown & Co., 1930. Pp. 38-42. (accessed via theshipslist.com) http://www.theshipslist.com/pictures/britannia.htm (accessed March 11 2011). Campey, Lucille H. Fast sailing and copper-bottomed: Aberdeen sailing ships and the emigrant Scots they carried to Canada, 1774-1855. Dundurn Press Ltd., (2002): pp. 209. http://books.google.com/books?id=8NnwlwoO464C&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor :%22Lucille+H.+Campey%22&hl=en#v=onepage&q&f=false (accessed 12/6/2010). C. Knick Harley. Ocean Freight Rates and Productivity, 1740-1913: The Primacy of Mechanical Invention Reaffirmed. Cambridge University Press, The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Dec., 1988), pp. 851-876 Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2121620 (accessed April 7 2011). Cohn, Raymond L, Passenger Mortality on Antebellum Immigrant Ships: Further Evidence, The International Journal of Maritime History, 15, No. 2. (2003): 1-19. Cohn, Raymond L. "The Transition from Sail to Steam in Immigration to the United States." The Journal of Economic History 65, no. 2 (2005): 469-495. Esther Clark Wright, D. Litt. Saint John Ships and Their Builders. February 9, 1998. http://www.fortunecity.com/littleitaly/amalfi/13/shipa.htm (accessed November 20, 2010). Evans, Clayton. Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft and Organisations. Naval Institute Press, Annapolis, M.D; (2003): pp. 296. Flayhart, William H. Perils of the Atlantic: Steamship Disasters, 1850 to the Present. W.W. Norton & Co. New York & London; (2003): pp. 380. Ivison, Eric. The MacDonald Collection - A Documentary History. n.d. http://www.library.csi.cuny.edu/siias/macdonald/MacDonald.html (accessed 3 23, 2011). Souza, Donna J. The persistence of sail in the age of steam: underwater archaeological evidence from the Dry Tortugas. Springer, (1998): pp. 189. http://books.google.com/ books?id=8KAzhp6jn_cC&dq=The+persistence+of+sail+in+the+age+of+steam: +underwater+archaeological+evidence+%09from+the+Dry+Tortugas. &source=gbs_navlinks_s (accessed 12/6/2010). Tyler,David Budlong. Steam Conquers the Atlantic. 1 ed. New York & London: D. AppletonCentury Company Inc, 1939. Pp. 425.
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Wolcott, Oliver Jr, A Sad Tale That Must Be Told Madeline Curtis Mixters Account of the Loss of the Ville du Havre, American Neptune 57, No.3. (1997): 229-36. Unknown Author, Cornwall in Focus: Shipwrecks on The Manacles Rocks. http://www.cornwallinfocus.co.uk/history/manacles.php (accessed on April 1, 2011).

References:

Encyclopedia of Nautical Knowledge Oxford Encyclopedia of maritime history

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