Complete SFM April 2011 Volume 7:2

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011
PREPARING MISSIONARIES FOR GROWTH THROUGH SUFFERING

By Roger Foster 1 1 Pastoral theology in the context of suffering The Christian life seems to include a calling and a process that contains both joy and sorrow. Williams asserts that suffering is a normal and inevitable part of the Christian life. Missionaries also generally accept that their work will not be easy and their commitment is often described as total or giving all (or their life) for the sake of the Gospel. However, this is not a fatalistic determination, but an understanding of a calling by God and that there is a paradoxical effect of joy in the midst of pain and rejoicing in the midst of persecution (Rom 5:3). When a traumatic event happens, however, it destabilizes us and threatens our faith and our ability to understand Gods purposes, and even his love and care for us. In fact, some traumatic events on the mission field are so far outside of the realm of our normal understanding of the natural and spiritual world that it may take a very long time to process and comprehend the reality of the events that took place. In the 10/40 window or Arab world context there may be little or no ability to mourn or grieve losses. One woman, who tragically lost both of her parents while on the field, related to me that there was no place that she could go to pray and mourn where she would not be watched or pitied. This was true not only of the external Muslim community around her, but also within
1 Roger Foster (penname) is a Clinical Social Worker and has been involved in international development, child protection and social work, mainly in Africa, for more than 20 years. He is a Trauma Therapist and Trainer with a religious liberty organisation in the Middle East. Roger recently completed a Certificate in Global Mental Health with the Harvard Refugee Trauma Program and holds a Masters Degree (MSW) from the University of Maryland School of Social Work.
St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision
her own mission team who wanted her to get over it and return to normal productive functioning. It seems, firstly, that part of Gods idea of missions is that we are wounded healers, as Henry Nouwen has aptly stated, who have experienced wounds (the root word for trauma) in our life and who have found healing in Jesus. Perseverance (and understanding) produces character and character produces hope (and a new life and calling). At some point in the grief / healing process some of us discover the fact that God is sending us to those who have been through similar circumstances or worse either in our backyard or halfway around the world. However, being sent does not preclude us from other wounds or from vicarious traumatisation brought on by identifying or relating to the traumatic stories of the people that we were sent to. In fact, traumatic events on the field can trigger psychological and spiritual responses based on previous trauma and life experiences (Grosshauser, 2002). The second part of Gods idea of missions, in my point of view as a trauma counsellor, is that God gives us each other to help us through suffering on the field (Gal 6:2). Researchers investigating soldiers with shell shock after WW II found that the single determining factor of men not developing this new found ailment was the strength, support and integrity of their platoon or small fighting group (Herman). However, what seems to happen is that the nature of trauma overwhelms us and pervasive emotions such as fear, guilt, shame, anger and depression may preclude us from wanting or seeking help from others on our team in the mission, or from supporting churches. Further, these emotions may hinder our understanding that God may be providing a dove with an olive branch in a flood or sea of doubt and instability. One theologian speaking of trauma survivors feelings and sense of isolation says this, The very thing that one needs to heal, trusted and close relationships, requires engaging the reality that one fears the most, other people (Jones, 2009). Mission leaders in stressful environments may tend to become more concerned with end strategic goals then they are with the process and the people that God has sent to them to labour with them. Pioneer mission work is never easy, but when leaders go into potenSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 2
tially violent areas it is possible for them to become very taskoriented and conditions may even lead some to become abusive or to maintain abusive (or absent) personnel practices in the name of giving all for God. McKaughan (1997) described this as systems abuse in his paper on missionary attrition and called on agencies to embark on a process of self-evaluation rather than abdicating responsibility. Thirdly, Gods idea of mission in potentially harmful or unstable contexts, I believe, always includes the potential for new perspective, new growth and new understanding. It is only through processing and understanding the narrative (story) of our collective and individual trauma that we reach new conclusions of what God is doing in the midst of seeming chaos. Many of us are sent to minister in areas where there have been centuries of layers of historical and structural trauma (Van der Merwe and Godobo-Madikizela, 2008). We help people to see the story of Jesus and his redemptive purposes for mankind but, hopefully, we also see how to gently help people re-write and re-imagine their own trauma story in the light of the grand story of Gods ultimate purpose. Of course, along with the story of cultures, nations and ethnic groups is our own story of personal tragedy and redemption. The playing field is levelled when we realize that we have roughly the same mortality rate as our neighbour in a foreign country. But, regardless of whether we are an expatriate or local Christian worker (probably with greater risk factors) we all need to see how God is leading us through the process of growth through suffering. So, in a very real way [Christianity] is a story of trauma and grace. The language of faith can reach straight into the heart of imagination. The fragmented anatomy of trauma can leave one without a world, without speech, stories, memories, communities, future, or a sense of self; theologys task is to re-narrate to us what we have yet to imagine (Jones 2009). This paper will focus on ways in which missionaries can grow through suffering and ways that we can assist them in this lifelong, developmental process. This paper will give specific ways in which we can help missionaries make connections for growth when moorSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 3
ings seem lost. This paper affirms the uniqueness of each individual missionary on different paths through life and that, other than the unity that we all have in Jesus, there is no one size fits all answer to helping people along this precarious growth process through suffering. 2 Traumatic events and recent increased risk among missionaries and humanitarian workers Many years ago humanitarian workers were granted special status in war zones to help those on the field of battle. The Red Cross became an emblem of both neutrality and post-disaster/post-conflict assistance. However, as we know, times have changed and missionaries have sometimes become targets of religious and political violence. Though more missionaries are probably killed through traffic accidents, there are increased rates of missionaries and humanitarian workers who have been murdered, kidnapped or seriously injured. In 2008, 260 humanitarian workers were killed, kidnapped or seriously injured in violent attacks (Lovell Hawker, 2009). There are a couple of additional factors involved in our region. First, many of the unreached people groups in which we work are presently or have in the recent past been involved in war and massive refugee / immigration displacement. Many missionaries work on the border between conflicts or where there are new incidences of terrorism or political instability. Second, missionaries in the region are working more in the context of humanitarian work and much of this work is in post-conflict and post-disaster regions. Even those who are involved in business as mission endeavours often have employees who live or work in unsafe areas. For a further analysis see Tony Maloofs documentation of the context of violence in the Middle East in Keith Eitel (ed), Missions in Contexts of Violence. For those of us who study and practice in the area of trauma and missionary care there are several areas of attention that arise, given
the increase in morbidity and mortality rates. These include the need for:
1. Development and implementation of risk assessment, contingency planning and working security policies 2. Development and implementation of missionary care policies and procedures that include evaluation of practical effectiveness and attention to those who often fall between the cracks of assistance 3. Additional training, mentoring and coordination of peer counsellors as part of a network of trained missionary care professionals (see West Africa Mobile Member Care Team as a potential model) 4. Research into the causes of violence in the region and paths to peace and reconciliation 5. Development of best practice therapeutic assistance for missionaries needing additional counselling and support Despite the increased risk in the region it is important to note that every missionary suffers different types of trauma or difficulties and will respond in vastly different ways. The basis of crisis intervention theory is to help the person get back to the pre-crisis or higher level of functioning, but within a context that one persons crisis is not another persons crisis and that every one reacts in different ways (Agulera). Some people will be able to work through a traumatic event through prayer, group support and a debriefing while someone else experiencing the same trauma may need more time, assistance and counselling in processing and healing from the event. 3 Suffering and missionary stress and trauma factors Suffering takes on different forms some of which is internal to the person, family or mission and some of which is external and includes factors that are inherent in the region such as political violence or humanitarian disasters.
As stated previously, every person has a different set of factors that may cause stress and a variety of different responses to stress or trauma. Some missionaries may have experienced trauma in the context of family either in childhood, young adulthood or at any developmental stage of life. Some may have had a past history of trauma and spiritual and mental health issues and some of these events could have made the person stronger and more able to handle higher stress levels in the future. But, for others, past issues of trauma trigger responses such as panic attacks, nightmares or other post-traumatic stress responses. As parents, some missionaries have experienced the death of an infant or child or have had difficulty in having children. As team members all of us have experienced not only cross-cultural difficulties, but also the reverse culture shock of re-entry, including feelings of isolation and lack of understanding of mission and calling by supporting churches. There is a host of other internal issues covered in books such as Missionary Stress. The external stress and trauma factors are numerous and come up frequently in mission team SWOT analysis (Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) under the threat column. I will speak of a couple of those threats here that become reality in many places. The first is that more and more workers are subject to sudden evacuation from countries under threat of war, terrorism or insurgency. Related to this is a sudden recent increase in some countries of workers who are arrested, interrogated, threatened and deported. In these cases there are those who are forced to leave as well as those who stay who need debriefing and support. All of us who work in overseas missions hear the stories of traumatic and often violent events as we minister to and work alongside nationals in the work that we are called to. We might not experience trauma directly, but we may have witnessed even extreme levels of trauma that have an effect on our mind, body and spirit. This indirect or vicarious form of psychological and spiritual traumatisation can have a long lasting and potentially harmful effect on missionaries and humanitarian workers. It is important that peer counsellors, mission leaders and those who counsel and hear the trauma
St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 6
story have an opportunity to debrief and rest from intensive ministry. In war zones and areas of increased tension or high stress it is important that missionaries have a set time of ministry and a set time away from the area to rest and debrief. In these areas workers may or may not display post-traumatic stress symptoms that are more acute, but may have what is known as generalized stress symptoms or factors that are difficult to detect. Humanitarian workers have been known to put up with a mind-numbing, complex, unpredictable and potentially stressful work environment and may have a difficulty distinguishing what is normal and what is abnormal. If you interview them and add in the workers own personality, experience and resilience level you can only then start to see if this is something that they can handle or if they may be at the breaking point. Lack of health care, debriefing, counselling and coaching resources can make it difficult for missionaries to get the help that they need. It is incumbent upon organizations and churches to provide access to a network of health care and counselling professionals and care and retreat centres. There is a part of suffering that is part of the calling and process of ministry, but there is also a developing understanding that missionaries are not canon fodder and are too valuable to lose. 4 Suffering and current research on stress and trauma 4.1 History and current research models Much of the research on the post-traumatic effects of trauma in the last century have come from psychologists who have studied survivors of war trauma, genocide and other mass traumatic events. Psychiatrists have developed a system of diagnosis and medical treatment of mental illness with other medical and mental health practitioners. The Diagnostic and Statistic manual, used by most mental health practitioners, has classifications for Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and Acute stress disorder (or Combat stress disorder) for those who have PTSD symptoms of less than a month.
These classifications have been helpful in the West for describing post-traumatic reactions that may include such things as avoidance, detachment, hyper-arousal (feelings that you are constantly on guard or irritable), feelings of helplessness, nightmares and flashbacks (a sudden, usually powerful, re-experiencing of a past experience). Missionaries and humanitarian workers in violent areas may have some of these symptoms, but tend to suffer more from high levels of chronic stress than exposure to single events (Fawcett, 2003). In recent years there has been a move away from the disease/pathology model of healing from traumatic events. There is now more of an emphasis on the ability of the body, mind and spirit to grow, recover, establish meaning and move far beyond a mere restoration of the pre-crisis state. Thomas Moore in his book Care of the Soul lamented medicines desire for a quick fix or cure and to eradicate all anomalies before there is a chance to read them for their meaning. The new direction in trauma research has far reaching implications on the care and healing process of missionaries who have been through traumatic events. Even though the research on the effects of traumatic events on missionaries is very limited we can draw from encouraging new research on trauma survivors. Dr. Richard Mollica, a psychiatrist and Director of the Harvard Refugee Trauma Program stated that, The medical professions narrow focus on the biological causes of disease, and its conflict of interest based on profits reaped from the pharmaceutical industry, have skewed it away from less profitable holistic approaches. He developed a system of helping torture survivors in Cambodia and Bosnia that incorporated a variety of evidence-based approaches that take into account the mind, body and spirit of a person as well as a strong empathetic relationship with the sufferer. But, related to those who minister to those going through extreme suffering he writes, These heroic practitioners have discovered that the greatest barrier to their work is the potential harm to their own well-being from their overwhelming empathy and compassion for their patients.
Almedon (2005) points to new trauma research trends that include, interrelated constructs such as fortitude strength (Strumpfer, 1995), hardiness (Kobasa, 1979), post-trauma growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995), recovery (Harvey, 1996), resilience (Rutter, 1985). Stumpfer asked the questions, How is it possible that people survive and some even grow irrespective of the trials and tribulations of life? and, Where does well-being and strength originate from, and how can they be enhanced? Interestingly, Kobasa defined hardiness as, the personality characteristic composed of control, commitment and challenge which is often an apt description of a pioneer missionary. I will take a further look at post-traumatic growth and resilience in terms of missionaries who experience both suffering and flourishing. 4.2 Resilience and vulnerability Rutter (1985) began his research on at-risk children in the United Kingdom and found that certain children developed well even in adverse or abusive environments. Research focus on factors that help people thrive in adverse environments has been extended to humanitarian workers and now to missionaries as well. Carr and Schaefer (2010) state resilience characteristics that buffered the impact of trauma in missionaries included a sense of control of ones life, not easily being discouraged by failure, the ability to handle unpleasant feelings, and a strong sense of purpose. An encouraging finding was that the more traumatic events missionaries experienced, the higher their levels of resilience over time. This suggests that under certain conditions, along with the psychological distress of trauma, a strengthening effect may happen. This is certainly helpful information for mission organizations and those supporting and sending missionaries to know and apply. This is helpful both for the experienced missionary as well as for those who have yet to experience adverse or difficult environments. Post-traumatic growth In introducing the new concept of post-traumatic growth, Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995) used the metaphor of an earthquake. A traumatic event is often like the strong seismic shaking of what
we know to be true about the world and the predictable way that we think it works. This shaking is potentially threatening and can even reduce to rubble many of the structures that have guided understanding, decision making and meaningfulness. These events in the life of a missionary can seemingly contradict, or at least strongly shake certain assumptions about God, relationships, family and ourselves. Post-traumatic growth then, in terms of the metaphor, is like rebuilding physical structures after an earthquake to make them even stronger and more resilient than they ever were before. 4.3 M eaning in trauma Concentration camp survivor Victor Frankyl helped his fellow prisoners to find meaning in the midst of severe suffering. He realized that no matter the circumstance in life there is the ability to: find something to hope for, turn suffering into some type of accomplishment, change oneself for the better and even take some responsible action. Suffering, according to Frankyl, can lead to meaningfulness when, for example, a person who has gone through a traumatic event starts to help another who has gone through similar circumstances. I can think of a number of ways in which missionaries who have gone through the crucible of suffering have helped many more on the path to personal healing and fruitful ministry. In fact, a good mentor or coach for missionaries will generally use his or her own life experiences as a basis for facilitation and support. 5 Suffering, loss and the discipleship process Christian Counsellors, mentors and pastoral care personnel who work with missionaries should see their role in terms of an overall calling to make disciples of all nations. Perhaps it is not as important to see our main role as necessarily advice giving, but rather to reflectively listen and assist people in the process of the personal relationship they have with Jesus Christ. This approach has been termed discipleship counselling by Dr. Neil Anderson.
10
Along the path of life there are, at times, moments where the bottom seems to fall out and where we find it difficult to get our bearings, often due to a traumatic incident or very stressful situation. Missionaries and local mission staff have experienced extremely stressful incidents of rape, kidnapping, war, imprisonment, witness of extreme violence and related issues. When we give training in this area our goal is to help Christian workers understand the nature of trauma, its effect on our mind, body and spirit, the grief process and potential post-traumatic stress reactions such as depression and panic attacks. However, the main purpose is to help each person experiencing trauma to get back to a place where they can continue the discipleship process, gain perspective over time and experience restoration and healing through Jesus who is the author and finisher of their faith. As we give information about the grief process, discipleship process and the nature of traumatic stress, we realize that it is Jesus who will continue to make a difference in their lives through a supportive, encouraging Body of Christ. So, it is helpful for us to point people to this relationship and for them to study his character and care for them rather than for those that we counsel to become dependent on the counsellor. In counselling or mentoring, we are not generally able to answer the why? question, for example, Why did God allow this to happen? But, what we can do is look at the process that God is taking them through and to understand the discipleship process of where God was before and during the trauma and where He is leading the person now, many weeks and months post-trauma. It is this perspective that we want each person to attain, that what Satan meant for evil God meant for good (as with Joseph in Gen 50). Due to the nature of the severity of trauma and our inability apart from Christ to bring real comfort and restoration, it is important for us to focus on the two main aspects of prayer and the aspect of forgiveness. Prayer is not only our communication with God, but also a way to access the Father so that real ministry and eventual understanding can take place. If there was someone who caused the suffering, forgiveness of the person or people who caused hurt or
persecution is essential regardless of what the other person does. We also realize that forgiveness of hurt takes time and is often a long process. In addition, as part of the grief process, people may even have temporary feelings of anger at God that they are working through and need to express as a part of the process of finding forgiveness.
Trauma Counselling and the Discipleship Process
Carr (2010) concluded that, those who have a healthy theology of suffering seem to be less affected and have a better chance to grow in the midst of adversity. Therefore, it is important that we include such practical theology in pre-field orientation, refresher training and hopefully even when on home assignment. It is most important for missionaries to have exposure to this type of healthy teaching before entering the field, but is just as important for mentors / counsellors to follow up on preconceptions and ideas while maturing through these processes. The final part of the grief process is restoration. This includes the aspect of gaining new perspective as Nehemiah did when he saw that the walls of the city that God called him to restore were burned with fire. Restoration involves the individuals relational underSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 12
standing of the character of God and an encouraging, supporting church (see Barnabas encouraging a persecuted, scattered church Acts 11:19-30). However, we see real restoration when the person who has experienced trauma gains a new perspective in ministry and a new understanding about what his real destiny is in Christ. This includes an understanding of why he or she may have had to withstand such trauma or persecution in the first place. In this way to the Body of Christ will be strengthened by an understanding of the nature of growth through trauma and suffering. 6 Increasing Resilience and Post-traumatic growth 6.1 Psychological Debriefing (harmful or helpful) Psychological debriefing was developed originally for those in the police and fire service who experienced a traumatic event such as the loss of a colleague in the line of duty. As a way of processing the event with those directly affected the practice developed as, an intervention conducted by trained professionals shortly after a catastrophe, allowing victims to talk about their experience and receive information on normal types of reactions to such an event. (BPA 2002) The idea was to give survivors an opportunity to express facts and feelings and to hopefully prevent long-term psychological problems or to decrease post-traumatic stress reactions. Research on the effectiveness of psychological debriefing has had mixed results whereby a number of humanitarian organizations refer to it as a potentially harmful practice. However, debriefing has had fairly good results in the mission community as workers find that an opportunity to tell the story of what happened and to understand normal reactions to stress and trauma have been helpful. I have personally known a number of missionaries who tell me that they were glad to have professional, non-judgmental support when needed. I have found that the narrative part of debriefing is most important, followed by culturally sensitive information about traumatic stress reactions and symptoms. Effective models of training lay peer responders, who do debriefing, has been done by MMCT in West Africa and a number of retreat/care centres such as Le Rucher
in France. They have effectively utilised debriefing for missionaries returning from violent and unstable areas of the world. My experience in debriefing, along with the experience of colleagues, has shown that debriefing can be helpful as long as the following concerns are addressed: 1. Missionaries should not be forced to be a part of psychological debriefing as there may be other ways in which they would like to express their feelings / story - or the person may need more time to process; 2. Debriefing should not be done too quickly or, at least, when the person is still going through the initial shock part of the grief process; 3. The use of debriefing by mental health professionals could include a less structured narrative or arts-based approach and include additional counselling sessions as needed; 4. Lay counsellors be encouraged to refer to professionals for follow up when necessary. 6.2 Psychological First Aid and support / referral Psychological First Aid (PFA) was developed as a resource tool for mental health professionals and trained lay counsellors for initial response to incidents of terrorism and larger scale traumatic events. The content of PFA begins with a concern for initial and on-going safety, comfort, prayer (in versions used by Christian organizations) and immediate needs and concerns. It continues with sections on information gathering, providing practical information and assistance, connecting and empowering survivors, referring to professionals and community services and addressing spiritual needs. There are aspects of PFA including provision of safety, support, information gathering, and prayer that could be done as a first response for missionaries going through traumatic events. Debriefing and counselling, if needed, could then be scheduled at a later date and after the immediate shock and destabilization occurs.
14
6.3 Trauma-focused and evidence-based approaches Due to the fact that there is a much greater research base of therapeutic treatment approaches and modalities that hold promise, it should not be out of the range of possibility that Christian mental health professionals look at what works, what is based on evidence, and what could be considered best-practice. For example, local and national mission staff may go through more direct persecution and may be more at risk for occurrence of traumatic events. Some national mission staff have gone through false imprisonment, torture and kidnapping and may need more than a one-off debriefing or supportive response. It is for these individuals and families that more trauma-focused and evidence-based approaches may be beneficial. Some expatriate missionaries may have also faced similar events and may be in a vulnerable (less resilient) state and also need more therapeutic support for a period of time. There are quite a few reasons why these types of approaches are not used. Some missionaries, organizations and churches may feel that any psychological approach is harmful or unbiblical and they do not subscribe to thinking that incorporates the integration of Christianity and psychology. Some pioneer missionaries, due to their high level of resilience factors, have done extraordinarily well in the midst of extreme trauma and the expectation in the mission organization could be that everyone else should pull through in the same way. Missionary biographies often speak in glowing terms of victory in extreme circumstances, but may fail to mention the longer term, complex traumatic fall out that effects family members and others in the church community where the trauma has taken place. Having said this, it seems that the awareness of mental health needs of missionaries going though intense suffering is more prominent today then 20 or 30 years ago. 6.4 Process-driven, narrative, expressive approaches Our lives as missionaries are always in process as we continue to strive to be more like Christ and as we process suffering, traumatic or difficult events of the past. It seems then that the assistance that
15
we give to those going through suffering should not be pat and final answers, but should allow for expression of feelings, even anger at God, and time for mourning to take place, without force, to come to a final resolution. Jesus will resolve all things in his time, but there is a need for those who mentor, counsel or support missionaries to help through often long processes of transition, loss, mourning, reconciliation, renewal and reconnection. For example, those suffering from traumatic grief (as in the witness of extreme violence or violent death of a close family member) will need more time to grieve. But, despite the event, all of this takes time and each of us will go through these processes in a different way. We need to give much more grace to those are going through painful life events and be there, when needed, to provide support, prayer, resources and whatever else is needed. It would also be helpful if the mission community were more creative in their approach to supporting the missionaries as they are involved in Kingdom work. It may be that some are better at expressing their feelings through music, dance, fine arts, ceramics, woodworking, poetry, writing, movement or other creative means. There should be those who understand the healing process and who are aware of all of the different forms of expression and paths to healing through Christ. Every missionary has remarkable stories of what God has done in their lives in the midst of incredible odds, pain and suffering. It is very helpful to assist missionaries to understand the path and pattern that God has taken them through in their lives and to help create a new narrative for hope for the future. Again, this can be done in a myriad of creative ways and this process is usually helped along by a facilitator, friend or mentor. There is parallel story of what God has done in the past, present and future that runs along our own story line through the ups and downs of life. Narrative is a powerful tool that God has given us as a part of the healing process for both national and expatriate missionaries.
16
6.5 Team building and conflict resolution Most missionaries work in teams or around a community of believers and, as we know, these communities go through times of peace and well-running ministry and other times of upheaval, dissent and/or heavy transition. When there is a traumatic event in the midst of a team that is already going through intense changes or when the event causes the team to go through rapid change it is even more necessary for outside support and assistance. This support could be via a team debriefing or retreat or by looking at ways to resolve conflict, express feelings and bring peace and stability back to the team. However, in the case of trauma some team members may feel left out or that they need more assistance than others. In this case, there may be a consensus that the team needs to move on and not express feelings or ideas. Or, there may be some who are not ready to express feelings and need a period of time and space alone. Trusted counselling professionals and mentor/coaches can be very helpful at this point and provision or access to good resources should be provided in these instances. 6.6 Security risk assessment and contingency planning There are more mission organizations doing risk assessment and contingency planning these days as a result of increasing geopolitical conflict, terrorism and natural disasters. This does not solve every problem, but gives the leadership a clearer indication of how to handle a traumatic event or disaster and who to refer to when a counsellor, mental health or medical professional is needed. However, it is vitally important that those that have been through such critical incident training or who have developed good standard operating procedures re-visit the protocol and update procedures, referral sources and plans of action. 7 International Standards and resources on Staff Care People in Aid (www.peopleinaid.org) has one of the best standards for international NGOs in terms of their Code of Good Practice.
17
The Antares Foundation has a manual called, Managing Stress in Humanitarian Aid Workers - Guidelines for Good Practice, that is available on-line (www.Antaresfoundation.org) in English, French and Arabic. The Headington Institute (www.headington-institute.org) has an excellent web site on many issues related to trauma and staff care. It has great training modules where the workers can do training on this very issue along with stress inventories. It has good guides for managers and human resource professionals - all downloadable and very much directed to the humanitarian worker. They also have minimal operating standards.
Bibliography
Almedon, Astier 2005. Resilience, hardiness, sense of coherence and post-traumatic growth: All paths leading to light at the end of the tunnel? Journal of Loss and Trauma 10:253-265. British Psychological Society 2002. Psychological Debriefing: Professional practice board working party. Leicester (UK): BPS. Carr, Karen and Schaefer, Frauke 2010. Trauma and Traumatic Stress in Cross-cultural Missions: How to Promote Resilience. Evangelical Missions Quarterly 46/3: 278-285. Eitel, Keith 2008. Missions in a context of violence. Pasadena (CA): William Carey Library. Fawcett, John (ed.) Stress and Trauma Handbook: Strategies for flourishing in demanding environments. Monrovia (CA): World Vision International. Frankl, Victor 1959. Mans search for meaning. Reading (UK): Rider books. Herman, Judith 1992. Trauma and recovery: The aftermath of violence from domestic abuse to political terror. New York (NY): Basic books.
18
Jones, Serene 2009. Trauma and Grace: Theology in a ruptured world. Louisville (KY): Westminster John Knox Press. Mollica, RF. 2006 Healing invisible wounds: Paths to Hope and recovery in a violent world. Orlando (FL): Harcourt. Moore, Thomas 1992. Care of the soul: A guide for cultivating depth and sacredness in everyday life. New York (NY): Harper Collins. Nouwen, Henri 1972. The wounded healer. New York (NY): Doubleday. ODonnell, Kelly (ed.) 2002 Doing member care well: Perspectives and practices from around the world. Pasadena (CA): William Carey Library. Tedeschi and Calhoun 2005. Post-traumatic growth: Conceptual foundations and empirical evidence, Psychological Inquiry 15/1:1-18. Taylor, William D. (ed.) 1997 Too Valuable to lose: Exploring the causes and cures of missionary attrition. Pasadena (CA): William Carey Library. Van der Merwe, Chris N. and Gobodo-Madikizela, Pumla 2008. Narrating our healing: perspectives on working through trauma. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press
19
BEST PRACTICE IN CRISIS MANAGEMENT FOR MISSIONARIES IN THE FIELD By Daniel Hoffman 1 1 Introduction Recently I read an article in Christianity Today magazine entitled: Chilling verdict: Churches re-assess risk management policies.2 Referring to a judgment against a church in Florida in connection with a teen's injuries on a church-sponsored skiing trip it quotes an experts conclusion: "I hope the impact is to alert churches that they have to have a [safety] plan and procedures in place." Although the article looks at churches, the same could be said of mission agencies. In the following pages I will first look at reasons why crisis management is important and benefits of doing proper crisis management. In the second part of this article I will take a brief look at minimum aspects of good crisis management. Before talking about crisis management it is important to define what a crisis is. In this article a crisis refers to:
A current or impending situation which is, or has the immediate potential of, creating an unacceptable degree of danger to one or more vital assets.3

1 Daniel Hoffman serves as the Advocacy & Development Director for Middle East Concern, a coalition of agencies and individuals that assists Christians when they face marginalization, discrimination or persecution. He is been involved in this are for the last 16 years. His responsibilities include providing training in the area of Crisis Management and he has helped several agencies set up or improve their crisis management structures and procedures. 2 Walker, Ken (Jan 18, 2011) Chilling verdict: Churches re-assess risk management policies, Christianity Today, retrieved January 18, 2011 from: www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2011/january/25.12.html 3 The definition is my own adaptation of the definition given by Goode (1995), p. 211: A crisis is a current or impending situation which is, or has the immediate potential of, creating an unacceptable degree of danger to personnel, the functioning of the mission and its related overseas entities, and / or its essential purpose for being.
20
These vital assets of an entity fall in one or more of seven categories:4 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. People Information Facilities Equipment Services (activities / operations) Image (reputation) Finances
Space limitations do not allow me to elaborate on this definition here. I will refer to it at different stages in this article. 2 The Need for Crisis Management To look at the importance of good crisis management, I will use the four stages of Hosie & Smiths model of crisis management as shown in figure 15 below.
Figure 1: Crisis Management Model
2.1 Prevention The first time Jesus sent his followers on a mission trip is described in Mat 10. As part of their commissioning He warns them they will

4 5
The list of vital assets is derived from CCI (2002), n.p. Hosie & Smith (2004), p. 92. 21
be like sheep in the midst of wolves6. Jesus then proceeds to describe different forms of persecution they will face. Few would disagree that being a sheep in the midst of a pack of wolves is a risky endeavor! Starting from the New Testament and all through the history of the church there are many examples of people who suffered hardship and persecution as they bore witness to the Gospel. There is a debate about how much risk missionaries should take and how they should respond to risks. I have been at several conferences and other meetings where this has been discussed. It is a difficult question which involves many aspects, including Gods glory; the quality7 of our testimony; the safety of the wider family (esp. children), local Christians and colleagues; the reputation of the mission agency, both in the field and in the sending countries, etc. The New Testament shows different reactions to the risk of being arrested or even killed in the lives of Jesus and Paul. Sometimes they fled8, other times they accepted the risk.9 Therefore the definition of a crisis I use in this paper refers to: an unacceptable degree of danger to an organizations assets. What degree of danger is acceptable is of course a subjective decision and different agencies will reach different conclusions.

Mat 190:16. All Bible quotes are taken from the New King James Version. Recently I spoke with the country leader of a mission agency in a country where there is significant risk, both to expatriate Christians and to local Christians, who are all converts from Islam. We were discussing the evacuation policies of his agency and when risks are significant enough for staff to evacuate. It reminded me of an earlier conversation I had with this same person when he suggested a policy that local believers should never be supported to flee life-threatening persecution, since martyrdom may be what is required for the church to take hold and grow in this country. One can wonder what the national believers would think of these different standards. 8 For Jesus: Mat 2:23; Mat 12:14-15; John 8:59; John 10:39. For Paul: Acts 9: 23-25, 29-30; Acts 17:8-10, 13-14. 9 For Jesus: Mat 16:21-23; 26:45-56; John 19:10-11. For Paul: Acts 16:40-40, 21:10-14; 2 Cor 11:23-25.
6 7
22
In one of Middle East Concerns seminars we discuss the prevention of unnecessary persecution. We look at the continuum in figure 2 on the next page. On the left side is the offense of the cross, something which is considered an intrinsic part of the Gospel message or our Christian calling. These are activities or teachings that cannot be ignored without disobedience to our Lord. These are non-negotiable, even when they may involve risk. On the right side are activities or teachings that may provoke unnecessary persecution, things that may be good or have value, but which can be dispensed of without violating the core of the Gospel. These are practices that could be eliminated or adapted to reduce the risk of persecution.
Figure 2 Unnecessary persecution continuum
During our seminar we look at different topics and the participants have to discuss and form their own opinion where these issues should be placed on the continuum. Examples include: continued mosque attendance by converts from Islam, timing and method10 of baptism of converts from Islam, etc.

10 This mainly involves the question whether baptism can be done in secret (often by an expat missionary in his bathroom) or not. Those who believe it cannot
23
Mission agencies should similarly discuss and seek to reach agreement on which activities are worth the risk and therefore should be done, regardless of the risk, and which activities are not worth the potential crisis and therefore should not be done or should be done differently, in a less risky way. The outcomes of this discussion should be part of the crisis management process. 2.2 Preparation The definition of a crisis mentions a current or impending situation which is, or has the immediate potential of, creating unacceptable danger. These words show that good crisis management doesnt begin with a dangerous situation, but before it happens. The following aspects of crisis management are part of this phase (see part two of this paper for more details on these aspects): Corporate policies Risk assessment Contingency planning (including contingency files) Corporate policies are the framework that sets the parameters for the rest of the crisis management process. They are not set on the field but by the leadership of the organization and apply across the organization. Examples include: evacuation policy, relocation of spouse and children, crisis counselling. The list of vital assets in the definition of a crisis indicates there are many types of crises, including persecution, natural disaster, criminal event, political event, loss of confidential information, accident, litigation in sending countries, etc. Within each of these categories there are many possible crises that could happen. It is impossible to prepare a contingency plan (see below) for every possible crisis. Therefore it is necessary to conduct risk assessment. Risk assessment is a process aimed at identifying, assessing and prioritizing risks. During the exercise a value is given to each risk and only
would either argue that baptism is a statement which has to be made in front of others (which does not mean it should be an open event which anyone can attend) and / or that believers are baptized into a community of believers and therefore other indigenous believers should be present. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 24
the top part of the list includes risks that need a contingency plan. Risk assessment is done locally, both in the field and by sending offices. A contingency plan is a set of step-by-step guidelines to manage a certain crisis. Each crisis has its own contingency plan. On a family level each family should have its own contingency file which includes relevant legal records (including power-ofattorney and will), medical records, financial records, next of kin contact details, photograph and DNA sample. There are many benefits to doing the different elements of the preparation phase well. These include: a) Reduce possibility & negative consequences of crisis Several steps in the process will give opportunities to discuss and brainstorm ways to reduce the probability of unacceptable crises and to reduce the damage when a crisis occurs. b) Improve decision-making Proper preparation leads to better decision-making in times of crises because it has put the frame-work in place to better handle crises in terms of policies, guidelines and people who are trained in managing a crisis (Crisis Management Team, see part two of this paper). Good preparation also leads to the availability of better information to those handling the crises, including information on the context in which the crisis occurs, the potential benefits and negative side-effects of different courses of action, the preferences of different stakeholders (organizational leadership, local church, sending base, family of the victim(s) and the victim(s) themselves) c) Time to collect information Taking the time for the preparation phase enables the organization to go through the processes to obtain the information mentioned above, to assess and process it and to decide how to use it in the crisis management process. It will often be the case that different stakeholders have different interests and therefore different preferences. If we take the example of evacuation in the
25
case of civil unrest, the missionaries themselves may have several potentially conflicting thoughts and emotions, e.g. faithfulness to their calling to the local people and ministry, their personal well-being, the well-being of dependants (e.g. children), the well-being of local staff and the local Christian community, e.g. they may feel guilty for abandoning them if they decide to leave, or they may feel they increase the danger for locals by staying. The organization has a different set of interests, including the safety and emotional well-being of the missionaries, the safety of other personnel or assets they have in the country, and the reputation of the organization (both with the local church in the receiving country, but also in the sending countries). The sending offices may have legal obligations towards their staff in the sending countries, esp. if they are the legal employers of their missionaries. They may also face possible litigation from relatives. d) Evaluate benefits & risks of possible courses of action Thinking through possible crises and reactions to crises, looking at best-case and worst-case scenarios and seeking the advice of others who have more expertise, either by training or by experience, can be very helpful in evaluating different courses of action in case of a crisis. e) Forum to discuss potentially uncomfortable issues In times of crises many decisions will need to be made that can be controversial. Examples include: evacuation policies, (non-)payment of ransom the composition and authority of the crisis management team who will carry the final decision-making authority for difficult decisions (as we have discussed above different stake-holders can have different interests) who will be financially responsible for the costs of managing the crisis and aftermath. This includes both the im-
26
mediate aftermath but also possible long-term effects, e.g. if a missionary requires long-term medical treatment, either physical or mental, where does the responsibility of the mission agency end? f) Provide support structure The whole preparation process will put into place the structure that can facilitate the best possible management of the crisis. This structure includes: the parameters within which the crisis needs to be managed, information about the context and possible courses of action, people who are equipped to handle the crisis, finances and other practical or logistical needs, and a clear decision-making process. g) Build confidence within organization Missionaries need to know that the organization is willing and well-prepared to handle a crisis that might befall them, and will look after them and their loved ones to the best of its ability. The preparation process will also help clarify what the expectations and limitations are of the different stake holders in the crisis. This can help prevent disappointment later on and possible other negative consequences like damage to reputation or even possible litigation by the victims of the crisis or their relatives or other stakeholders. 2.3 Response The actual response to the crisis involves several elements, each with benefits when done well: a) Recognition The earlier the crisis is detected and the response can be initiated the better the crisis will be managed. b) Containment An important aim of this phase is the containment of the crisis. A timely recognition of and proper response can prevent the crisis from spreading further and making more victims.
27
c) Isolation Equally important as containing the crisis is the isolation of the organization from the crisis. This is done through the activation of the crisis management team (see part 2 for more on the CMT). The aim is to reduce the number of people who are actively involved in managing the crisis (limiting this to the people who are trained to do so) in order to enable the majority within the organization to continue to fulfil its primary mission(s). d) Response During this step the CMT will assess the crisis (make sure it fully understands the crisis and its different aspects and detect any possible sub-crises that may result from the primary crisis). It will develop an action plan (based on the guidelines in the contingency plan) and identify the intended results of the planned actions. During the implementation of the action plan the CMT will monitor the actions vs. the intended results and modify the actions or make corrections where necessary. e) Closure At the end of the crisis it is important to close the response to the crisis. This involves the recalling of the resources, debriefing of the relevant victim(s) and CMT members, and identifying possible long-term consequences for the victim(s) and the organization. 2.4 Recovery It is important at the end of each crisis to evaluate the whole process and learn from the experience. A recent study on this topic concluded:
Administrators continue to repeat the same errors and do not seem to have absorbed the lessons from their experiences [...]. Why is it so difficult to draw lessons from crises and to make organizational changes as a result of these lessons?11

11
Lalonde (2007), p. 3 28
It continues to mention the main answers advanced by research:12 The issue does not remain a priority once the immediate crisis has passed. After having experienced a crisis, the area is too sensitive for any discussions The pressure of managing day-to-day affairs resurfaces and tends to eclipse the period which could be devoted to postcrisis reflection Administrators and interveners do not envisage the transferability of experiences during a crisis to routine practices. There is a lack of sharing of experiences in crisis management across organizations Evaluation should include the following questions:13 Steps/actions/procedures that were successful Steps/actions/procedures that were not successful Policy changes that are needed Contingency plan changes that are needed Training that is needed Who should receive the evaluation results? 3 Minimum aspects of good crisis management The different aspects of crisis management have already been mentioned in part one of this paper. In this second part I will very briefly elaborate on the main aspects. These aspects are in a logical order.14 3.1 Corporate policies Corporate policies set the wider framework within which the whole crisis management procedure takes place. A corporate policy usu-

Op. cit. CCI (2002), n.p. 14 This part is based on training I received from Crisis Consulting International in 2002, from both the manual used at the training (CCI (2002)) and my private notes. In a few places I have adapted the material based on my own experience.
12 13
29
ally contains a statement of intent and a statement of the actual policy itself. I will give an example further below. I suggest that organizations have corporate policies on at least these issues: 3.1.1 Evacuation The policy should include: when evacuation is considered, who has the authority to decide when to evacuate15, who will bear the cost, and the obligation for the organization, local leadership and individual or family to make the relevant preparations for evacuation and keep these updated. 3.1.2 Information management The flow of information is of paramount importance when managing a crisis. This involves both the incoming information (it is important this is communicated promptly to the Crisis Management Team) and the outflow of information (this must be tightly controlled by the CMT). It is important to clearly state this in the policy, esp. the authority of the CMT in the outflow of information (No member of the organization outside the CMT is authorized to make any statement that relates in any way to an ongoing crisis).16 3.1.3 Crisis Management Team This policy should include when the CMT will be established, who has the authority to do so, what will be the responsibilities of the CMT and what is the authority of the CMT.

In July-August 34 day military conflict between Hezbollah and the Israeli army, mainly fought out inside Lebanon. The conflict killed at least 1,300 people, severely damaged Lebanese infrastructure and displaced approximately 1 million Lebanese (and up to half a million Israelis). Most embassies called on their nationals to evacuate from Lebanon. Many missionaries were evacuated as well. Different agencies had difference approaches: some agencies made the decision for their staff that they were required to evacuate; others left the decision to the missionaries themselves. I am aware of many discussions between missionaries about the decisionmaking process in their organizations. Recently I spoke with one mission leader (who allowed their missionaries to decide themselves). He strongly felt, based on feedback he had received from Lebanese church leaders, that the reputation of another organization, which had evacuated all their staff, suffered substantial and long lasting damage. 16 CCI (2002), n.p.
15
30
3.1.4 Post-crisis evaluation This policy should include when the evaluation should be done (e.g. two months after the end of a crisis), who will perform the evaluation (no one whose actions will be evaluated or who directly reports to someone whose actions will be evaluated), the scope of the evaluation and what will be done with the evaluation. 3.1.5 Hostage taking and ransom This policy should include who is responsible for any negotiations (usually an experienced negotiator), possible evacuation of the family of the hostage and a policy about ransom payment. This last element is a difficult and potentially controversial issue. While most people agree and most organizations publically state that they will not pay ransoms, in reality most do. A policy not to pay ransom becomes much more difficult to maintain when the body parts start arriving in the mail. Some organizations therefore state in their policies that ransoms should not be paid. In this way the policy allows them some flexibility in this matter. 3.1.6 Crisis counselling An example of this policy is copied below17. It should include who will have an evaluation, when, by whom, its confidentiality and who will bear the costs. It is important not to make these evaluations voluntary. In that case people who would benefit from the evaluation may not receive it because they do not recognize the need themselves or because they come from a background (either personal, cultural or theological) where mental health care carries a negative stigma. 3.2 Risk assessment Risk assessment is the process of identifying, assessing and prioritizing risks. The two most common forms of risk assessment are strategic risk assessment and analytical risk assessment. Strategic risk assessment looks at the impact of the potential crisis and the likelihood of the crisis. Through a brainstorming process

17
Op. cit. 31
a list of crises is composed and for each a Crisis Impact Value and a Probability Factor are calculated (range 0-100). The crises are put in a single graph where the vertical axis depicts the Crisis Impact Value and the horizontal axis the Probability Factor. Those crises with a Crisis Impact Value of 35 and higher and a Probability Factor of 50 and higher are in need of a contingency plan (see the red quadrant in figure 3).
Figure 3 Strategic Risk assessment Graph
Where strategic risk assessment is more future-orientated (it identifies and evaluates potential threats) analytical risk assessment has a more tactical nature (it seeks to understand and counter present threats). It quantifies risk in terms of the impact (I) of loss or damage to an asset and the likelihood that a specific vulnerability (V) will be exploited by a particular threat (T). So risk = I x (V x T). This formula ascribes a numerical value between 0-100 to each risk. Any risk with a value higher than 50 is qualified as critical and needs a contingency plan. 3.3 Contingency planning A contingency plan is a series of guidelines that will help the Crisis Management Team as they prepare their action plan to respond to a crisis. A contingency plan contains the following steps:
a) Identify the crisis: Names the crisis and gives the risk assessment ranking. b) Recognition: Identify the threshold or triggers that activate the contingency plan. It also lists who should be notified of the crisis. c) Identify & summarize relevant corporate policies d) Identify mitigation steps for probability e) Identify mitigation steps for consequences f) Containment: Identify other assets that are not yet affected but are potentially at risk.
g) Isolation: Identify and activate the Crisis Management Team and inform the rest of the organization and others involved. 3.4 Crisis M anagement Team The Crisis Management Team (CMT) should be the only part of the organization that is actively involved in managing the crisis (thereby isolating the crisis from the organization). In addition to managing the crisis and handling the publicity it should also keep a record of the whole process. The number of members should be kept to a minimum, but still be enough to handle the work load, of course!. The necessary functions that need to be covered are: crisis manager (chairs the committee and has the final authority in case of disagreement), documentation (record keeping), finances, logistics, information management. Some of these can be done by the same person. In addition there may be advisors or other experts, e.g. a hostage negotiator.
33
Bibliography
Crisis Consulting International (CCI), Crisis Management Seminar: Participants Manual, 2002 (no page numbering). Goode, G. Stephen, Guidelines for Crisis and Contingency Management, International Journal of Frontier Missions, Vol. 12:4, OctDec 1995. Hosie, P. & Smith, C., Preparing for Crises with Online Security Management Education, Research and Practice in Human Resource Management, 12(2), 2004, p. 90-127. Lalonde, Carole, Crisis Management and Organizational Development: Towards the conception of a Learning Model in Crisis Management, 2007 (unpublished proceeding of Proceedings of OLKC 2007 Learning Fusion).
34
RELOCATION AS A RESPONSE TO PERSECUTION

By Jonathan Andrews 1 1 Introduction The ministry of Middle East Concern (MEC) is to assist Christians in the Middle East and North Africa2 (MENA) when they suffer because of their faith in Jesus. In facing injustice they, like all human beings, have three options: first, to accept the injustice and live with the constraints that such a decision brings; second, to challenge the injustice by standing up for ones rights; third, to flee from the situation, that is to relocate. In recent years my colleagues and I have observed several trends in relocation cases, as illustrated by three case studies. All three concern believers from a Muslim background (BMB). Many desire to relocate to the West. However, the first case illustrates that this does not always work out well and introduces thinking about destinations other than the West. The second case study introduces the idea of a temporary, shortterm relocation within his own country after which the person was able to safely return. It also illustrates that acquiring visas to enter the West is becoming more difficult. The third case study shows that there remains a small number of cases where relocation to the West is the only viable option. It demonstrates that the support needs of such people are numerous,

Jonathan Andrews has worked for Middle East Concern (MEC) for eight years. MEC is a Christian Human Rights group that seeks to assist the Christians in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) when they suffer for their faith. This paper is extracted from an 18,000 word MA dissertation. The dissertation is available upon request from the author. 2 The region covered comprises 22 nation states plus two other territories, namely the Palestinian Authority Areas in the West Bank & Gaza Strip and the selfdeclared (but unrecognised) Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The 22 countries are the Arab speaking world plus Iran, Turkey, Somalia (which is a member of the Arab League despite being non-Arabic speaking) and Israel (20% of whose population are ethnically Arab).
1
35
complex and likely to be required for a period measured in years not weeks or even months. Taken together, these three examples illustrate that relocation is rarely easy. 2 Case Studies 2.1 Case study - Abdullah In the 1990s Abdullah decided to flee from an Arab country due to intense pressure. A church in Scandinavia offered to sponsor him, arranged a temporary visa and paid for his flight. On arrival they welcomed him, helped him apply for asylum and provided for all his physical needs. Six months later Abdullah walked into an immigration office and said, Everything in my asylum application is true. However, life is worse here than it was back home. What do I need to do to return? He was on a plane within three days. What happened? The cultural adjustment was too great and the church was unable to provide effective long-term support. This example illustrates that relocating to the West does not work well in all cases. What factors affect the likelihood of it working well? How can these factors be addressed? Do the same factors apply to the same degree if people relocate to other than the West, e.g. by remaining within MENA or by going to Africa, Asia or Latin America? 2.2 Case study Ahmed Our second case study comes from Egypt. In 2008 neighbours assaulted Ahmed outside his family home. He had been a BMB for many years. His initial reaction was to move from the area and live in another suburb. This worked well for a few months. However, one evening the police called on him in his new location and took him in for questioning. He was released after a few hours. However, his location was now known, and he had come to the attention of the authorities. European Christians endeavoured to obtain a visa to visit their country, but without success. The suggestion was made that he leave for a few months, but there was no need to leave
the region. Enquiries were made on his behalf about studying at a theological college in either Lebanon or Sudan. However, all these preparations proved not to be required because he was able to return home safely. The neighbourhood had become tolerant of his choice of faith. Ahmeds story illustrates the use of temporary relocation to let local tensions subside. It also illustrates that one incident of persecution can lead to another, i.e. the incident with the neighbours led to pressure from the authorities. However, the latter subsided as soon as the former did. Crucial here is that we understand that some of those forced to relocate will be able to return. This story also introduces the use of study as a means of relocating, i.e. how will the person gain entry to their chosen destination? When crossing borders the options include as a tourist, as a migrant worker or to study using a student visa. 2.3 Case study Farouk & Ruth Our third case study concerns Farouk and Ruth who left an Arab country after family members assaulted Farouk and Farouks father sought custody of their two children in an Islamic court. Precedent strongly suggested that he would be granted custody and would have immunity from prosecution for physically harming Farouk or Ruth. Farouk and Ruth initially fled over a land border to a neighbouring Arab country. However, family members had contacts within the security forces. Therefore, Farouk and Christians supporting him believed that his family would be able to pursue him into this Arab country. Farouk was well known to Arab and some Western Christians. These people arranged the initial entry visa to a European country for him and his family. On arrival they had immediate need for medical checks for Farouk, for housing, for fellowship, for schooling for the children, for legal advice on residency and for financial support whilst they established themselves. Christians provided a welcome and close support.
37
In the medium term they had two key needs. First, for posttrauma counselling concerning their rapid and total change of location and life, since they had gone from living relatively normal lives in their own country to having applied for asylum abroad in a week. Second, they needed assistance with finding appropriate employment, allowing them to become self-supporting. The authorities allow anyone to work in either agriculture or as manual labourers in construction work, both jobs that few nationals are willing to undertake. In addition, they allow work to be done for foreign organisations. This allowed Farouk to continue doing translation work for an Arab Christian ministry since he could receive and return the work using email. Therefore, he was able to be partly selfsupporting. In the long term they need a place of permanent residence. Using the asylum system to achieve this has a few advantages but many disadvantages (see below). However, in this case the decision by an Islamic Court to formally annul Farouk and Ruths marriage is very strong evidence that is likely to be acceptable in a Western legal system. However, more than two years later, their application remains pending. Their story illustrates the key disadvantage of using asylum systems, namely that it is a process that can take a long time during which one is obliged to be dependent on others and live with the uncertainty of the outcome. 2.4 Observations on case studies These cases show the variety of relocation, within country, within region (at least initially) and to the West. They also illustrate short and long term relocations. In the latter two the need to relocate emerges without warning. We now proceed to examine why relocation is sometimes necessary. 3 Why is relocation necessary? 3.1 Relocation is a valid response to persecution We noted above the three options when facing injustice of any kind: accept, challenge and flee. Fleeing or relocating is a Biblically valid
38
response to persecution. Consider examples from the lives of Paul and Jesus. The victims of overt persecution have three options. First: accept the injustice and live with the consequences. Examples include Paul being beaten in Philippi (Acts 16:22)3 and Jesus accepting the cross (e.g. John 18:11). Second: resist the injustice and stand up for ones rights. Paul resisted being flogged in Jerusalem (Acts 22:23-28) and Jesus used public opinion to avoid being arrested in Jerusalem in the early part of holy week (e.g. Luke 22:1-6). Third: leave the area and relocate elsewhere. Biblical examples include Paul leaving Damascus at night by use of a basket (Acts 9:25) and Jesus walking away from the cliff top in Nazareth (Luke 40:28-30). 3.2 The context cultural, legal, religious and historical The challenges faced by BMBs are numerous. For our purposes in this paper, we will simply summarise them under four headings. Culturally, societies in Muslim countries predominantly operate as honour-shame cultures (e.g. Bailey, 2008:339), in contrast to most Western cultures being innocence-guilt based. Colin Chapman notes that honour is very important (Chapman, 1995:28) and David Zeidan regards it as an especially important component of Muslim societies (Zeidan, 2003:102). Charles Sennott quotes Prince Hassan of Jordan as stating that honour-based culture is misunderstood by many Westerners. Prince Hassan suggests that justice and vindication would be better terms because they do not bring to mind the concept of martial honour [sic], a notion of honour [sic] in the context of chivalry. (Sennott, 2001:252) The legal framework in many Arab countries includes the system of religious registration in which all citizens are legally regarded as adherents of a particular faith. The allocation is made at birth,
3 I note that the Biblical text does not state whether Paul attempted to claim his rights to prevent the flogging. It does state that Paul claimed his rights the next day, and that his being a Roman citizen was news to the authorities (Acts 16:37).
39
and normally follows the paternal line. BMBs in most Arab countries are denied the right to change their registration to reflect their decision to follow Jesus4. Their religious registration will remain as Muslim and be in tension with their chosen faith of allegiance to Christ (e.g. HRW & EIPR, 2007:54). The religious framework of many Middle Eastern countries includes the long established presence of traditional Christian churches. However, they have very limited scope for supporting BMBs, at least in any public space. Brother Andrew and Al Janssen begin their account of the challenges faced by BMBs with an example of this (Andrew & Janssen, 2008:3-5). Historically, Christians have been emigrating from MENA for at least the past century. In this context the term Christian refers to someone with religious registration of Christian. Don Belt summarises the situation across the Levant5 as a decline from an estimated quarter of the population in 1894 to around eight percent today (Belt, 2009:84). He notes that this is primarily for economic reasons. There are numerous cases of people claiming to be BMBs when they wish to move to the West for economic or other reasons. Islam is seen as a whole life system and some in Muslim countries take the view that they are Muslims because they live in a Muslim country. However, should they move, or desire to move, to a country where another faith is predominant then they would adopt that faith as part of the package of migration. Consequently we must be aware that some claim to have become Christians because they had decided to migrate to what they regard as a Christian country. In their own understanding, such people consider themselves to have changed faiths. However, they have not changed their belief system or values, they have in no way repented of past life and turned to a new way and they have not entered into a relationship with Jesus.
The exceptions are Lebanon and Turkey. The literal meaning of Levant is lands around Damascus; commonly understood to include Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, some include Iraq, others, such as Belt, include Israel.
4 5
40
Such people might come claiming they need to relocate because of their religion. However, the underlying reality is that the decision to migrate was made for other reasons, probably economic, i.e. the most common reason why people of all backgrounds seek to leave Middle Eastern countries (e.g. Belt, 2009:93). Patrick Sookhdeo addresses this when he states that Islam is an all-encompassing entity which includes not only the inner life but also, and especially, the outer life of an individuals role in community and society. (Sookhdeo, 2009:114). Those who support those claimants for relocation to the West need to be wary in deciding genuine cases. 3.3 Summary We have established that relocation is one of the three Biblical responses to persecution, and have listed the cultural, religious, legal and historical contexts within which the challenges faced by BMBs must be lived out. In passing we have noted that some present themselves as needing to relocate when their motives are not religious. We now examine how relocation is achieved. 4 How does relocation happen? There are several aspects that need to be considered. First, for how long is one relocating? The example of Ahmed shows that shortterm relocations have their place. Second, to where should one relocate? The options here include within country (cf. Ahmed), to a neighbouring country within the same region or further afield. Third, if crossing a national border, on what basis does one enter another country - as a tourist, on a student visa or on a work permit? There are several countries within MENA that permit visa free travel for citizens of other MENA countries, which facilitates within region relocation, at least in the short term. We noted with the Ahmed case study that obtaining visas for MENA nationals for Western countries is becoming ever more difficult.
41
5 Why refugee and asylum systems are the options of last resort Where neither work nor study is available, then consideration must be made of using asylum or refugee systems. To use such systems, applicants must leave their own country and enter another, a process that can be fraught with difficulty, as the example of Ahmed shows. The UN refugee system applies in all countries that do not operate their own asylum systems. This is operated by the department of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Both the UNHCR and national or multilateral procedures are derived from the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees of 1951, together with the protocol added in 1967 (UNHCR, 2007). This gives a similarity of approach. In summary, a written application is made, following which the applicant is interviewed and a decision is made. There are appeal mechanisms should the applicant or the authorities wish to contest the decision. There are at least five reasons why such systems should be regarded as the option of last resort. First, these procedures frequently take a long time and several years is not uncommon as with Farouk and Mona. Second, with the UNHCR system there is no guarantee over where the applicant will eventually settle. Third, while in the system, applicants are frequently prevented from working, or are allowed to work only in certain industries, usually low paid and manual as noted concerning Farouk. This breeds dependence on state benefits or the generosity of supporters. For many, the psychological implications are significant, and add to the stresses experienced before relocating. Depression is a serious possibility. Fourth, there are very low success rates. For example in 2007 84% of applications were refused (HO, 2008:1). Applicants are likely to be forced to return to their own country (e.g. AINA, 2009). Failed applicants, once returned to their own countries, frequently become marked people, and obtaining visas to other countries becomes more difficult. This restriction can endure for many years.
42
Fifth, the officials handling a BMBs application, or the interpreters used during this process, may themselves be Muslims. There are examples of this resulting in unfair handling of a BMBs application. In Western countries there are examples of civil servants who are themselves Muslim acting against BMB applicants despite such behaviour being contrary to their conditions of employment. 6 What are the support needs of someone relocating Whatever means are used, there is always the need for support throughout the process. The following summarises what needs to be considered and provided. Of note is the sheer length of these lists. Anyone considering providing support needs to be sure that they can sustain their involvement for as long as it will be required. We focus first on the situation of relocating outside of ones region. Having done this, we can look at the needs when relocating with region or within ones own country. 6.1 Support needs prior to relocating It is crucial that active consideration is given to the possibility of persecution during the discipleship of new BMBs, in order to prepare BMBs for this eventuality. Ron Boyd-MacMillan notes that there are ten times more stories of perseverance than of deliverance. (Boyd-MacMillan, 2006:342-9) This preparation should include: 1. Consideration of the three biblical responses to persecution as noted above. 2. Consideration of possible relocation options, should they need to flee. Those considering relocation need appropriately to be made aware of the potential difficulties they will face at each phase of what is likely to be a long process. In general, it is recommended that relocation within country be considered first; that relocation within the region be considered if incountry relocation is not viable; that relocation to the nonWest then be considered; and that relocation to the West and asylum applications be considered only as a last resort.
43
3. Ensuring that practical preparations have been made, in case relocation is necessary at short notice. Considerations include: Ensuring that all travel documents are up to date and in order. Ensuring that all legal documents are held, including passport, identity card, birth certificate, marriage certificate and driving license. Ensuring that originals (if possible) of all qualification certificates and employer references are held. Ensuring that copies of all references provided by any employer are held. 6.2 Support needs during relocation There are many critical support needs during the period from when the decision is made to relocate to the point of arrival at the relocation destination. A key element in this phase is maintaining calmness and composure to minimise the chances of exacerbating an already highly-charged situation. The greater the level of preparedness and support, the greater the chance that composure will be maintained. The following practical support needs apply: 1. Purchase of travel tickets, and the funding for that purchase (e.g. tickets can be purchased remotely and passengers advised of electronic ticket numbers) 2. Briefing on entry into the new location: what to expect and what to say to immigration officers 3. Emergency contact details in the event of mishap 4. Ensuring that any accompanying children are as prepared as possible, with appropriate means to entertain them whilst travelling 5. Making arrangements to be met on arrival 6.3 Support needs immediately following relocation The key element here is the initial acceptance and welcome into a support structure, with clear identification of the primary points of
44
contact and clear communication between contacts if more than one agency is involved. The following practical support needs apply: 1. Accommodation. Essentials such as food, clothing, and any necessary medical treatment 2. A spiritual community to belong to. Is fellowship in the mother tongue available, and if so, is it culturally compatible? 3. Post-trauma debriefing, as soon as possible following relocation, in order to process experiences and to obtain a professional assessment of any ongoing counselling needs 4. Financial support 6.4 Longer term support needs following relocation The key here is the management of expectations. Those who have been relocated must be assisted and guided to come to terms with and adapt to their new situation. The following practical support needs apply: 1. Ensuring appropriate use of time and talents: what work, academic study or vocational training options are available? 2. Visa renewal and extension procedures can be complex, especially asylum procedures if being used (see above); legal assistance may be required in some cases 3. Language learning 4. Accommodation 5. Childrens education needs 6. A spiritual community to belong to. Is fellowship in the mother tongue available, and if so, is it culturally compatible? 7. Discipleship programme appropriate to spiritual maturity 8. Counselling support 9. Is becoming financially self-supporting realistic? If so, what is a realistic timescale? If not, who provides the support and what are the psychological implications of this? 10. On-going monitoring of the situation in home country to assess the viability of returning.
45
These steps might be required over a considerable period of time. Those providing support should think in terms of years, not months. 6.5 Support needs when relocating within region We can summarise these as similar to the above, but with the significant expectation that the cultural adjustment will be easier because of linguistic and cultural similarities. However, as noted above, regional cultural variations can still be considerable. The Arab world is far from homogenous. It should be noted that relocation within the Arab world is always temporary, since citizenship cannot be obtained. Critical points include when legal documents need renewing, e.g. the BMBs passport. 6.6 Support needs when relocating within country In-country support needs fall into two main categories depending on whether the BMB is forced to live in hiding or able to be more open. In the former situation, those forced to relocate are totally dependent on others for a place of safety, all provisions, spiritual and psychological support. Any education needs must be met by home schooling6. Further, there is the necessity that those supporting them act discreetly, often for their own safety as well as the safety of those they are assisting. Security arrangements must be continuously reviewed. Consideration must also be given to how long an in-hiding situation can be sustained. This gives rise to an additional need to consider appropriate avenues for challenging the issues that have led to the relocation. Those able to live more openly have fewer specific support needs. They continue to face the challenges experienced by all BMBs in their country.

6 It should be noted that home schooling is illegal in some countries, so parents of school age children forced to live in hiding are forced to break the law in this area.
46
7 In what circumstances should BMBs relocate? Finally, we need to consider under what circumstances BMBs should relocate. The asylum and refugee criteria assist us here. The criterium in such systems is serious risk of losing ones life or ones liberty. To these I would add serious risk of losing custody of ones children, as was the case for Farouk and Ruth. Evaluating threats is not always simple. We noted with the Ahmed that he faced a serious threat of bodily harm that receded during a short period away from the situation. Short-term relocations often create the time and space to evaluate whether longerterm relocation is really necessary. 8 Conclusion We have noted that relocation is a valid response to persecution. Relocation is rarely easy and involves complex factors. Therefore, comprehensive support structures have a key role to play in assisting those BMBs who must relocate to make a good transition, maintain and strengthen their faith and become effective members of the communities and societies that accommodate them.
Bibliography
Andrew, Br. & Janssen, Al (2007); Secret Believers; London, Hodder & Stoughton Bailey, K.E. (2008); Jesus Through Middle Eastern Eyes; London, SPCK Belt, D., The Forgotten Faithful, Arab Christians in National Geographic magazine, June 2009, pp 78 -97. Boyd-MacMillan, R (2006); Faith that Endures; Lancaster, Sovereign World Chapman, C. (1995); Cross & Crescent; Leicester, IVP
47
Sennott, C. (2001); The Body and the Blood; New York, PublicAffairs Sookhdeo, P. (2009); The Challenge of Islam to the Church and its Mission; McLean, Isaac Publishing Zeidan, D. (2003); Sword of Islam; Waynesboro, Gabriel Papers Home Office; Asylum Statistics United Kingdom 2007; London, Crown; http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/hosb1108.pdf Human Rights Watch & Egyptian Institute for Personal Rights; Prohibited Identities: State Interference with Religious Freedom; November 2007, http://eipr.org/en/reports/Prohibited_ID_1107/english.pdf News reports available online Assyrian International News Network; Swedens New Asylum Policy; 11th June 2009; www.aina.org/news/20090611034511.htm UN Conventions UNHCR, The UN Refugee Agency; Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees; Geneva 2007. www.unhcr.org/protect/PROTECTION/3b66c2aa10.pdf
48
IMPACT OF PERSECUTION ON THE CHURCH IN CHINA

By Andrew Chi Sing M a, PhD 1
1 Introduction When Joan B. Campbell, former General Secretary of the National Council of Churches, returned from a long flight from China in October of 1998, she was exhilarated by the rapid church growth she had witnessed in Mainland China. Yet she was asked by a taxi driver when going home from JFK Airport, New York, whether the beating up of the Christians still existed in China (National Council of Churches , 1998:1). This question typically revealed the confusion about what was going on in the Mainland Chinese Church. In 2004, I finished my dissertation researching a related topic, but there have been a lot of changes since. What has been going on there? Being outsiders, we have received a lot of conflicting reports, even confusing testimonies about persecution of Mainland Chinese Christians. Both the Three-Self Patriotic Movement/Chinese Christian Council (TSPM/CCC) and the House Church Movement leaders are actively interacting with the Western Churches. Reports are given according to the information the reporters have gathered. Many times the reports reflect only a fragment of the whole perspective because of the locality and originality of the information gathered. That is why we are still confused about what is going on. Yet, no matter how confused we are, growth and persecution2 are two realities in Modern Chinese Church history.
1 Director of Administration and Associate Professor of Mission and Modern Chinese Church History of China Evangelical Seminary North America of West Covina, California. 2 There may be some researchers who believe that persecution has stopped in Mainland China. Yet reports indeed reveal that persecution exists in the development history of the Chinese Church since 1949. The most obvious one of course is during the Cultural Revolution (1966 1976). St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 49
2 Suffering as cause of church growth? Some scholars suggest that the astronomical growth of Mainland Chinese Christians is due to their persecution. Yet they fail to establish the causal relationship between the two. In fact, the theory that Suffering leads to Church Growth is too simple to explain the impact of persecution on the Church in Mainland China. Logically, it can only be viewed as correlation not as causation. There must be more factors that link persecution and growth together. Otherwise, persecution may lead to destruction not construction of the Church in Mainland China. Herbert Workman said, Persecution may kill a religion and destroy it utterly, if that religions strength lies only in its numbers, by a simple process of exhaustion. The opinion that no belief, no moral conviction, can be eradicated from a country by persecution is a grave popular fallacy. (1906:350) Therefore, a holistic grasp of the impact of persecution on the Church is crucial to understanding the Sovereign rule of God upon His people. Since persecution is a two-edged sword (Ma 2004: 126), it has its impact, both positively and negatively, on the Church.3 I will comment on findings in relation to the recent development of the Chinese Church. Three major areas are at the centre of discussion about the impact of persecution. The first is the development of Contextualization: how theology is understood in the context of Mainland China especially in the time of persecution. Since Chinese theology is still on the path of construction, the key to this study is how not what. The second area is about Church spirituality. Even though it is linked with Chinese theology, the house church in China arose out of necessity and not by choice (Anonymous Graduate, 2010:2). The last but not least area is missional meaning. How does persecution of the Chinese Church have an impact on World Mission? In other words, what is the role of the expansion of the persecuted Chinese Church in Gods plan for reaching the unreached people?

3 I only give a brief summary because of the length of this essay. Detailed studies will be found in my dissertation (Ma 2004: 126 139).
50
3 Keeping Chinese persecution in perspective Beare defined persecution thus:

Suffering inflicted upon an individual or group for fidelity to a faith, usually with the object of inducing apostasy or of destroying the faith itself by killing its adherents and intimidating prospective converts. Persecution may be inflicted by official authority (civil or religious or both in concert), or by unauthorized activity of hostile individuals or crowds; it may be limited to insult and scorn, but may extend to the loss of civil rights, imprisonment, torture, and death. (1962:735)
To put the definition in the Chinese perspective, it is hard to have a clear understanding because of the complex situation. As motivation, it is more than inducing apostasy or destroying the faith. The motivation is so complex that it is not only religion oriented, but political, historical as well as cultural (Rainey 2009:1). As far as the means of persecution, it ranges from less severe verbal warning or harassment to physical abuse or even death. To make the issue more complicated, correspondence from many people familiar with the situation in China reports a confused picture of religious freedom. As G. Wright Doyle comments: On the one hand, it seems that considerable freedom does exist to believe in Christianity and even to practice ones faith openly and in groups, and wide-spread government-mandated persecution does not seem to exist today. On the other hand, there are restrictions, especially upon meetings of unregistered groups, and occasionally even beatings and imprisonment. (2010:1) Severe or not, no one can deny that persecution exists in one way or the other, both in term of Modern Chinese Church history and of todays Mainland China. In a fair statement, Christina Kuo Graham responded, Now some may ask, Isnt there religious persecution? Yes, but its not pandemic like most in the West are led to believe. Christians in China who know the true Church in China, and what is happening on the streets, will tell you that both conditions exist. Its up to us in the West to discern between the two and not jump to overall conclusions about the matter. (2009: 2)
51
Even though persecution is the reality in Chinese Church development, most Christians are encouraged by the Chinese Christians responses rather than the persecution itself. Chinese believers are learning how to live out their faith in wisdom like Christ did while on earth (Graham 2009:2). As people face conflict, they will employ many tactics in their reactions. From fight to flight, there are also submit, freeze and collaborate. Chinese Christians also have different responses, both positive and negative, to persecution.4 While it is hard to discuss the persecution content and the Chinese Christians responses in details, the following will focus on the outcomes or impacts of persecution on the Church in China. 4 On the Contextualization of Theology Christianity is always viewed as a foreign or a Western religion in the minds of many of the Chinese people. Ever since the Opium Wars (1831-1839), China has been forced to face the technological superiority of the West, and its own inferiority. Unfortunately, Christianity came behind the warships; and Western missionaries, protected by unfair treaties, came with a saviour complex or conquering motif. It is in this historical background that Christianity is viewed as cultural invasion of the West. In order to remove the foreignness of the Chinese Church, TSPM and CCC were formed, forcing all churches to give up their identity (Johnson 2010:8) and to disconnect themselves from the Western Church (Ma 2004: 6880). Three-self (Self-Governing, Self-Propagating, and SelfSupport) was established as a missionary principle by two mission strategists, Henry Venn of the English church Missionary Society and Rufus Anderson of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission. However, when this principle was employed by the TSPM, it turned into propaganda and functioned as a label of an organization instead of as a principle of contextualization. Instead of contextualizing the gospel message, TSPM focused more on de-
See note 3. 52
westernizing the Church in China. It is because of this miss-focus that the Church is persecuted in terms of it being foreign. Yet contextualization is about the internalization of theology in a culture. If the Chinese take Christianity as their own religion, the Church has to respond to the context of both the Chinese and the Church. The common context is Suffering. Mainland China suffered as she marched on the road to Modernization. Mainland Chinese Church prosperity and achievement, despite persecution, provide insights for the Chinese culture to rethink her philosophy behind the establishment of a harmonious society. That is one of the reasons behind the quest of Cultural Christians. Other than appreciating Christianity as the philosophy behind Western culture, Cultural Christians5 should turn to the perseverance of the Chinese Christians to enrich their philosophical quest for Western Christianity. As the Chinese Church continues her growth, a new trend is emerging other than TSPM and the House Church Movement. The new trend is called the third way. They tried to be registered as a legal religious group, but not under TSPM as the religious organizational law requires. Even though there are many factors behind this attempt, the response of the House Church toward persecution plays a crucial role.6 5 On the Spirituality of the Church While TSPM employs the Three-Self principle as the institution label, the House Church practices it in reality. Being cut off with the foreign connection, pressed by TSPM to register and suffering different levels of persecution, the House Church does not have the luxury of practicing diversified ministries and missions. As one of the Gordon Conwell Graduates said, Very little time and energy

5 Cultural Christians is a group of scholars who have tremendous interest in the Christian worldview due to its impact on Western civilization and modernization. Some of them are born again Christians but some of them are those who just have a positive attitude toward Christianity. 6 Because this essay is limited in length, further research on the link between the emergence of the third way and the persecution of the House Church is needed.
53
are given to extraneous ministries. House churches have difficulty enough keeping up with the basics of worship, fellowship, Bible studies and prayer. Limited resources are available for childrens programs, student ministry, missions and community outreach. While a network of house churches may combine for missions, seminary training and some specialized ministries, church programs in general are limited by the lack of a critical mass. (2010: 1) Even though some of the House Churches in China are larger than many expect, their ministries and missions are limited due to the governmental religious policy. In a time of uncertainty and limitation, the Church in China needs to be dynamic and flexible. Therefore, the House Church model is not by choice but by necessity. Yet, it is also because of persecution that the Church has to come back to the basics in terms of ministry - worship, fellowship, Bible studies and prayer. Once open and direct evangelization is not allowed, evangelism by life becomes a more effective way that evangelism by words. Persecution, then, become a catalyst to strengthen the gospel they share through their lives. Faith, then, is not some program that the Christians should attend, but the relationship between people who are connected in love and hope. Even though the lack of doctrinal training poses a danger for the Chinese Church, their simple and life oriented faith should be appreciated. As the western strategists think of many effective ways of doing mission, the Chinese Church reminds us that spirituality is about life not words. That is the essence of discipleship in the Kingdom that the Beatitudes reveal (Mat 5:1-12) and that the theology of the Cross reveals (Chao 1993; Yu 1999). 6 On the equipping for the World Mission Even though persecution limits the House Church ministry programs, they do not forget the Mission of God to reach the unreached people, both Chinese and non-Chinese. Even before 1949, the Chinese Church was ready for the Back to Jerusalem movement (Hattaway 2003). However, due to political change, the movement was put on hold. It was resumed in about the mid 80s of the
54
the twentieth century. Viewed from a World Mission perspective, it is Gods sovereignty and plan that delayed the movement. Persecution became the training ground and model for the Chinese Church to reach the last unreached people groups of World Mission, the 10/40 window. Reaching the people in the 10/40 window and evangelizing in a hostile environment needs perseverance and flexibility. Between 1949 and now, the Chinese Church has been doing Mission within China, and doing it well. This is what is called the inoculation and immunity theory. Once the missionaries get their dose of persecution, they will have a certain degree of immunity to it. If Christians can sustain their goal and purpose for life during persecution, they can be a catalyst for the growth of the Church among their people. With persecution and suppression, the Chinese Christians either fled or scattered while other might be sentenced to labour camps in different areas. That is what is called Dandelion Effect (Ma 2004:130132). The dandelion effect is not only happening in Mainland China, but also in other parts of the world. Chinese are moving out of Mainland China for different reasons. Today, most of the Chinese immigrants and foreign students to North America and Europe are from Mainland China. In the Middle East and Asia, and even in Jerusalem, there are Mainland Chinese workers residing and earning their living. Therefore, it is not for the Chinese Church growth that the Christians in China suffered, it is for World Mission that God let suffering happen there. 7 Conclusion Of course, it may be too simple to think that persecution of the Mainland Chinese Church can lead to the accomplishment of Gods plan in Mission. It takes more than that. It takes partnership among Gods people. It takes training, both theological and missional, to equip those who respond to Gods calling. However, since persecution and suffering happened in Modern Chinese Church history in Mainland China, there must be a purpose in His plan. Perhaps the most appealing characteristic of the church in China is that
55
it can really be described as a true movement of God. Chinas current house church growth is not the product of some great personality, charismatic leader or strategic program. It cannot be credited to a particular church, denomination, mission agency, theological persuasion or charismatic movement. Instead, the house church movement in China is the result of the movement of God through persecution. (Anonymous Graduate 2010:1) Therefore, the best and blessed way to respond to persecution is obedience and faithfulness in the lives of Gods people. The Blood of the Martyrs is the Seed of the Church is usually mistakenly viewed as, Persecution leads to the growth of the Church. In fact, this statement originated from Tertullians work, The Apology. It states, The oftener we are mown down by you, the more in number we grow; the blood of Christians is seed. If the statement is put back in context and interpreted correctly (Ma 2004; 278-286), the focus should be on the life potential of Gods people instead of the death (martyr) - and there is no of the Church after the word seed. Therefore, the seed does not mean growth of the Church, but the potential strength of the Christians life (blood). In this sense, persecution is only the context in which the life of the people of God will prosper. As growth of the Chinese Church continues, the quest for a contextual theology of persecution and suffering will not only benefit the spirituality of Gods people but the advancement of Gods Mission. One-fifth of the worlds population is Chinese and they are spread all around the world. The population of Mainland China is about 1.3 billion, with about only seven percent Christians (in a broader sense). China is still a harvest field. The conversion of the Chinese is vital in carrying out Gods mission, for China and for the World. Therefore, the Mainland Chinese Christians suffering will not be in vain if they respond to Gods sovereignty with obedience so that, at the end, Jesus Christ will say to the Chinese Church, Well done, good and faithful servant! You have been faithful with a few things; I will put you in charge of many things. Come and share your masters happiness! (Mat 25:21)
56
Bibliography
Anonymous Graduate, 2010; Learning from the House Church Movement. www.gordonconwell.edu/supporters_friends/learing_house_church_movement. Accessed August 11, 2010, Beare, F.W. 1962; Persecution, in The Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Vol 3. George Arthur Buttrick, ed. Pp. 735 737. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Chan, Jonathan, 1993; Purified by Fire-The Secret of House Church Revivals in China. Taipei: CMI Publishing Co., Ltd. (in Chinese). Graham, Christina Kuo, 2009; Keeping China in Perspective, in BibleDude.net, http://bibledude.net/2009/03/keeping-china-inperspective/ Accessed August 11, 2010, Hattaway, Paul, 2003; Back to Jerusalem: Three Chinese House Leaders Share Their Vision to Complete The Great Commission. Waynesboro, GA: Gabriel Publishing. Johnson, Patrice, 2010;Military Destroys Buildings; Church Still Stands. In The Voice of the Martyrs, 2010:8 special issue. Ma, Andrew Chi Sing, 2004; Toward a Contextual Theology of Suffering: The Chinese Christian Perspective since 1949, Pasadena, CA: Fuller Theological Seminary, Unpublished dissertation National Council of Churches, 1998; Chinas Churches: Vital, Growing, Addressing Their Problem. In 1998 NCC News Archives, accessed August 11, 2010, www.nccusa.org/news/news98.html. Rainey, Todd, 2009; The Motivations of Chinas Religious Persecution: Why China Restricts Religion A Matter of Statism and Revolution. http://religiouspersection.suite101.com/article.cfm/the_motivation s_of_chinas_religious_persecution, Accessed August 11, 2010, Workman, Herbert B., 1906; Persecution in the Early Church. London: William Clower and Sons.
57
Yu, Tsung-En, 1999; The Narrow Path of the Cross: The Enlightenment and Testaments of the Trail Fire of Mainland Chinese Church. Taipei: Campus Evangelical Fellowship. (in Chinese)
58
EMBRACING ISLAM THROUGH THE BACKDOOR Review of A Deadly Misunderstanding: A Congressmans Quest to Bridge the Muslim-Christian Divide (New York: Harper Collins, 2008)
By Bill Nikides 1 1 Introduction: Book summary To be more accurate, the title should have read, A Former Congressmans Quest, since the author left office several years before most of his observations were fully formed. Nevertheless, it was changes in his thinking that began to emerge while in public service visiting the Muslim world, that emerge in the text. It is, to say the least, a mind-boggling work of genuine significance. I do not believe that, however, on the basis of the books quality or credibility. To be quite clear, it is a book that has far more in common with Dan Brown and the Da Vinci Code than it does a serious work of theologically informed scholarship. That is not to say that it is not influential. It is. Many people and churches appear to form their opinions of Christianity, Islam, insider movements etc., on the basis of pronouncements such as these. It is a difficult book to characterize. It is, Brian McLaren observed, a real page-turner. It is that. It has the feel of a novel, a socio-political analysis of the Muslim world, a philosophy of religions and a work of missiology. Is it autobiography? Sometimes yes. The variety of perspectives and claimed authority, albeit with attempts at modesty, has me wondering if the appeal of the book is due to Siljander appearing as everyman or Superman. He states that he is not a linguist, but much of his book attempts a close read of Bible and Quranic passages balanced against Aramaic. Again,
1 Bill Nikides has long-term experience working with indigenous church planting on 4 continents, is a Presbyterian minister, part of i2 Ministries leadership team and a doctoral student working on his dissertation in systematic theology.
59
while he claims not to be a linguist, he knows to one degree or another English, Spanish, Hebrew, Korean, Mandarin, French, Italian, Portuguese, Aramaic, and Arabic.2 This point is not peripheral, as we shall see, because he bases the lions share of his opinions on language. He also claims, as he takes us on his personal journey of enlightenment, that Yasser Arafat, the Chairman of the PLO, actually put out a contract on him.3 He treats us to encounter after encounter with world leaders, demonstrating their own positive response to his insights. He is a bit like Forrest Gump, seemingly always present in the most important places at world-changing times. All of this makes the book readable. We all want to know what he will discover and say next. I can also say that it is heartening to read of someone who loves Muslim people. I do and I appreciate the fact that he does too. More profoundly, however, we have to ask, what is the book essentially saying? What is its message with regard to Christianity and Islam? In a nutshell, Siljander proposes that the centuries of conflict between Christians and Muslims, East and West are the product of a tragic misunderstanding. If we just understood the world of the Bible and the world of the Quran, we would discover that they are not merely compatible; rather they form a continuum.4 All we need is the right key to unlock the conundrum. That key, according to the author is a hidden language uniting the two horizons of Islam and the Bible. That hidden language is Aramaic. If we took the disputes between Islam and Christianity based on the words of their holy books and went back to the root language behind both religions (Aramaic), we would find that the religions share the same linguistic origin, the same perspective, the same goals, and the same hope. Siljander had help in making this critical discovery. He mentions, for example, the influence of John Book, a pastor in Three Rivers, Michigan, and author of two books on the role of Assyria in biblical prophecy. It is Book, among

Siljander 6. Siljander 7. 4 Siljander 119.
2 3
60
others, who referred to Aramaic as the secret language of the Bible.5 He also lists several other experts who helped shape his understanding. As he erects a bridge of understanding between the world of the Quran and the world of the Bible, he is careful not to suggest a bridge connecting Islam and Christianity. Christianity is a word that has caused such grief in the Muslim world that it is best unmentioned. It is a curse word. Any reminders of the cross, whether that be in reference to Christs crucifixion or with regard to the crosses that crusaders wore on their tunics, are a serious barrier to understanding. As an observation, Siljander, perhaps because he reflects a Christian background, is intent on breaking down barriers erected by his own tradition. So, he is intent on descrying barriers such as the crosses worn by crusaders without also addressing barriers erected by Muslims such as the Islamic conquests. It is central to his argument that the saving work of Christ, however Siljander construes it, is separated from the vehicle that conveys it such as the Church or even Christianity. He mentions repeatedly, in concert with so many contemporary evangelical voices, that Jesus is not about converting anyone to a religion. The Great Commission in Mt 28 makes no mention of recruiting people to Christianity. The Bible never brings up a strategy of conversion like that at all. Siljander notes that Jesus never uses even the word religion. In its sole use (James 1:27), it refers to a way of life, not a cultus or series of practices.6 It is also not a structure. According to the author, what Jesus is all about is Gods truth being revealed through Jesus influence, to the individual human heart. To the President of Benin, who was entering into a new relationship with Christ, he states: Mr President Since there are so many different religious expressions in Benin, dont start calling yourself a Christian. Theres no need to pigeonhole yourself. Just keep following what Jesus taught - and dont call yourself anything but a follower of Jesus. Likewise, when referring to potential roadblocks be-

5 6
Siljander 28. Siljander 17f. 61
tween Islam and Christianity such as the Kaaba, Ramadan, and Mecca, the reader is exhorted not to confuse these cultural specifics with the essence of what he believes is common faith behind them.7 The theory of this book and others like it is that Jesus fundamentally spoke Aramaic rather than Hebrew or Greek. More importantly, the New Testament roots themselves are in Aramaic, which were then codified in the Greek Bible. In other words, if you could peer under the surface of the Greek New Testament, you would find an Aramaic understanding. By extension, therefore, if you wish to clear up misunderstandings between Hebrew, Arabic, and even Greek, you should go to Aramaic.8 Siljander wants the reader to accept the essential goodness and truth of the Quran. He notes that the Quran mentions Jesus more than 110 times and 11 times as the messiah. He notes, too, that the holy books of both Jews and Christians are afforded a place of honour in the Quran. A careful reading of both reveals that they also share the same perspective; for example, the way that God is addressed is similar. The Quran makes pronouncements on the basis of the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. Isnt that just like Ex 34:6: The Lord, the Lord, a God merciful and gracious? Of course, behind the desire to legitimate the Quran is the desire to make Islam an acceptable religion. When he accompanied Doug Coe to meet the blood-stained president of the Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, Coe stated, Were here because we know you are a devoted follower of the Quran, and we are also devoted followers of

Siljander 114. Two quick points before we move on: Siljander and those upon whom he depends, see Aramaic as the root language of both Hebrew and Arabic, and since it is, going back to the root will expose the true fruit.8 Second, in order to understand what a given text means, you have to get under the surface to discover what is in the mind of the writers, in this case, those who know and reflect an Aramaic world and life view. If you want to know the mind of the biblical writers of the first century, depend on the Aramaic translation to give it to you. Think of how useful this tool can be. The Aramaic word for convert is shalem, obviously related to the Hebrew shalom which means peace. Shalem also means submit or surrender, the root to both Islam and Muslim.8 So, the peace that the Bible offers is essentially the same as that which motivates Muslims. Aramaic makes it plain.
7 8
62
the same Allah and the same Isa that you know through the suras of the Recitation of the Prophet.9 He mentions repeatedly the shahada, the creed and first pillar of Islam, which states that there is no God but Allah and Muhammad is his messenger. Reciting this with genuine sincerity makes one a Muslim. It also links Muslims to the world of the Bible, according to Siljander, since shahada is the same as the Hebrew shema, Here O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is one (Dt 6:4). We both believe in one God; the same exact God. As he states, The central professions of faith for all three religions are not simply compatible, they were essentially identical.10 He also takes the Islamic interpretation of its own history and formation on face value. Accordingly, Muhammad is a person illiterate prior to his special revelations from God. These revelations, as Islam asserts, are a continuance of what God had revealed to Moses, David, and Isa. So, in that sense, when Muhammad speaks, he forms a continuum with what was revealed before. The point in this is that Siljander simply affirms the Muslim point on the matter of revelation. As he says, No wonder the Quran declared that Abraham, Moses, and Jesus were all Muslims.11 The core of Siljanders argument is removing three key biblical obstacles that separate Muslims and Christians: the nature of Jesus, the Trinity, and the crucifixion. Jesus himself is accurately described in the Quran. As such, he is the ruhallah, the spirit of God at work among humanity. He is not, as Nicea wasted so much time to prove, the only begotten Son of God. Siljander labors at length with his favourite tool, the Aramaic New Testament, to prove that begotten does not mean, as Muslims fear, sexual generation. The tragedy for the author is that it took centuries of wrangling by the church to understand the Bibles Greek when a quick trip to the Peshitta could have cleared the whole matter up. Seven church councils and seven wastes of time. With the Semitic texts spread before me, I didnt think we needed to get into the theologi-

Siljander 66. Siljander 119. 11 Siljander 122.
9 10
63
cal hair-splitting to resolve this issue. The plain truth is that most of the faithful on either side of the fence would agree that the flesh and body of the man Jesus were physical, finite and distinctly human.12 Both the Quran and Bible, according to the author, conclude that Jesus/Isa was conceived by a purely energetic act of spirit, a conception sparked within Mary without benefit of sexual act. Both see this as a supernatural, virgin birth. So what does that say about Jesus and how the Bible and the Quran describe him? Is Jesus an ordinary flesh-and-blood human being? Yes and no. Does Isa have a divine nature? Yes and no. Is Jesus/Isa made of flesh and blood like the rest of us, or is he animated by the Spirit of God? Yes... and yes.13 So goes the first of the two greatest barriers between Islam and the Bible. It is the same Jesus that is described by both. The other great perceived obstacle is the Trinity; the medusa of theologians, transfixing and destroying all those caught in its gaze. Despite its fearsome reputation for impenetrability, Siljander chalks up differences between Muslims and Christians as simply caused by semantic misunderstandings. It is not differences in substance that divide us, but, rather, differences in how we express ourselves. No Muslim views God as being literally a plurality, but his many attributes are of such great importance that his very nature can only be described in plural terms.14 In other words, Muslims reject a plural God, but they accept One God with plural attributes. He then finds support for this opinion from an interesting source, Eastern Orthodoxy. According to his research, Eastern Orthodoxy, signatories to some but not all of the ecumenical councils, rejected the idea of one God in three Persons, preferring One God with three attributes. He then supports his assertion by stating that the Nestorians preferred the Aramaic word kenomey (attributes) to prosopon (persons).

Siljander 144. Siljander, 145. 14 Siljander, 146.
12 13
64
More importantly, the Bible never mentions the word Trinity. Its best support, according to Siljander, is For there are three that bear witness in heaven: the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit; and these three are one (1 Jn 5:7 NKJV).15 Siljander fails to see how the arguing between Muslims and Christians can be justified. The attributes of Father, Holy Spirit, and Son or Word are primal in the Christian tradition but, whether you call them persons or attributes, the meaning is the same: we are talking about a single God, albeit one with many aspects. I have asked Muslim and Christian clerics to explain the interaction of these attributes: Its a mystery. So what are we arguing about? As far as I can see, the controversy about the concept of the Trinity was a theological red herring. As for the crucifixion, Siljander notes that both the early Christian Nestorians and Sufi Muslims believe that only Jesus outward physical form was crucified while his spirit was received by Allah in heaven.16 It seems that he also wishes to downplay the centrality of the cross in any case since it was the rallying symbol of the crusades and the murderous killing spree (his words) that the crusaders inflicted on the people of the Middle East. Better to affirm the things we can all embrace than dwell on the symbol that produced such pain. Fortunately, some people are getting the message. As he surveys Bangladesh and Indonesia, he sees an enormous movement of Muslims to Christ who worship at mosques, not churches; who pray on carpets, not in pews; who faithfully follow the five Pillars of Islam and all the cultural and traditional aspects of their faith - and have fully embraced the teachings and person of Jesus.17 These

15Note the difference between the NKJV Bible cited by the author, based on Erasmus Textus Receptus, itself dependent on the 5th century Syriac, Aramaic Peshitta, dated from 2-5th century AD)and the following: (NIV): :For there are three that testify: the Spirit, the water and the blood; and the three are in agreement. (NASV) For there are three that testify: the Spirit and the water and the blood; and the three are in agreement. (ESV) For there are three that testify: the Spirit and the water and the blood; and these three agree. 16 Siljander, 150. 17 Siljander, 215f.
65
messianic Muslims go to the mosque and read the Quran, and they pray in the name of Jesus and read the Bible. They make every effort not to stand out. They arent converting. They arent leaving anything behind. They are simply discovering a powerful new common ground.18 They have no need to leave and every reason to stay; after all, true religion is a state of being.19 This is Siljanders brave new world and its inhabitants are messianic Muslims. The New Heavens and New Earth is a unified, generous (to borrow from Brian McLaren) Islam, with Isa at its heart, a Bible-affirming Quran as its dogma, all pointing towards one God of amazing complexity. The book ends with affirmations and thanks for those who encouraged him along the way. The list is significant. It includes those who gave him his understanding of Aramaic such as Dr. Eldon Clem, a messianic Jew and head of the Olive Branch Institute; Dr. Ergun Caner, the former President of Liberty University; Doug Coe, the leader of what has been called The Fellowship or C Street by outsiders and The Family by its members such as Siljander, Gov. Mark Sanford (SC), James Inhof, etc. According to a Mother Jones article, the organization of professing evangelicals target movers and shakers in the developing world (to include Muslims) for influence.20 He also thanks Samir Kreidie, a wealthy busi-

Siljander, 216. Siljander, 217. 20 Mother Jones. Adapted from Jeff Sharlet, 27 Sept 2010, C Street: The Fundamentalist Threat to American Democracy. I cannot vouch for the content and conclusions concerning Siljander and his friends. I refer to it principally because it was the only article I could find that attempted to describe Siljanders social context. See also the important article, Inside C Street Six Questions for Jeff Sharlet by Scott Horton, Harpers Magazine (29 September 2010). Hortons comments concerning Siljanders thinking in para 5 makes the article worth reading. The creation of what former congressman Mark Siljander, a Family leader who wrote a book on their approach to Islam, calls Messianic Muslims. Misbah Ahdab, a popular Muslim MP, credits C Streeter Sen. Tom Coburn with helping to open his eyes to the centrality of Jesus, though he still calls himself a Muslimhe wouldnt be elected otherwise. Samir Kreidie, another Messianic Muslim who hosted Coburn and
18 19
66
nessman and model messianic Muslim. So too is Dr. David Coffey, signatory to A Common Word, raised in Bangladesh and forerunner of insider movements in that country, as well as husband of the prominent missiologist Ida Glaser. Additional noteworthies include Dr. Joseph Cumming, another champion of A Common Word and insider movements; Dr. James DeFrancisco, a member of the church of God, Seventh Day, head of MILTHA Ministries, praised for his insights into Aramaic but also notable for his use of the cultic Jewish Kaballah; and the journalist Cal Thomas. It is an anachronistic but fascinating mlange. 2 Analysis and critique Siljanders entire interpretation hinges on his use of Aramaic as a tool that brings Islam and the Bible into comprehensive alignment. What shall we make of that? First, he asserts that a growing body of scholars supports the Aramaic origins of the New Testament. Where is this body? I have consulted several seminary professors on the point and neither they nor I are aware of such a movement. I have, of course, heard the arguments on all sides concerning what language Jesus spoke. A few points stand out with regard to this. First, it is completely apparent from these discussions that no one actually knows. Second, there is not one shred of evidence to support the idea that the New Testament was written or spoken in Aramaic. Third, we should remember that the Aramaic New Testament Siljander cites post-dates the existent ancient copies of the Greek New Testament. Fourth, on a broader front, he claims that ancient Hebrew is rooted in Aramaic. Where is any proof for this? I know of no genuinely scholarly work that proves this point. Perhaps, charitably, we say that he thinks so because Abraham came from Ur of the Chaldees. Even so, this neither proves that Hebrew

fellow C Streeter Rep. Mike Doyle (D., Pa.) during a 2009 visit (Doyle travelled on the Familys dime; Coburn charged his missionary work to taxpayers) sums up what hes learned from the Family as Jesus for the world. Of course, anybody is free to convert, but these guys are actually encouraged not to convertto keep calling themselves Muslims.
67
descended from Aramaic, nor that fifth century AD Aramaic is at all the same language as second millennium BC Aramaic. It is a nonsequitur.21 Let me remind us of D.A. Carsons concise and challenging masterpiece, Exegetical Fallacies. No book has been used to better effect to humble over-confident seminarians armed with a basic knowledge of biblical languages; just enough to make one dangerous. Carson summarizes the basic mistakes of interpretation that readers of the Bible routinely make. Relevant to us is what he refers to as the root word fallacy. Mistakes are made when readers assume that the meaning of a word is inevitably bound up in the basic, original, or literal meaning of its component parts. Carson notes that the Greek word Apostolos is literally one who is sent. But in the New Testament, the emphasis is on the message rather than the sending itself. In other words, the context helps determine the meaning, rather than the root. In this case, apostle becomes a special messenger. The message is the star, not the person. Relying on the root can easily take us to the wrong place. Over and over Siljander demonstrates a heavy reliance on the same error in thinking. In fact in every place he cites as an example of the indispensability of Aramaic, fuzzy understanding is dispelled by a careful examination of the biblical context. In that way, the appeal to Aramaic becomes a clever gimmick to influence opinion rather than a genuine use of scholarship in order to produce understanding. It seems as though the author presents an appearance of scholarly understanding while at the same time eschewing genuine precision. For example, he notes that the Quran refers twice to Jesus as wajih (mediator) and shafaa (intercessor). Rather than addressing what classical and contemporary Quranic exposition mean by these

21 Frank Thielman, email with Bill Nikides (4 Feb 2011). I know of no one in the guild of New Testament scholarship that thinks any major portion of the New Testament is translated from Aramaic. Jesus probably spoke Aramaic, and rather incompetent arguments have been made in years past that Matthew and John were originally in Aramaic. I know of no one who thinks that now. The epistolary literature and Luke-Acts were certainly Greek compositions.
68
terms, he glosses over their meaning, giving readers the impression that they mean the same in Islam and Christianity. Wrong. Siljander is most certainly guilty of distorting the discussion of the Trinity. Consider what he does with regard to 1Jn 5:7 noted above. First, he asserts that the Trinity is based on an erroneous interpretation of the verse, but he uses an old translation of the text that accords with the Aramaic against most other translations. It is therefore anachronistic.22 This so-called Johannine Comma is a string of extra words which appear in 1 John 5:7-8 in some early printed editions of the Greek New Testament. In these editions the verses appear thus (we put brackets around the extra words):
[ , , , . 8 ] , .
The King James Version, which was based upon these editions, gives the following translation: For there are three that bear record [in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost: and these three are one. And there are three that bear witness in earth], the Spirit, and the water, and the blood: and these three agree in one. These extra words are generally absent from the Greek manuscripts. In fact, they only appear in the text of four late medieval manuscripts. They seem to have originated as a marginal note added to certain Latin manuscripts during the Middle Ages, which was eventually incorporated into the text of most of the later Vulgate manuscripts. In the Clementine edition of the Vulgate the verses were printed thus: Quoniam tres sunt, qui testimonium dant [in caelo: Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus Sanctus: et hi tres unum sunt. 8 Et tres sunt, qui testimonium dant in terra:] spiritus, et aqua, et sanguis: et hi tres unum sunt.

22
I quote extensively from the site, www.bible-researcher.com for the following explanation. 69
From the Vulgate, then, it seems that the Comma was translated into Greek and inserted into some printed editions of the Greek text and in a handful of late Greek manuscripts. All scholars consider it to be spurious, and it is not included in modern critical editions of the Greek text or in the English versions based upon them. For example, the English Standard Version reads: For there are three that testify: the Spirit and the water and the blood; and these three agree. We give below the comments of Dr. Bruce M. Metzger on 1 John 5:7-8, from his book, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart, 1993).
After the Textus Receptus adds the following: , , , . 8 . That these words are spurious and have no right to stand in the New Testament is certain in the light of the following considerations. (A) External Evidence. (1) The passage is absent from every known Greek manuscript except eight, and these contain the passage in what appears to be a translation from a late recension of the Latin Vulgate. Four of the eight manuscripts contain the passage as a variant reading written in the margin as a later addition to the manuscript. The eight manuscripts are as follows: 61: codex Montfortianus, dating from the early sixteenth century. 88: a variant reading in a sixteenth century hand, added to the fourteenth-century codex Regius of Naples. 221: a variant reading added to a tenth-century manuscript in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. 429: a variant reading added to a sixteenth-century manuscript at Wolfenbttel. 629: a fourteenth or fifteenth century manuscript in the Vatican. 636: a variant reading added to a sixteenth-century manuscript at Naples. 918: a sixteenth-century manuscript at the Escorial, Spain. 2318: an eighteenth-century manuscript, influenced by the Clementine Vulgate, at Bucharest, Rumania. (2) The passage is quoted by none of the Greek Fathers who, had they known it, would most certainly have employed it in the Trinitarian
70
controversies (Sabellian and Arian). Its first appearance in Greek is in a Greek version of the (Latin) Acts of the Lateran Council in 1215. (3) The passage is absent from the manuscripts of all ancient versions (Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Arabic, Slavonic), except the Latin; and it is not found (a) in the Old Latin in its early form (Tertullian Cyprian Augustine) or in the Vulgate, (b) as issued by Jerome (codex Fuldensis [copied a.d. 541-46] and codex Amiatinus [copied before a.d. 716]), or (c) as revised by Alcuin (first hand of codex Vallicellianus [ninth century]). The earliest instance of the passage being quoted as a part of the actual text of the Epistle is in a fourth century Latin treatise entitled Liber Apologeticus (chap. 4), attributed either to the Spanish heretic Priscillian (died about 385) or to his follower, Bishop Instantius. Apparently the gloss arose when the original passage was understood to symbolize the Trinity (through the mention of three witnesses: the Spirit, the water, and the blood), an interpretation that may have been written first as a marginal note that afterwards found its way into the text. In the fifth century the gloss was quoted by Latin Fathers in North Africa and Italy as part of the text of the Epistle, and from the sixth century onwards it is found more and more frequently in manuscripts of the Old Latin and of the Vulgate. In these various witnesses the wording of the passage differs in several particulars. (For examples of other intrusions into the Latin text of 1 John, see 2.17; 4.3; 5.6, and 20).23
It is essential to understand the significance of this and it must not be understated. Siljander redefines the Greek New Testament, the original New Testament with a fifth century Aramaic translation. What makes this action any different, therefore, from Jehovahs Witnesses appealing against the translations of the Greek New Testament used in every orthodox Bible to their own anachronistic New World Translation? This is the sort of appeal that creates cults, not affirms the Bible or biblical religion. Siljander brought up the issue of 1Jn 5:7 in order to cast doubts on the Christian formulation of Trinity. We have dealt with the translation issue, but there is much more to say about the issue. But what of his broader point? Is Trinity not a biblical idea? Is it only

23 See Bruce Metzger, The Text of the New Testament, 101 f. www.bibleresearcher.com.
71
explicit in one place? Can it be counter-argued that this simply refers to three modes of existence concerning God rather than one God in three persons? Along the way to answering these questions, he manages to distort both doctrine and history. First, he states that the Eastern Orthodox believers rejected the idea of God in three persons in favour of god in three attributes or modes of existence. To be clear, the truth is quite the opposite. Eastern Orthodox along with every other orthodox believer universally acknowledged one God in three persons. The idea of one God in three attributes was explicitly condemned as a heresy. Siljander distorts history in discussing the Trinity and Christologys progress through the ecumenical church councils. First, it is true that the Council of Nicea adopted the basic Trinitarian formula in 325 AD. He also muddies the water by making the idea of attributes and persons equivalent. We can only assume he does so because he wants Islam to become acceptable to Christians. Muslims steadfastly reject the one God in three persons concept. Siljander substitutes the idea of persons with a plurality of attributes. The two are not even remotely related. The Church recognized this early on when it completely rejected modalism, the idea that we have one God in three forms. This heresy of Sabellianism was rejected formally and finally by the church, starting in 262 AD, though it cropped up later in the radical Reformation through the teachings of Socinus and later still with Swedenborg. Siljander anticipated the force of this appeal to tradition by casting doubt on the councils, painting a picture of equivocation by the church concerning the Trinity and the nature of the deity of Christ. It is important to note that not only is he completely wrong concerning historical details (dates, etc.), but he is wrong in a comprehensive sense. Each church council, as it dealt with the deity of Christ, the deity of the Holy Spirit, the fact of the Trinity and relations within the Trinity built consistently on the base laid by each previous council. Read the deliberations for yourself. You will find church fathers carefully developing an enduring doctrine, steeped and saturated in scripture and in concert with each other. As they did so, they ran into threats to the gospel message. They ran back to the Word itself and disSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 72
tinguished between the core gospel and its unbiblical counterfeits. The Church, once again, is faced with a resurgence of counterfeits, insider movements and Mr Siljanders machinations among them. These new ideas were never accepted by our ancestors in the faith and for good reason. Siljanders problem is that he accepts the Muslim approach to theology. That is what makes the accepted view of Trinity disposable to him. He makes spurious claims such as the only reference to three is 1Jn 5:7 (interesting that I found the same claim in a Wikipedia article on modalism), but he gives the argument weight because he expects the same sorts of proof that Muslims demand. They want to see three in one stated explicitly. They want Trinity spelled out verbatim. Also interesting is the fact that Nestorians and other non-orthodox followers of Christ use the same arguments online. In other words, Siljander simply parrots arguments made by early opponents of received Christology and Trinitarian theology and then repackages them for the Muslim-Christian debate. He offers nothing new whatsoever. His alternatives are the same heretical solutions that emerged in the early church and he applies them in the same way that many people living in Arabic Christendom did in the first centuries of the Arabic conquests. People embraced modalism as a way of building bridges to Islam. The result was that they left their Christian distinctives behind and eventually were engulfed by the rising tide of Islam.24 So what are we arguing about? As far as I can see, the controversy about the concept of the Trinity was a theological red herring. He cannot see what all the fuss was about? Really? He cannot see that three attributes is not the same thing qualitatively as three persons in one? This seems to me to be the theological equivalent
24 See Alain Becanon, Trois Tentations dans Lglise (Paris: Perrin, 2002). This little masterpiece looks at how the church, during the early Muslim conquests, attempted to deal with Islam. Its key assertion was that in the attempt to build dialogic bridges between Christianity and Islam, Christians adopted sub-Christian doctrinal positions in order to attract Muslims. The results, however, were exactly the opposite of what they had hoped. The doctrinal changes made them all the more vulnerable to Islam and isolated them from the rest of the Christian world.
73
of snow blindness. What could possibly cause an intelligent human being well acquainted with Christianity and Islam to miss what every competent theologian in both the Christian and Muslim world clearly recognizes? Perhaps he realizes that to face the differences head-on would wreck his enterprise. It is transparently obvious that the monistic God of Islam is not the same God as the triune Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Not even manipulation to blunt the force of that fact, by changing the names of the members of the Trinity, is sufficient. What about his assertion that no verses can be brought to bear that address the triunity of God? Without stretching this review into dozens of pages, let me simply say that Siljanders point can only be sustained if you read the Bible as a disconnected collection of independent assertions. As soon as you start reading the text symphonically, you see the triune patterns weaving together the narratives in John, Ephesians, Hebrews etc. More disturbingly, it appears as though Siljander approaches the text in the same way a Muslim would approach the Quran. The Quran is often unfathomable to Christian readers, just as the opposite is true, because it has no narrative, redemptive story organizing the text. With the exception of its first sura, it is simply organized from longest to shortest suras. It lacks the kind of logical flow we find in the Bible. This makes it difficult for Christian readers to understand the Quran, but it also makes it difficult for Muslim readers to adjust to the Bibles underlying structure and logic. What I find troubling in Siljanders work is a similar inability to see the triune patterns suffused throughout the text, not even just in the books I cited above, but obviously throughout the New Testament and typologically in the Old. More to the point, even Muslims have historically understood that the Bible is all about the Trinity. It is one reason they never accepted it. What about Siljanders thinking about Jesus? Is Islams point that Jesus is the spirit of God good enough? What of the Muslim and Nestorian point that it was only the empty physical shell of Jesus, the husk, that suffered on the cross, while the spiritual essence of Jesus went straight to Allah? I failed to see Siljander actually resolving the issue of what happened on the cross; other than
by asserting the ruhallah (spirit) of God, he was agreeing with the Nestorians and others that the Son of God did not die on the cross, let alone take on the sins of the world. Siljander seems to forget that the Nestorians were not considered orthodox believers. Rather Nestorianism was condemned as a heresy. Nestorians believed that Christ existed as two unmingled, separate natures: the man Jesus and the divine Logos. It was condemned at the Council of Ephesus in 431. They are not considered part of the Middle Eastern Church to this day. What Siljander wants the reader to do is adopt the position that was ultimately excluded from the definition of biblical Christianity. It was, however, adopted by Islam, along with other heretical ideas as it shaped its own theology. It seems also likely that there is a connection between Siljanders commendation of an anachronistic Aramaic Bible, his adoption of Nestorian Christology and his promotion of Islam. He is also silent on the reason why the cross matters at all. Why did the Church reject the gnostic and Nestorian idea that only the physical shell of Jesus went to the cross, if any part of him actually did? They did so because the Son of God had to die a death as one whole person rather than a divine-like essence trapped in a physical body escaping to God at the last moment. Suggesting the latter just means that the Muslim or Siljander does not understand the depth and reality of sin, of our total inability to escape eternal death, and of our need for Christ to die in our place. Take a good look at the book of Romans. The necessity of Christs death in our place forms the guts of the book, the engine that drives our transformation. Siljander glosses over the crucifixion, refusing to deal with Islam and Christianitys essential differences because he cannot see the point of Christs sacrifice. Nothing else can account for his inability or unwillingness to engage with the crucifixion. Perhaps this is also part of the reason why he resists the concept of conversion. He equates it with switching organizations, as for example, from Islam to Christianity. Perhaps he also cannot abide the thought of it because he cannot see the necessity of it. Muslims do not. They of course recognize the realities of sin and judgment, but because they do not acknowledge the depth and power of original sin, they
have the theoretical ability to satisfy God without a redeemer. They cannot accept the cross because they reject the idea of God dying on a tree and because it seems entirely unnecessary. I am not sure that I can discern any appreciable difference between the Muslim position and Siljanders. In another sense, it seems Siljanders theological perspective beautifully mirrors that of classic Protestant liberalism. Devoid of the cross and resurrection, the flesh and the blood of passion, the Bible is reduced to morality and moralism. It is about living better as we imitate God. Come to think of it, what makes that different than Islam? An additional worry is something that remains slightly veiled in Siljanders book, only breaking the surface in a few places. You see it popping up in his dialogue with Libyas foreign minister. Siljander wants to assure the Libyan that Christianity doesnt have 100% ownership of Jesus.25 This is an interesting turn of phrase. Going even further, Siljander concludes that Muhammad named his own movement Islam (submission) because he was identifying it with the core message of Jesus - summed up in the Aramaic shalem, surrender. He is openly and adamantly opposed to Christianity as a formal, organized religion. It is in one sense irrelevant to him, since the essence of faith is personal and experiential. In another sense it is harmful since Christianity is the source of the crusades and centuries of bloodshed. Lets look at a few things in turn. First, is there biblical faith without Christianity or some formal, organized expression? I think that what Siljander advocates is not biblical faith at all. If anything, it is a revived gnosticism that eschewed visible organization, leadership, connections to other parts of the visible church, etc. It promoted individual faith and avoided the Church. It did so, because it also rejected the authority of the Old Testament. The omission was fatal to gnosticism which was relegated to the status of cult by the early Church. Since the gnostics avoided the Old Testament, they also failed to see that Church (Gk ekklesia) in the New Testament believing community was a continuation of the Old Tes-

25
Siljander, 91. 76
tament idea of qahal, a covenantal assembly, a visible, structured, well-defined and bounded thing indeed. The Church emerged from Israel. It was not a new dispensation in the sense that it obliterated Gods established way of working through one people, a family created by him, that was bounded by its beliefs and formed by faith. His preference for private, personal devotion rather than institutional Christianity is a false choice. Biblical faith has always been both personal and corporate, emotional and doctrinal, spiritual and institutional. Second, what about his charges about Christianity? Have Westerners committed atrocities in the name of Christ? Did the crusaders shed innocent blood? Of course they did, but slinging around these charges without also stating that Muslims have done the same in the name of Allah is a bit one-sided. Nor can the scales balance justly by blaming Muslim terrorism exclusively on Western causes. History will not permit such distortion. Siljander simply replays the modern Islamist propaganda tape. Crusades were themselves a response against centuries of Islamic imperialism. It is highly unlikely that Europe would have resisted the Muslim onslaught without them. The Islamic conquests, despite their depiction by polemicists of every stripe, were also bloody affairs, full of coercion and terror that ground down and assimilated one Christian community after another. This is not a blame game that Siljander should engage in.26 Where is this brave new world of transformed Muslim followers of Isa?27 According to Siljander, it is found in the huge Messianic

26 As an aside, the popular understanding of the crusades popularized throughout the Islamic world and in Western media such as the film Kingdom of Heaven are fundamentally a fiction.26 Life is always more complex than Hollywood and the author would do well to dig a little deeper or speak with a bit more objectivity. 27 I insist on using Isa in this context rather Jesus. Muslims have their own theology of the Messiah, Isa, and it is not remotely the same as the Christian understanding of Jesus, as Son of God; Messiah -yes, but Messiah in the light of the resurrection which fully revealed his divinity. The Muslim understanding of biblical terms and concepts is shaped by a deficient engagement with the Old Testament and Christian heresies, not with the consummate clarity afforded only by the complete Bible.
77
Muslim movement in Bangladesh and Indonesia alluded to earlier.28 He has apparently been there, as he wrote about a meeting in Dhaka with Muslim theologians and acknowledges the contributions of Dr. David Coffey, a well-known expatriate expert raised in that country. Perhaps he has met genuine messianic Muslims who do what he describes, or perhaps other Westerners such as Dr Coffey has. I can say, however, after many years of meeting and interviewing insiders, former insiders, Muslim background Christians etc., that I have not experienced anything like the picture he describes. I have spoken with hundreds of experts on the subject and I have not seen the vibrant, believing, communities of biblically faithful Muslims he so persuasively describes. I have visited remote locations in the very heartland of the insider movement, sometimes guided by insiders themselves, and have found nothing on the scale or of the substance he and others have articulated. What I have found bears telling and I will do so, but not here. In my experience the insider movements have more in common with Disney Worlds Epcot Center than they do with the real world. In the Epcot Center, located outside of Orlando, Florida, you have a re-creation of countries and cities of the world. If you want to see Norway, Mexico, China, Germany, Italy, Japan and five other countries, you fly to Orlando and you see them there. The food you eat is authentic and the young people who work there are real too, complete with their charming accents, but the entire thing is an illusion. It is an American theme park. Perhaps there is a genuine insider movement alive somewhere, but all I have personally experienced has been a very clever theme park. I have met insiders, that is true, but they hardly match Siljanders description. Their leaders are all former-Muslims who became Christians and then were persuaded to become Muslims again primarily by Western missionaries. They learned their biblical theology as Christians not as Muslim followers of Isa. There are no Jesus mosques. The vast numbers quoted never materialize in the light of day. It exists, yes, but what exists is nothing like the anecdotes describe. I am of

28
Siljander, 215f. 78
course completely open to being proved wrong, but someone will have to do it. I have seen insiders in places where the insiders themselves said I was their first Western visitor since they came to Christ as Christians in the 1980s. You can prove me wrong, but you will have to work hard for it and I doubt you will succeed. Siljanders ideas are nothing more than an example of dhimmi religion.29 The Quran and Islam slowly begin to appropriate and redefine biblical terms. In the authors view, in order to produce a real peace between Islam and Christianity, we will have to dispose of the Bible, the Church and Christianity. These become barriers to genuine peace and love, our ultimate goal. The Bible has to be eliminated because at some point it will keep highlighting the existence of two potentially different stories that form two ultimately different people. Since there really only is one people, with one way of submitting to God, we only need one book and one identity. Siljander and others like him (Chrislam, insider movements, Common word, etc.) deliberately remove Christianity and the Church from view, opening the way for Islam to subsume Jesus within itself. We love Jesus, but we love him within Islam. The message of Siljanders book is that we have been tragically killing one another for centuries over a misunderstanding. All we really need to do is simply become good Muslims who love Jesus as the Quran and the Bible prescribe, and the killing stops. It is a wholesale surrender to Islam, its categories, definitions, worldview, and authority. Unlike many other works to which I also object, this is breathtaking in its ambition. It goes beyond the insider movements yes to Islam. It also says no to Christianity. Siljanders vision for the future is the vision of the minaret engulfing the cross. When you come right down to it, there is one statement I can endorse in this work. There is a Deadly Misunderstanding: it is his.
29 Dhimmi religion assumes not only the legitimate existence of Islam, but of the inevitability of its ascendance among religions. To be a dhimmi person is to acknowledge ones subordination to the world of Islam. In other words, if you are not a Muslim in a formal way, you are a tolerated second-class part of society.
79
A THEORETICAL PROPOSAL CONCERNING SOCIAL, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SPIRITUAL INFLUENCES ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSIDER MOVEMENT1
By Roger L. Dixon 2 1 Introduction: Background The basic question for me about the so-called Insider Movement (IM) is simply this: How did orthodox, evangelical, or traditionally Bible believing Christians get drawn into a movement that has many non-biblical characteristics? Since 1990, when some American tentmakers in our field of endeavour insisted on imitating a new approach that was being used in other countries, this basic question has plagued me. Why were they changing the traditional orthodox or evangelical understanding of the biblical meaning of repentance, baptism, discipleship, and other teachings that are the foundation of Christianity? Most of the expatriate workers in our area were from evangelical churches and many of them had been trained in evangelical Bible schools and seminaries. What was it that made some shift to a gospel that would allow a person to continue in their traditional religion, confessing belief in Jesus as a prophet while claiming also to be followers of Jesus (whatever that might mean)? During the early years of their experiment, many of us considered the following questions: a. Might this be some kind of religious teen age missionary phenomenon? Were these young people just nave and unable to discern the impact of non-biblical theology and worldview such as those held in the Islamic faith? And yet some older mission-

1 This is a revised and expanded paper delivered at Insider Movements: A Critical Assessment, Oct. 1-3, 2010) 2 Roger Dixon was a missionary for thirty-four years in Asia, mostly among the Muslim Sundanese of West Java, Indonesia. He received his doctorate from Biolas School of Intercultural Studies. He is currently a consultant with Pioneers.
80
aries and teachers were also supporting these new ideas which meant that it wasnt just a notion of immature Christians. b. Were perhaps these new missionaries not too smart? Was their lack of education, experience and knowledge the reason for the problem? True, some of them were not biblically educated but others did have advanced degrees in religious studies of some kind. c. Might they be given to emotionalism? Was this just a passing emotionalism that is characteristic of many persons? And yet some cognitive oriented senior missionaries and writers were encouraging them. d. Did they think they were finding the long-sought key to winning Muslims? Was it the exhilarating thought of finding a golden key of evangelism? Many of them promoted the C1-C6 Spectrum and its support of the Insider philosophy as the longawaited answer to winning the Muslim nations. e. Were they misled by teachers who practice anthropological approaches? Was it the erudition and status of the seminary and mission school teachers who continually spun out avant garde ideas and won the admiration of the Christian community back home? f. Were they seeking some exiting news to send back home? Letters and e-mails flew around the world about the great discovery of a method that had been successful in leading millions of Muslims to Christ. g. Was their lack of success in church planting disappointing them? Did these success-oriented westerners feel they were not planting churches as quickly as they had thought they would? This might be a common factor for the above questions. h. Were these workers really born again believers or just nominal Christian career people seeking personal success?
81
i. Were they victims of spiritual deception? Was it a satanic delusion that was slowly spreading because of the overwhelming challenge of the Muslim world? Was Satan creating a distraction because Muslims were beginning to come to Christ in significant numbers? When the promoters of new Bible translations and a new theology of conversion became secretive and would not discuss their plans with anyone who was not supportive of their new approach, the situation became critical. Many of the proponents (mostly western missionaries) were creating new Bible translations where filial language such as Father and Son, the Son of God, and the designation of Jesus as Lord of life was eliminated or minimized to accommodate the religious prejudices of other world religions. It may have been some of the above or all of the above or even some other more hidden reasons with the various proponents of IM. As the years went by, some western missionaries in our area who had been raised in the church were imitating Muslim faith practices and some even said the Muslim confession of faith - There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is his prophet. What had begun as a well-intended way to contextualize to the ethnic culture of the Muslim converts morphed into absorption of incompatible aspects of the Muslim faith. At that point it became clear that this activity contained an element of spiritual deception but the questions remained: How could this have happened? What made these men and women capitulate to the Muslim culture rather than just contextualize to the ethnic culture of the Muslim people? The answer to these questions is not easy but some insight has been given by others who have struggled to understand power relationships in Islamic dominated areas. Secular psychologists have revealed some interesting effects of power relationships that may be useful in understanding what is happening to those in IM. This is in addition to what the Bible says about spiritual issues. These insights help us to gain perspective on how non-biblical influences have been able to impact the psy-
82
chological well-being of many Christian teachers, evangelists, and church planters. 2 Three concept of power relationships In this paper, I want to examine three concepts of power relationships that we can relate to the Insider Movement. They are dhimmitude, Muslim replacement theology, and the Stockholm Syndrome. The Islamic practice of dhimmitude and Muslim replacement theology have been brought to the attention of the world and clarified by Bat Yeor, a Jewish writer raised in Egypt. The Stockholm Syndrome was hypothesized by psychologists after the famous robbery of Kreditbanken in Stockholm. I believe these three concepts of power give us some understanding of the spiritual influences that are clarified in the Bible and are now happening in IM. As we look at these influences, Johns warning comes to mind. Beloved, do not believe every spirit, but test the spirits to see whether they are from God, for many false prophets have gone out into the world (1 John 4:1). 3 Definition of the Insider Movement First, I want to access some definition for IM because it is vague in some ways and interpreted differently by proponents and opponents. In the history of the church, there have always been insider movements by true insiders. I am not referring to these, but rather to modern proponents of a particular missiological theory known as the Insider Movement. In a 2007 article in IJFM Rebecca Lewis, who is a major proponent of this modern insider philosophy, defined it in this way: An insider movement is any movement to faith in Christ where a) the gospel flows through pre-existing communities and social networks, and where b) believing families, as valid expressions of the Body of Christ, remain inside their socioreligious communities, retaining their identity as members of that community while living under the Lordship of Jesus Christ and the authority of the Bible. (p.75). However, it seems that retaining ones identity as
83
a member of another religious group and living under the authority of Jesus Christ is a contradiction in terms. Kevin Higgins also has described it about the same as Lewis though in different words. It is notable that both expect the new believers to continue in the religious life of the community though there is no clarity concerning the extent of that involvement (2009:75). T his definition is also given by Higgins in an earlier article (2004:155). In an Endnote (2007:76), Lewis differentiates her definition from church planting movements: So the main differences between insider movements and church planting movements lie in the nature of the house churches (pre-existing social networks turning to Christ rather than artificial aggregate groupings) and the social identity of those involved (retained versus changed). In both movements the churches are not institutionalized, and the people in both movements share a new spiritual identity as members of the Kingdom of God and disciples of Jesus Christ. In the case of insider movements, however, this new spiritual identity is not confused or eclipsed by a new social identity. Lewis restates and expands her definition significantly in a 2009 article by saying, pre-existing communities or social networks, which become the main expression of church in that context. Believers are not gathered from diverse social networks to create a church. New parallel social structures are not invented or introduced. (2009:33). Lewis adds which become the main expression of church in that context to the first part of her definition. This seems to mean that the church is made up of members who also continue in the preexisting religious community. Her emphasis on the use of the words socioreligious identity in the second part of her definition (and social identity in the Endnote) reaffirms that. The expression given in the Endnote: this new spiritual identity is not confused or eclipsed by a new social identity describes an identity that somehow incorporates discipleship to Jesus and membership in the Kingdom of God into the previously existing socioreligious identity of the new follower.
84
In clearer words, many of the IM proponents who follow Lewis definition actually hold that new believers in Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior can continue in the practices of their previous religion or belief system. Few of us would advocate that new believers should abandon the identity of their ethnic group. However, in my opinion, her definition seems to point out the second most serious nonbiblical position held by many in the Insider Movement, i.e. one does not have to leave ones old religion, worldview, or belief system. This position leads to what I consider the most serious nonbiblical belief propagated by many in IM, which is the idea that Jesus does not have to be viewed as the Son of God. The attack on the traditional biblical teaching that Jesus is the Son of God is made through new methods of evangelism and, as mentioned earlier, in the creation of new Bible translations. I will say more about this later. But first, let us look at what possibly created IM. 4 Dhimmitude In a dinner address delivered on 31 August, 1995, titled, Myths and Politics: Origin of the Myth of a Tolerant Pluralistic Islamic Society: Bat Yeor said the following:
In this study, [The Decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam - 7th to 20th century: from Jihad to Dhimmitude (Associated University Presses)] I tried to analyze the numerous processes that had transformed rich, powerful Christian civilizations into Islamic lands, and their long-term effects, which had reduced native Christian majorities into scattered small religious minorities, on the way to total disappearance. This complex Islamisation process affecting Christian lands and civilizations on both shores of the Mediterranean - and in Irak and Armenia - I have called: the process of "dhimmitude"; and the civilization of those peoples who underwent such transformation, I have named the civilization of "dhimmitude". The indigenous native peoples were Jews and Christians (Orthodox, Catholics, or from other Eastern Christian Churches). They are all referred to by Muslim jurists as the "Peoples of the Book" - the Book being the Bible - and they were subjected to the same condition according to Islamic law. They are called by the Arabic term, dhimmis: "protected peoples", because
85
Islamic law protects their life and goods on condition that they submit to Islamic rule. But it is this very Islamic law that generates the processes of dhimmitude and of self-destruction.3 The civilization of dhimmitude does not develop all at once. It is a long process that involves many elements and a specific mental conditioning. It happens when peoples replace history by myths, when they fight to uphold these destructive myths, more than their own values because they are confused by having transformed lies into truth. They hold to those myths as if they were the only guarantee for their survival, when, in fact, they are the path to destruction.4
Dhimmitude is the first concept of power relationships that seems to apply to the Insider Movement. We can see the seeds of IM in Bat Yeors exposition of dhimmitude. It seems to be nothing less than the tragedy of saved peoples whose freedom is in Christ Jesus submitting once again to a structure that is controlled by Islamic values. Although most Muslim peoples may have indigenous ethnic structures that are not Islamic, it is clear that the Islamic religious structures dominate. The development of a church model that is under the power of the Islamic socioreligious community is to ensure its ultimate failure to develop a biblical church. In this respect, IM is promoting a dhimmi mentality among new converts before they are even formed as a fellowship of faith. It seems that the fear of the church planters in the face of the authoritarian Islamic structures has led them to keep inquirers within those structures in the false notion that they will be able to thrive better. 5 Muslim replacement theology The second concept of power relationships that affects IM is Muslim replacement theology. We can see how far IM has gone astray by examining some of its theological expressions. Muslim Replacement Theology is another term used in Bat Yeors writings to describe how Muslims appropriate the biblical history. It is common knowledge to all who have studied Islam that the early propo-

3 4
www.dhimmi.org/LectureE1.html Ibid. 86
nents of that religion sought a history by placing the locus of their faith in the Old Testament patriarchs such as Adam, Noah, Abraham & Moses (Adam, Nuh, Ibrihim & Musa). What is not so commonly understood by many is that by doing so, they attempted to absorb artificially the entire story of Gods dealings with the Jews as their own personal history. In addition to this, they also claimed Jesus as the prophet Isa and in so doing emptied him of his true identity as the Son of God, the Lord of Life, and the Savior of the world. This contextualization process has continued up to the present day. In an interview with World Magazine (2005), Bat Yeor said the following:
There are many processes of Islamization. One of them is through theology and the adoption of the Muslim replacement theology, whereby the biblical figures from AdamAbraham, Moses, down to Mary and Jesusare all considered as Muslim prophets. Hence, Israels history is transferred to the Muslim Palestinians, and it is easy to see from there the final transition to Islam where the Jewish Jesus becomes an Arab-Palestinian-Muslim prophet.5
The Insider Movement has also caved to this power relationship by following many of the Islamic terms and teachings which contradict biblical theology. Among the most telling is acknowledging Islam as an Old Testament faith, ascribing divine inspiration to the Quran, and referring to Jesus as a prophet who has a biblical place in Islamic faith. 6 The Stockholm Syndrome The third concept of power relationships that relates to IM is drawn from the Stockholm Syndrome.
The term takes its name from a bank robbery in Stockholm, Sweden, in August 1973. The robber took four employees of the bank (three women and one man) into the vault with him and kept them hostage for 131 hours. After the employees were finally released, they appeared to
Ibid. 87
have formed a paradoxical emotional bond with their captor; they told reporters that they saw the police as their enemy rather than the bank robber, and that they had positive feelings toward the criminal.6 As a basic concept, Stockholm Syndrome is the duality of a power relationship over someone. A person captured becomes deeply involved with the captor due to the typical confine of the circumstances, and because even through the abuse and threats, they still must accept them as the only source of contact and nurturing that focuses on them.7
Richard Newbold Adams (1975:21-22) describes power in two different kinds of relations. One is control over environment and the other is power over an individual. Control is exercised over things and people are sometimes those things. Power is exercised in social relationships. Power rests in the conjunction of what the individual perceives of his own internal being, what he perceives in the world about him, and how he relates these perceptions to establish his relations with other human beings (Ibid.xiii). The Stockholm Syndrome describes the situation in which IM people feel they exist. All or much of their spiritual power has been removed. They are at the mercy of the majority religion and must accommodate themselves to it. This is done by praising the religion as having intrinsic value for all people and needing only minor changes so that it can be fully biblical in its tenets and practices. This capitulation to the majority religion has, in turn, led to the feeling that one can find ones place in the majority religion if it is altered in some respects. Thus they have been deceived into thinking that it is consistent with biblical theology to create so-called churches that retain their identity as members of their socioreligious community while living under the Lordship of Jesus Christ and the authority of the Bible. (Lewis, 2009:33) The final outcome is the development of a submissive attitude to the non-biblical religion and to the leadership of the religion. The so-called churches are marginal and in some cases may exist as sects of the majority religion. There are examples where this approach has culminated in
www.medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Stockholm+syndrome http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/exchange/node/1896 88
missionaries following the religious practices of the majority faith with a few proclaiming the Islamic confession of faith and publically joining the mosque. 7 Spiritual drift In Deuteronomy we find a number of references about the power of the Canaanite tribes. Moses talks about Gods power to drive out nations greater and mightier than yourselves (Deu 4:38) Seven nations more numerous and mightier than yourselves. (Deu 7:1) You will dispossess nations greater and mightier than yourselves. (Deu 11:23) Most interesting about these predictions is that Moses connects them to a condition for their fulfillment. The people must be careful to do all this commandment that I command you to do, loving the LORD your God, walking in all his ways, and holding fast to him. (Deu 11:22) Take care that you be not ensnared to follow them, after they have been destroyed before you, and that you do not inquire about their gods, saying, How did these nations serve their gods?- that I may also do the same. (Deu 12:29-30). In Ex 23:30 we read, Little by little I will drive them out from before you, until you have increased and possess the land. In verse 32, God warns them, You shall make no covenant with them and their gods. For if you serve their gods, it will surely be a snare to you. (v. 33) Observe what I command you this day. Behold, I will drive out before you the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Hivites, and the Jebusites. Take care, lest you make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land to which you go, lest it become a snare in your midst. Ex 34:11-12. We know from history that Israel was gradually seduced by the cults in the land and subsequently punished with expulsion into captivity. Some of the theory and actions of the IM group show a spiritual drift from these warnings. They seem to have little confidence in Gods power to draw people involved in non-biblical religions. The warnings against being ensnared by non-biblical religious practices is largely ignored.
8 Psychological studies It is eminently clear that God is not talking just about nations with more military might but also peoples who have socio-religious power to influence the people and divert them from true worship of the LORD God. In Tired of Trying to Measure Up (1989), Jeff VanVonderan explains how the weaker party feels the pressure to conform. The treatment we have all received in past relationships is the source of a powerful current - our sense of emotional and spiritual well being. (p. 29) Marguerite Schuster describes a socio-religious structure in this way, When we put structure and will together, the result is power (1987:99) She goes on to describe our options when we find ourselves at a disadvantage in a power relationship. We have to make a choice to oppose it, flee from it, or find a way to accommodate ourselves to it. It appears to many observers that the IM proponents have chosen to accommodate themselves to the overpowering influence of Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism. William & Candace Backus (1988:136) write that giving in is not as infrequent as people might think. Even in serious issues we can be controlled. In all relationships there are controllers and the powerful party is usually the controller. It is not as hard as you think to be controlled by someone. Many of us let ourselves be controlled. This seems to be the condition of IM people. They have become victims of the Stockholm Syndrome and have caved to the pressures of powerful non-biblical worldviews. 9 The effect on writing The feeling of impotence that results from interaction with these loci of power has led IM proponents to accept other world religions as their source of contact and nurturing. Benjamin-Lee Hegeman warns us that: The emerging engagement of Christian journalism and conversations with Muslims requires the courage to distance ourselves from fearful attitudes toward Muslims (which I will refer to as dhimmi attitudes). (2007:432). In the case of IM writers, the public does not know who many of them are because they use pseuSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 90
pseudonyms to write. There is an example of this in the JulyAugust 2010 Mission Frontiers magazine. This fear of the majority religion is so pervasive that J. Dudley Woodberrys colleague who wrote the article with him does not reveal his true name even though he no longer lives in a Muslim country. In this case, the dhimmi effect has continued beyond the Islamic borders. Another point is made by Benjamin-Lee Hegeman. Dhimmi writers promote themselves as peacemakers; however, in doing so they hoist the white flag. They write of Islam so romantically (Ibid, 437). IM articles are generally free of any negative description of cultures. The oppression of women, abuse of children, misuse of law and justice, forced conversions, authoritarian social systems and other consequences of a non-biblical worldview are largely ignored; they attempt to persuade us to allow the mixing of biblical with non-biblical aspects of culture such as forms of worship, morals and ethics. The possibility of a person being executed for changing religions should be sufficient to show the impossibility of reconciling that religion with a gospel of love. 10 Dhimmitude in evangelism models As the weaker party in this power relationship, IM submits, largely because of a sense of helplessness, insecurity and fear in the face of the monolithic religious societies that are perceived to have resisted the Christian faith for several thousand years. In fact, the gospel has not been properly proclaimed to these world religions but that is another topic. The dhimmitude commitment of IM is that the gospel must accommodate to other religions in order to find common ground. Their evangelism model has changed due to fears that the biblical message will be rejected. One of my expatriate acquaintances in Indonesia was baptizing people who said they believed in Jesus even though they had not been taught that Jesus was the Son of God. When asked why he followed this procedure his reply was that they taught new believers about Jesus being the Son of God after they had been baptized. His evangelism model was not biblical because there is no way baptism can mean anything unless a candi-
91
date understands that only the divine Son of God has power to take away sins. Stephen Prothero, a religion professor at Boston University, gives us this insight: While I do not believe we are witnessing a clash of civilizations between Christianity and Islam, it is a fantasy to imagine that the worlds two largest religions are in any meaningful sense the same, or that interfaith dialogue between Christians and Muslims will magically bridge the gap. You would think that champions of multiculturalism would warm to this fact, glorying in the diversity inside and across religious traditions. But even among multiculturalists, the tendency is to pretend that the differences between religions are more apparent than real, and that the differences inside religious traditions just dont warrant the fuss practitioners continue to make over them. We pretend that religious differences are trivial because it makes us feel safer, or more moral. But pretending that the worlds religions are the same does not make our world safer. Like all forms of ignorance, it makes our world more dangerous, and more deadly. What we need is a realistic view of where religious rivals clash and where they can cooperate. The world is what it is. And both tolerance and respect are empty virtues until we actually know whatever it is we are supposed to be tolerating or respecting.8 11 Dhimmitude in new Bible translations Dhimmitude is obvious in Bible translation as well. The earliest example of this that I have seen is the Sirat Al Masih (The Life of the Messiah) which was produced in 1992. This was a type of harmony of the gospels in story form (also a diglot using Classical Arabic & English translation). The author eventually backed away from it and asked that no one use it. Some of the missionaries starting their careers in the 1980s & 90s were taken with the idea of creating a
www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2010/04/25/separate_truths 92
bible that used Arabic forms of the Bible names for persons and places. Most people would not argue with that but they went farther and changed the impact of the New Testament proclamation of Jesus as the Son of God. Although they deny doing this, they typically changed the translation of Lord as well, which cloaked the meaning of some of the more pointed passages of Scripture. In this way, they hoped to attract more people of the majority religion as readers but in doing so have thus made themselves subservient to those holding spiritual power. In the case of translations in largely Muslim populated countries we are experiencing the propensity of many to use Muslim replacement theology in order to attract or appease the theological orientation of the readers. Over the centuries, Muslims have done a superb job (from a marketer's point of view) of convincing the world that they have the legitimate right to define the characters of Old Testament prophets and even the person and work of Jesus as well as many other designations of sacred places, events, etc. that do not coincide with biblical teaching. Many IM people have bought into this alternative. I believe that many of these western workers are unaware of the way they have been deceived into doing this. When one considers how Muslim replacement theology has been accepted by a large segment of the Christian world over the centuries, it is difficult to determine how much true understanding these missionary so-called "bible translators" have. They are not the only educated and well trained people who have been deceived. The introduction of the dynamic equivalency theory has led many to experiment inappropriately with various substitution words that change or create a variation of meaning in the Bible text. While some of these words are not essential to understanding spiritual truths, others have led people astray. We hope for more wisdom and insight from mission agencies but unfortunately some have been misled. 12 Dhimmitude in the secrecy model The secrecy model that many modern tentmakers follow is indicative of the dhimmitude attitude. It is called a security model but it
is even used in some countries where there is not any need for secrecy. Some common procedures are the use of encryption in messages among these workers and the use of pseudonyms in place of their real names. At times, secrecy can be defended. But, in general, a protective measure is the response of the weak to the powerful. This security model seems to arise from a fear of the power structures in the various countries and exhibits a desire to be accepted and nurtured by those very power systems. It is designed to protect the users from any possible connection with evangelism among members of world religions. In that way, when church planting becomes a social or legal issue these church planters hope they will not be identified. While it is true that church planters may face persecution, arrest and torture because of their ministries, the biblical injunction is for the shepherd to have the courage to identify oneself in any conflict. In some respects, this generation of missionaries see themselves as secret agents in the 007 mode. In reality, they are playing into the hands of the dhimmitude civilization. 13 Conclusion There really is no conclusion for this paper, for I hope it spurs the reader to pursue this issue in seeing how the concepts of power help us to understand the spiritual condition of IM and its ambiguities in ministry. In response, let us strive to access that power from God that will enable us always to be rightly dividing the Word of truth and to remember the admonition of those who have gone before us such as Eusebius, who wrote: The Martyrs, beloved of God, kindly ministered unto those who fell in the Persecution. They showed in their deeds the power of testimony, manifesting great boldness toward all the brethren, and they made plain their nobility through patience and fearlessness and courage, but they refused the title of Witnesses as distinguishing them from their brethren, being filled with the fear of God. (Eusebius Pamphilus: Church History - Book V. Chapter II/4).
94
Bibliography
Adams, Richard Newbold (1975). Energy & Structure: A Theory of Social Power. Austin: University of Texas. Backus, William & Candace (1988). Untwisting Twisted Relationships. Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers. Hageman, Benjamin-Lee (2007). Beware of Dhimmi Writers. EMQ October Vol. 43, No 4: 432-439. Higgins, Kevin, (2009). Inside what? Church, culture, religion and Insider Movements in Biblical perspective. St. Francis Magazine 5:4 (August 2009):75. Higgins, Kevin, (2004). The Key To Insider Movements: The Devoteds of Acts. IJFM 21:4; (Winter 2004):155 ff. Lewis, Rebecca (2007). Promoting Movements to Christ within Natural Communities IJFM 24:2 (Summer 2007):75. Lewis, Rebecca (2009). Insider Movements: Honoring God-Given Identity and Community IJFM 26:1 (Spring 2009):33. Schuster, Marguerite (1987). Power, Pathology, Paradox: The Dynamics of Evil and Good. Grand Rapids: Academie Books. VanVonderan, Jeff (1989). Tired of Trying to Measure Up. Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers. World. (2005). November 19:18.
95
JOHN DAMASCENE IN CONTEXT An Examination of The Heresy of the Ishmaelites with special consideration given to the Religious, Political, and Social Contexts during the Seventh and Eighth Century Arab Conquests
By D. Bryan Rhodes 1 Abstract John Damascenes work concerning The Heresy of the Ishmaelites confronts Islama heresy according to Johnwith respect to fundamental disagreements between Christians and Muslims concerning the deity of Christ, the doctrine of the Trinity and the authenticity of Muhammads prophethood and revelation. I argue that Johns work was prompted and influenced by his context in seventh-and eighth-century Byzantium. More specifically, my argument is that Johns firsthand understanding of Islam, the new rhetoric of a heavenward focus within what had been the Roman empire, the development of apologies and disputations concerning Islam, and the growing tensions in Christian-Arab relations in eighth-century Byzantium all influenced The Heresy of the Ishmaelitesvery likely the first polemic against Islam from the orthodox Christian community. The first chapter surveys the history of the Arab conquest, with a special focus on the Ummayad Caliphate, under which John lived and served. I also detail the effects of the Arab Conquest on the Christian community, specifically that Arab rule signaled the end of the persecution of the Jacobite and Nestorian churches. In my second chapter I detail the Churchs attempt to deal with the fall of the

1 This chapter is s thesis submitted to Dr. Edward L. Smither in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Global Apologetics at Liberty Baptist Theological Seminary, Lynchburg, Virginia, May 9, 2009.
96
Roman Empire in the East, and how the call to orthodoxy stimulated the growth of apologetic literature. My third chapter deals with Christian-Arab relations in Byzantium and the tensions that evolved as Islam began to make religious truth claims over and against Christianity. My fourth chapter builds on the previous three, analyzing Johns polemic and revealing those elements of culture, politics, education and religion that can be seen in his work. I argue that these elements of context led him to consider Islam a heresyan understandable conclusionand respond to that heresy with an informed perspective, perfectly suited to provide the Byzantine Christian community with an answer to the theological challenges coming from their Arab rulers. Introduction: the value of context defended History might be defined as the study of people affecting other people, and is aptly called social studies. Even those in history who strived to be isolated from the general public as aesthetics or monks are remembered for how their example and work affected society. Generally speaking, the history of a particular culture can often remain virtually static until the catalyst of cross-cultural interaction occurs. The introduction to a new culture is an exposure to the unfamiliar in the realms of language, values, learning and religion. Perhaps none of these areas of cultural expression causes more interest, discussion, anger, pain and controversy than religion. While some topics of culture can be isolated to a discussion that relies exclusively on logic and comparison, religion involves both the mind and the emotions, thus making it a more challenging subject to discuss. Be that as it may, religious beliefs are based upon truth claims substantiated by a blend of empirical fact and personal faith, and opposing truth claims naturally call for discussion. Discussion often leads to debate, and debate calls for evaluation and evaluation should lead to a conclusion. This conclusion may be the same for all parties involved in the debate or it may not. Hopefully the conclusion results in an enhanced perspective regarding the viewpoint contrary to ones own. Hopefully it means greater clarity and un-
97
understanding, fewer straw men and perhaps even a change in previously held convictions. There are, however, two elements that are often the cause of an absence of proper evaluation and, therefore, an absence of helpful conclusions. The first is a refusal to consider the opposing position. Narrow-mindedness is an inhibitor to productive discussions and ensures that no helpful conclusion is reached. The second is a misunderstanding of the opposing position. Misunderstandings often prevent any conclusion from being reached. If a conclusion is reached in spite of misunderstanding, it is often a conclusion absent of greater clarity and fewer straw men. In debates, straw men are the result of a shallow or faulty definition of the opposing position, resulting in an argument based on stereotypes, extremes and even rumours. For this reason, straw men often present a hindrance to helpful conclusions. These caricatures of opposing positions are often based on misunderstandings, and they propagate further misunderstandings and vilification of the opposing position. The refusal to consider the opposing position is a decision of the will. A misunderstanding on the other hand is something that can be corrected through further dialogue. Misunderstandings can occur for any number of reasons, and one of those is an ignorance of context. A persons context is an enormous factor in the shaping of worldview, and an appreciation of context is fundamental to the arrival at a helpful conclusion. This can be seen especially in studies of past events when context is not examined and as a result persons in history are misunderstood, dubbed ignorant, or sometimes even wrongly vilified. Because a persons context contributes so much to their own private conclusions, an examination and understanding of context is critical to gaining a grasp of a person or group of people in history with a view to acquiring an informed conclusion. One such notable cross-cultural encounter is that which was brought on by the Arab conquests of the seventh-century Byzantine Empire that ultimately ended in the establishment of the Arab kingdom. These were certainly not the first Arabs to interact with Byzantium and its people, but it is significant that these Arabs had
recently been inspired by the teachings of a man named Muhammad. They had submitted to Muhammads god and set out to establish a new theocracy. As Arab rule continued to succeed and spread across the no longer Roman empire, one man born in the middle of the seventh century would later be a great writer and theologian in the Byzantine Christian community. He would help those around him arrive at having greater clarity and fewer straw men concerning this new faith of the Arabs and therefore further enable the Christian community to stand firm in their own convictions. H is Arabic name was Mansur, but he was known to the Christian community and remembered in history as John Damascene, that is, John of Damascus. (652-c.750).2 He was an officer in the court of the Muslim caliph and John later became a monk and spent the rest of his life writing to ensure the solidarity of the orthodox community. His work concerning the Heresy of the Ishmaelites was, in its time, part of a new frontier of dialogue and debate. He challenged the religion of Muhammad, skilfully discerning the most critical topics that called for discussion and debate. John Damascenes work is valuable because it sheds light on the relationship between Christianity and early Islam. This is helpful in light of the modern stereotypes surrounding Islam; furthermore, it represents the first educated and qualified response to Islam from within orthodox Christianity. Additionally, Johns work shows the modern reader how Islam was perceived by non-Muslims during his day. Interestingly enough, that perception was that Islam was a heresya corruption of orthodox Christianity. An examination of the religious, political, and social aspects of Johns context will facilitate an understanding that Johns work is both a reflection and product of his context. The changes taking place in seventh-and eighth-century Byzantium colour Johns work and explain why he perceived Islam to be a heresy. Perhaps it might even lead the reader of this study to greater clarity, fewer straw men and a change in convictions.
Daniel J. Sahas, John of Damascus on Islam: The Heresy of the Ishmaelites (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1972), 8. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 99
This work is divided into four chapters. The first focuses on the Arab conquest into Byzantium and the struggles for power within the Arab leadership (the caliphate). There is also a discussion of the effect of the transition of power on the theological disputes within the Byzantine Christian community. The first chapter ends with a more detailed examination of the life of John than that given above. The second chapter describes the fall of triumphalism, a postConstantine ecclesiology that defended the claims of Christianity on the basis of the victory of the Roman Empire. During the latter parts of the Byzantine-Sassanid wars, triumphalism began to wane and would later be replaced by a rhetoric that focused on the Churchs struggle for internal purity and against heresy. This led to the development of apologies to defend the faith and polemics to attack the heresies, a shift which can be exemplified in the work of John Damascene. The third chapter describes Arab-Christian relations under the caliphate focusing specifically on how the Christian community perceived their new rulers and the Islamic faith. There is also a discussion concerning how the caliphs exercised power over their Christian subjects and how it is that John Damascene, a Christian, was able to work in the court of the caliph. The fourth chapter specifically focuses on Johns condemnation of the Heresy of the Ishmaelites which is the designation he gives to the Muslim faith. This tract against Islam is a small part of his work on heresies, De Haeresibus. The fourth chapter builds upon the foundation laid in the first, second and third chapters, using the readers enhanced understanding of John Damascenes context to detail the different aspects of the Heresy of the Ishmaelites. This work concludes by demonstrating that Johns context is useful in discerning the meaning and value of his work, and that Johns Heresy of the Ishmaelites is in fact a very intelligent and qualified response to this so-called heresy.
100
1 The Conquest of Byzantium and John Damascene 1.1 The M uslim conquest The Arab conquests of the Byzantine Empire radically changed not only the life and context of John Damascene, but also the entirety of Christendom and the Roman Empire. The shift of power that happened in the seventh century raised questions, destroyed paradigms and redefined the East in ways that can still be seen today. Of particular importance are the changes and modes of thinking in place during the Ummayad Caliphate, the dynasty in power during Johns lifetime. The conquests began during the Rightly Guided (rashidun) Caliphate in 633 and 634, shortly after Muhammads death in 632.3 The timing proved to be perfect. Byzantium was all but bankrupt after a long war with Persia and there was no quick recovery after the Persians left in 628.4 Additionally, the Byzantine army quickly discovered that old paradigms and strategies that had been effective against the Persians were not yielding success in their conflicts with the Arabs.5 The conquests were the result of the newly formed Arab-Muslim movement, united under the banner of Islam.6 This is a testament to the magnitude of the work of Muhammad since prior to the rise of Islam, Arabs were a tribal people and essentially state3 Peter Sarris, The Eastern Roman Empire (306-641), in The Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. Cyril Mango (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 58. Many Islamic historians utilize a uniquely Muslim calendar, which begins with Muhammads migration from Mecca to Medina in 622 (the Hijra or Hegira). Thus, for instance, some Muslim historians record 623 A.D. as 2 A.H. (anno Hegirae). Though the author is aware of the Muslim calendars use in historical studies, the Western calendar will be used exclusively in this work. Any citation that references a Muslim year will be accompanied by the Western equivalent. Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and Age of the Caliphates: The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century (New York: Longman, 1999), xii. 4 Walter E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pressm 1992), 45. 5 Ibid., 43-44. 6 I.M. Lapidus, The Arab Conquests and the Formation of Islamic Society, in Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society, ed. G.H.A. Juynboll (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press 1982), 66.
101
less.7 The invasion of Byzantium brought about a political and religious regime that was uniquely Arab. Most significant for John Damascenes context, and arguably for the context of the Ummayad Caliphate is the conquest of Syria. The Battle of Yarmuk in 636 proved to be the end of Byzantine Syria.8 The Byzantine rulers were driven out and Yazid, an Ummayad, became the governor. His reign was short, and when he died in 639 his brother, Muawiya, replaced him.9 What is more significant to this study is the fall of Damascus, which happened before the Battle of Yarmuk, in 635. Damascus fell to the Muslim General Khalid, who promised the inhabitants security in exchange for the payment of the poll tax.10 Interestingly enough, Mansur ibn Sargun, John Damascenes grandfather, played a significant role in the capitulation of Damascus to the Arabs. The historian Eutychius identifies Mansur as the one who negotiated the surrender and opened the Eastern Gate to the Muslim troops.11 The capitulation of Damascus is only a small part of the greater story of the Arab conquests. As stated above, Muhammads religion unified the Arabs under a common cause and their victories in Byzantium meant that the Arabs were now united under a common empire. The Arab experience was fundamentally changing from tribal organization to a more centralized government.12 During the conquest of Damascus, the Rightly Guided Caliphate was in power and was led by Caliph Umar (634-44). However, Umar was assassinated by a Persian slave in Medina, a murder apparently absent of any political motivation.13 A committee of Meccan Muslims was
Robert Hoyland. The Rise of Islam, in The Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. Cyril Mango, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 121. 8 Sahas, John of Damascus, 19. 9 G.R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam: The Ummayad Caliphate (661-750) (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987), 23-24. See also, Kennedy, 69. 10 Sahas, John of Damascus, 18. 11 Ibid., 2. 12 Kennedy, 20. 13 Ibid., 69.
7
102
then assembled to choose the new caliph. Their choice was Uthman, a leader of the clan of Ummaya, though Uthman is counted among the Rashidun caliphs because he did not attempt to establish an Ummayad successor.14 Uthman is probably best remembered for making the bold move of producing a single definitive version of the Quran.15 It was bold, most notably because it established the caliph as the political and religious leader, further solidifying the Arab theocracy.16 Ironically, Uthman came under significant opposition due to accusations of nepotism, favouritism and the encouragement of abuses[and] certain reprehensible innovations which found no justification in the Quran or in the practice of Muhammad.17 The caliph tended to concentrate power in the hands of his fellow Ummayads, and Hawting points out that Uthman set up Ummayads as governors in Egypt, Kufa and Basra.18 Following his initial six years as caliph, Uthman began to experience significant problems around 650. Kennedy comments, Uthman tried to deal with [the problems he faced] intelligently but he totally underestimated the strength of feeling and his attempts to cope with the discontent simply made the position worse.19 These problems reached their climax when Uthman was assassinated in his home in 656.20 Ali, cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, was chosen to replace Uthman. Almost immediately, Ali had to deal with opposition, political rivalry, and whispers of his participation in Uthmans murder, for which he was never officially charged.21 Ali initially attempted to reverse the nepotism of Uthman and remove Ummayad governors, but he experienced significant difficulty when he attempted to

14 15
Ibid., 70. See also Hawting, 26. Kennedy, 70. 16 cf. Kennedy, 70-71. 17 Laura Veccia Vaglieri, The Patriarchal and Umayyad Caliphates, in The Cambridge History of Islam: Volume 1: The Central Islamic Lands, eds. P.M. Holt, Ann K.S. Lambton and Bernard Lewis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 67. 18 Hawting, 26. 19 Kennedy, 72-73. 20 Ibid., 73. 21 Hawting, 27. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 103
remove Muawiya, governor of Syria. By the time of Uthmans death and Alis rise to power, Muawiya had built his own military force in Syria and was prepared to go to war to defend his position as governor.22 Additionally, Muawiya had been appointed governor under Umar, and so he was not subject to the suspicions of Uthmans nepotism.23 To add to the tension, Muawiya was Uthmans closest relative and he had a moral claim against the murders of the caliphhe had a right, even a duty, to see vengeance for the wrong done to his clan.24 The tension turned to war in 657 and would later be known as the first civil war of Islam or the Great Fitna (time of trial).25 As already stated, Muawiya was motivated by vengeance for his murdered relative; it would be wrong to see this war as a struggle for the caliphate. Muawiya had made no claims to the caliphate, and historical record indicates that his intention was to remain in Syria as governor.26 The battle happened at Siffin and though, as Hawting points out, the accounts of the war are somewhat obscure, it is generally accepted that the war was brought to an abrupt end when Muawiyas men put pages of the Quran on the end of their spears, causing the more pious men of Alis army to end the fighting immediately.27 Muawiya remained steadfast in his refusal to acknowledge Ali as caliph and demanded arbitration. Ali agreed, but insisted that he was not surrendering the caliphate; only that he would leave Muawiya to govern Syria.28 The arbitration was seen as weakness on Alis part and much of the support for the caliph quickly collapsed. Ali, however, still maintained a significant base of support, and this is the beginning of the

Kennedy, 77. Hawting, 28. 24 Kennedy, 77. 25 Hawting, 24. 26 Kennedy, 78. 27 Hawting (Hawting, 28) goes on to point out that although this may seem like a ruse to get the Syrians out of a difficult situation (the majority opinion, Hawting admits) it might also be that the action was taken to remind the other Muslims that this infighting was wrong, or perhaps that the dispute itself should be settled by the Word of God. 28 Kennedy, 79.
22 23
104
sect that would come to be known as the Shia party (that is, Party of Ali) who maintained that Ali and his descendants possessed the true right to leadership of the Islamic Community (umma).29 The war is of great significance to the context of John Damascene because Alis defeat led to the eventual elevation of Muawiya to the caliphate in 661, thereby initiating the Ummayad Caliphate.30 The Ummayad Dynasty is an historical irony when one considers that the Ummayads were a Meccan tribe who led opposition against Muhammad in 624.31 Now, however, the caliph ruled the growing Islamic empire from Damascus in Syria, rather than Mecca.32 Muawiya was from the Sufyanid family, and the subcategory of Sufyanid rule during the Ummayad Dynasty thus begins with him.33 Initially, Muawiya did well as the caliph, and Kennedy credits him for having the shrewdness, moderation and self-control that the situation demanded.34 Muawiya solidified a system of governors for each territory, and each province continued in the traditions of the previous rulers.35 Muawiyas reign was generally one of peace and prosperity for Christians and Arabs alike.36 His rule is known as one of tolerance, and historians and chroniclers portray him as a ruler who would rather use material inducements than force; he also refused to wear a crown, lest he be identified with the harsh tyrants of Byzantine history.37 Some historians, however, insist that Muawiya failed in this effort and they accuse him of perverting the caliphate and turning it into a kingship. This suspicion
Hawting, 31. Ibid., 3. 31 Ibid., 22. 32 Vaglieri, The Patriarichal and Umayyad Caliphates, in Holt, Lambton, and Lewis, 77. 33 Kennedy, 86. 34 Ibid., 83. 35 Hawting, 35. Also Vaglieri, 87. For more on religious toleration under the Ummayads see the second section of this chapter and the third chapter. 36 Robert Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Other Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam (Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1997), 263. 37 Hawting, 42-43.
29 30
105
stems from his desire to appoint his progeny to take the caliphate after his death, something that many Arabs saw to be a failure, reminiscent of Uthmans nepotism and an attempt to establish a hereditary monarchy.38 In spite of that opposition, Muawiya appointed his son Yazid to take his place, who did so after Muawiyas death in 680.39 Yazids reign did not last long, and after his death in 683, the Sufyanids failed to select a strong candidate.40 Not surprisingly, tension swiftly developed over the matter and would ultimately prove to be the catalyst for a second fitna.41 Following Muawiyas death, Ibn al-Zubyara leader in Meccabegan establishing himself and he became the rallying point for all Muslims who opposed Yazids claim to the caliphate.42 Yazids army brought the war to Mecca, but later retreated upon hearing of Yazids death in 683.43 Yazid's son, known as Muawiya II, attempted to establish himself as caliph, but died only a few weeks after his rise to power. None of Yazids other sons was old enough to assume control of the caliphate and this signalled the end of a caliphate dominated by the Sufyanids.44 Marwan ibn Hakam was declared caliph in Damascus in 684,45 yet Marwans reign was also very brief, ending with his death in 685. During his time as caliph, Marwan was still entrenched in the difficulties of the second fitna, yet he showed great resolve to re-establish Ummayad authority from Damascus which would influence Mecca and beyond. That task was continued by his son and successor Abd al-Malik, who became caliph in 685. Under his command, Mecca fell to the Arabs of Damascus in 692.46 After Marwan, all future caliphs of the Ummayad Dynasty would be his

38Ibid., 39
43. See also Kennedy, 88. Kennedy, 89. 40 Hawting, 46. 41 Hawting, 46. 42 Kennedy, 89-90. 43 Hawting, 30. 44 Kennedy, 90. 45 Ibid., 41-42. See also Hawting, 48. 46 Hawting, 49. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 106
own progeny and the Marwanids replaced the Sufyanids as the ruling bloodline.47 Abd al-Malik is arguably the most significant caliph of the Ummayads by reason of the many changes that happened under his rule. One such change was the standardization of uniquely Arab coinage throughout the empire. The currency possessed a standard weight and designan inscription giving the date, the caliphs name and a religious slogan.48 There were no faces on the coins, and this seems to be a significant move toward a dogmatic iconoclasm within Islam.49 Along with a standardized coinage, Abd alMalik began intentional Arabization of the empire, making Arabic the official language of the courts.50 Finally, it was under Abd alMaliks leadership that the Dome of the Rock was constructed in Jerusalem.51 Abd al-Malik died in Damascus in 705, leaving a generally successful reign behind him. Abd al-Malik had seen the completion of the Dome of the Rock and he had established a centralized bureaucratic empire and a strong Syrian army.52 After Abd alMaliks death, his son, al-Walid, assumed leadership of the caliphate. Walid continued the policies of his father without many notable progressions or disruptions and, after his death in 715, leadership of the caliphate passed between four men in nine years. Walids son, Sulayaman ruled, and after his death in 718, Umar II led the caliphate. In 720 it went to his son, Yazid II, and after Yazids death in 724, Hisham managed to hold power until 743.53 Most notable for the focus of this work is Yazid II who strengthened the Islamic dogma of iconoclasm and Hisham, whose defeat by Charles Martel in 732 signaled the end of the Arab conquests.54 The history of the

Ibid., 58. Kennedy, 99. 49 Hawting, 65. Islams brand of iconoclasm will be examined in the fourth chapter. 50 Kennedy, 99. Hawting (Hawting, 63-64) stresses that these changes did not occur overnight, but should be seen as a process originating with Abd al-Malik. 51 Ibid. 52 Kennedy, 102-103. 53 Hawting, xv. 54 Ibid., 83. See chapter four for a discussion of Islamic iconoclasm.
47 48
107
conquest given above introduces an evaluation of John Damascenes context. The Ummayads continued to rule until the 745 rebellion in Syria and the third fitna, which removed Syria as the center of power. Syria was demoted to the same status as any other province and the Ummayad Dynasty ended with the death of Caliph Marwan II in 750.55 1.2 The effect of the Arab conquest on disputes within the Christian community Disputes within the Christian Church are greatly significant to the work of John Damascene, and the debates and schisms within Christendom in the seventh and eight centuries date back to decisions made at the Council of Constantinople in 451. It was there that Cyril of Alexandrias position was vindicated and declared to be orthodoxy; that Christ has two distinct natures (diophysitism) as opposed to one (monophysitism), and that these two natures function in one personthe hypostatic union.56 However, this decision from Chalcedon did not put an end to the debate, and the schism resulted in separate groups in the East. Both parties proclaimed their own doctrine in relation to Chalcedon, either anathematizing the decision (the Jacobites as well as the Nestorians) or endorsing it (the Melkites).57 The schism raged on and imperial policy proved impotent to resolve the dispute. In 532, Emperor Justinian attempted to heal the schism, but was unsuccessful in doing so.58 Later, Justinian and Justinian II actively imposed the Chalcedonian formula on the empire.59 These distinctions were still present in the Christian community during the Ummayad caliphate and they played a significant role in shaping John Damascenes work. The

Hawting, 98-103. Louis Berkhof, The History of Christian Doctrines (Carlisle, PN: Banner of Truth Trust, 2002), 105, 107. 57 Ibid., 108-09. 58 Sarris, 44-45. 59 Sidney Griffith, Melkites, Jacobites and the Christological Controversies in Arabic in Third/Ninth Century Syria, in David Thomas, ed., Syrian Christians Under Islam: The First Thousand Years (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2001), 12.
55 56
108
schism itself played an important role in the social context of the Arab conquest, because the imperial persecution of the antiChalcedonians led to unrest and bitterness within the Monophysite community. Of particular interest to the religious context of Byzantium at the time of the Arab conquest is that the shift in power effectively ended the Byzantine persecution of the anti-Chalcedonians. It would seem that some who were opposed to Chalcedon and faced continued imperial pressure to submit to Chalcedonian Christology saw the Arabs as liberators who now gave them freedom of religious expression. This idea is not without contestation, however. Suermann states emphatically that those opposed to the Chalcedonian definition did not regard the Arabs as liberators, but rather as instruments of God to bring about a final apocalypse.60 Suermann refers to the work of C. Detlef G. Muller to support his thesis, noting, Muller does not findthat the Arab conquest was a liberation from the Byzantine yoke. Rather, [it] represents a return to normality.61 Moorehead also finds the assessment unsatisfying, and points out that many Monophysites were fighting against the invaders and that it was Chalcedonian supporters like Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, who led opposition to the emperor.62 While it has been shown that the anti-Chalcedonians by no means universally welcomed the Arabs, there is certainly evidence to show that positive responses from Monophysites were at best sporadic and, at worst, commonplace. Brock notes that the time before the Arab conquest had been one of vicious persecution of the dominant Monophysite community by the Byzantine (Chalcedonian) authorities. Brock continues, In view of this background, the sense of relief at the change of rule, from Byzantine to Arab, that we

60 Harald Suermann, Copts and the Islam of the Seventh Century, in The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, ed. Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark N. Swanson and David Thomas (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill), 96. 61 Ibid., 98. 62 J. Moorehead, The Monophysite Response to the Arab Invasions, Byzantion 51 (1981): 583-84.
109
find in these Monophysite chronicles is hardly surprising.63 Tolan adds, The invasions could look quite different depending on ones perspective: an orthodox Christian safe in Constantinople bewailing the loss of territoryor a Monophysite happy to be liberated from Byzantine oppression.64 Brocks reference to a sense of relief helps to clarify the difference between supposing that the antiChalcedonians supported the Arabs or whether they simply welcomed the shift in power, the latter being the more likely occurrence.65 Kennedy notes, There is no evidence thatthe Monophysites of Syria actually co-operated with the Islamic conquests. What can be said is that they felt little enthusiasm for the Byzantine cause.66 Kennedy also points out that by the time the Arabs came into Egypt, the Monophysite Egyptian Coptic Church had been under a severe persecution from Cyrus, the Bishop of Phasis. During the first conquest of Egypt under the military commander Amr, victory came to the Arabs due in part to the passive attitude of the local people.67 Additionally, there is evidence that leadership in the anti-Chalcedonian Churches as well as historians and chroniclers of an anti-Chalcedonian persuasion sough to paint the Arab invasion as Gods judgment against their persecutors. In the Chronicle of 1234 the Syrian historian Dionysius declares,
However, the God of vengeance, [when] He saw the measure of the Romans sins was overflowing and that they were committing every sort of cruelty against our people and our churches, bringing our Confession to the verge of extinction, He stirred up the Sons of Ishmael and enticed them hither from the land of the southBy their hands we ac-

S.P. Brock, Syriac Views of Emergent Islam, in Juynboll, 10. John V. Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 46. 65 Tolan (Ibid., 45) echoes Brocks comments, declaring that Monophysites breathe[d] a collective sigh of relief. No longer subjected to pressure (and intermittent persecution) from Constantinople, they were granted broader religious freedoms by their new Muslim rulers. 66 Kennedy, 5. 67 Ibid., 64-65.
63 64
110
quired salvation. In this manner it was no light benefit for us to be delivered from the tyrannical rule of the Romans.68
Brock calls this interpretation, The standard one in Monophysite circles.69 To be fair, the interpretation of Gods judgment was used by the Chalcedonians as well. Anastasios, for example, who was a supporter of Chalcedon, saw the Arab successes as punishment for the anti-Chalcedonian policies of Constans II (641-668).70 Despite the reality that both sides used divine judgment to favor their own private theological leaningsan assumption that permeated all of Christendom, and will be mentioned again in chapter twothe anti-Chalcedonians were the only ones who actually perceived the Arab conquest in a somewhat favorable light, with the understanding that the new leadership would mean liberation from Byzantine oppression. 1.3 John Damascene: his life and work Having detailed the historical backgrounds of the conquest itself, it is now fitting to introduce the reader to John Damascene with more detail. It is important to first understand the difficulty in establishing exact certainties concerning dates in the life of John Damascene. There is no comprehensive account of Johns life. There is a vita in Arabic, translated by John of Jerusalem, yet some sections of the work raise questions of authenticity.71 There are other vitae but authenticity and authority are again problematic. Authorship is also difficult to determine, and two of the vitae are anonymous.72 An-

68 Jean-Baptiste Chabot, ed. Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 236-37/185, cited in Jan J. van Ginkel, The Perception and Presentation of the Arab Conquest in Syriac Historiography: How did the Changing Social Position of the Syrian Orthodox Community Influence the Account of their Historiographers? in Emmanouela, Swanson, and Thomas, The Encounter, 177. Also see Brock, 11. 69 Brock, 11. Also see Tolan, 43. 70 Ibid. 71 John of Jerusalem identifies himself as the translator. Whether this is the Patriarch who died in 969 or John VI (838-842) or John VII (964-66) of Jerusalem is uncertain. See Sahas, John of Damascus, 32-35. 72 Sahas, John of Damascus, 36-37.
111
other problem comes in the attempt to date John Damascenes birth and death. Most place his birth at 675, while others prefer a range between 655 and 660 based on the presupposition that John Damascene was acquainted with Caliph Yazid I.73 Sahas, however, puts forth an excellent argument for an earlier date. One of the aforementioned anonymous vitae indicates that when John was twelve, his father Ibn Mansur met Cosmas, an Italian monk and captured slave who was brought into the market in Damascus. Upon recognizing Cosmas Greek background and education, Ibn Mansur requested permission from the caliph to free the monk so that his sons could receive a Greek education.74 Sahas notes, Theophanes records a Muslim expedition against Sicily in the year 664, in which many people were captured and taken to Damascus.75 If Cosmas came to Damascus that same year, and John was twelve years of age, that would place his birth date at 652. The introduction of Cosmas explains John Damascenes familiarity with Greek categories of philosophy and theology. His education would have included rhetoric, physics, arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy, and theology.76 The topic of John Damascenes education raises another question that will be useful when analyzing his work on Islam. It is whether or not John had an education in Arabic prior to his Greek education from Cosmas. Sahas endorses the affirmative on the question, pointing out that it was likely that he received the same education that the other children under the caliph received. The previously mentioned anonymous vita that tells of the account of Cosmas indicates that Cosmas freedom was requested by Ibn Mansur so that his children could learn not only the books of the Saracens (taV twn Sarakhnwn biblouV), but those of the Greeks as well.77 It would seem likely then that John Damascene was acquainted with and perhaps even memorized the Quran and the hadith literature as

Ibid., 38. Ibid., 39. 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid., 41. 77 Ibid., 40.
73 74
112
well as Arabian poetry.78 Further evidence lies in the work of Constantine Acropolite who, in his Sermon on John Damascene, honours him for having learned the Greek language rapidly through history, mythology and other elements of Greek education.79 That Constantine Acropolite would specifically congratulate John Damascene on the speed on which he acquired his knowledge of Greek further supports the idea that he was under an Arabic education for the first twelve years of his life.80 It has even been suggested that perhaps John went to school with Prince Yazid I, which would not be impossible considering Ibn Mansurs connections within the caliphate.81 An education in Arabic would then require that John Damascene was fluent in both Arabic and Greek. Sahas defends this thesis and it is indeed quite plausible. If one dates John Damascenes departure from the caliphs court into the monastery at St. Sabas in 724as Sahas insistsor even the earlier date of 718, given by Joseph Nasrallah, it still places John Damascene in the caliphs court after the reforms of Abd al-Malik (d. 705). Al-Malik officially instituted the use of Arabic in the court; his son Walid I (d. 715) continued that reform. Vaglieri notes that any employee of the court had to learn Arabic to keep his post.82 Additionally, Cameron points out that the monastery of St. Sabas was a highly cosmopolitan place during the eighth and ninth centuries.83 Arabic would have been used at St. Sabas due to the Bedouins living near the monastery and the Arab background of some of the monks.84 It is therefore quite likely that John Damascene had a grasp of both Arabic and Greek. An examination of John Damascenes involvement with and function in the court of the caliph will be helpful here. Ibn Mansur

Ibid. Ibid. 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid. 82 Vaglieri, 92. 83 Averil Cameron The Church in the Byzantine Dark Ages (London: Friends of Dr. Williamss Library, 1993), 8. 84 Sahas, John of Damascus, 47.
78 79
113
had held a position in the financial administration of Heraclius at the time of the Arab conquest. When the Arabs came to power, Ibn Mansur remained in his position.85 After Ibn Mansurs death, John Damascene became secretary to the caliph, which was a promotion from his fathers position.86 The Acts of the Seventh Ecumenical Council indicate that Johns position involved fiscal administration.87 The Greek vita refers to Johns position as prwtosumbouloV, meaning, head advisor.88 The exact meaning is difficult to ascertain, but it can be said that John Damascene certainly held a position of importance in the caliphate. John served during the rules of Abd al-Malik (684-705), Walid I (705-715), Sulayaman (715-717), and perhaps Umar II (717-720). Determining whether John Damascene served under later caliphs is completely contingent on where one dates John Damascenes departure to St. Sabas. Considering Yazid IIs (720-724) stringent iconoclasm, this author finds Sahas dating of 724 to be unrealistic and instead supports Nasrallahs date of 718.89 This chapter discusses the role of the Arab conquests in shaping John Damascenes context. The new regime instituted reforms and a new Islamic theocracy, and these are changes that happened outside of and were imposed on the Christian community. The next two chapters will focus on changes and paradigms within the Christian community that are significant to grasping a picture of Johns context. One of the most significant ideas that did a great deal to shape the context of John Damascene was the radical shift in how the Christian community dealt with the death of an empire thought to be holy and incorruptible.

Kennedy, 87. Sahas, John of Damascus, 42. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 The date of 718 is also supported in David Thomas, Christian Theologians and New Questions, in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 258.
85 86
114
2 The crisis of faith for the Eastern Church 2.1 Introduction: wrath and reason History has shown that the political backdrops of culture have had a strong influence on Christianitys self-identity. How Christians in a particular century would define the mission and nature of the Church often depended on the events happening around them. The definition of the Church was often guided by the context of the culture. For example, before Constantine, the Churchs self image revolved around martyrdom. The faithful Christian who endured to the end was seen as the victor who was due additional celestial blessings in eternity. After Constantine, the Church was seen as triumphant, and her victory was a victory of worldly power and imperial recognition. It was a victory of the God-beloved emperors90 over and against the vicious emperors of old who had persecuted the Church, as well as a spiritual victory over the Jewish faith and the Jews claims to divine authority. The Church and state were united under the emperor and the success of the empire meant the success of the Church. However, the Church in the East experienced a radical shift in self-image during the failures to withstand invasion in the sixth and seventh centuries. The fall of the Christian state introduced a problem for the Christian Church that begged for an explanation. After the fall of Antioch to the Persians in 540, Procopius confessed, I am unable to understand why indeed it should be the will of God to exalt on high the fortunes of a man or a place, and then to cast them down for no cause which appears to us. For it is wrong to say that God does not do all things with reason.91 The search for that reason then led to answers from leaders in the Christian community.
90 Eusebius, Church History, IX.9.1, trans. Arthur Cushman McGiffert, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 1: Eusebius: Church History, Life of Constantine the Great and Oration in Praise of Constantine, eds. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004), 363. 91 Procopius, Wars II. 10.4-5, cited in David M. Olster, Roman Defeat, Christian Response, and the Literary Construction of the Jew (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 41.
115
For Christians in seventh-century Jerusalem and Damascus, being defeated by the Persian and Arab armies was not just history; it was a spiritual commentary. The Orthodox Church saw their new rulers as a demonstration of the wrath of God. The cause of that wrath and the solution to this problem proved to be difficult things for the Church to pinpoint. 2.2 The doctrine of triumphalism Though the primary focus of this work is the Arab invasions and the Churchs response to them, the latter parts of the Persian Wars are profoundly important in that they tilled the soil for the Churchs response to the Arabs in the late 630s and beyond. The Sassanid wars were certainly not the first failures of Roman imperial strength in this age, but they proved to be one of the last in a series of failures, so they marked the start of a significant shift in the Churchs thinking. The Church had, up until this point, used their political and military victories to evince the truth of Christianity and its victory over and against Judaism, paganism and heresy. Olster defines this doctrine of triumphalism as having three central themes: That victory demonstrated divine power, that divine favour guaranteed victory, and that the emperor was the empires mediator for, and personal recipient of divine favour.92 Triumphalism meant that Constantinople and the Empire [were] under the protection of God, Christ and the saints.93 It can be seen in statements like that of Procopius, who wrote that the Persian king Chosroes II made war not against Justinian, the Roman emperor, nor against any other man, but only against the God whom the Christians worship.94 The rhetoric of triumphalism was known by enemies of the empire and even used against them. After conquering Jerusalem, Chosroes II wrote,

Olster, Roman Defeat, 30. Paul J. Alexander, The Strength of the Empire and Capital as Seen Through Byzantine Eyes, Speculum, Vol. 37, No. 3 (July 1962): 345. 94 J. Haury and G. Werth, eds. Wars, Opera Omnia (Leipzig, 1962), II. 26.2, cited in Olster, 32.
92 93
116
I have thrashed the Greeks, and you pretend to rely on your God. Why has he not preserved from my hands Caesarea, Jerusalem and great Alexandria? Since your hope is vain, do not deceive yourself; for how can this Christ, who could not save himself from the hands of the Jews and was killed by them and attached to the cross, save you from my hands?95
The Christian community saw Chosroes as a direct threat to Christ. Olster goes so far as to call Christ the patron of Roman victory.96 Within the Church, this one idea grew at the expense of others.97 In fact, the missionary aspect of the Church and Roman imperial protection and expansion became one in the same. The Persians were seen less as a religious threat, than as a military threat, and the need to convert them was not heavily emphasized. The invading outsiders were seen rather as a threat to the imperial order, which had been laid down by God.98 Furthermore, the conduit of Gods favour rested with the emperor, who was seen as the Lords Anointed.99 The office of the emperor was not a human institution, but an image of the divine ruler.100 Socrates, the Church historian of the fifth century, wrote that the Emperor Theodosius II was able to withstand the barbarian invasion because he immediately, as his custom was, committed the management of the matter to God; and continuing in earnest prayer, he speedily obtained what he sought.101 The union of Church and state meant that Christ was the god of victory, patron of a Christian Roman race, whose
95 Evagrius, History III, 79-80, cited in Olster, 42. Olster points out that the letter may not be completely authentic, but there is certainty that Chosroes II wrote something of this nature, thick with accusations that the Christian God had failed to protect his people. 96 Olster, Roman Defeat, 32. 97 Alexander, 345. 98 Olster, Roman Defeat, 33. 99 Alexander, 346. 100 David M. Olster, Justinian, Imperial Rhetoric and the Church, Byzantinoslavica, 50 (1989): 167. 101 Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 7.43, trans. A.C. Zenos, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 2: Socrates, Sozomenus: Church Histories, eds. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004), 176.
117
favour guaranteed victory; the emperor was the Romans mediator for, and recipient of, his aid.102 The success of the Visigoths and Huns in the West, followed by the Persian victories in the East began to introduce serious questions to the Churchs claims to a monopoly on religious truth justified by the strength of their empire. It was this triumphalist association of victory, divine power, and divine favour that seventhcentury defeats challenged.103 The initial response was faithfulness in spite of defeat, and Christian triumphalism bent but it did not break.104 The reason was that just as the emperor provided a personality to keep the ideas of triumphalist victory intact, he also was the reason for defeat.105 Defeat at the hands of the Sassanids was seen to be divine retribution for Phocas usurping of the throne in 602. A 615 letter from the Constantinopolitan Senate to the Sassanid King Chosroes II reveals that the Christians even excused Chosroes invasion as an understandable reaction to Phocas murder of Maurice.106 Heraclius then was seen as one who would rescue the empire by returning them to the place of divine favour.107 Sozomen even blamed natural disasters on Julians failures. He wrote, It is however, very obvious that, through the reign of [Julian], God gave manifest tokens of his displeasure and permitted many calamities to befall several of the provinces of the Roman Empire.108 Thus the sins of the emperor became the framework for explaining defeat at the hands of the Sassanids and those who came before them. Olster comments, Thus, defeat need not compromise the triumphalist ideal. If one emperors vice led to disaster, an-

Olster, Roman Defeat, 43. Ibid., 30. 104 Ibid., 35. 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid., 37. 107 Ibid. 108 Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, VI.2, trans. Chester D. Hartranft, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 2: Socrates, Sozomenus: Church Histories eds., Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004), 347.
102 103
118
others virtue could return Gods favour and restore the empire.109 Heraclius enjoyed only a short period of being hailed as the saviour of the empire. In the time to come, following the Arab invasions, some chroniclers would find Heraclius incestuous marriage to his niece to be the cause of Arab victory.110 Additionally, Maximus the Confessor, while on trial, suggested that Heraclius invention of Monothelitisman emperors attempt to resolve the Chalcedonian schismwas the reason for the success of the Arab invasions.111 The emperors personal theological leanings were a significant factor in the empires failures or successes. Alexander notes that
it was always possible to account for setbacks on the battlefield or for temporary victories of an unorthodox theological doctrine by considering them examples of another fainting spell or falling asleep soon to be followed by the reign of another restorer who would reawaken the state.112
During the late sixth and early seventh centuries, the hope of imperial restoration was very strong, and Christians anticipated that martial victory would soon be theirs once again. 2.3 Turning inward Certainly these questions and struggles were not new. After Rome fell in 410, Augustine of Hippo answered the problem by unravelling the ideal of the theocracy by insisting that the church and the empire are not necessarily connected.113 Augustine defined the city of man, or the empire, as distinctthough not entirely cut off from the city of God, or the church.114 Augustine saw that Christian
Olster, Roman Defeat, 35. Ibid., 37. 111 Anastasius Apocrisarius, Relatio motionis inter meaximum et principes, PG 90.112ac, cited in Olster, Roman Defeat, 37. 112 Alexander, 356. 113 Walter Emil Kaegi Jr., Byzantium and the Decline of Rome (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 147-48. 114 Marthinus Versfeld, A Guide to The City of God (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1958), 60-61, 63. More specifically, the Civitas Dei is the Church, triumphal in heaven.
109 110
119
monotheism was being identified with the Roman monarchy, a reality he found to be scandalizing.115 Augustines work did not end triumphalism, and it is evident that he permitted a hope of restoration.116 However, Augustine is significant because he laid the foundation for a radical shift in the Churchs philosophy of history. His work had a profound influence on Christian thought, probably including the leaders in the East, as some of his books were translated into Greek.117 Augustine was troubled by the depression and dissolution that had settled over the Christian community in light of Roman defeat. City of God was more than a reaction to the fall of Rome; it was Augustines reaction to the reaction of Christians around him.118 He focused on the sovereignty of God as the final explanation for all things, that God was not only sovereign over every person and event in history, but also that Gods goodness ensured that everything worked for the good of his people.119 Augustine saw the fall of Rome as an opportunity for repentance, and he was frustrated that many were instead blaming Christianity itself for the fall of Rome.120 He laboured to remind his readers that this earth is nothing more than a temporary pilgrimage; the Christians true abode is in heaven, as members of the heavenly city.121 Fur-

115 Francis Dvornik, Early Christian and Byzantine Political Philosophy: Origins and Background (Washington, DC: The Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 1966), 2:725-26. 116 Herbert A. Deane, The Political and Social Ideas of St. Augustine (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), 73. 117 Edward L Smither, Augustine as Mentor: A Model for Preparing Spiritual Leaders (Nashville: B&H Academic, 2008), 185. Kaegi (Kaegi, Byzantium and the Decline of Rome, 157) insists that Eastern Christians would not have known Augustines work and therefore would have been forced to develop their own, unique explanation for Roman defeat. However, Kaegi is generally dealing with 6th Century Byzantium, and it is plausible that Augustines thought would have influenced Eastern thought by the seventh and eighth centuries. 118 Edward L Smither, Augustine the Exile and the City of God, (paper presented at the First International Conference, University of Tunis-el Manar, December 4, 2004), 2. 119 Deane, 70-71. 120 Ibid., 74. 121 Smither, Augustine the Exile, 6.
120
thermore, even if the Roman Empire fell, the city of God would not.122 Augustine understood that no city of man is eternal, and no earthly empire is impervious to defeat. Rome was not the first great city to fall, and it certainly would not be the last.123 This perspective eventually began to dominate because the fifth century proved to be only the beginning of Roman defeat. As the Persian Wars drew to a close and the Arabs would soon be invading, there began to be a shift in the method for explaining the failures of the Christian empire. This shift did not completely dissolve previous methods, but it was necessitated by the reality that such clichs of historical interpretation were no longer satisfying explanations for the events at hand.124 In contrast to the triumphalism that had been in vogue for about three centuries, the early seventh century saw the beginning of disenchantment with the Roman Empire. The result was a kind of emptinessa lack of an answer to the question of why this was happening. The absence of that answer was still a problem that needed to be addressed in the Christian congregations. Olster puts it well when he points out, Christians did not reject triumphalism because it was insufficiently Christian, nor because of a long-standing dialectic of Greco-Roman and Christian ideologies. Defeats bitter reality made triumphalism ludicrously out-of-step with experience, opening a gap between rhetoric and reality that Christians sough to close125 The most significant answers to these questions came from Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem (560-638). Sophronius work both as a writer and a leader in the Church is extremely helpful in giving a picture of how Christians perceived their losses to the Persians. Sophronius work exemplifies the growing divisions within the empire due in part to the conflicts between Church and state, as

122 123
Ibid., 8. Ibid., 73-74. 124 Olster, Roman Defeat, 51. 125 Ibid., 44. Alexander (Alexander, 356) places the first expression of dissatisfaction with the prevailing self-image in 1071, when the Byzantines are defeated by the Seljuq Turks at Manzikiert. However, Sophronius work clearly demonstrates a dissatisfaction long before 1071, as will be demonstrated below. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 121
well as the death of triumphalism. Sophronius recorded disputes with Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople, over the issue of Monoenergism. At the time, Sergius had the support of Heraclius.126 The disputes were a source of great frustration for Sophronius, who began to wrestle with the question of the states involvement with the Church. Sophronius was primarily concerned for his flock in Jerusalem, so he held his peace with Constantinople. He focused instead on the struggles that the Christians around him were experiencing in light of the empires failure to consistently have victory over her foreign adversaries. Sophronius attempted to answer the question: How was Christ himself, the giver of all good things, and the chorus leader of this, our splendour, blasphemed by Gentile mouths?127 Church leaders prior to Sophronius had attempted to use martyrdom as a motif for victory, not unlike the first and second century days before Constantine. 128 Early in his writings, there are strong elements of a martyrology that is consistent with his contemporaries, and it might be seen as a kind of agreement with Antiochus. His Orations, however, takes a sharp turn and shifts his focus away from martyrology to internal purity of the Church and of the individual Christian. Sophronius witnessed the transition of power as the Arabs took Byzantium. The Arabs established themselves as the new regime, conquering the empire and ending Sassanid reign. Sophronius surrendered Jerusalem in 638 to the Arabs, that action alone offering a commentary on the reality that the rhetoric of triumphalism was over. Sophronius knew that the Persian siege of Jerusalem in 614 had been a harsh and bloody defeat; in order to avoid a similar conflict, he met with Caliph Umar to negotiate the surrender. Surrender of the holy city without a fight destroyed any remnants of imperial triumphalism among the Jerusalem Christians. Sophronius Orations makes use of imperial metaphors, but no longer are they focused on a physical empire. Instead, Sophronius

Ibid., 99. Sophronius, Oration on the Holy Baptism, ed. A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Analecta Ieroslumitikes Staxuologias, vol. 5 (Petersburg, 1898), 166, cited in Olster, Roman Defeat, 100. 128 Olster, Roman Defeat, 100.
126 127
122
speaks of the internal battle to conquer sin and be holy. Olster writes, Sophronius did not offer his congregation the hope that the Empire of Rome would return, but the hope that we might become rulers in [Christs] Empire.129 The use of imperial language would have been familiar to Sophronius audience, but his work is a dramatic shift toward a metaphor for the individual struggle, and the invisible war over sin.130 Sophronius focuses intently on the internal battles of the Christian, Christs destruction of the power of Satan, and Christs intercession on the Christians behalf, offering security in a heavenly empire, not an earthly empire.131 Sophronius tool for uniting and encouraging the Church was not the imperial sword or the martyrs commitment, but rather the Holy Mass. Christian liturgy became the banner of Sophronius empire and his call was for Christians to be faithfully present in services, celebrations, and participation in the sacraments.132 His urging to those around him was to hurry to possess this union with [Christ] than which nothing is more honourable.133 Sophronius still affirmed that the success of the Arab invaders was in fact the judgment of God. The difference was that he framed it to be judgment against the sins of the people and against the heresy that threatened the orthodox faith, not against the sins and shortcomings of the emperor. It was not just a struggle to be a pure Christian that concerned Sophronius. He understood that the Church was in danger from within, from the attack of heresy and anti-Chalcedonian dogma. Hoyland comments that the invasion happening all around did not distract the preachers and bishops of

Ibid., 102. Sophronius, Christmas Oration, ed. H. Usener, Weihnachts predigt von Sophronius, Rheinisches Museum n.f. 41, 9 (1886), 509.28-510.1, cited in Olster, Roman Defeat, 102. Olster calls this imperial language, but it is probably more correctly seen as the Pauline conception of the Christian life as a battle against sin, a perspective common to Christian thought since the first and second centuries. 131 Olster, Roman Defeat, 102. It is difficult to conceive that Sophronius came to these conclusions completely independent of Augustines influence. 132 Ibid., 102-103. 133 Sophronius, Exaltation of the Cross Oration, PG 87, col. 3309a, cited in Olster, Roman Defeat, 103.
129 130
123
the day. Indeed, it spurred them to greater efforts, for it was precisely because of these false beliefs and schisms that the Christian community was thus afflicted, as is asserted by almost every writer on the subject in this period.134 Olster summarizes that [b]odily impurity and heresy caused the punishments that God heaped on the Jerusalemites, not political sins.135 Sophronius focused most intently on heresy in his Feast of Purification Oration. As was typical with Sophronius, the central vehicle of unity was the liturgy of the Church and the problem facing the Church was heresy.136 In the sermon, Sophronius condemned Eutyches and Nestorius, identifying them not only as separate from the people of God, but also as individuals who seriously threaten the orthodox congregations unity with Christ. He therefore called his congregation to purity and contrasted them with the heretics, who threatened purity. It is helpful to know that Sophronius was not focusing on purity in the sense of sinlesness. Rather, his chief concern was doctrinal and liturgical purity. Additionally, his Christmas Oration showed a different side. Written more than a year before the 636 Battle of Yarmuk, Sophronius was preaching to a depressed congregation. The Arab forces were moving in and Bethlehem had been taken, preventing these congregants from participating in their annual Christmas pilgrimage. Sophronius encouragement to them cantered on internal purification from sin. He wrote:
Whence we perform a celebration in distressI accordingly call, preach and beseech your great longing for Christ himself, that we might amend ourselves, howevermuch [sic] we can, and shine with repentance and be pure in our conversionFor this, if we might live a life that is beloved and friendly to God, we would rejoice at the fall of our scourge, the Saracens, and we would shortly observe their destruction, and see their utter devastation. For their bloodthirsty sword would be plunged into their hearts, their bow shivered, and their arrows struck in them.137

134 135
Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 68. Olster, Roman Defeat, 104. 136 Ibid., 105. 137 Sophronius, Christmas Orations, 514.29-515.9, cited in Olster, Roman Defeat, 107. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 124
A more imperialistic tone was taken here, which reflects the reality that Sophronius did hope for the removal of the Arabs, but the hope of imperial restoration is not found in his work. That is what set Sophronius apart from his contemporaries. He shifted the hope of his people to unity with Christ through the liturgy and purification from sin, not through the hope of political and martial dominance. His chief concern was not whether it was Christians in power or Arabs in power, but rather whether the Church could envision being freed from heresy and false doctrine. Jacob of Edessa provides another example of this shift in thinking. Jacob was appointed bishop in Edessa in 684. Once elevated to the rank of bishop, Jacob strictly adhered to Church rulings and regulations. He enforced these with zeal, bringing him into conflict with his fellow bishops, especially Julian the Patriarch. The pressure from these parties forced him to resign after four years, whereupon he took up residence at the monastery of Mar Jacob at Kayshum. Once there, he began to speak out against certain people who transgress the Law of God and trample on the canons of the church.138 Jacob had a strong concern for discipline within the Church. Hoyland points out that a large portion of Jacobs work deals with purity, both in liturgical and social practice.139 Specifically, Jacob was concerned with the purity of the Church in the sense of removing heresy or external pagan corruption. Hoylands explanation here is helpful: In the social sphere this meant caution in ones dealings with heretics and unbelievers. Thus, one should not make altar coverings, priests garments or drapes from cloth on which is embroidered the Muslim profession of faith.140 Furthermore, Jacob insisted that Church doors should be locked during services, lest Muslims enter and mingle with the believers and disturb

138 139
Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 160. This is the title of a tract by Jacob. Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 161. 140 Ibid.
125
them and laugh at the holy Mysteries.141 Hoyland points out that Jacobs advice always centers on purity and separation.142 The seventh-century decline of triumphalism was the result of disenchantment with the past explanations for Roman defeat. Sophronius work marked the start of a radical shift in thinking for the Church. This movement toward a focus on spiritual purity produced a motivation to meet the enemies of Christianity on the intellectual battlefield, rather than the physical one. 2.4 For such a time as this: Apologies and disputations The decline of triumphalism led to the advent of a new context for interpreting defeat. Essentially, the Christian community began to focus on the purity of the faith and this led to a growth of apologetic material. The Muslims in power had undermined the doctrine of triumphalism, and as time went on, the faith of the Arabs became a more serious challenge to the Christian Church. The battles were now over issues of philosophy, theology and truth rather than over military victory and kingdom acquisition. Yet, into the late seventh century, there remained a remarkable absence of apologies, disputations, and dialogues between Christians and Muslims concerning the differences of their respective faiths. This has a great deal to do with the fact that the Christian community first perceived the Arabs to be a military force rather than a threat to the faith itself. Hoyland, while discussing the work of Theodotus of Amida (d. 698), comments, The Muslims tend to be no more than a hostile background presence.143 People fled the Arab invaders to avoid hardship. However, it was not until the eight century that the Arabs were universally perceived by the Christian community to be competition for religious truth, a perception that will be discussed below in chapter three. This growth in apologetics and polemics, because of competing religious truth claims, is significant because John

141 142
Jacob of Edessa, Replies to John, B9, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 162. Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 162. 143 Ibid., 159. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 126
Damascenes work reflects the trends, questions, and debates that were unique and important in the context of the eighth century Arab Empire in Byzantium. This advent of apologetic material is the context of John Damascenes work and will be briefly examined here, focusing on two works: the dialogue of Patriarch John I and an Arab Commander (c.715), and the dialogue between A Monk of Beth Hale and an Arab Notable (c.717). The dialogue of Patriarch John I and an Arab Commander is said to be the first dialogue between a Christian and a Muslim.144 John Sedera is the Patriarch of Antioch (631-48) and the text includes seven questions asked by a Muslim emir. These questions deal with the nature of the Gospel, the deity of Christ, the virgin birth, the Trinity, the relationship between Christianity and the Law of Moses, and whether or not the Christian community subscribes to a particular code of law.145 Of particular interest is the lack of a Christian victory at the texts conclusion. Instead, it ends with a focus on the Christian community which prayed for the life and preservation of the blessed lord patriarch, and they praised and magnified God who gave the word of truth in abundance to his eloquent speech.146 Hoyland notes, On the Christian sideone senses an underlying purpose, namely to present a united front to the invaders: the Gospel is one, the Christian laws are coherent and the patriarch spoke for all the assembly of Christians.147 However, the dating of this work is highly contested and that reality supports the point being made here about the Christian communitys new awareness of Islam. Dates given by the work itself place the dialogue during Johns time as Patriarch in 633, 639 or 644.148 Reinink points out, The text demonstrates awareness of Islam as a new faith and of the need for Christians to rally together to meet this challenge. Such awarenesspresupposes the Islamisation and Arabisation policies pursued by Abd al-Malik and Walid in

Ibid., 459. Ibid., 459-60. 146 F. Nau, trans., Un colloque, 251/260, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 461. 147 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 462. 148 Ibid., 464.
144 145
127
the years 691-705, and so puts our text into the first decades of the eight century.149 Reininks placement of the text confirms the aforementioned idea that apologetic literature against Islam began to take significant strides in the context of the Christian communitys new resolve against heresy and opposing faiths. The second example of Christian and Muslim dialogue from the early eighth century is that between A Monk of Beth Hale and an Arab Notable. The text contains some notes of introduction, describing the Arab as one of the chief men before the emir Maslama and by reason of a malady which he had, he came to us and remained with us for ten days. He spoke freely with us and debated much about our scriptures and their Quran.150 After terms for the debate are set, a series of questions are presented by the Arab, and the monk gives concise responses. Particularly interesting for this discussion is Maslamas use of Islamic triumphalism. His first question to the monk was, Is not our faith better than any faith that is on the heart for we observe the commandments of Muhammad and the sacrifices of AbrahamAnd this is a sign that God loves us and is pleased with our faith, namely, that he gives us dominion over all religions and all peoples.151 The monks response is invaluable for this discussion because he rejected the validity of triumphalism when he replied, There are and have been many other rulers in the world besides the Arabs.152 The Arab proceeded to ask questions concerning the New Covenant, the Trinity, the identity of Muhammad, the worship of the cross, and the direction to face during prayer.153 The conclusion of the dialogue is quite spectacular; the Arab-Muslim is won over and admits the truth of Christianity, yet interestingly enough he still struggles with his own belief in triumphalism. He confesses, Though I know that your faith is true, and that your way of thinking is superior to ours, what is the

Reinink, Beginnings of Syriac Apologetic Literature, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 465. 150 Monk of Beth Hale, Disputation, fol. 1a-b cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 466. 151 Ibid., fols. 1b-2a, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 467. 152 Ibid. This is consistent with Augustines perspective mentioned above. 153 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 467-68.
149
128
reason that God has delivered you into our hands, and that you are led by us like sheep to the slaughter, and that your bishops and priests are killed and the rest crushed and enslaved night and day by the kings taxes, which are harsher than death.154 The monk responds by quoting Deuteronomy 9:5, Not because of your righteousness has God brought you into the land of Promise, but because of the wickedness of the inhabitants. Additionally, the monk cites the New Testament teaching that chastisement is the act of God, which he bestows upon those he loves, to discipline them as children.155 This response is stunning when it is considered that only a century earlier Christians had used the rhetoric of triumphalism to defend their own faith. Now, the Christian community had prepared an apologetic completely absent of sixth-century triumphalism, even with a goal to respond to an Islamic brand of triumphalism. Hoyland observes that the work itself is probably a fabrication when one considers the Arabs speedy conversion.156 Yet the work is still useful because, like the previous dialogue discussed above, this work demonstrates a familiarity with Islam and a consistency with the movement to defend the purity of the faith. Hoyland suggests that the work comes after 717, placing it in the earlier part of the Ummayad Dynasty. This trend towards a focus on internal purity is why John Damascene wrote his great work, The Fount of Knowledge. The first and second sections of the work, which focus on philosophy and heresy respectively, are written so that the reader will be competent to define the heresies of the day and embrace and articulate the orthodox faith. Johns concern, as will be shown below in the fourth chapter, is not the restoration of a Christian empire but rather the purity of the Church, the removal of heresy, and the Christian communitys need for a thorough exposition of the faith. These developments in the thinking of the Church ultimately proved to do her a great service by permitting Christianity to persevere in times of difficulty.

154 155
Monk of Beth Hale, Disputation, fol. 8a, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 468. Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 469. 156 Ibid. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 129
Although the movement away from triumphalism and the growth of apologetic material did a great deal to set the stage for John Damascenes work, a picture of Johns context would be incomplete without an examination of the secular context of his work. The Arab presence in Byzantium is a time in history that is enormously significant and often misunderstood. John wrote in the context of a culture that was changing, under the rule of an unfamiliar people with an unfamiliar faith. However, as Johns work illustrates, the unfamiliar soon became familiar and the Christian community soon found themselves interacting with the Arabs on a regular basis 3 Christian-Arab relations during the Arab conquest 3.1 Initial Christian perceptions of the Arab invaders Daniel Sahas has pointed out, The dynamics of encounters between people of faith, especially conflicting faiths, are determined by personal predisposition and chemistry. But these are hardly ever recorded and one has to read between the lines of the written record, allowing imagination to fill the gaps.157 Sahas point is indeed correct and especially pertinent to this discussion of the social effects of the Arab conquest and how the Byzantines responded to and interacted with their new rulers. This is a key subject that will aid in an understanding of Johns context. Here, the focus will be primarily on the Christian perception of the Arab invaders. The perceptions of the Christian community regarding their new overlords varied but, from different accounts from the people of this time, it is possible to construct an understanding of how the Christians viewed the Arabs in both secular and theological contexts. This is especially helpful in light of the modern assumptions about Islam during this time, imagining the Arabs to be a band of bloodthirsty warmongers. What will be shown here is that apart from the invasion and takeover itself, life under Muslim rule in the late sixth and early
157 Daniel J. Sahas, The Face to Face Encounter Between Patriarch Sophronius of Jerusalem and the Caliph Umar Ibn Al-Khattab: Friends or Foes? in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 33.
130
seventh centuries was relatively peaceful and that Christians had a great many freedoms. The invasion itself is probably the foundation for the image of Arab Muslims being a bloodthirsty people under a barbaric faith. There is no question that the shift in power that occurred in the early 630s was a bloody transition. For example, a seventh-century manuscript containing the gospel of Mark contains a few lines scribbled on the front flyleaf. Some of it reads:
In January many villages were ravaged by the killing of [the Arabs of] Muhammad (Muhmd) and many people were slain and [taken prisoner] On the tenth [of August] the Romans fled from Damascus [and there were killed] many [people], some ten thousand.158
A manuscript from the British library (Add.14, 643) has been attributed to Thomas the Presbyter of Syria who probably wrote it around 640.159 Specifically, Thomas mentions the slaughtering of monks by the Arabs in the year 947 [that is, 635-36].160 Thomas also makes mention of a battle in 634: Some 4000 poor villagers of Palestine were killed there, Christians, Jews and Samaritans. The Arabs ravaged the whole region.161 Another mention of the brutalities of the Arab conquests is found in an anonymous Nestorian Chronicle known as the Anonymous Guidi or the Khuzistan Chronicle.162 At one point, the chronicle details the capture of Shush and Shushtar, mentioning that the Arabs dug tunnels into the city (with help from those inside, interestingly enough) and that once inside they proceeded in their task of spilling blood as if it were water. They killed the Exegete of the city and the bishop of Hormiz Ardashir, along with the rest of the students, priests and deacons,

158 Fragment on the Arab Conquests II.8-11, 17-23, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 117. Bracketed text indicates text that is unreadable and therefore conjectured, 159 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 118-119. 160 Thomas the Presbyter Chronicle, ed. E.W. Brooks, trans. J.B. Chabot (CSCO 3-4 scr. syri 3-4: Paris, 1904), 148, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 119. 161 Ibid., 147-48, cited in Hoyland Seeing Islam, 120. 162 Hoyland (Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 182) mentions that both titles are used among scholars. Guidi is the name of the first editor of the chronicle, and Khuzistan is the most likely place of origin for the text.
131
shedding their blood in the very [Church] sanctuary.163 Sahas mentions the words of Sophronius who speaks of his shock at the revoltof all the barbarians, especially the Saracenswho with raw and cruel disposition, impious and godless audacity were ravaging the Christian community.164 The horrors of the invasion are well documented from sources like those given above, yet to be fair it should be pointed out that the horror and intensity of a forced transition of power is hardly a rarity in any part of the world. These writings are helpful because they constitute some of the first mentions of the Arab conquests from the perspective of the Christian community. What is significant about these accounts is that none of them suggests that the Arabs were killing in the name of God or that the battles were fought because the Byzantine inhabitants refused to convert to Islam. For them, the seventh-century Arab conquest had little to do with religion, and more to do with kingdom expansion. As the Arabs began to see success and gain land and power, there is a shift in how they were referenced in writing. The Christian community began to perceive that the Arabs were bringing with them a religion, which was initially perceived as barbaric. For instance, a Coptic homily from the 640s admonished Christians with the words, Let us not fast like the God-killing Jews, nor fast like the Saracens who are oppressors, who give themselves up to prostitution, massacre and lead into captivity the sons of men saying: We both fast and pray.165 The authors vitriol is evident here, and there is, as Hoyland puts it, no love of Muslim rule.166 More importantly, however, there has been a significant change from the Arabs being viewed as a great military power to being viewed as an immoral barbarian horde. Note, however, that the focus remains upon sins
163 I. Guidi, ed. and trans., Chronicon anonymum (CSCO 1-2 scr. syri 1-2: Paris, 1903), 36-37, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 184. 164 PG, vol. LXXXVII, cols 3148-3200, cited in Sahas, Face to Face Encounter, in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 34. 165 Henri de Vis, ed. and trans., Homily on the Saints of Babylon, 36, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 121. 166 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 121.
132
that any pagan might be guilty of, and there has been no attack on Islam specifically. The mid sixth-century Byzantines had lived under Sassanid rule in the century before, so the invasion of a foreign people was not entirely novel to their experience. In an effort to preserve Christian influence during this time, it was not uncommon for some writers to count the Arab invasion as a sign of apocalypse and the end of the world. The book of Daniel was often interpreted in the context of seventh century events. Muslims were thought to be the precursors of antichrist.167 One anonymous commentator wrote, We see that the fourth beast, namely Rome, is brought low and ravaged by nations, and henceforth one must expect the ten hornsafter the humbling of the fourth beast, that is Rome, nothing else is expected, except the confusion of the nations, the ten horns and the coming of the blasphemous and deceiving devil.168 The Arabs are identified here as the eleventh, little horn, a very significant role in the drama of the end times.169 There was a surge in apocalyptic literature in the latter parts of the seventh century (680s and 690s) and this might at first seem to be an oddity. However, the second fitna (683-92) brought turmoil into the empire, which took apocalyptic fervour to a high point. During this time, a Syriac apocalypse was composed, which is attributed to Methodius, Bishop of Olympus (d. 312).170 The Pseudo-Methodius Apocalypse predicts that, the kingdom of the Persians will be uprooted, andthe sons of Ishmael will come out from the desert of Yathrib. The text goes on to speak of the horrors committed by these invaders: captivity and slaughter, exacting tribute even from the dead who lie in the ground; they will not pity the sick nor have compassion for the weak.171 The work compares these sons of Ishmael to the Midianite Kings in Judges 7Tolan, 45. V. Deroche, ed. and trans., Juifs et chretiens, 183; V.5, 193, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 533. 169 Tolan, 45. 170 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 264. Hoyland points out that the likely date of composition is 690, by a Melkite or Monophysite author. 171 Ps-Methodius, Apocalypse, XIII.2, XIII.4, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 264.
167 168
133
8.172 Reinink explains, The explanation [is] that the Arabs, like the Midianites in the time of Gideon, are used by God as a temporary scourge wherewith to punish His children for their sins,173 yet again demonstrating the Byzantine motif of divine judgment of sin as an explanation for the fall of the empire. In spite of the use of religious and apocalyptic language to describe the Arab Invasion, the Christian community did not yet perceive their new rulers as challengers of Christianity. Indeed, this was likely due in part to the reality that the conquests, from the Arab perspective, were less about conversion and more about establishing an empire for the fame of Allah. Sahas comments, The Muslims were, primarily, concerned with establishing themselves successfully as rulers in these new territories with a Christian majority.174 In fact, Dionysius military account of the conquest contains very few references to religion, one of them found here when he writes that Arab troops were given the order to
kill neither the aged, nor the little child, nor the woman. Wherever you are welcomed by a city or people, make a solemn pact with them and give them reliable guarantees that they will be ruled according to their laws and according to the practices which obtained among them before our time. They will contract with you to [pay tribute], then they will be left alone in their confession and in their country. But as for those who do not welcome you, make war on them. Be careful to abide by all the just laws and commandments which have been given to you by God through our prophet, lest you excite the wrath of God.175
The invasions themselves, though bloody and barbaric, were not about conversion by the sword but were rather about establishing a uniquely Arab Kingdom that was unified by the Muslim faith, a faith

Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 266. Gerrit J. Reinink, Political Power and Right Religion in the East Syrian Disputation Between a Monk of Bet Hale and an Arab Notable, in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 166. 174 Sahas, John of Damascus, 25. 175 Jean-Baptiste Chabot, ed. Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 235/184, cited in van Ginkel, The Perception and Presentation, in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 178.
172 173
134
which was not necessarily imposed on the lands previous inhabitants. 3.2 Conversion, apostasy and martyrology As already mentioned, the brutalities of conversion by the sword in Islam are well known, but it would be wrong to suggest that they were common at this point in history. Intentional persecution of Christianity at the hands of the Muslims is scarce until the ninth century.176 Conversion by the sword was actually a later occurrence and is virtually absent from the experience of the Christian communities in Byzantium during the seventh century. During his time as caliph in Damascus, Muawiya I is quoted as having said, I never use my voice if I can use my money, never my whip if I can use my voice, never my sword if I can use my whip; but, if I have to use my sword, I will.177 In fact, historical records indicate that the Arabs initially had little to no concern that the Byzantines should become Muslims. Islam was, in its early years, a religion by Arabs and for Arabs. Kennedy dismisses this idea, insisting, Islam was to be the religion of all humanity, not just the Arabs, and there was no reason why theummashould be confined to the Arabic-speaking peoples; the Islamic conquests were a natural continuation of the Prophets work.178 While justification for the conquests might be argued from a number of different angles, Kennedys position may be without solid support. Hawting notes that
the Ummayads and Arab tribesman who first conquered the Middle East regarded their religion as largely exclusive of the conquered peoples. There was no sustained attempt to force or even persuade the conquered peoples to accept Islam, and it was assumed they would remain in their own communities paying taxes to support the conquerors.179

176 Bat Yeor, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam, trans. David Maisel and David Littman (1985; repr. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2005), 61. Yeor (Yeor, 60) mentions one episode of persecution under Walid I. 177 Hawting, 42. 178 Kennedy, 49. 179 Hawting, 4.
135
The reason for the distinction between Muslim and non-Muslim was taxation. When Syria was conquered by the Arabs, Umar negotiated the surrender. The burden he placed upon Christians was not a demand for conversion, but rather a tax (kahraj).180 NonMuslims (dhimmi) were to pay a tax that guaranteed them protection.181 Interestingly enough, this tax was lighter than that which they had paid to the Byzantine Empire.182 The distinction was necessary because one privilege of being a Muslim at this time was freedom from paying taxes. The empire was supported by the taxation of the conquered people, who were to remain non-Muslim taxpayers.183 In reality, one of the chief struggles of the caliphs was to keep too many Byzantines from joining the faith, and thus bankrupting the caliphate.184 It was actually pressure from non-Muslims who wanted to join Islam that led to a more universalistic notion of Islam that, as Hawting points out, played a significant part in Muslim disdain for the Ummayad Dynasty.185 Hawting summarizes the situation by saying:
The widespread acceptance of Islam caused a decrease in the revenues of the government, so the Ummayad rulers had a vested interest in preventing the conquered peoples from accepting Islam or forcing them to continue paying those taxes from which they claimed exemption as Muslims.186
This came to a head under Umar II, who attempted to solve the growing problem of conquered inhabitants wanting to join Islam to be free from taxation. In the end, his solution was to continue imposing the poll tax on conquered converts if they chose to remain
Yeor, 52. The kahraj was a tax on land that gave those living on the land the right to cultivate it. 181 Vaglieri, 90. 182 A.A. Vasiliev. The Iconoclastic Edict of the Caliph Yazid II, A.D. 721, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers: Numbers Nine and Ten, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1956), 62. 183 Hawting, 4-5. 184 Ibid. 185 Ibid., 5. 186 Ibid., 77.
180
136
on the land.187 Hawtings account offers a surprising look into the distinctions made by the Muslim conquerors and how these distinctions account for the general lack of forced conversions. While forced conversion by the sword is not generally seen in this era; that is not to say that cases of pressure to convert and even Christian martyrdom were completely absent from the time. However, it is notable that martyrology is rare, generally early, and sometimes of questionable authenticity. One text for instance, the Sixty Martyrs of Gaza, recounts an event in 638 during the Arab conquests.188 It speaks of the siege of Gaza, and the resulting surrender of the citizens and imprisonment of the soldiers therein. They were brought before Amr, who ordered the Christ-holy soldiers to be presented. Once brought before him, he constrained them to desist from the confession of Christ and from the precious and live-giving cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.189 They are then taken back to prison and beheaded, then buried by Sophronius. The text could be a confirmation of the brutality of the Arabs from an early date, but Hoyland disputes the texts authenticity, pointing out that its only witness is a single Vatican manuscript. Additionally, what should have been the core elements of the story, specifically those involving Sophronius, are only briefly mentioned. Furthermore, the text is not consistent with Muslim sources that place Amr in Gaza in 634, but indicate that the siege of the city was carried out by Alqama ibn Mujazziz in 636.190 Finally, Sophronius died in March 638, yet the Gaza martyrs death occurs in November 638, and some even suggest 639. Also worthy of suspicion are the names of the martyrs. There are 13 Johns, 8 Theodores, 7 Georges, 5 Pauls and 3 Stephens. In other words, 22 percent have the same name and 60 percent share just five names.191 These problems

Ibid., 79. Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 347. 189 H. Delehaye, ed., Passio sexaginta martyrum, 301, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 348. 190 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 349. 191 Ibid., 350.
187 188
137
bring serious questions of authenticity and should therefore be sufficient to judge the text as less than reliable. In the interest of fairness, there were legitimate instances of Christians suffering martyrdom at the hands of the Arabs. Yet these episodes have a very specific context and give support to Hawtings claims concerning the distinctions Arabs made among the conquered peoples. Generally speaking, those Christians martyred for their faith fit one of two categories: they were former Muslims who later converted to Christianity or they were Christians who spoke ill of Muhammad.192 For instance, the account of George the Black (d.650s) describes the martyrdom of a young man who was taken prisoner by the Arabs at a young age and made to be the servant of a Muslim in Damascus. George embraced Islam at the age of eight.193 Later, as an adult, he converted to Christianity and was subsequently reported by a fellow servant. Georges master commanded him to recant, and George refused. In response his master commissioned four Saracens who were gathered there to hold the servant by his hands and legs while he cut him in two with a sword.194 Hoyland points out that this text, as opposed to the Sixty Martyrs of Gaza, is probably authentic.195 Another example is found in the account of A Christian Arab of Sinai who was probably martyred around 660. The story suggests an exception to Tolans two categories of Christian martyrs, yet the story confirms Hawtings claims that the Arabs seem to have been chiefly concerned about converting other Arabs. Hoyland acknowledges it as well and writes, Christian Arabs do seem to have sometimes been the targets of Muslim missionary efforts and occasionally to have faced the choice between conversion to Islam and great hardship, even death.196 Khalid ibn al-Walid, a Muslim general, is recorded as saying, No Arab who refrains from our religion do we

Tolan, 55. There are also a few cases of Christian Arabs who refused to convert. Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 351. 194 Ibid. 195 Ibid. 196 Ibid., 352.
192 193
138
leave alone, rather we kill him. Umar I, when speaking of the tribe of Taghlib allegedly said, They are a people of the Arabs and not from the people of the Book, so they must become Muslim.197 Muadh and Sham Allah were two chiefs in the Taghlib tribe who were threatened to convert to Islam. Muadh was later executed for his refusal to apostatize. Sham Allah was left alive but was told by Walid, While you are a chief of the Arabs, you shame them all by worshiping a cross.198 Another pertinent account is the story of a tribesman of Iyad who was captured during a raid of Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik. He was beheaded by Hisham at Harran for refusing to adopt Islam.199 These accounts are somewhat rare because Arabs tended to convert to Islam under persecution, and these conversions tended to be mass conversions of the entire tribe. The threat of torture resulted in Arab conversions being the rule, and steadfastness the exception.200 The common thread in these accounts, however, seems to be the desire to avoid torture and death rather than any significant measure of love for the Muslim faith. One account provides helpful insight into the rationale for conversion; it records the conversion of the Arabs of Sinai.
When, in accordance with the just judgment of God, the nation of the Saracens came out of their native land to the holy mountain of Sinai to occupy this place and to dislodge from the Christian faith the Saracens who were found there and who were formerly Christians, these latter, who had their abode and tents near the fort and the holy bush, heard of this and went up with their families to a secure spot up on the holy summit, from there to combat, as from a height, the approaching Saracens. They did thus, but being powerless to resist much the oncoming

Ab Ysuf, Kitb al-kharj (Cairo, 1933), 121, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 352 Jean-Baptiste Chabot, ed. Chronique de Michel le Syrien 11.XVII, 451-52/480-82, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 352. Hoyland also points out that one account records Sham Allah undergoing brutal torture before the Arabs relented. 199 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 352-53. 200 Ibid., 353.
197 198
139
host, they surrendered and went to live with them and to believe with them.201
The Arabs of Sinai were converting because they failed to sustain a competitive military force. The alternative was failure and death, perhaps demonstrating why triumphalism led to Christian apostasy. One of the Christian Arabs of Sinai refused to convert. He fled and eventually died from illness in the monastery of Sinai. Hoyland mentions that the dating of the story is difficult but places this Christian Arabs death around the year 660, after the 640 invasion of Egypt.202 A final account of interest is that of Peter of Capitolias who was martyred for speaking ill of the Prophet Muhammad. He is mentioned by John Damascene and will therefore be discussed in greater depth below.203 These accounts provide evidence that the spread of Islam was indeed a motivation for the Arab conquests, though this effort was limited to those of Arab descent. There seems to be little or no effort during the Arab conquest to convert the Greek Christians. 3.3 Life under Arab rule There has been some question as to whether those Christians in positions of power and authority were actually apostates and received their position by means of denying their faith.204 Hoyland points out that martyrologies consistently presented the scene of the hero or heroes being tempted with the offers of wealth and power if they would convert to Islam.205 However, this idea would seem to be an exaggeration. Theophanes indicates that, in 758, the Arabs attempted to expel the Christians from government chanceries, but

201 K.H. Uthermann, ed. Viae dux (CCSG 8: Turnhout and Leuven, 1981), C4, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 353. 202 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 354. 203 Ibid., 358. 204 Hoyland (Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 338) presents this as a common argument within non-Muslim communities to avert their peers from converting to Islam. Specifically, Hoyland refers to the account of a Zoroastrian priest who converted because of his desire for worldly pleasures. 205 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 339.
140
were once again obliged to entrust the same duties to them because they were unable to write numbers.206 Even in the late tenth centurylong after the Ummayad DynastyMuqaddasi, an Arab historian, records that most of the physicians and scribes in Egypt and Syria were Christians.207 This would indicate that Christians held positions of authority and power during the first two (and perhaps three) centuries of Islam.208 Sahas notes that Christians found their way into the court of the caliph as administrative advisorsas admirals in the newly built Muslim fleet, as poets, instructors of the princes and artists.209 One Syrian chronicler indicates, Christians were still the scribes, leaders and governors of the land of the Arabs.210 John Damascene is thus an example of a common reality. John Damascenes position in the caliphs court was not at all an oddity in eighth-century Byzantium. Ibn Mansur was on good terms with the caliph,211 and Kennedy points out, In Syria, financial administration was almost entirely in the hands of local Christians, including Sarjun, [John Damascene] son of Mansur.212 In fact, he is not the only Christian to have such a notable position. Zacharias, Bishop of Sakha, was a secretary in the Muslim administration and a contemporary of John Damascene. Like John, Zacharias received the position because of his familys position in the court.213 Interestingly, he also left his position later to become a monk.214 Simeon of the Olives is another example of the peaceful relations between the Christian community and their Arab rulers. Simeon built a Church

206 Carl de Boor, ed. Theophanis chronographia, vol.1, 430-31, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 339. 207 M.J. de Goeje, ed, Ahsan al-taqsm (Leiden, 1877), 183, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 339. 208 Hoyland (Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 339) goes a step further and writes, administrative and medical professions were dominated by non-Muslims. 209 Sahas, John of Damascus, 25. 210 Dionysius of Tellmahre as preserved in Michael the Syrian 11.XVI, 449/474, and the Chronicle of 1234, 1.294, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 158. 211 Sahas, John of Damascus, 29-30. 212 Kennedy, 87. 213 Coptic Synaxary, 21 Amshr, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 167. 214 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 168.
141
at Nisibis with the permission of the great king of the Arabs demonstrating that the Arabs in power during the early stages of Ummayad rule had no agenda to handicap Christian worship.215 All of this demonstrates that the relations between Christians and Arabs in the early centuries of the transition of power were generally peaceful, with instances of martyrdom and tension being the exception rather than the rule. In general, the Arabs were quite lenient with their Christian subjects. As a rule, the Christian community enjoyed a great deal of autonomy and functioned without fear of interference or persecution.216 Vaglieri suggests that this might have been because they were a force which was not to be underrated.217 The size and potential strength of the Christian community was likely a factor in their autonomy, but it would be oversimplification to call the freedoms extended by the caliphate nothing more than preventative measures. Muawiya seemed genuinely interested in extending peace to his subjects, as evidenced in his statement above about refraining from the using the sword. Jon bar Penkaye, a resident of the monastery of John Kamul, penned his Ktaba d-rish melle (Book of Salient Points) in 687.218 It is a chronicle of the world from creation to his own day. Maintaining consistency with those before him, he writes that the Arabs are the chastisement of God, yet he points out that the first civil war is an indication of Gods judgment on the Arabs.219 The most important aspect of Johns work is that he is noticeably unhostile towards Arab rule.220 Johns chronicle reveals that once the Arabs were in power, standard policy was actually quite lenient toward the Christian faith. John says of the Arab invaders, Before calling them, (God) had prepared them beforehand to hold Christians in honour; thus they also had a special commandment from God concerning
215 Philoxenus Y. Dolabani, ed., Maktabzbne d-umra qaddisha d-Qartmin (Mardin, 1959), 125, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 168. 216 Vaglieri, 88. 217 Ibid. 218 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 194-95. 219 Ibid. 220 Ibid.
142
our monastic station, that they should hold it in honour.221 John continues his comments on the Arabs, Their robber bands went out annually to distant parts and to the islands, bringing back captives from all the peoples under the heavens. Of each person they required only tribute (madatt ), allowing him to remain in whatever faith he wished.222 John even speaks of the peace during this time in very positive terms, Justice flourished in his time and there was great peace in the regions under his control; he allowed everyone to live as they wanted.223 Johns only criticism is a kind of longing for the old imperial Christianity, because the result of religious freedom under the Arabs meant that these rulers made no formal distinction between the believers and the unbelievers. He laments, There was no distinction between pagan and Christian, the faithful was not known from a Jew.224 Neither was there any distinction between an orthodox Christian and a Monophysite. Kennedy points out that the Egyptian Coptic Church was permitted the same rights as the Melkite supporters of Chalcedon.225 Some accounts even intimate that relations between Christian and Arabs were very positive and even pleasant. One example involves Sophronius and his demand to negotiate the surrender of Jerusalem with Caliph Umar himself. Umar responded and came to Jerusalem and prayed with Sophronius. The caliph intentionally refrained from praying inside the Church of the Resurrection, instead praying on the steps to the church because he knew that the Muslims would have taken the church after his death, naming it a holy site because the caliph had prayed there. To further protect the church, Umar wrote a document instructing other Muslims not to pray even on the steps of the church. He later prayed in Bethlehem, afterward writing a similar document to protect the church

221 Alphonse Mingana ed., Ktaba d-rish melle, 141, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 196. 222 Ibid. 223 Ibid., 146/175, cited in Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 196. 224 Ibid. 225 Kennedy, 67.
143
therein.226 Sahas points out that Islamic and Christian traditions both connect the name of Umar with holiness, piety and kindness.227 Another example involves Khalid, the governor of Iraq under Caliph Hisham. Khalid is criticized by some Muslim sources for showing the Christian community excessive favor. He is said to have remarked on one occasion that Christianity is superior to Islam and to have had a church built for his Christian mother behind the mosque in Kufa.228 3.4 Conclusion: Perceptions of the Islamic faith As a result of the Arabs primary concern with conquering their Byzantine subjects, as opposed to converting them, it is not difficult to see why the incoming invaders were at first seen simply as the next dynasty of rulers, not as an opposing faith. They were simply Arabs, not Muslims.229 However, that perception begins to change, not because of the efforts of Christian theologians, but rather because of the proclamations made by Islam. When the construction of the Dome of the Rock began under the reign of Abd al-Malik, many thought that it was going to be the next Jewish temple.230 It was later understood by the Christians to be an assertion of power on the part of the Muslims.231 The Dome of the Rock was a holy site for the Muslims, in competition with the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.232 Late in the seventh century, Islam began to present itself as the religion of truth.233 Specifically, this statement can be found on a coin dated

Sahas, The Face to Face Encounter, 38. Ibid., 40. 228 Hawting, 81. 229 Van Ginkel, 175. 230 G.J. Reinink, Early Christian reactions to the building of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, Xristianskij Vostok 2 (8). (St. Petersburg/Moscow: 2001), 227-28. 231 Oleg Grabar, Islamic Art and Byzantium, in Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, Dumbarton Oaks Papers: Number Eighteen (Washington, DC: The Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Stuides, 1964), 80. Also Kennedy, 99. 232 Ibid., 241. 233 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 457.
226 227
144
696, during the reign of Abd al-Malik.234 Reinink acknowledges that these new coins proclaimed a strong politico-religious message.235 One of the coins contained the inscription; There is no god but God alone. He has no partner. On the reverse appears the text of surah 112, God is One, God is the Everlasting. He does not beget nor is He begotten, and there is none equal to Him. Also on the coin is surah 9.33, Muhammad is the messenger of God whom he sent with guidance and the religion of truth in order to make it victorious over all religions, even though the polytheists detest [it].236 These statements were distinctly anti-Christian and were asserting that Islam was the true religion.237 This was a direct challenge to Christianity, and John Damascene was one of the first Christians who chose to attempt an answer to the challenge. Once again, the context is significant. John Damascene lived in Syria, the center of Ummayad power, and in Damascus, the seat of the caliph. The Syrian communities were such that the Arabs lived among the people, providing plenty of opportunities for discussion, debate and identification of distinctions in belief.238 All of this contributes to John Damascenes ability to articulate the beliefs of the Ishmaelites. Furthermore, it uniquely enables him to provide an apologetic that is well acquainted with Islams particular disputes with Christianity. 4 John Damascene and the Heresy of the Ishmaelites 4.1 On The Fount of Knowledge Having established the context for John Damascenes apologetic to Islam, it is now fitting to investigate that apologetic and expose that Johns context was one of the most significant elements in the shaping and presentation of his work. Specifically, I will investigate his work on Islam, the Heresy of the Ishmaelites, found in his chapter,

Ibid. Reinink, Political Power, in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 153. 236 Ibid. 237 Ibid., 154. 238 Hawting, 38.
234 235
145
On Heresies (De Haeresibus) within the larger work, The Fount of Knowledge. Johns great work, The Fount of Knowledge, relies heavily on the great Christian thinkers and writers of the past, and he is explicit about not producing something new, but rather his aim is summarizing the orthodox faith. He writes in his preface, I shall add nothing of my own, but shall gather together into one those things which have been worked out by the most eminent of teachers and make a compendium of them239 John Damascenes goal is to bring together the great thinkers of Christianity; hence Sahas calls him the first classical systematic theologian.240 By 727, John Damascene was well established in his career as a monk and Griffith points out that his work did as much as any other to define the frame of mind of the Byzantine conformists [that is, Chalcedonian Orthodoxy] in the caliphate.241 Thomas comments are also illuminating. He writes, John composed The Fount of Knowledge on the basis of considerable experience at the centre of Islamic rule, and in a religious milieu in which Islam was increasingly influential.242 The Fount of Knowledge is composed of three chapters. The first is an introduction of Philosophical Categories (Dialectica), followed by an exposition of heresies contemporary to Johns day (De Haeresibus), and finally a third chapter divided up into four sections explaining the particulars of Christian orthodoxy (De Orthodoxa Fide). The first chapter is likely a product of John Damascenes Greek education under his tutor, Cosmas. Louth suggests that Johns study of the enkyklios paideiathe modern equivalent of a curriculum in Greek educationis the reason for the Dialectica. Louth argues that Johns knowledge of the enkyklios paideia would have motivated him to define particular philosophical categories so that they might serve as the foundation for apologetic common

239 John Damascene, The Fount of Knowledge, 6. All English translations of this work are from Frederic Chase, Saint John of Damascus: Writings (New York: The Fathers of the Church, 1958). 240 Sahas, John of Damascus, 52-53. 241 Sidney Griffith, Christological Controversies, in Thomas, Syrian Christians, 15. 242 Thomas, Christian Theologians, in Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 258.
146
ground.243 Sahas also points out that Johns view toward philosophy was that it should be a servant to theology and, indeed, the Dialectica can be seen as a demonstration of that conviction.244 Following the Dialectica is the De Haeresibus, which is the focus of this study because it includes John Damascenes explanation of Islam (the Ishmaelites). The De Haeresibus is an explanation of over one hundred different heresies, mostly focusing on their origins, their errors and their influence on Christendom at the time of Johns writing. The Fount of Knowledge was a summation of all the Christian should know, and that is why it included this chapter on heresies.245 The De Haeresibus is a demonstration of Johns commitment to lay down the Orthodox Faith as he understood it, rather than to create new material. With the exception of the chapter on the Ishmaelites, the work is a near verbatim copy of a text on heresies by Epiphanius.246 Finally, the De Orthodoxa Fide is a lengthy exposition of the Christian faith, which is the greater purpose of The Fount of Knowledge. John Damascene articulates numerous aspects of Christian belief, defining and defending the dogmas of the Church. The value of the Heresy of the Ishmaelites cannot be overstated. It constitutes the earliest explicit discussions of Islam by a Christian theologian.247 Furthermore, Johns substantial use of the Quran makes his work the earliest recorded Christian reading of the Quran.248
243 Andrew Louth, St. John Damascene: Tradition and Originality in Byzantine Theology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 6. 244 Sahas, John of Damascus, 51-52. 245 Cameron, 18. 246 Sahas, John of Damascus, 56. There is some debate as to whether The Heresy of the Ishmaelites was part of the original De Haeresibus. Janosik (Daniel Janosik, John of Damascus: First Apologist to Muslims (paper presented at the Evangelical Theology Society Conference, Providence, RI, November 20, 2008)) notes that the scholarly consensus is that John is the author and Sahas (Sahas, John of Damascus, 57-58) demonstrates that it is indeed consistent with the rest of the work. 247 Louth, 77. 248 Mark Ivor Beaumont, Early Christian Interpretation of the Quran, Transformation 22, no.4 (October 2005): 195.
147
4.2 On The Ishmaelite Heresy Arguably, the most immediate question that comes up in a discussion of John Damascenes exposition of the heresy of Islam is whether or not he considered it a heresy by the traditional meaninga corruption of the Christian faithas opposed to an entirely separate religion. The trouble comes in how one interprets the opening statement in The Heresy of the Ishmaelites which reads, There is also the superstition (skeia) of the Ishmaelites249 Sahas notes that the word skeia is translated as superstitio in a Latin edition of the text, but the Greek word itself cannot be identified.250 Additionally, it has been suggested that the word is related to skia which means, figuratively, spiritual darkness or error.251 Sahas goes on to suggest, It is difficult to concludethat John of Damascus did not consider Islam as another religion, but as a deceptive superstition and a heresy.252 It is likely that John Damascene would have endorsed a definition of Islam that used such terminology as spiritual darkness and error, but that certainly does not prove that he did not see it as a heresy. Griffith points out, By the first half of the [ninth] century, the indigenous Christian communities in the Islamic world had already begun to take on the outward trappings ofIslam.253 Griffith goes on to point out that some churches had even added Arabic to their liturgy.254 This very likely would have included the churches within Christendom that rejected Chalcedon and would have been regarded as heretics by John Damascene. As will be discussed below, John discusses at length the Ishmaelites denial of the Trinity, using the same argumentation that he uses against the other anti-Trinitarian heresies.255 Sahas also points out that other Christians around John would have shared

John Damascene, from Chase, 153. Sahas, John of Damascus, 68. 251 Ibid. 252 Ibid. 253 Griffith, 9. 254 Ibid. 255 Tolan, 51.
249 250
148
his perspective and that the initial perception of Islam by the Christian community was that it was another Judeo-Christian heresy with strong Arian or Monophysite elements in it.256 The second element in the title that raises questions is the label of Ishmaelites. Certainly Muslims are not well known by such a name today, and it raises the questions as to whether this reflects a pejorative label on the part of the monk. The chapter regarding the Ishmaelites actually uses three terms for a Muslim: Ishmaelite, Hagarene and Saracen. Sahas notes that all three of these names involve the heritage of the Islamic faith.257 Hagarenes from Hagar, mother of Ishmael, is perhaps a term from Christian authors, based on biblical genealogies.258 Sahas adds that the label is widely used by the later Byzantine authors.259 Saracen refers to Genesis 16:8 where Sarah sends Hagar away empty-handed.260 Sahas suggests that John seems to be aware that the name is fairly arbitrary and clarifies that the name is not of his own invention.261 However, the term Ishmaelite is, according to both Christian and Islamic sources, the name that the Muslims gave to themselves. Brock shows that though there may have been pejorative terms used for the Islamic faith at this time, the designation sons of Ishmael is common and seems to be a neutral label.262 Furthermore, the understanding that the Arab peopledescended ultimately from the biblical Ishmael is completely consistent with Muslim tradition.263 The term Ishmaelite therefore does not indicate that John Damascene was uninformed concerning the correct designation of Islam. Given his context, the opposite is found to be true.

Sahas, John of Damascus, 26. Anastasius, for example, calls the Muslims Monophysite heretics (Tolan, 43). 257 Ibid., 70. 258 Tolan, 52. 259Sahas, John of Damascus, 70. 260 Ibid., 71. 261 Ibid. 262 Brock, 15. 263 Hawting, 21.
256
149
4.3 M onotheism, Christology and idolatry Johns apologetic work directed toward the Ishmaelites is the longest chapter in De Haeresibus and is a demonstration of numerous elements of context discussed in the previous chapters. John Damascene deals with questions of theology, revelation and authority. The themes of the work can be summarized in three categories: the Ishmaelite Doctrine of God and Christ, the authenticity of Muhammads claim to be a prophet, and the inspiration of the Quran. Johns work on the Ishmaelitess doctrine of God begins with a discussion on the origin of the doctrine - that is, the teachings of Muhammad. Johns first mention of Muhammad comes early in the text:
From that time to the present, a false prophet named Mohammed (Mamed) has appeared in their midst. This man, after having chanced upon the Old and New Testaments and likewise it seems having conversed with an Arian monk, devised his own heresy.264
The reference to an Arian monk is of particular interest. John is likely referring to a hadith that tells the story of Bahira, a monk who supposedly bore witness to Muhammads status as a prophet and predicted his prophetic career.265 Separate accounts of the story indicate that upon their meeting in Syria, Bahira instructed Muhammad in monotheism and beliefs and practices which will be acceptable to the Arabs and match their capabilities.266 Some versions of the story even suggest that Bahira wrote for Muhammad large portions of the Quran.267 John Damascene does not explain

264 265
John Damascene, 153. Sahas, John of Damascus, 73. Beaumont (Beaumont, 196) asserts that the account is speculative and that it has no foundation in Islamic sources. However, Beaumonts assertion is discredited by Ibn Ishaqs (Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, trans. A. Guillaume (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 70-80) reference to Bahira as a Nestorian monk. Johnan earlier source than Ishaqcalls Bahira an Arian. Arian influence on Islam would be more believable than Nestorian influence, and Johns perspective here is helpful in interpreting early Islam. 266 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 478. 267 Ibid. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 150
the story in such detail, but rather simply uses it to identify the source and explain Muhammads theology.268 Interestingly, another version of the story surnames the monk Nestorius and indicates that he taught Muhammad Nestorian theology.269 Also, the monk of Beth Hale mentions that Muhammad learned monotheism from Sargis Bahira. The account of Bahira is significant because it connects Islam with a heretical form of Christianity. Johns mention of the monk is then completely consistent with the apologetic thought of his time. Sahas also notes that if Johns primary knowledge of the story came from hadith literature, it further demonstrates his thorough knowledge of the Ishmaelite faith.270 Furthermore, Johns emphasis on the monks Arianism gives further evidence that John Damascene spoke of the heresy of Islam in the same context as he would the heresy of Arianism. John sees the story of Bahira as a kind of indictment, associating the Ishmaelite beliefs in it with the familiar heresies of his day.271 John then transitions to discuss the nature of Islams monotheism. As already mentioned, Christendom was very familiar with the reality that Islam was a monotheistic faith, though Christians by this time generally understood that their Arab rulers denied the deity of Christ and, therefore, the Trinity.272 Yet John Damascene acknowledges that Muhammad did bring the Arabs out of their former paganism and polytheism into a doctrine of monotheism, once again demonstrating his familiarity with the Quran.273 After this, John Damascene proceeds to more specifically articulate Muhammads monotheism. He writes, He says that there is one God, creator of all things who has neither been begotten nor has begotten.274 Sahas first points out that this is a quotation from surah 112:

Sahas, John of Damascus, 73. Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 479. 270 Sahas, John of Damascus, 74. 271 Tolan, 52. 272 Brock, 12-13. 273 Sahas, John of Damascus, 71. 274 John Damascene, 153.
268 269
151
Ikhlas (or purity of Faith).275 Furthermore, he quotes Marmaduke Pickthall who calls this particular surah the essence of the Quran.276 It is worth noting then that this gives further evidence that John Damascene not only possessed knowledge of the Quran but also had studied it well enough to know the core teachings and differences with Christian doctrine.277 The ayahs before the one reference here by John Damascene stress the oneness of God, instructing the reader to, Say: He is God, the One and Only; God the Eternal, Absolute.278 Certainly John would have no quarrel with the Ishmaelites on this point. In De Orthodoxa Fide, John writes, God, then, is one, perfect, uncircumscribed, the maker of the universe, the maintainer of order and governor, preceding and transcending all perfection.279 Once again this exposes the reality that Johns indictments of Islam are not those that one would give to a separate religion. In fact, Beaumont asserts that John believed the Quran affirmed Christianity, and that he even used the Quran to teach Christian doctrine.280 Johns apologetic is that the Ishmaelites have misunderstood the Scriptures, thus further evidencing that John did indeed see Islam to be an adulterated Christianity.281 Johns next theological point centres on Christology. He details the Christology of an Ishmaelite:
He says that the Christ is the Word of God and His Spirit, but a creature and a servant, and that He was begotten, without seed, of Mary the sister of Moses and Aaron. For he says, the Word and God and the Spirit entered into Mary and she brought forth Jesus who was a prophet and servant of God. And he says that the Jews wanted to crucify Him in violation of the law, and that they seized His shadow and
Sahas, John of Damascus, 75. See also, Abdullah Yusuf Ali, trans., The Holy Quran (Elmhurst, New York: Tahrike Tarsile Quran, Inc., 2005), 1806. 276 Marmaduke Pickthall, Koran, 545, cited in Sahas, John of Damascus, 75. 277 Sahas, John of Damascus, 75. 278 Yusuf Ali, 1806. 279 John Damascene, 173. 280 Beaumont, 195, 199. 281 David Thomas, trans. and ed., Early Muslim Polemic against Christianity: Early Muslim polemic against Christianity: Abu Ìs al-Warraq's "Against the Incarnation" (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 15.
275
152
crucified this. But the Christ himself was not crucified, he says, nor did He die, for God out of His love for Him took Him to Himself into heaven. And he says this, that when the Christ had ascended into heaven, he asked him: O Jesus, didst thou say: I am the Son of God and God? And Jesus, he says, answered: Be merciful to me, Lord. Thou knowest that I did not say this and that I did not scorn to be thy servant. But sinful men have written that I made this statement, and they have lied about me and have fallen into error. And God answered and said to Him: I know that thou dist not say this word.282
Sahas puts it well: This passage is one of the most convincing evidences of the accuracy of John of Damascus knowledge of the teaching and wording of the Qur n!283 Swanson notes that by Johns time, the Christian community would have at least been aware of this Islamic doctrine, pointing out that they denied the fact of the crucifixion, to say nothing of its meaning and redemptive significance.284 There were even extravagant hagiographical accounts of Muslims suffering supernaturally inflicted pains and humiliations as judgment for mocking the cross.285 Lacking in John Damascenes explanation of the Ishmaelites denial of the crucifixion is a substantive response to said denial. He follows up his detail of the denial stating that, There are many other extraordinary and quite ridiculous things in this book which he boasts were sent down to him [Muhammad] from God.286 This response of throwing out the Muslims argument with incredulity is seen both throughout this work and the Disputatio Saraceni et Christiani, a separate work that claims John Damascene as author and details a hypothetical discussion between a Christian and a Muslim.287 John later, however, moves deeper into another central issue of Christian Christology against Islamic Monotheism: the Trinity. He writes,

282 283
John Damascene, 153-54. Sahas, John of Damascus, 79. 284 Mark N. Swanson. Folly to the hunaf : The Crucifixion in Early ChristianMuslim Controversy, from Grypeou, Swanson, and Thomas, 238-39 285 Ibid., 240-43. 286 John Damascene, 154. 287 See Sahas, John of Damascus, 142-155. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 153
Moreover, they call us Hetaeriasts, or Associators because, they say, we introduce an associate with God by declaring Christ to the Son of God and God. We say to them in rejoinder: The Prophets and the Scriptures have delivered this to us, and you, as you persistently maintain, accept the Prophets. So, if we wrongly declare Christ to be the Son of God, it is they who taught this and handed it down to usAs long as you say that Christ is the Word of God and Spirit, why do you accuse us of being Hetaeriasts?... If, however, He is outside of God, then, according to you, God is without word and without spirit. Consequently, by avoiding the introduction of an associate with God you have mutilated him. It would be far better for you to say that He has an associate than to mutilate Him, as if you were dealing with a stone or a piece of wood or some other inanimate object. Thus you speak untruly when you call us Hetaeriasts; we retort by calling you Mutilators of God.288
Once again, John Damascene has demonstrated his familiarity with Islam by explaining the Muslim understanding that nothing can be associated with God (shirk), a teaching that occurs frequently in the Quran.289 Sahas writes, John of Damascus has a correct knowledge of this Quranic notion and he is well aware of the meaning that the Muslims ascribe to this issue.290 His response is to call the Ishmaelites mutilators (Koptai) because they have, in a sense, torn from God the doctrine of tri-unity. Of particular interest is Johns reference to Christ being Word of God and Spirit. This is a reference to surah 4:171, which calls Christ the Word of God and says that Allah bestowed on Christ a Spirit proceeding from Him.291 John has brilliantly used his knowledge of the Quran to expose a contradiction and even teach Christian doctrine. John understood that the Muslims of his day believed Gods wordthe Quranto be eternal and uncreated, sent down from heaven.292 He is using surah 4:171 to expose the reality that the Quran calls Jesus the Word and Spirit of God. If he is the Word and Spirit of

John Damascene, 155-56. Sahas, John of Damascus, 82. 290 Ibid. 291 Yusuf Ali, 234. 292 Keith E. Swartley, Quran, Hadith, and Sharia, in Keith Swartley, ed, Encountering the World of Islam (Atlanta: Authentic Media, 2005), 83.
288 289
154
God, he must then also be uncreated and eternal. John confronted the Ishmaelite with this problem and in doing so, used the Quran to teach Christian doctrine.293 This argument became popular after Johns death and Griffith points out, Almost every Christian apologist in the world of Islam from John of Damascus onwards quotes or alludes to this Quran verse.294 This is yet another indication, not only of Johns impressive knowledge of the Islamic faith, but also Johns impact on the Eastern Christian community. The last point not yet addressed that would be categorized as an element of John Damascenes theological debate is his mention of the Kaba. He notes,
They furthermore accuse us of being idolaters, because we venerate the cross, which they abominate. And we answer them: How is it that you rub yourselves against a stone in your Kaba and kiss and embrace it? Then some of them say Abraham had relations with Agar [Hagar] upon it, but others say that he tied the camel to it, when he was going to sacrifice Isaac. And we answer them: Since Scripture says that the mountain was woodedfrom which Abraham cut wood for the holocaust and laid it upon Isaacwhy do you talk this nonsense? For in that place neither is it thick with trees nor is there passage for asses. And they are embarrassed, but they still assert that the stone is Abrahams. Then we say, Let it be Abrahams, as you foolishly say. Then, just because Abraham had relations with a woman on it or tied a camel to it, you are not ashamed to kiss it, yet you blame us for venerating the cross of Christ by which the power of the demons and the deceit of the Devil was destroyed This stoneis a head of that Aphrodite whom they used to worship and whom they called Khabar.295
The veneration of the Kaba was not an uncommon criticism in apologies to Islam contemporary to John Damascene.296 The ChrisBeaumont, 199. S.H. Griffith The Quran in Arab Christian Texts; The Development of an Apologetical Argument: Abu Qurrah in the Maglis of Al-Mamun Parole de LOrient 24 (1999): 216, cited in Beaumont, 199. 295 John Damascene, 156-57. 296 Barbara Roggema. Muslims as Crypto-IdolatersA Theme in the Christian Portrayal of Islam in the Near East, in Christians at the Heart of Islamic Rule: Church
293 294
155
tian community generally perceived the Kaba to be a pagan affair with no connection to the divine.297 An example can be found within a supposed correspondence between Leo III (717-41) and Umar II (717-20) wherein Leo declares that Mecca is inhabited by demons who draw you, by occult machinations to the loss of your souls, for example, by a stone that is called rukn that you adore without knowing why.298 Germanus also mentions the Kaba in a letter written in 725 to the iconoclastic Bishop Thomas of Claudiopolis, saying that the Muslims venerate in the desert an inanimate stone which is called Khobar (Kobar).299 This particular accusation from the Ishmaelite camp is unique in that it has no Quranic foundation.300 There is hadith literature that states Jesus himself will return and destroy the cross,301 but no specific Quranic passage that condemns the Christians as idolaters for this action. Furthermore, it is clear that the Islamic community was itself severely iconoclastic, particularly during the reign of Yazid II. In 721, Yazid II issued an edict endorsing iconoclasm for the Islamic faith and decrying the worship of images by Muslims.302 The edict declared that there
Life and Scholarship In Abbasid Iraq, ed. David Thomas (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2003), 3. 297 Ibid., 3-4. 298 A. Jeffery, Ghevonds Text of the Correspondence between Umar II and Leo III, Harvard Theological Review 37, (1944) 269-332; 323, cited in Roggema, Muslims as Crypto-Idolaters, in Thomas, Christians at the Heart, 4. 299 Mansi, XIII, 109 B-E, cited in A.A. Vasiliev, The Iconoclastic Edict, Dumbarton Oaks Research, 26. See also J. Meyendorff, "Byzantine Views of Islam," in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Number Eighteen, Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1964), 119. Vasiliev (Vasiliev, 27) points out that Germanus was a supporter of icons and was probably condemning the Arabs as the true idolaters, contrasted to the Christian supporters of icons. 300 Sahas, John of Damascus, 84. 301 Ibid., 85. 302 Vasiliev, 25. Vasiliev points out some difficulties in dating the edict, observing that some place it in 722 and others in 723. Vasiliev mentions various sources, but points out that the edict was read at the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, and John of Jerusalem, who lived in the same century and territory where the edict was issued, dates it at 721. Vasiliev (Vasiliev, 47) argues that this makes John of Jerusalems dating the most accurate, with which this author agrees. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 156
were to be no representations of human beings in mosques. Certainly there are reorientations of humans in Islam, but the edict of Yazid II specifically forbids them in mosques.303 This was imposed on Christian churches throughout the empire, in contrast to the tolerance shown by Muawiya I.304 During the early stages of Ummayad rule, Christians were allowed to display their crosses and other insignia.305 Conditions changed under Yazid II, and the historian Severus records that the governor of Egypt ordered the destruction of all the crosses which were in the land of Egypt, even the crosses of gold and silver.306 At the 787 Council of Nicaea, the bishop of Messana commented, I was a boy in Syria when the Caliph of the Saracens was destroying the icons.307 It is likely that these tensions were present at that time among the people in Syria, particularly the Arabs, but the kindness of those early caliphs prevented the brash iconoclasm seen during the reign of Yazid II.308 Johns response is both a challenge and a defence. He answers the charge of idolatry that the Ishmaelites level against the Christian community while turning the tables and challenging the Ishmaelites to defend an idolatry of their own. Furthermore, John is writing to educate the wider Christian community concerning the Kaba.309 Sahas adds that Johns reference to Khabar is likely a reference to the statement Allahu akbar.310 The Kaba continued to be a point of contention well into the tenth century, and there is a similar account in the work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus in his De adminisrando imperio. He writes, They pray to the star of Aphrodite which they call Koubar, and in their supplication cry out Alla oua Koubar, that is, God and

Ibid., 25. Ibid. 305 Sahas, John of Damascus, 26. 306 B. Evetts, History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, cited in Vasiliev, 41. 307 Mansi, XIII, 200, cited in Vasiliev, 30. 308 Sahas, John of Damascus, 86. 309 Ibid., 86. 310 Ibid., 87.
303 304
157
Aphrodite. For they call God Alla and oua they use for the conjunction and they call the star Koubar. And so they say Alla oua Koubar.311 Meyendorff clarifies that this is also a reference to Allahu akbar, an Arabic phrase that translates God is very great.312 The phrase wasand is todayused as a part of the call to prayer,313 and it seems to have puzzled the Byzantine authors from the eighth century onwards.314 Meyendorff explains the reason for the confusion. He writes, That some cult of the Morning Star existed among the Arabs before the rise of Islam seems certain, and this was known to the Byzantines, who attempted, of course, to find traces of paganism in Islam itself.315 Meyendorff ends his discussion by lamenting that John added nothing to this discussion and that he simply used a common argument to accuse the Arabs of lechery.316 However, Sahas disagrees and asserts that while Johns accusations concerning the Kaba are consistent with historical records and Christian polemics in Johns day, Johns accusation is hypocrisynot lechery. John is pointing out that the Ishmaelites have no room to indict the Christian for worshiping the cross in light of their Kaba idolatry.317 4.4 The authenticity of M uhammads revelation A second theme in the Heresy of the Ishmaelites worth examining is the authenticity of Muhammads prophetic revelations. The shift toward apologies and disputations, mentioned above in the second chapter, is significant with regard to this topic. Hoyland writes that prior to the late seventh century, the question of how to recognize a true prophet was scarcely considered by pre-Islamic Christian and

311 Constantine Prophyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, I, 14, ed. Moravcsik, trans. R.J.H. Jenkins (Budapest, 1949), 78-79, cited in Meyendorff, Byzantine Views, in Dubarton Oaks Center, 118. 312 Meyendorff, Byzantine Views, in Dumbarton Oaks Center, 119. 313 Swartley, 490. 314 Meyendorff, 119. 315 Ibid. 316 Ibid. 317 Sahas, John of Damascus, 88-89.
158
Jewish authorities and was clearly provoked by Muslim claims about Muhammads prophetic credentials.318 It is significant that John raised the issue when one considers that debating the topic was, in essence, a statement against Muhammads claims to be a prophet. Speaking ill of Muhammad was a potentially fatal decision during the Arab conquests, an example being that of Peter of Capitolas, mentioned above in chapter three. It is however, the context of Peters death that highlights John Damascenes boldness. The Fount of Knowledge is dedicated to Cosmas, who was Peters successor after Peters martyrdom.319 Peter was martyred for condemning Muhammad, his mythography and all who believe in it.320 As previously mentioned, Johns opening paragraph in the chapter on the Ishmaelites includes the statement, From that time to the present, a false prophet named Mohammed has appeared in their midst.321 At another point in the tract, John Damascene introduces his line of questioning concerning Muhammads authenticity as a prophet.
Then when we say: How is it that God did not in your presence present this man with the book to which you refer, even as He gave the Law to Moses, with the people looking on and the mountain smoking, so that you, too might have certainty?they answer that God does as He pleases.322
John first demands to know which prophet foretold that Muhammad would arisea demand for prophetic authenticity.323 John insists that Muhammad had no witness to his prophetic authority, since no person came before him and predicted his coming. John is drawing out the Muslims apologetic problem; namely that Islam had no divine corroboration of the prophethood of Muhammad outside of the Quran, whereas Christians had confirmation of the

Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 456. Ibid., 55. Not to be confused with Cosmas, his Greek tutor. 320 Ibid., 54. 321 John Damascene, 153 322 Ibid., 154-55. 323 Sahas, John of Damascus, 79.
318 319
159
status of Christ outside of the gospels.324 The response he receives is, God does as He pleases,325 a statement which became very important in later discussions on predestination.326 This can be seen, for instance, in particular questions posed in the Disputatio Saraceni et Christiani, including a discussion on the origin of evil.327 Furthermore, John details the Christian perspective on predestination in De Fide Orthodoxa, in which he declares that predestination is the result of the divine command made with foreknowledge.328 It is likely therefore that John would have rejected the determinism of Islam, despite the fact that he does not respond to the Ishmaelites defence through sovereignty. A few sentences later, John Damascene writes concerning the nature of Muhammads revelation from God:
When we ask again: How is it that when we enjoined us in this book of yours not to do anything or receive anything without witnesses, you did not ask him: First do you show us by witnesses that you are a prophet and that you have come from God, and show us just what Scriptures there are that testify about youthey are ashamed and remain silent. [Then we continue:] Although you may not marry a wife without witnesses, or buy, or acquire property; although you neither receive an ass nor possess a beast of burden unwitnessed; and although you do possess both wives and property and asses and so on through witnesses, yet it is only your faith and your scriptures that you hold unsustained by witnesses. For he who handed this down to you has no warranty from any source On the contrary, he received it while he was asleep.329
John, in this passage, is likely referring to the night of power mentioned in surah 97 of the Quran, though if that is the case it is noteworthy that the Quran does not mention that Muhammad was

Beaumont, 197. Ibid. 326 Ibid. 327 Ibid., 142-43 328 John Damascene, 263. 329 Ibid., 155.
324 325
160
sleeping.330 This is part of a Muslim tradition, which was later recorded by Ibn Ishaq.331 Within the context of this discussion, the Ishmaelite only gives two answers. The first is the already mentioned explanation through determinism and the second is no response at all. John writes, They are ashamed and remain silent.332 Characterizing the opponent as being unable to respond is common in Johns work and other apologies contemporary to Johns. Some apologies, like the disputation between A Monk of Beth Hale and an Arab Notable, end with the Muslim confessing the truth of Christianity, sometimes with responses and counter-arguments being few or absent.333 Of further interest is that John Damascene accuses the Muslims of having no scriptural support to testify to Muhammads coming as a prophet. Sahas suggests that this argument from John is consistent with the Damascenes time period and is therefore a good argument for authorship. He writes, This is another indication that [this chapter of De Haeresibus] belongs to an earlier period than the ninth century, the time when Muslims started to use biblical texts to defend the prophethood of Muhammad.334 Finally, John Damascene questions a number of passages found in the Quran, further presenting a challenge to the authenticity of Muhammads revelation. He begins with Quranic texts concerning marriage and divorce, telling his reader:
As has been related, this Mohammed wrote many ridiculous booksFor example there is the book On Woman, in which he plainly makes legal provision for taking four wives anda thousand concuSahas, John of Damascus, 79. Ibid. 332 John Damascene, 155. 333 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 468-69. A triumphal ending is common in these apologies, which obviously puts the authenticity of the event they describe into question. Yet the value lies in what they demonstrate about Christianitys knowledge about Islam and visa versa. 334 Sahas, John of Damascus, 81. Sahas suggests that this tract may have been instrumental in motivating the Islamic community to develop a defense for Muhammads prophethood based on the Old and New Testaments.
330 331
161
binesHe also made it legal to put away whichever wife one might wish, and, should so one wish, to take to oneself another in the same way. Mohammed had a friend named Zeid. This man had a beautiful wife with whom Mohammed fell in love. Once, when they were sitting together, Mohammed said: Oh, by the way, God has commanded me to take your wife. The other answered, You are an apostle. Do as God has told you and take my wife.335
Johns charge against Muhammad here is not surprising. Christians in Johns day understood the Old Testament allowance of polygamy to be abrogated by the New Testaments prohibition of the practice.336 Muhammads desire for many wives had to be seen as evidence of a failure to obey the will of God.337 Sahas points out that the reference to Zeids wife is a favorite subject for polemics. John is referencing surah 4, The Women (al-Nisa).338 Sahas defends the Ishmaelite position regarding the text on marriage, insisting that John has taken the passage out of context or failed to study it enough to discuss it competently.339 The particular section John Damascene is referencing is the third ayah, which reads:
If ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, marry women of your choice, two or three or four; but if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them). Then only one, or (a captive) that your right hands possess. That will be more suitable, to prevent you from doing injustice.340
Yusuf Ali and Sahas both comment that this permission was given after the battle of Uhud when the Muslims were left with several orphans, widows, and captives following the war.341 Though the verse is taken out of context, neither Sahas nor Yusuf Ali defend the permission to take four wives, but to say that monogamy is the

335 336
John Damascene, 157. Beaumont, 195. 337 Ibid. 338 Sahas, John of Damascus, 90. 339 Ibid., 90. 340 Yusuf Ali, 179. 341 Ibid. Also Sahas, John of Damascus, 90. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 162
recommendation.342 Next, concerning the reference to divorce, Sahas again argues against John Damascenes polemic, accusing the monk of refusing to take into consideration the more complicated cases of the rights of divorce occurring in other surahs. Be that as it may, it is noteworthy that Sahas response ends there, with no specifics regarding these separate cases nor why they pose a significant problem to John Damascenes point.343 Sahas is willing to speak of context and misunderstanding concerning the first two topics (marriage and divorce), but he does not follow these up with a defence of why this move by Muhammad should be seen as acceptable.344 John Damascene then mentions the book of The Camel of God,345 telling the story of a camel that drank an entire river and was too large to pass between two mountains. She therefore remained among a city of people and provided them with milk to drink. Some evil men then came and killed the camel, yet before she died she gave birth to an offspring, which called down Gods judgment and caused the evil men to die.346 Sahas rightly points out that this story is not in the Quran and there is no surah called The Camel of God.347 This is therefore likely an oral tradition that was common in the Islamic community.348 Johns purpose in mentioning surah 4 and the texts on marriage, divorce, and Zeids wife were to call into question Muhammads character. However, it seems that his inclusion of the story of the she-camel is referenced simply to mock its fanciful plot. Johns response is thick with sarcasm, demanding to know where the camel came from and whether she is in paradise. He finishes his line of questioning by telling his Ishmaelite reader, We plainly assure you that this wonderful camel of yours has preceded you into the souls of asses, where you, too, like beasts are destined to go. And there is the exterior darkness and

342 343
Yusuf Ali, 179. Sahas, John of Damascus, 90-91. 344 Ibid., 91. 345 John Damascene, 158. 346 Ibid. See also Sahas, John of Damascus, 91-92. 347 Sahas, John of Damascus, 91. 348 Ibid. Sahas calls it a story. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 163
everlasting punishment, roaring fire, sleepless worms, and hellish demons.349 Johns sarcasm stands out here, and as the work moves on, John gets progressively more cavalier in his responses until, at a latter part of the work, he says that Muhammad says some other stupid and ridiculous things, which, because of their great number, I think must be passed over.350 Following the story of the she-camel, John Damascene mentions the story of The Table, taken from the fifth surah called Maida, which means The Table Spread.351 Specifically John is referencing ayah 114, which reads,
Said Jesus the son of Mary: O God our Lord! Send us from heaven a table set (with viands) that there may be for usfor the first and last of usa solemn festival and a Sign from Thee and provide for our sustenance for Thou art the best Sustainer (of our needs).352
John writes, Mohammed says that the Christ asked God for a table and that it was given Him. For God, he says, said to Him: I have given to thee and thine an incorruptible table.353 Sahas correctly points out that Muhammad understood the Lords Supper to be an actual meal and John was likely referencing the sacrament to once again substantiate his conviction that Islam was a heresy. Finally, and to further vindicate this point, John closes the work with a mention of a law made by Muhammad in which he instructed the Islamic community,
that they be circumcised and the women, too, and he ordered them not to keep the Sabbath and not to be baptized. And, while he ordered them to eat some of the things forbidden by the Law, he ordered them to abstain from others. He furthermore absolutely forbade the drinking of wine.354

John Damascene, 159. Ibid. 351 Yusuf Ali, 238. 352 Ibid., 279. 353 John Damascene, 159. 354 Ibid., 159-60.
349 350
164
Sahas mentions that circumcision is part of a larger conception of ablution and cleanliness within Islam.355 This is likely Johns last effort to expose Islam as a corruption of Christianity. The rejections of the Sabbath and baptism were intentional moves by the Muslim community to separate themselves from the Christians,356 and it is likely that John perceived these decisions to be further proof of his thesis that Islam was indeed a heresy. He also likely would have seen the abstinence from wine as an element of legalism, given his defence of the use of wine in the mass in De Orthodoxa Fide.357 The Heresy of the Ishmaelites was likely designed by John Damascene to serve as a kind of introduction to Christians who were unfamiliar with the particulars of the faith that now ruled in Syria and beyond. It was meant to inform the Christian both of what these Ishmaelites believed and of why the Christian faith was intrinsically superior.358 Sahas final sentence concerning this particular work calls the heretical designation of Islam its significance and its weakness!359 This quick dismissal of Johns work is somewhat surprising and much too hasty. Though many if not most would disagree with Johns decision to call the Islamic faith a corruption of orthodox Christianity, John Damascenes decision frames his approach and exposes the powerful reality that these two faiths raise many of the same religious questions. John thought Islam to be a heresy, and that the Ishmaelites themselves were infidels. Yet Johns decision to place Islam in a class of adulterated Christianities reveals something that John himself missed. Christianity and Islam should be more capable than any other two faiths (except perhaps Christianity and Judaism) to gain much by dialoguing and debating with one another because apologetic common ground exists in great abundance.

Sahas, John of Damascus, 94. Ibid. 357 John Damascene, 357. 358 Sahas, John of Damascus, 94. 359 Ibid., 95.
355 356
165
5 Conclusion: the value of context affirmed The Arab conquest and subsequent transition of power profoundly changed the landscape of seventh and eighth-century Byzantium. John Damascene witnessed shifts in culture, language, politics and even faith as the Byzantines began to respond and submit to Arab rule. Johns work is like a mirror, reflecting the changes that were in progress in the places where he lived, worked and wrote, and these changes help explain why John called Islam a heresy. The end of Heraclius reign and the establishment of the caliphate meant that the ruling authorities no longer distinguished between the Orthodox and Unorthodox Christians. Heresy, as defined by the Byzantine Christians, was permitted to grow and did not face the persecution known under the now crumbling Byzantine authority. De Haeresibus discusses the Heresy of the Ishmaelites as one among several heresies that defy and endanger orthodoxy. The Orthodox Church was now under pressure to deal with heresy on its own, without the aid of state influence and intervention. This stimulated a renewed commitment to Orthodoxy, as things are often more fiercely protected when they are endangered. John Damascenes systematic work, De Orthodoxa Fide, provided the firm foundation that eastern Christians were looking for, and it gave concise definitions to those things that were being fiercely disputed. The Arab victories all over the empire sealed the fate of waning triumphalism and stimulated the growth of apologies and disputations. The focus was now internal, and the bishops issued heartfelt calls to their congregation to do warfare of a spiritual kind. The Christians victory was no longer in battles and banners, but in the sacraments, the liturgy and personal purity from every kind of sin. The Christian was now fighting for the internal purity of the faith, and understood the need to have a clear answer to this new faith that challenged the core elements of the Christian message. Islam was one of the many challenges that threatened the Christian faith, and so it was seen in a similar light to the heresies of Nestorianism and Arianism. The claims to truth made by Islam over and against the doctrines of Christianity forced the Church to establish a re-
166
sponse to these new challenges. The criterion for evaluating the authenticity of a prophet was now a central question in dialogues with the new rulers of Byzantium, and this reality can be seen in John Damascenes work when he attempts to address this problem. John confronts the Ishmaelite heresy by attempting to demonstrate that Muhammad was not a true prophet and, by doing so, he was answering a question that, apart from his context in the now Arab kingdom, would not have been significant or even discussed. Furthermore, these Ishmaelites denied Jesus deity, death and subsequent resurrection, arguably the core elements of the Christian gospel. John Damascene understood that these were and still are foundational aspects of the Christian message and his work seeks to protect Orthodox Christology in light of the challenges from Islam. Finally, Johns Arabic education and familiarity with the books of the Arabsand likely the Quran itselfallowed John to present a picture of Islam that was remarkably accurate. His work therefore would have been an invaluable resource to the Christian community in Damascus and beyond in aiding the Church to address the threat of this new heresy. Johns work would likely have been useless if it did nothing but perpetuate misunderstandings and straw men. Fortunately for those eighth-century Byzantines, Johns familiarity with Islam and his time spent in the caliphs court make his work and specifically his exposition of Islam to be a useful resource to those seeking answers concerning this new faith. Because of his context, his education, his background and his experience, John Damascene was able to offer the Christian community resources that could be used by Christian leadership and layman alike. He helped the Church to arrive at conclusions illuminated by knowledge and strengthened by understanding. This could not have happened had John not possessed the background and experience that he did, enabling him to be the most one of the most excellent candidates to aid the Byzantine Christians in understanding this new faith of the Arabs, and providing a competent, accurate apologetic. With regard to further research, I would recommend an investigation into Johns mention of Bahira being an Arian monknot a
Nestorian. When John Damascene calls Islam a heresy, he is very likely perceiving it to be an offshoot of Arianism. Johns designation of Bahira as an Arian comes before Ibn Ishaqs designation as a Nestorian. Therefore, the question of Arian influence on early Islam is worthy of further inquiry.
Bibliography
Alexander, Paul J. The Strength of the Empire and Capital as Seen Through Byzantine Eyes. Speculum 37, no. 3 (July 1962): 339-57. Beaumont, Mark Ivor. Early Christian Interpretation of the Quran. Transformation 22, no.4 (October 2005): 195-203. Berkhof, Louis. The History of Christian Doctrines. Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 2002. Brock, S.P. Syriac Views of Emergent Islam. In Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society, edited by G.H.A. Juynboll, 9-21. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1982. Cameron, Averil. The Church in the Byzantine Dark Ages. London: Friends of Dr. Williamss Library, 1993. Chase, Frederic H, trans. Saint John of Damascus: Writings. New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1958. Deane, Herbert A. The Political and Social Ideas of St. Augustine. New York: Columbia University Press, 1966. Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, Dumbarton Oaks Papers: Number Eighteen. Washington, DC: The Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 1964. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks Papers: Numbers Nine and Ten. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1956.
168
Dvornik, Francis. Early Christian and Byzantine Political Philosophy: Origins and Background. Vol. 2. Washington, DC: The Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 1966. Eusebius, Church History. Translated by Arthur Cushman McGiffert. In Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 1: Eusebius: Church History, Life of Constantine the Great and Oration in Praise of Constantine, edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, 73-387. Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004. Grabar, Oleg. Islamic Art and Byzantium. In Dumbarton Oaks Papers: Number Eighteen, Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 69-88. Washington, DC: The Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 1964. Griffith, Sidney. Melkites, Jacobites and the Christological Controversies in Arabic in Third/Ninth Century Syria. In Syrian Christians Under Islam: The First Thousand Years, edited by David Thomas, 9-55. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2001. Grypeou, Emmanouela, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, eds. The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Hawting, G.R. The First Dynasty of Islam: The Ummayad Caliphate (661-750). Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987. Holt, P.M., Ann K.S. Lambton and Bernard Lewis, eds. The Cambridge History of Islam: Volume 1: The Central Islamic Lands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Hoyland, Robert G. Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam. Princeton: The Darwin Press, Inc., 1997. Hoyland, Robert G. The Rise of Islam. In The Oxford History of Byzantium, edited by Cyril Mango, 121-128. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Ishaq, Ibn. The Life of Muhammad. Translated by A. Guillaume Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.
Janosik, Daniel. John of Damascus: First Apologist to Muslims, paper presented at the Evangelical Theology Society Conference, Providence, RI, November 20, 2008. Juynboll, G.H.A., ed. Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1982. Kaegi, Walter E. Byzantium and the Decline of Rome. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968. Kaegi, Walter E. Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Kennedy, Hugh. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. New York: Longman, 1999. Lapidus, I.M. The Arab Conquests and the Formation of Islamic Society. In Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society, edited by G.H.A. Juynboll, 49-72. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1982. Louth, Andrew. St. John Damascene: Tradition and Originality in Byzantine Theology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Mango, Cyril, ed. The Oxford History of Byzantium. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Moorehead, J. The Monophysite Response to the Arab Invasions. Byzantion 51 (1981): 579-91. Meyendorff, J. "Byzantine Views of Islam." In Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Number Eighteen, Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 115-32. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964. Olster, David M. Roman Defeat, Christian Response, and the Literary Construction of the Jew. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994. Olster, David M. Justinian, Imperial Rhetoric and the Church. Byzantinoslavica, 50 (1989): 165-76.
170
Reinink, G.J. Early Christian reactions to the building of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. Xristianskij Vostok 2 no.8. (2001): 227-41. Reinink, G.J. Political Power and Right Religion in the East Syrian Disputation between a Monk of Bet Hale and an Arab Notable. In The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, 153-69. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Roggema, Barbara. Muslims as Crypto-IdolatersA Theme in the Christian Portrayal of Islam in the Near East. In Christian at the Heart of Islamic Rule: Church Life and Scholarship In Abbasid Iraq, edited by David Thomas, 1-18. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2003. Sahas, Daniel J. John of Damascus on Islam: The Heresy of the Ishmaelites. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1972. Sahas, Daniel J. The Face to Face Encounter between Patriarch Sophronius of Jerusalem and the Caliph Umar Ibn al-Kattab: Friends or Foes? In The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, 33-44. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Sarris, Peter. The Eastern Roman Empire from Constantine to Heraclius (306-641). In The Oxford History of Byzantium, edited by Cyril Mango, 19-70. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Schaff, Philip and Henry Wace, eds. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 1: Eusebius: Church History, Life of Constantine the Great and Oreation in Praise of Constantine. Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004. Schaff, Philip and Henry Wace, eds. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 2: Socrates, Sozomenus: Church Histories. Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004. Smither, Edward L. Augustine as Mentor: A Model for Preparing Spiritual Leaders. Nashville: B&H Academic, 2008.
171
Smither, Edward L Augustine the Exile and the City of God. Paper presented at the First International Conference, University of Tunis-el Manar, December 4, 2004. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History. Translated by A.C. Zenos. In Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 2: Socrates, Sozomenus: Church Histories, edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, 1-178. Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004. Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, VI. Translated by Chester D. Hartranft In Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Volume 2: Socrates, Sozomenus: Church Histories, edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, 179-427. Peabody: Hendrickson, 2004. Suermann, Harold. Copts and the Islam of the Seventh Century. In The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, 95-109. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Swanson, Mark N. Folly to the Hunafa: The Crucifixion in Early Christian-Muslim Controversy. In The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, 237-56. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Swartley, Keith, ed. Encountering the World of Islam. Atlanda: Authentic Media, 2005. Swartley, Keith, ed. Quran, Hadith, and Sharia. In Encountering the World of Islam, edited by Keith Swartley, 83-87. Atlanta: Authentic Media, 2005. Thomas, David. Christian Theologians and New Questions. In The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, 257-76. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Thomas, David, ed. Christians at the Heart of Islamic Rule: Church Life and Scholarship in Abbasid Iraq. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2003.
172
Thomas, David, trans. and ed. Early Muslim polemic against Christianity: Abu Ìs al-Warraq's "Against the Incarnation." Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Thomas, David, ed. Syrian Christians Under Islam: The First Thousand Years. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2001. Tolan, John V. Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. Vaglieri, Laura Veccia. The Patriarchal and Umayyad Caliphates. In The Cambridge History of Islam: Volume 1: The Central Islamic Lands, edited by P.M. Holt, Ann K.S. Lambton and Bernard Lewis, 57-103. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Van Ginkel, Jan J. The Perception and Presentation of the Arab Conquest in Syriac Historiography: How did the Changing Social Position of the Syrian Orthodox Community Influence the Account of their Historiographers? In The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam, edited by Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark Swanson, and David Thomas, 171-84. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006. Vasiliev, A.A. The Iconoclastic Edict of the Caliph Yazid II, A.D. 721. In Dumbarton Oaks Papers: Numbers Nine and Ten, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 23-47. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1956. Versfeld, Marthinus. A Guide to The City of God. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1958. Yeor, Bat. The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam. Translated by David Maisel and David Littman. 1985. Reprint. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2005. Yusuf Ali, Abdullah, trans. The Holy Quran. Elmhurst, New York: Tahrike Tarsile Quran, Inc., 2005.
173
THE TRIAL: A CAUTIONARY TALE FOR CRYPTO-INFIDELS

By Jeff M orton 1 All week you have been reading articles, essays and blogs about this thing called insider movements (IM).2 Your brain is full of information you are still trying to sort out. That night, as you lie in bed, and before you can begin counting the fat sheep struggling to jump the fence, you begin dreaming. You find yourself in a courtroom with dark mahogany panelled walls. It gives the room an august and solemn feeling. Sunlight spills in through the very tall windows, the pillars of light pushing in at an angle that reveals it is morning. The room is full of the buzzing of people awaiting the trial. I. M. Muslim, the defendant, sits at the long wooden table near the front of the courtroom. He seems amazingly calm for such a dramatic day. An average looking man, there is nothing to mark him as different from most other people except the peaceful look on his face. You do not know how you know his name; you just do. The defendants lawyer is a crusty old man in a dark wrinkled suit, his glasses perched on the end of his nose. He is bent over his note pad writing last minute notes. This is not the first trial for Hardy

1 Jeff Morton is a missionary with SIM and i2 Ministries. He has worked among Muslims in West Africa (9 years) and in the U.S. since 1994. He holds both the M.Div. and D.Miss. from Biola where he is also an adjunct. Jeff is the author of the soon-to-be-released Two Messiahs (Biblica, April 2011). He and Debbie have four children; his favorite food is malted milk balls. 2 There are various names used for insiders: Muslim believers (Jameson and Scalevich 36), biblical Muslims (Brown, Biblical Muslims 73), born-again Muslims (Travis and Woodberry 28), C5 believers (Travises Appropriate 407), followers of the Straight Way (Jameson and Scalevich 34), Isahi Muslim (Greeson 35), Jesus following Muslims (Travis and Woodberry 28), Messianic Muslims (Brown, Biblical Muslims 67), Muslim followers of Christ (Travis Must all Muslims 411), Muslim follower of Jesus (Travis and Woodberry 25), Muslims for Isa (Culver 61), and Muslims who are heart-and-soul followers of Jesus Christ, (Winter 5). IM advocates assiduously avoid announcing themselves to Muslims as Christians. Apparently it has once again become a pejorative as in the New Testament!
174
Herrin, but it will be his last. His wife is after him to retire so they can move to be near their children and grandchildren. Opposite both of them is the impeccably dressed prosecutor, Abdul Din. With slicked-back hair, Din is known for his sartorial savvy as much as his prosecutorial prowess. And no, he is not known as Abe to his friends, but Abdul. He sits straight in his chair as if the chair were the slave and he the master. He glances at the defendant, smiles to himself, and turns again to face the front of the room. Suddenly a door in the front of the room bolted open. A small man quickly made his way to the bench. The bailiff intoned, All rise. When the judge was seated the bailiff sang out, You may be seated. The man in the gown was not large or imposing, but he moved quickly and with precise, almost birdlike motions. The nameplate before him read Haqq al-Quran. He alone would judge the case as the defendant opted for a judge-only trial. The judge picked up a sheet of paper and began to read, intermittently peering over the sheet to look at the defendant. This is the case of the state versus Mr. I. M. Muslim in which the defendant is charged with being a crypto-infidel, a non-Muslim pretending to be a Muslim. The offense carries the penalty of the shame of being a liar. He put down the paper, folding his hands in front of him. Nodding towards the prosecutor, the judge said, Mr. Din, if you are ready for opening statements. Thank you, your honour. Abdul Din stood tall behind his table and began his address. Your honour, the case before you is really quite simple and we believe we will be able to prove to you the merits of our arguments. They are as follows: We will prove to you that Mr. Muslim, motioning to the defendant on his left, has been living as a Muslim while secretly calling himself a Christian or to be more precise a Muslim follower of Jesus;i we have ironclad evidence of this and we have even stronger evidence that this is not something condoned by our religion, Islam. Your honour, in a nutshell, that is our case.
Din sat down. You thought he had the look of a man who had just made his boast come true. Self-confidence was never a problem for Abdul Din. Haqq al-Quran showed no emotion and turned to the defence. Mr. Herrin, your opening statement, please. The old man rose slowly. He removed his glasses with his left hand and in thin, reedy voice said, Thank you your honour. My clients case is indeed a simple one. Its not a secret he has been living as a Muslim. It is also not against sharia for him to do so; in fact, he is compliant with the law. Therefore, your honour, I intend to show the prosecutors case is nothing but hot air and fluff; a futile attempt to discredit an honest man who has done no more than submit himself to Allah.3 Mr. Hardy Herrin, Esq., sat down. He put his glasses on so they once again perched precariously on the end of his rather long nose. Call your first witness, counsellor, the judge said. He looked impatient as if he had already made up his mind about the case. We have only one witness, your honour. The defence calls the defendant, I. M. Muslim, to the stand, said Mr. Herrin. After Mr. Muslim was sworn in his lawyer began the questioning. Mr. Muslim, are you indeed a Muslim? Clearing his throat, he said, Yes. I am a Muslim. I am submitted to Allah* through Isa al Masih. Hardy Herrin stood up from his chair and carefully made his way to the witness stand where he leaned on one elbow for his next question. Mr. Muslim, will you right now, in this court of law, take the shahada in front of all these witnesses?
Muslim etiquette requires certain blessings follow Allah (subhanahu wa-ta'ala / may he be glorified and exalted) and Muhammad (sallallahu 'alaihi wasallam / may the blessings and the peace of Allah be upon him). For this paper the asterisk (*) will replace the appropriate phrase. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 176
The witness smiled and said, Ash-hadu anna la ilaha illa allah wa ash-hadu anna Muhammadu rasul allah.4 The lawyer turned towards the audience; he looks right at you. He said nothing and then a sly grin grew on his face. He turned back to the witness and asked, Do you attend the masjid whenever possible, and almost every Friday, Mr. Muslim? Yes. And what do you do in the masjid? I perform wudhu, then salat, and listen to the khutbah. Mr. Muslim, do you perform salat five times each day? Yes.5 Mr. Muslim, do you read the Holy Quran?6 Yes. Do you study the hadith and try to emulate the prophet Muhammad?*7 Yes. Mr. Muslim, is it fair to say you are a Muslim?8 Immediately the prosecutor rose. Objection your honour. This is what the trial is all about. Its the courts responsibility to decide if the defendant is Muslim or not.

4 Some proponents of insider movements (IM) believe the insider may continue to recite the shahada with no negative results (cf. Brown, Biblical Muslims 73 and Travises, Appropriate 407). To be fair, most proponents believe only the first half of the creed should be repeated there is no god but Allah. This assumes, of course, Allah of the Quran is YHWH of the Bible. 5 Certain advocates of IM associate the prayers of believers with salat (cf. Jameson and Scalevich 33 and Winship 196). 6 Jamie Winship calls the Quran a pointer to the Gospel (Winship 198). Mr. Winship forgets the Quran also points to a Christ who neither died nor resurrected; who made clay birds come to life; and in the hadith kills innocent children and talks as an infant from his mothers arms. Does this point to the Gospel? 7 Muhammad may not be divine, but he often remains a prophet for insiders (cf. Dutch 17; Kraft, Anthropology 213-4; Travises, Appropriate 407; and Higgins, Identity 117). 8 For most IMers, Muslim is more of a social category than a strictly religious affiliation (cf. Travis and Woodberry 27-8; Brown, Biblical Muslims 65; Jameson and Scalevich 34; Woodberry 25; and Lewis Insider) 18). I believe this reveals a misunderstanding of the nature of Islam due to a misdirected theology of religions.
177
Mr. Herrin turned to the judge and said, Your honour surely my esteemed colleague is mistaken to call my client an astronaut. The judge sighed loudly as if he had been through this before with Hardy Herrin. Mr. Herrin, he said, please turn up the hearing aid. He did not say astronaut, he said Muslim or not. Objection overruled the witness will answer the question. Mr. Herrin took out his hearing aid and appeared to adjust the hearing aid and placed it back in his ear. Yes, thank you your honour. That wont happen again. Now Mr. Muslim. He paused and looking up at the judge, said, Uhhh, if it please the court, may I have the record read back to me. The judge nodded to the court reporter, a young woman sitting off to the side, who pulled a long strip of paper from her machine and began reading:
Mr. Herrin: Mr. Muslim, do you read the Holy Quran? Defendant: Yes. Mr. Herrin: Do you study the hadith and try to emulate the prophet Muhammad?* Defendant: Yes. Mr. Herrin: Mr. Muslim, is it fair to say you are a Muslim?
She looked up from the manuscript. Uh, yes, thank you. Now Mr. Muslim, is it fair to say you are a Muslim? The defendant smiled broadly. Yes, I am a Muslim. I am submitted to Allah* through Isa al-Masih. I am a Muslim. He was nodding his head the entire time. Your honour, said Mr. Herrin as looked to the judge, this is my case. My client has confessed to being a Muslim. He is not a Christian. And may I remind the court that if a Muslim says he is a Muslim, other Muslims are obliged to believe him, for who can know the heart of a man but Allah?* Abdul Din stood to his feet and said, Your honour, Mr. Din stood and held out his hands palms up, is there a question here or has my esteemed colleague moved right into his closing statement?
178
Haqq al-Quran looked right into Mr. Herrins eyes. It is obvious to you he is not happy. Counsellor, if your case is finished sit down. Mr. Herrin moved to his seat as if nothing were wrong. He looked over to Abdul Din and said jauntily, Your witness. Still standing, Abdul Din pushed back his chair with a screech and instantly stood in front of the defendant. Now Mr. Muslim, you have testified you are a Muslim. You have recited the shahada for us, told us you perform the five daily prayers, attend juma prayers, and read the Quran. Is that correct? Mr. Muslim nodded his head, Yes. Lets explore the idea that you are a Muslim. You have repeatedly said you are a Muslim because you are submitted to Allah,* but you insist this is through Isa al-Masih. Just what do you mean by this? I obey Allah* by following and obeying the commands of Isa alMasih, the Spirit of Allah, the Word from Allah, and the Servant of Allah.* But why arent you submitted to Allah* through the prophet Muhammad*? No Muslim Ive ever known speaks of being submitted through Isa al-Masih except crypto-infidels. Are you a cryptoinfidel? I object most strenuously your honour. Mr. Herrin was struggling to stand. Finally with a screech from his chair as it slid backwards, he was able to stand, rather anticlimactically though. The judge pushed his hand through his hair stifling what was no doubt an unfavourable comment. Your honour, Mr. Herrin said, now whos making conclusions the court should? Mr. Din is now asking a question which sounds as if he is a first year student of theology. The comment did not impress Haqq al-Quran. Objection overruled. Mr. Herrin, the question is acceptable. Please sit down. Looking at Mr. Din, the judge said, Carry on counsellor. Yes, your honour. So, Mr. Muslim, are you a crypto-infidel? I dont know the meaning of the word. demurred the defendant.
I believe you do sir. Let me ask you this: Is Muhammad* the final prophet? Tell us what you really think about the prophet of Islam.* Muhammad* was rasullah. Moving close to the witness, Mr. Din said, Do you really believe that? Yes, I do. Now Mr. Muslim, since you claim to be a Muslim, I guess you wont mind telling the court what you think about the Trinity? Do you believe in the teaching of the Christians that Allah is a Trinity, a triunity? The Trinity, the word itself, is not found in the Bible. The doctrine was developed in the fourth century by Christians in order to further explain and elucidate the creeds and what they believed about the Father, the Son and Holy Ghost. The doctrine of the Trinity is, in other words, a later development that has nothing to do with my relationship to the Creator.9 This sounds strange to you, but you do not know why. Let me be sure I understand you, Mr. Muslim. You said the Trinity is a later development in Christianity, but you failed to answer the question: Do you believe in the Trinity? But Mr. Din, I did answer the question. The Trinity is not necessary for me to believe as one submitted to Allah* through Isa alMasih. When I stand before Allah* on the Last Day I will not be asked if I believe in the Trinity. My name will be written down in the book because I am submitted to Allah* through Isa al-Masih not because I believe in some Aristotelian construct. I see. The trinity is an Aristotelian construct. And perhaps youre the foreman erecting scaffolding over it to prevent us from seeing the structure behind it?
9 Our doctrines of the Trinity and hypostatic union of the divine and human natures of Christ are theological formulations of biblical data that were the result of the Western (Greek) philosophical mindset and language prevalent in the early centuries of the church (Talman 9; cf. Rick Brown, Salvation? 5).
180
The defendant looked blankly at Mr. Din who then said, Never mind. Abdul Din walked over to his own table and sat on the edge of it folding his arms across his finely tailored chest. Mr. Muslim, you testified to the performance of the five daily prayers. Please tell the court what you say when you pray. I recite sura al Fatihah as prescribed and during the prayer I recite portions of the Quran. Do you send blessings to the prophet of Islam?* I send blessings to the prophet Isa al-Masih. Abdul Din said nothing. His silence was purposeful, allowing the full impact of I. M. Muslims statement to register. Then Din said, So you look like you are performing salat, but you are not; isnt that correct? No, thats not true. I am performing salat. All my actions are absolutely correct. If you were to watch me pray you would not see any difference between me and any other Muslim. Then for emphasis, he said, I am performing salat. But you said you do not send blessings to Muhammad.* Sir, I suggest this is an aberration; this is not salat. Mr. Herrin began to rise, thought better of it, and said, Objection your honour. Besides being a flashy dresser, is Mr. Din also an expert in Islamic etiquette, theology, sharià, and practice? The judge said, Objection sustained. Mr. Din, leave the comments about theological aberration to your expert witness. Yes your honour. Mr. Din looked anything but recalcitrant. He turned again to the witness, saying, What Scriptures do you believe in? I believe Allah* has revealed himself in four books: the Tawrat, Zabur, Injil, and Quran.10 Do you believe in angels?
10 It is the dogmatic understanding of Islam that the four books inspired by Allah are the Torah (given to Moses), Zabur (Psalms, David), Injil (Gospel, Jesus), and Quran (cf. Brown, Biblical 65).
181
Of course. They are the messengers of Allah* created to do his bidding. Abdul Din rose from the table and sat behind it. Placing both elbows on the table, he said, Mr. Muslim, let me be blunt. Are you a Christian? The defendant did not speak immediately. He blinked, swallowed and said, Sir, if by Christian you mean do I attend church on Sunday, drink alcohol, eat pork, and love the nation of Israel? No I am not a Christian.11 Mr. Din crossed his arms on his chest again. But that is not what I mean by a Christian. Lets not play games sir. Are you a Christian? Do you believe Jesus died on the cross for your sins? I. M. Muslim smiled. Yes sir, Isa al-Masih died on the cross for my sins; but I want to state clearly that I am not a Christian. I am a Muslim follower of Isa. Islam is my heritage, but al-Masih is my inheritance.12 I have not left my heritage as a Muslim to follow Jesus; in fact, I have remained a committed Muslim all the while I have followed Jesus and submitted myself to Allah.* Thank you Mr. Muslim. You have been very clear. He smiled, stood, and said, Your honour, I have no further questions for this witness, but since the defence has finished presenting, may I call my one and only witness to the stand? He sat down. The judge looked over at Mr. Herrin who had been scribbling furiously on his notepad. Mr. Herrin, are you indeed finished with your case? Mr. Herrin peered from behind his glasses and said, Your honour, my case is finished. You mutter under your breath, Yeah, is more ways than one! The judge glares at you as if he heard. No one else heard; how could he?

11
For some in IM Christian is a socio-religious term that has lost its ability to accurately describe those who are following Jesus rather than being involved in religion (cf. Lewis, Insider 18 and Promoting 76). 12 Cf. Mallouhi 14. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 182
The judge said, Mr. Din, you may call your witness. Thank you, judge. The prosecution calls Abu Hamid al-Ghazali to the stand. Looking around the audience you notice their reactions and hear the oohs of admiration. The judge banged his gavel several times until there was silence. This is a court of law, not a peep show. Please show some decorum in my courtroom. Abu Hamid al-Ghazali made his way to the stand. He was a rather short, slender man, his head much too large for his body. He was balding in the front and on top, but had full a beard and no mustache. His beard with flecked with gray. You find it hard to take your eyes off his rather large head; it makes him seem like a bobble-head doll. Al-Ghazali took his oath and sat in the witness chair. Abdul Din rose from his chair, but remained behind the table. Dr. Ghazali, please state your full name and your address for the court. Abu Hamid al-Ghazali. I am a professor of sharia in Nishapur. Nishapur; thats in Persia, is it not Dr. Ghazali? He nodded his head. Let the record show, Abdul Din said, Dr. Ghazali responded affirmatively. Please remember doctor that the record is written; much to my chagrin Mr. Din swaggered a bit we have no cameras here to record your actions or mine. He smiled at alGhazali. Al-Ghazalis face hinted at being red for the moment. Now Dr. Ghazali, I want to ask you a series of questions that will help us understand your credentials as they pertain to this trial. After this well get into the details of the case as they relate to you and your studies. Objection, your honour! The old man raised his right hand with index finger in the air. The prosecutor has no business bringing in his buddies to the case. Haqq al-Quran stared at the old man, ran his hand through his dark hair again, bit his lip, and then said in a precise and measured tone, Mr. Herrin, the prosecutor said nothing about buddies he
183
is asking the witness and here the judge enunciated each syllable abouthisstudies. I thought you fixed that hearing aid. You chuckle at that. The old man lowered his hand. Objection withdrawn, your honour. And my apologies; new hearing aid. He shrugged and tapped at his ear. Carry on. the judge nodded to Abdul Din. Thank you, your honour. Now Dr. Ghazali, under whom did you study? I sat at the feet of Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni until I was 33 when the caliph called me to Baghdad and appointed me as professor of sharia. That was some 11 or 12 years ago now, isnt that right? Dr. Ghazali nodded. Then remembering the previous instructions said, Yes, thats correct. When I was about 37 I understood I was no closer to Allah* than an infidel. I realized my knowledge of theology, the Quran, the hadith, and the law didnt meet my hearts desire to know the ineffable One. So I left my position to discover what I was missing. Abdul Din, ever the actor, ambled toward the witness stand, stopped, and turned to the audience. Dr. Ghazali, would it be fair to say you had a crisis of faith? The witness did not seem bothered by the question, but did not answer it straightway. He looked at the judge, then turned toward the prosecutor. Yes. I think one could honestly describe it that way. You see, if I may explain, he said, looking up to the judge. Haqq al-Quran nodded for him to continue. My head was full of knowledge. I had answers to many questions questions that would probably never be asked. He laughed at this. But having answers and having peace and the comfort of knowing Allah* are two very different matters. When I came to the crisis of faith, as you called it here he made the quotation marks in the air I understood I was only a Muslim externally rather than internally as
184
well. I was involved in the pursuit of fame and status rather than purity and piety.13 The prosecutor was facing the witness now, his left hand in his coat pocket. But, you later found true religion, even finding yourself. How did this happen? Well, I suppose, al-Ghazali stroked his beard, you could say through contemplation and Sufi practices. I was able to restore my relationship with Allah* through 11 years of mendicant wanderings throughout Dar al-Islam, even performing hajj. The prosecutor took another step closer to the witness stand. And what else did you do during those years of your Sufi mendicant wanderings? I wrote treatises and books. About how many books have you written? I believe nearly 400. There was a slight rustle from the audience. The defendant looked over at Mr. Herrin, but he was not paying attention; still busy with that notepad. 400 hundred books! The prosecutor allowed that number to sink in. He continued. Did you write a book titled The Decisive Criterion for Distinguishing Islam from Masked Infidelity? Yes, he smiled. And will you please tell the court the major thesis of the book? Im most happy to talk about this subject. Dr. Ghazali moved to the edge of his seat; he relished the opportunity to shed light on this important but often overlooked topic. The Decisive Criterion is an attempt to help Muslims know who are infidels and who are not. For too long we have been accusing each other of heresy why, there are Muslims killing other Muslims for what one side perceives

13 In a most enviable feat of courage, al-Ghazl admitted to himself that his intention in pursuing religious knowledge had not been pure, that the pursuit of fame and status had been the motive behind all his achievementsand that when all had been said and done he was religiously almost bankrupt, in his own mind, destined for Hell (Jackson 35-6).
185
as heresy. So, my book addresses two audiences: the extremists and the zanadqa, the crypto-infidels. Extremists are Muslims who give validity only to their own interpretation of Islam. So the Ashàrites, Mu`tazilites, the Hanbalites, verily all the many schools of Islamic thought, are only able to see their own interpretation as authentic. Too often such parochial enterprises lead to opprobrium and making every other group kaffirun or infidels. The second audience is the crypto-infidels. They often appeal to figurative or purely metaphorical interpretations to support their non-Islamic teachings. To be clear, the zanadqa are mostly the philosophers, but the category includes anyone who rejects the prophet of Islam.* The prosecutor interrupted Dr. Ghazali. So you could say your book helps us understand who are kaffirun and who are not. When I am finished reading your book it should be clear in my own mind who are the infidels, or the unbelievers, and who are the believers. Is that correct? Well, yes, but there is so much more in the book. For instance I discuss Yes, the book is quite rich Dr. Ghazali, but please pardon me. I want us to stay with the matter at hand. You have heard the testimony of the defendant, I. M. Muslim, isnt that correct? The doctor nods his head. Yes, I heard it. You heard him recite the shahada. Does that definitively make Mr. Muslim a Muslim? Al-Ghazali laughed. Of course not. Unless you believe a camel in your tent make it family. Abdul Din stood to the left of Dr. Ghazali, keeping the judge within his vision. Sir, you heard the defendant state he performs the five daily prayers. Does that definitively make him a Muslim. Dr. Ghazali grew pensive and wrinkled his brow. That is a difficult question to answer without getting inside the mans heart and head. Well the prosecutor said. If I may, sir, I would like to explain a bit more about salat. Abdul Din nodded.
186
Salat is one of those activities of our religion that bring relief from the diseases of the heart. Our prophet* gave us very precise directions on how we must perform the worship; one of those instructions is to bless the house of Muhammad.14 This is something we must do in our prayers; it is prescribed by Allah. Allah said, The Worship was prescribed and timed for the believers15 and the fact that Mr. Muslim does not pray the prayer means he believes Muhammad* is a liar. Abdul Din said, Lets focus more tightly on our subject. In your opinion, what is it that qualifies one as a Muslim? What are the definitive beliefs, actions, ideals, values or criteria that make a man submitted to Allah?* Yes, now we have come to the heart of the matter. In my book I state that a man can only be called an infidel if he violates any one or all of the following three theological doctrines. First the belief in Allah.* He is one. Let a man state this and he is on the right path. Secondly, a man must accept the prophethood of Muhammad* believing everything he brought to be truth. If a man does this, he continues on the path to true Islam. Third, if a man would be a true Muslim he will believe in the Last Day, the Day of Judgment when Allah* judges us all. Al-Ghazali nearly stood up with this last statement. The prosecutor said nothing, but smiled and waited for him to resume. You smile too. Dr. Ghazali is excitable and enthusiastic about his subject. Dr. Ghazali sat back into his chair. He raised three fingers and said, Believing in the three foundational principles makes one a Muslim. This is iman, faith; but to reject any or all of the three criteria is kufr, unbelief. He put his hand down. The prosecutor stood back from the witness a step and said, In your expert opinion, is Mr. Muslim who he says he is? Is he a Muslim?

14 15
Al-Ghazali, Beginning 114. Q4:104. 187
Does a fat man use less soap than a skinny man? Al-Ghazali chucked. Sorry. No, I would have to say unequivocally, no. There is no such thing as a Muslim follower of Christ. This is simply a semantic game; it means the man is a Christian. Since Mr. Muslim is really a Christian, he is by definition, an unbeliever, an infidel. I cant say this more strongly: Mr. Muslim is a crypto-infidel. He is an unbeliever in Muslim garb; a wolf in sheeps clothing. If you hold what you think is a shwarma sandwich but your first bite proves it to be peanut butter and jelly, you know youve been hoodwinked. No, he is an impostor; a deceiver; he is not a Muslim. I must say, al-Ghazali continued, the defendant reminds me of another group of whom I wrote in one of my books. I wrote of the people who show great politeness to Islam. They read the Quran, attend juma prayers and they honour the traditions but this cadre of scoundrels, when you ask them why they attend the prayers, are likely to answer, Its good exercise. Or if you queried them about why they honour the Quran, but in the quiet of their homes they drank wine, they might say, Yes, the Quran is revelation, but wine is only forbidden because it can cause abusive behaviour. I am sufficiently guarding myself against that. Besides, I take the wine to actually help my mind.16 I have one final question Dr. Ghazali. Please tell the court how you define unbelief in your book. Ah yes. This should make it abundantly obvious. Kufr is believing that which the prophet* brought was a lie. That is to say, if one thinks anything the prophet said was untrue, that person is an infidel.17 And what did you hear from Mr. Muslim that makes you believe he thinks the prophet* is a liar? Why, the lie that Jesus died for him or for anyone for goodness sake! The Holy Quran has recorded for us the clear statement: They did not kill him, nor did they crucify him, but they thought

16 17
Al Ghazali, Deliverance 78-9. Al Ghazali, Decisive 113. 188
they did.18 To say that Jesus died on the cross when Muhammad* said he did not reveals Mr. Muslim believes our prophet* is a liar. No, no, the man is no Muslim, but a Christian and therefore an infidel. Thank you Dr. Ghazali. The prosecution rests. The judge looked at Mr. Herrin. Does counsel for the defence wish to cross examine the witness? Mr. Herrins chair screeched backwards and he stood as if he were an unfolding piece of origami. Yes, your honour, I wish to question the witness. Dr. Ghazali, thank you for coming all the way from Persia. Just a few questions if you please. Al-Ghazali shrugged and said, Shahhh, it was my pleasure, and sat back into his chair. What do you believe is the definitive and authoritative source for Muslims? Do you want the long answer or the short? Al-Ghazali smiled. If you please, the short. Mr. Herrin did not return the smile. The simple answer is, of course, Allah: he is the source of all authority. Thats fine. So would you agree that it is more important to hear what Allah* has to say on a particular subject or what a scholar might say? Allah,* of course. Excellent. Now Dr. Ghazali, where can we go to find what Allah* says? What is the source or the place or the book that has the thoughts of Allah?* The Quran. Yes, thats right; the Quran. Perhaps you would be so good as to tell us where, in the Quran, the definition you provided of an infidel is found? It was hard to tell if al-Ghazali was smiling, frowning or angry; his Mona Lisa-like stare was indecipherable. Where in the Quran, sir, are we told the definition of faith?

18
Q4:156. 189
Mr. Herrin turned to the judge. Your honour, please instruct the witness to answer the question. I am neither the witness nor am I on trial. Before the judge could respond, al-Ghazali quipped, And neither is the Quran nor am I on trial. Haqq al-Quran banged his gavel. Dr. Ghazali, you must answer the question. Please refrain from answering the question with a question. Al-Ghazali looked far from being contrite, but said, Yes your honour. I apologize, but I am used to teaching here he turned to Mr. Herrin and asking questions is often the best method of helping a struggling student with his studies. You find it hard not to chuckle at that; even some in the audience are stifling their grins. The judged twisted in his chair toward al-Ghazali. Dr. Ghazali please answer the question. Yes your honour. Sir, you asked me where in the Quran the definition of an infidel is found. The answer is that it is not found in the holy word of Allah.* So we agree we should go to Allah* for our authority, yet you are asking us to take your word over Allahs on what an infidel is? Al-Ghazali was visibly agitated with the question, but his tone was even and calm. If Allah* does not tell us, we must use our reason and analogy to determine how to understand the realities of religion. The Quran provides many examples of infidels, many illustrations, but no definitive word that allows us to make decisions about those who call themselves Muslims. Hence, using the reason Allah* has provided, using analogous reasoning, employing the study of the hadith as it has been received and transmitted to the ummah, and understanding the consensus of the ummah, we can find a definitive understanding of an infidel. And it is as I have stated. I am not sure the court should take the word of a backwoods theologian over that of Allah, sniped Mr. Herrin. Al-Ghazali showed no emotion. Objection your honour, said the prosecutor. Mr. Herrin is badgering the witness.
Objection overruled. Keep your shirt buttoned Mr. Din. I believe the good doctor can take care of himself. Then to Mr. Herrin, the judge said, Do you have any more questions for the witness? No, your honour. I believe Ive made my point. Mr. Herrin sat down and al-Ghazali made his way from the front to his seat in the audience. Haqq al-Quran said, We will now hear closing arguments. Mr. Herrin, you will proceed and Mr. Din you will follow. Thank you your honour, said Mr. Herrin. He removed his glasses and began. My closing statement will be brief. The prosecution has failed to provide proof from the Quran that my client is not a Muslim or that he is an infidel. In fact, his case shows just the opposite: my client is a Muslim and all the charges must be dropped. My client has taken shahada in this very court. He attends juma prayers and believes the Quran to be the holy word of Allah.* He is every bit a Muslim as the prosecutor, or as you judge. The facts of the case demand you find my client innocent. He is a Muslim. He replaced his glasses. Abdul Din immediately stood and began a slow deliberate pace in the front of the courtroom. Your honour, this case has been about determining whether or not the defendant is a Muslim or a Christian. My esteemed colleague has spoken of the facts being clear. Let me list the facts as we know them. First, he said, standing still, the defendant does many things Muslims do he attends the masjid, performs a form of salat, reads the Quran and so forth. Secondly, the defendant admits his form of salat is not correct as he does not send the required blessings to Muhammad. And since we know the form of salat was received from the prophet himself,* Mr. Muslim makes the prophet a liar by not performing the prayer as did the prophet,* but as he, Mr. Muslim so desires. This is not what a Muslim does. Thirdly, the defendant makes the prophet Muhammad* a liar by continuing to believe Isa was crucified for him. The Quran is clear,
191
as Dr. Ghazali pointed out: Isa al-Masih was not crucified. Again, the defendant has made a mockery of the Holy Quran. Fourthly, the facts presented by Dr. Ghazali stand as unassailable. True, the Quran does not tell us precisely about infidelity, and it speaks with the same precision about iman or faith. Therefore, we must rely upon all that is at our disposal for determining how best to understand the meaning of the word kafr. No person has done more definitive work in this area than has Dr. Ghazali. And so it is with the greatest respect that I remind the court about Dr. Ghazalis credentials. His book, The Decisive Criterion, is called by Sherman Jackson, One of the most thoughtful and illuminating theological essays in the history of Islam.19 The Islamic Encyclopedia calls Dr. Ghazali one of the most celebrated scholars in the history of Sufi thought.20 He is called the famous theologian by Sajjad Rizvi.21 Dr. Ghazali is even known as the proof of Islam.22 There is no person other than the prophet Muhammad himself* whom we might call on to answer this question for us. And so your honour, the prosecution rests and asks you to find the defendant guilty of the charge of being a crypto-infidel rather than a Muslim. Abdul Din stood silent for a second and then walked to his chair. He sat down. The judge cleared his throat and looks directly at you. How do you find the defendant? Beeee-boop, beeee-boop, beeee-boop Instantly you wake up to the alarm. You slam it off. Whew! What a dream, but that nagging question remains. How do you find the defendant: guilty or innocent?

Jackson xiv. http://abqari.com/al-ghazali.html. 21 Sajjad Rizvi, Philosophy Medieval Islamic Civilization, vol. 2, Josef W. Meri, ed., (NY: Routledge, 2006) 611. 22 Found in many places, including al-Ghazalis own Letter to a Disciple.
19 20
192
Bibliography
Brown, Rick. What Must One Believe about Jesus for Salvation International Journal of Frontier Missions 17:4 (Winter 2000): www.ijfm.org/PDFs_IJFM/17_4_PDFs/02_Brown_Beliefs_hw.pd f Brown, Rick. Biblical Muslims. International Journal of Frontier Missions 24:2 (Summer 2007): 65-74. Culver, Jonathan. The Ishmael Promise and Contextualization among Muslims, International Journal of Frontier Missions17:1 (Spring 2000): 61-70. Dutch, Bernard. Should Muslims Become Christians? International Journal of Frontier Missions17:1 (Spring 2000) www.ijfm.org/PDFs_ IJFM/17_1_PDFs/Muslims_as_Christians.pdf Al Ghazali, Abu Hamid. The Beginning of Guidance, W. Montgomery Watt, trans. (Oxford: Oneworld, 2004). Al Ghazali, Abu Hamid. The Decisive Criterion for Distinguishing Islam from Masked Infidelity. Sherman Jackson, trans. (Karachi: Oxford, 2009). Al Ghazali, Abu Hamid. The Deliverance from Error and Attachment to the Lord of Might and Majesty, W. Montgomery Watt, trans. (Oxford: Oneworld, 2004) Greeson The Camel: How Muslims are Coming to Christ. (Arkadelphia, AR:WIGTake Resources, 2007). Jackson, Sherman. On the Boundaries of Theological Tolerance in Islam: Abu Hamid al-Ghazalis Faysal al-Tafriqa, Sherman Jackson, trans. Studies in Islamic Philosophy, S. Nomanul Haq, ed. (Karachi: Oxford Press, 2009). Higgins, Kevin. Identity, Integrity and Insider Movements: A Brief Paper Inspired by Timothy Tennents Critique of C-5 Thinking. International Journal of Frontier Missions 23:3 (Fall 2007): 117-123.
193
Jameson, Richard and Nick Scalevich. First Century Jews and Twentieth Century Muslims. International Journal of Frontier Missions 17:1 (Spring 2000) www.ijfm.org/PDFs_IJFM/17_1_PDFs/Jews_and_Muslims.pdf Kraft, Charles H. Anthropology for Christian Witness. NY: Orbis, 1996. Lewis, Rebecca. Promoting Movements to Christ within Natural Communities. International Journal of Frontier Missions 24:2 (Summer 2007): 75-76. Lewis, Rebecca. Insider Movements: Honoring God-Given Identity and Community. IJFMs 26:1 (Spring 2009): 16-19. Mallouhi, Mazhar. Comments on the Insider Movement. St. Francis Magazine 5:5 (October 2009): 3-14. Talman, Harley. Comprehensive Contextualization. International Journal of Frontier Missions 21:1 (Spring 2004): 6-12. Travis, John. Must All Muslims Leave Islam to Follow Jesus? Evangelical Missions Quarterly 34 (October 1998): 411-415. www.mysite.verizon.net/vzexhwuu/sitebuildercontent/sitebuilderfi les/travis_must_all_muslim.pdf Travis, John and Anna. Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts in Appropriate Christianity. Ed. Charles H. Kraft. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 2005. 397-414. Travis, John and J. Dudley Woodberry. When Gods Kingdom Grows Like Yeast: Frequently Asked Questions About Jesus Movements Within Muslim Communities. MF (July-August 2010): 24-30. Winship, Jamie. From Bandung to Baghdad: A Journey to the Inside. IJFM 25:4 (Winter 2008): 193-198. Winter, Ralph. Editorial comment. MF September-October 2005:5. Woodberry, J. Dudley. To the Muslim I Became a Muslim? International Journal of Frontier Missions 24:1 (Spring 2007): 23-28.
WHAT IS THE QURAN?

A Moroccan Intellectuals Critique Of the Qurans Ethical Teachings By Rev Bassam M . M adany 1 1 Introduction Since the early years of the 19th century, Muslim reformists have been grappling with the problem of tahdith (modernization) and tajdid (renewal). One of the earliest reformers was Jamal al-Din alAfghani (1838-1897). He left several disciples to continue his work; among them were the Egyptian Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), followed by Qasim Amin (1856-1908) and Ali Abd al-Raziq (18881966). They admired the progress of European nations, fought the British occupation of their country, and looked for a revival of a vitalized form of Islam that would face the rising challenge of European imperialism. Early in the past century, Taha Hussein, a graduate of al-Azhar University in Cairo and of the Sorbonne in Paris, joined his predecessors in attempting to further the cause of reform. He wrote a critical work on pre-Islamic Arabic literature, which brought him into conflict with the religious authorities in Egypt. They regarded his work as a threat to the integrity and uniqueness of the Quran as the very word of Allah. In his book, Hussein pointed out similarities in the vocabulary and style of the Quran, and the rich poetic Arabic literature of the days of Al-Jahiliyya, a term reserved by Muslim historiographers for pre-Islamic times which literally means, The Days of Ignorance. Orthodox Muslim teaching insists that the Quran is unique, not only in its divine origin, but equally in the very words of the text. For anyone to posit a commonality between the Jahiliyya and the Quran was seen as a threat to orthodoxy.
1 The Rev Bassam Madany has been a lifelong radio missionary to the Arab World and continues a teaching and writing ministry.
195
The mood changed drastically after World War II. As some young Muslims went abroad for their higher education, they became heavily influenced by Marxist and secularist ideologies. For example, Jalal Sadeq al-Adhm, a member of a prominent Damascus Sunni family, published in 1969 Naqd al Fikr al-Deeni (A Critique of Religious Thought). Unlike the reformers of the 19th century who sought the modernization of Islam, he attacked the sacred texts of all theistic religions. This marked the beginning of a new genre of writings that called for a radical reappraisal of their religious and cultural heritage. Al-Adhm got into trouble with governmental authorities in Beirut, Lebanon, which sought to forbid the publication of his book.2 That was a warning to all would-be Muslim intellectuals that no criticism of the Quran was allowed or could appear in a printed form. However, everything changed with the advent of the Internet and its almost instantaneous use by secular Arab intellectuals. Several Arabic-language websites exist, which have allowed the publication of critical articles that escape the shackles of governmental censorship. A recent example of such a critical article was posted on 12 September 2010 on www.alawan.org. The essay entitled, What Is the Quran?3 was written by Saeed Nasheed,4 a Moroccan intel2 Sadeq al-Adhm was arrested and imprisoned on 8 January 1969 and released one week later. He was charged with publicly attacking the religious beliefs of both Muslims and Christians. On 27 May 1970, he appeared before a Lebanese court, and was exonerated from the changes of instigating religious dissensions in the Lebanese society. This information is taken from the March 1972 edition of the book. The fact that the book has appeared in three successive editions testifies that it was possible, prior to the Civil War in Lebanon (1975), to publish a critical book on Islam in Beirut. This would be impossible at present due to the changes in the political climate in Lebanon, after the rise of the radical Shiite group known as Hizb-Allah. 3 http://www.alawan.org/%D9%85%D8%A7-%D9%87%D9%88D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B1%D8%A2%D9%86%D8%9F.html 4 Note about Saeed Nasheed from an autobiographical article posted on 14 January, 2010. About 25 years ago, Saeed was studying philosophy at the University of Rabat, Morocco. He was an activist among leftist-leaning university students. Quite often, he would miss attending classes, spending his time at the Soviet Cultural Center, learning Russian, and reading Pravda and other Soviet publications.
196
lectual and it dealt with the nature and authority of the Quran for our times. Here, translated from Arabic, are excerpts from this thought-provoking essay: 2 What is the Relevance of the Quran for our Times? One day, I found myself thinking of organizing a virtual forum where readers and contributors to www.alawan.org would dialogue on the question, What Is the Quran? or specifically, What is the Benefit or Relevance of the Quran for our Times? Perhaps such a discussion would yield a convincing answer to that important question. Point 1 As a Muslim, while in the process of reciting the Quran, I came upon my first difficulty in Surah 58, Ayah 3, Al-Mujadilah: She That Disputeth, [or] The Pleading Woman, which states:
Those who put away their wives (by saying they are as their mothers) and afterward would go back on that which they have said, (the penalty) in that case (is) the freeing of a slave before they touch one another. Unto this ye are exhorted; and Allah is informed of what ye do. [Mohammed Marmaduke Pickthall translation]
I thought to myself, I would never do such a thing to my wife; therefore, this Ayah is irrelevant and has nothing at all to teach me. I kept on reciting and stopped at Surah 4, Ayah 24, AlNisa (Women) that reads:

He became very fond of his professor of philosophy, Abdel-Salam ben-Abdel-Ali who taught his students how to reflect and think through the problems that faced the nation at the end of the century. Saeeds world almost collapsed with the fall of the USSR, but eventually he could see the weakness of all totalitarian ideologies and regimes. However, his love affair with Russian writings and his acquaintance with post-modern philosophers contributed to his loss of faith in the truth claims of Islam. Somehow, he still considers himself a Muslim, but a Muslim who questions everything, even the authority of the Quran, Muhammads claims, and Allahs!
197
And all married women (are forbidden unto you) save those (captives) whom your right hands possess. It is a decree of Allah for you. Lawful unto you are all beyond those mentioned, so that ye seek them with your wealth in honest wedlock, not debauchery. And those of whom ye seek content (by marrying them), give unto them their portions as a duty. And there is no sin for you in what ye do by mutual agreement after the duty (hath been done). Lo! Allah is ever Knower, Wise. [Pickthall]
To tell the truth, my right hand has never owned anyone, either at home or at work. Furthermore, my madness5 doesnt allow me to possess more than one wife. So this Ayah has nothing to teach me personally; in days gone by, it stated the obligations of those men whose whims and desires made them covet more than one wife. Continuing my recitation of the Quran, I came across these words of Allah from the same Surah, Ayah 34:
Men are in charge of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other, and because they spend of their property (for the support of women). So good women are the obedient, guarding in secret that which Allah hath guarded. As for those from whom ye fear rebellion, admonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! Allah is ever High, Exalted, Great. [Pickthall]
Now lets suppose I came home and began to beat my wife for one reason or another; this would be a criminal act; it would certainly upset my children and the neighbors. This Ayah does not relate to me at all; its utterly irrelevant! Now, as a committed Muslim, I keep on in my recitation stopping at Surah 2, Ayah 21, Al-Baqarah (The Cow).
5 Arabs tend to exaggerate when they speak or write. While madness doesnt make sense in a Western language, his words could be paraphrased, Actually, it would be crazy or unthinkable for me to have more than one wife.
198
Warfare is ordained for you, though it is hateful unto you; but it may happen that ye hate a thing which is good for you, and it may happen that ye love a thing which is bad for you. Allah knoweth, ye know not. [Pickthall]
I didnt grow up in a militant environment, and have never engaged in warfare. As a writer, I use my brain to make a living, and when I dialogue with my colleagues. The only time I use my muscles is when I carry my suitcase in travel. So what does it really mean that warfare has been ordained for me?! As I reflect on my attitude toward the Quran I find myself alienated from its teachings. So, I ask: does my alienation diminish my status as a Muslim? Still, I keep on reciting the Quran and come across Surah 8, Ayah 41, Al-Anfal (Spoils of War, or Booty).
And know that whatever ye take as spoils of war, lo! a fifth thereof is for Allah, and for the messenger and for the kinsman (who hath need) and orphans and the needy and the wayfarer, if ye believe in Allah and that which We revealed unto Our slave on the Day of Discrimination, the day when the two armies met. And Allah is Able to do all things. [Pickthall]
I stop and lower my head in fear. Both International Law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights forbid me to accumulate booty or spoils of war! Such chapters and verses are irrelevant to me, or to others who are in my situation. To be honest, its well-nigh extremely difficult to exegete these passages and see how they apply to the here and now! I have always maintained that I am a Muslim. However, I must reach a bold and honest decision regarding my relation to Islams sacred text, which is loaded with burdensome injunctions that dont concern me at all. My apprehension is shared by millions of Muslims who hesitate to express themselves openly about these topics. In the final analysis, Islam will not be saved until we study its development throughout history, and disconnect it from its sacred texts. Islam belongs to the Umma; it will survive by the
199
Ummas ability to transcend the Quranic text by viewing it as a document that played a major role in the birth of Islam, but which is not a normative document for our times. Point 2 What can the Quran add of value, for example, to the International Declaration of Human Rights, the Rights of Women and Children, the Treaties for the Conservation of the Environment and Development; to the Modern Concept of Toleration, Elections, and Plebiscites? I realize that we are not living in the best of worlds. That would require decades of human struggles. But my question is very clear: What can the Quran contribute? The question is not about what the Quran has contributed in past centuries; indeed, it played an important role in creating a new worldview and its impact went beyond the Muslim world. Still, my question remains: What can the Quranic text contribute today to the welfare of mankind? Are we able to find in the Quran directives or solutions for our current problems? Or should we regard it as irrelevant for our times, and regard it simply and uniquely as a guide for worshipping Allah? In this forum, I would like to pursue further the above mentioned thesis, with the hope that the other members of the forum would add their comments to this discussion. Point 3: The Quran is the Prophets Personal Document We conceive of Allah as the source of life, the maker of the world, and the master of history; we understand the Quran as created speech, just as the Mutazilites6 taught during the 9th

6 [The Mutazilites] outstanding service to Islamic thought was the assimilation of a large number of Greek ideas and methods of arguments The Greek ideas thus introduced by the Mutazilites came to dominate one great wing of Islamic theology, namely, rational or philosophical theology. Since the Mutazilites were regarded as heretics, however, by the Sunnites, their ideas and doctrines could not simply be taken over, but exercised an influence indirectly. (The Formative Period of Islamic Thought by W. Montgomery Watt. Edinburgh University Press, 1973, pp. 249, 250) The Mutazilites advocated the theory of the Createdness of the
200
century. Now being created speech should not imply that its teachings are valid for all times and places. On the contrary, every creature possesses a limited life span; this applies to the Quran. Rather than regarding the Quran as an unchanging constitution upon which the Umma must base its laws, as many claim, actually it is no more than an historical document. Allah gave it to Muhammad as a tool in his struggle for the spiritual leadership of a people known for their love and admiration of Arabic rhetoric. On several occasions, Allah threatened to hide and conceal his revelation to the Prophet due to his wrong actions, such as in Surah 17 Ayah 86 bani Isra'il: The Israelites.
And if We willed We could withdraw that which We have revealed unto thee, then wouldst thou find no guardian for thee against Us in respect thereof. [Pickthall]
Allahs threat to withdraw His revelation was directed at the Prophet, and not at the Umma. This implies that the Quran was Allahs special gift to Muhammad rather than an abiding and never changing constitution to last for all time. This leads us to Point 4 The Quran should be considered as a constituent text in the sense that its role or function had ended with the birth of a new historical order, namely, the Islamic Umma. Therefore, we find several Quranic Ayahs that are directed exclusively to the receptor (Muhammad) at a specific moment during the emergence of the Umma. Several of the Quranic injunctions had to do with the Prophet; now after his passing, they can no longer be normative for Muslims. Consider, for example, the Ayahs that enjoined the Prophet to marry Zaynab bint Jahsh, his adopted son Zeyds wife. It was
Quran which received the blessing and support of several Abbasid caliphs during the 9th century A.D. Eventually, the doctrine of the Uncreatedness of the Quran prevailed in Sunni Islam.
201
prompted either by Muhammads personal desire, or based on a divine sanction that was uniquely meant for Muhammad. Such texts in the Quran cannot be applied to anyone else: Surah 33, al-Ahzab (The Allies)
And it becometh not a believing man or a believing woman, when Allah and His messenger have decided an affair (for them), that they should (after that) claim any say in their affair; and whoso is rebellious to Allah and His messenger, he verily goeth astray in error manifest. 37 And when thou saidst unto him on whom Allah hath conferred favour and thou hast conferred favour: Keep thy wife to thyself, and fear Allah. And thou didst hide in thy mind that which Allah was to bring to light, and thou didst fear mankind whereas Allah hath a better right that thou shouldst fear Him. So when Zeyd had performed that necessary formality (of divorce) from her, We gave her unto thee in marriage, so that (henceforth) there may be no sin for believers in respect of wives of their adopted sons, when the latter have performed the necessary formality (of release) from them. The commandment of Allah must be fulfilled. [Pickthall]
Then, in the same Surah, Ayah 32, we find these words directed exclusively to the Prophets wives, and are irrelevant to other Muslim women.
O ye wives of the Prophet! Ye are not like any other women. If ye keep your duty (to Allah), then be not soft of speech, lest he in whose heart is a disease aspire (to you), but utter customary speech. [Pickthall]
There are certain Ayahs that are meant exclusively for nonMuslims such as Surah 2, Al-Baqarah (The Cow):
O Children of Israel! Remember My favour wherewith I favoured you and how I preferred you to (all) creatures. [Pickthall]
Having referred to these Quranic verses that had particular applications, we may ask: how may the Quran be a standard of belief or norm of conduct applicable for all times and in all places? This leads to another related question: Does the Quran have a function other than a guide for the worship and adoration of AlSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 202
Allah? The descent of the Quran upon Muhammad (610-632) served as Allahs seal of approval of the prophetic mission of Muhammad in a culture that was marked by its fondness for eloquence and rhetoric. The revelation was to be recited as an act of worship according to Surah 73, Al-Muzammil (The Mantled One):
O thou wrapped up in thy raiment! Keep vigil the night long, save a little - A half thereof, or abate a little thereof, Or add (a little) thereto - and chant the Qur'an in measure. [Pickthall]
The early Revelations [in Mecca] had no relation to governmental affairs, or laws, or social arrangements, etc. The enduring function of the Quran is to provide an aid for worshipping Allah. This may be noticed when non-Arab Muslims recite the Quran, without understanding its words! The sacred text (in Arabic) serves as an integral part in the ritual prayers of Muslims around the world. To sum up, I am a Muslim, both emotionally and culturally. In fact, no people can be closer to the spirit of Islam than those new Muslims who declare that what attracts them to Islam is their direct and natural relation with Allah. They feel that way, having been liberated from the religious texts of Islam and its shackles. They feel close to Allah, this Supreme Being, who does not live in any sanctuary, or within any sacred text, or any specific religion. 3 Analysis The author of the essay regards himself as a Muslim. However, he craves the freedom to adopt a new hermeneutic of the Quran that would allow him to disregard those ayahs that are loaded with burdensome injunctions that have no relevance to him. He wants to disconnect Islam from its sacred texts. He claims that his apprehension about the inapplicability of the Quran to the present-day is shared by millions of Muslims who hesitate to express themselves openly about these topics.
203
4 Comments When I was growing up in the Levant, and studying Arab-Islamic history and culture, I seldom came across such bold and open critique of the Quran. I knew of Taha Husseins trouble with the religious authorities in Cairo, and the banning of his book on the Jahiliyya Literature. I have read Jalal Sadeq al-Adhms, A Critique of Religious Thought, and noticed among his several critical remarks, his amazement at the illogical Quranic account of the fall of Iblis (Satan). That was then. But now there is the Internet, which has allowed for the flowering of freedom of thought. Those who have suffered the effects of a burdensome religious hegemony can breathe again. Now there are websites dedicated exclusively to the secularization of Arab-Islamic civilization. And here is this bold Moroccan intellectual, Saeed Nasheed, who invites fellow-reformers to join him in declaring that several parts of the Quran should be considered outdated. He and his fellow reformers cannot accept the Quranic injunctions regarding the relation between men and women, or the mandate to wage war on Infidels, or Ayahs that are concerned exclusively with Muhammads wives! Nasheed summarizes his thesis by declaring his solidarity with those New Muslims who, having been liberated from the religious texts of Islam, now could feel closer to Allah, this Supreme Being, who does not live in any sanctuary, or within any sacred text, or any specific religion. He claims not to have departed from his Muslim identity and culture and can actually define his understanding of Islam as one which allows for a direct and natural relation with Allah. This claim itself is indicative of a redefinition of Islam that is quite astounding. His quest for a direct relation with Allah implies that revelation is unnecessary, and is quite different from what the Christian maintains about Gods general and special revelation, as taught in Scripture and confessed in the historic creeds of the 16th and 17th centuries.7 Whether orthodox Islamic teaching

7 Islams concept of revelation is different from the Biblical teaching. The Quran teaches that man has become ignorant of Gods will; therefore all he needs is in-
204
would allow for this concept outside of its own strict Quranic boundaries is another question. Nasheeds statement indicates his universalist leanings as well, not pinning Allah down to any sanctuary, sacred text or specific religion. This conception of God fits rather nicely with much that passes for current religious thinking today in many western circles: that the individual can have a subjective, personal, mystical experience of the Deity, whoever he is defined to be. Neither orthodox Christians nor orthodox Muslims
formation from Allah, so that he may practise what he learns and attains Paradise. The Christian concept of revelation is to inform us about our creation in the image of God, Adams fall into sin, and the promise of salvation fulfilled in the coming of Jesus Christ and His redemptive work. Islam ignores original sin, and has no concept of revelations relation to redemption. This is taught by Paul in Romans, and summarized in the Reformed confessions: Epistle to the Romans [Chapter 1:] The wrath of God is being revealed from heaven against all the godlessness and wickedness of men who suppress the truth by their wickedness, since what may be known about God is plain to them, because God has made it plain to them. For since the creation of the world Gods invisible qualitieshis eternal power and divine naturehave been clearly seen, being understood from what has been made, so that men are without excuse. Westminster Confession of Faith (1647) [Chapter 1 - Of the Holy Scripture:] Although the light of nature, and the works of creation and providence do so far manifest the goodness, wisdom, and power of God, as to leave men unexcusable; yet are they not sufficient to give that knowledge of God, and of his will, which is necessary unto salvation. Therefore it pleased the Lord, at sundry times, and in divers manners, to reveal himself, and to declare that his will unto his church; and afterwards, for the better preserving and propagating of the truth, and for the more sure establishment and comfort of the church against the corruption of the flesh, and the malice of Satan and of the world, to commit the same wholly unto writing: which maketh the Holy Scripture to be most necessary; those former ways of God's revealing his will unto his people being now ceased. The Belgic Confession of Faith (1561) [2. By what means God is made known unto us:] We know Him by two means: First, by the creation, preservation, and government of the universe; which is before our eyes as a most elegant book, wherein all creatures, great and small, are as so many characters leading us to see clearly the invisible things of God, even his power and divinity, as the apostle Paul says, (Rom. 1:20). All which things are sufficient to convince men, and leave them without excuse. Second, He makes himself more clearly fully known to us by His holy and divine Word, that is to say, as far as is necessary for us to know in this life, to His glory and our salvation.
205
can accept such reformulation as orthodox, even though Christians would admit what he says is true in certain ways. The problem has to do with truth itself as espoused by those who believe in any religion. Christians hold the Bible to be the only absolute truth for faith and practice; Muslims claim the Quran as authoritative. In the end, what one thinks or says about God/Allah in both these religions would have to be in harmony with the respective holy books. The difference, however, between Christianity and Islam when it comes to what is said by anyone about their own personal conceptions of their beliefs or misinterpretation thereof, is that Christianity tolerates those it considers unenlightened, ignorant and subversive of the faith, while attempting to educate their deficiencies. Islam has yet to learn the grace of tolerating those who take exception to its belief system. Overall, one can only sympathize with this thoughtful essayist, seeking to moderate and even totally reject the unenlightened aspects of the sacred texts of his still beloved religion, Islam. Whether an Islam minus its authoritative texts, and detached from its 1400-year theology and jurisprudence, could ever emerge, is highly doubtful. Perhaps his prescription could have been less radical, had he offered a modest proposal that others had already suggested, namely by declaring as normative, only the Meccan surahs of the Quran. For then Islam would have left behind all those onerous and harsh teachings of the Medinan surahs, most of which form the basis for the oppressive Shariah Law.8 He appears to be on a deeper quest for a truer spiritual reality. Sacred texts are extremely important. But which one is the true one is the point in contention among all the worlds religions. Thank you, Saeed Nasheed, for your contribution to the ongoing dialogue
8 Of the seven Quranic Ayahs that Nasheed quoted in his essay, only two belong to the Meccan part of the Quran, while five Ayahs (dealing with various aspects of social life) belong to the Medinan chapters of the Quran.
206
CHURCHES IN THE LANDS OF THE ISLAMIC CONQUESTS

By Basheer Abdulfadi 1 Introduction The history of the churches of North Africa, the Middle East (the Levant, Syria, and Mesopotamia) and the Arabian Peninsula lands that early fell to Arab forces of Islam is not well known among Western Christians. Furthermore, other than vague notions of the domination of Islam, the reasons for their decline are not appreciated. Standard Church histories usually do little more than mention the churches of these regions. The major characteristics and some of the outstanding personalities of these churches are described with a view to making a comparison of the reasons for the decline or continuity of the churches and identifying the factors that contributed either to their rapid demise or their relative longevity. The implications for modern missions in Muslim lands are explored. The emergence of Islam in the 7th Century and the expansion of the Islamic empire from the mid 7th Century through the 8th Century brought a crisis to the extensive networks of churches in North Africa, the northern Middle East (including the civilizations and cities stretching from the Levant, through Syria proper, and in Mesopotamia, the area of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers), and the Arabian Peninsula. It was a slow crisis; communities of Christians did not die out overnight but, by the 13th Century, the majority of churches of North Africa, the Middle East and the Peninsula were gone and most of the Christians had fled, converted to Islam, or died. A hidden remnant may have survived as crypto-Christians (believers who maintained their faith and practices in secret). A visible remnant of the churches in the northern Middle East has survived to this day, but it is extremely small and declining again under great pressure.1 In Africa and the Arabian Peninsula there is
Francis Harrison, Christians Besieged in Iraq, reported on the BBC News website 13 March 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7295145.stm, accessed 15 December 2009. Philip Jenkins, The Lost History of Christianity: The ThousandSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 207
no remnant of those earlier churches, except in Egypt where the Monophysite Egyptian Coptic Church thrived under persecution for many years and is now also declining under intense pressure. But the reality is that vast areas in which many churches had prospered and grown now have no churches and no known Christians. The history of these churches, their characteristics and constituencies, their leaders and martyrs, their decline and demise, are not well known even to historically literate Christians. The title of a recent book, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia and How it Died,2 alludes to this ignorance even as it addresses it. Furthermore, even for those somewhat familiar with the churches of the Middle East, the range of reasons for the demise of these churches is not well known. A simplistic understanding of the history of Islam would suggest that the Islamic conquests and the pressure exerted on Christians to convert by the newly established Islamic empire were the main reasons for the demise of the churches. While true in a general sense, the actual picture is far more complex and the reasons more diverse. In its early centuries, Islam was still an evolving system, varying greatly in both time and place, and its pressure and policy towards churches changed in response to internal and external stimuli. Furthermore, the churches in these regions were hardly homogeneous. Finally, the principal causes of demise were not always Islamic. Of course Islam was the long term, dominant pressure and most often it was the determining cause of decline and demise of churches. But the way pressure was exerted, what made it effective, and how some churches were able to resist and continue under Islam is worth studying. The purpose of this study is to compare and contrast the factors related to the decline and demise of the churches in the three distinct regions: North Africa, the northern Middle East, and the AraYear Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia and How it Died (New York: Harper Collins, 2008) 169-172. 2 Jenkins, passim. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 208
bian Peninsula. In order to do so, I will build a brief portrait of the churches in the three regions, a story whose details have come into accessible form only recently and which is worth telling. Then I will look at the factors that played a part in either the rapid demise or prolonged resistance to demise. These aspects included internal ones related to the churches themselves as well as pressures from Islam and shared, external pressures. Finally, I will draw out the implications for modern missions in the Muslim world. 2 The Churches on the Eve of the Islamic Invasions 2.1 The Churches of North Africa The coastlands of North Africa were part of the Roman Empire. The Christian faith was embraced by many of those Romans, and the early North African churches contributed many martyrs during the various persecutions of pagan Rome. Among them was the young woman, Perpetua, who in spite of the pleas of her father and the needs of her newborn child, firmly resisted all efforts to make her sacrifice to the pagan gods and died in the arena at Carthage with several others in 203 AD.3 By the 5th Century, the churches of North Africa were well established in the cities and among the Roman population. Men like Tertullian, Cyprian and Augustine had served it, and Augustine was the Bishop of Hippo until 430AD. Their language was Latin, and the churches worshipped in Latin and had copies of Jeromes Vulgate. Some of the native North Africans became Christians, but there is no record of a Bible in their native language and worship even in native North African churches may have been in Latin.4 The arrival of the Vandals changed everything for the western parts of North Africa. Augustine died in 430 AD as the Vandals were besieging Hippo. They continued on to conquer the remaining Roman cities of North Africa, and in 455 AD they crossed the Medi3 Robin Daniel, This Holy Seed: Faith, Hope and Love in the Early Churches of North Africa (Harpendon, UK: Tamarisk Publications, 1993). 4 Daniel, 231-232.
209
terranean and sacked Rome. The Vandals began to practice piracy, and trade in the Mediterranean ceased. The agricultural exports of grain from North Africa to Rome and the rest of the Empire ceased, causing economic chaos. There was little governing structure, and raiding and plundering increased. It was a time of chaos for the churches too. The Vandals were Arian and did not use Latin. They deported the orthodox Latin bishops and replaced them with Arian bishops who spoke their language. They also changed the liturgy. Latin Christians and native North Africans alike no longer understood services. The Vandals continued to rule until 533 AD, at which time Justinian, the Emperor of the Eastern Empire, sent his famous and efficient general Belisarius5 to re-conquer North Africa. He landed at Carthage and defeated the Vandals. From 533 AD until the Muslim conquest in the 7th Century, North Africa was once again part of the orthodox fold. However, the disaster of Vandal rule and the rapid changes had left the churches weak and confused. The Byzantine era in North Africa lasted until roughly 670 AD, the date of the full-scale Arab invasion of North Africa. For the churches, it was a time of re-organization. It was also a time of building; the Byzantines built huge basilicas. They appointed bishops in the churches, either Latin speaking or Greek speaking bishops, but the ordinary people of North Africa no longer understood Latin as well as the time before the Vandal invasion, and Greek had been spoken only in Alexandria. Still, if numbers alone are considered, the churches apparently flourished; before the Arab conquests in the late 7th Century, there were several hundred bishops in North Africa.6 After the Muslim conquests, which began in earnest in 670AD, just 38 years after the death of Mohammad, the churches began to decline rapidly. By the 8th Century, there were only 40 bishops remaining in North Africa. By the 9th Century, Christians could still be found in the major towns of North Africa, including new ones

5 6
William Rosen, Justinians Flea (New York: Viking, 2007). Daniel, 417. 210
established by the Arab invaders. Some native North African Christian tribes resisted for some time, but were eventually conquered or were converted to Islam en masse. In 1159 AD, an Arab ruler exiled the last bishop of Carthage and insisted on either conversion or death for the remaining Christians. There are scattered references to Christians in other parts of North Africa through the 14th Century, but the numbers are ever declining in the records and there is no evidence of Christians (other than slaves of European origins) after the 14th Century.7 2.2 The Churches of the M iddle East By any standard of measurement number of believers, number of churches, number of metropolitans and bishops, theological influence, breadth and depth of literature, number of monastic houses and number of men and women committed to monasticism, or missionary endeavour the churches of the Christian East, stretching from the Eastern Mediterranean to the Northern Persian Gulf, were the centre of gravity of the Christian world. It is not difficult to argue that this is the Great Omission8 of Church History, at least Church History written from a Western Perspective.9 On the eve of the Islamic conquests, the landscape of the Middle East and Mesopotamia was to a large degree Christian. There were Jews, pagans, and because the Roman-Persian border was in the region, there were also many Manicheans and Zoroastrians (Zoroastrianism was the state religion of the Persian Empire). There was a great deal of diversity too among the churches.10 The Christological controversies of the 4th through 6th Centuries impacted the churches of the East more than any other part of Christendom, but it isnt clear that the effects were all negative. Many of the bishops of the East traced their ordination and theol-

Daniel, 408-422. The phrase is Jenkins, Lost History. 9 Even a standard text like J.L. Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity (New York: Harper-Collins, 1984) devotes only a few sentences in chapter 27 to the Church in Syria and Mesopotamia. 10 Jenkins, especially Chapters 1 and 2.
7 8
211
ogy to the See of Antioch, which emphasized the humanity of Christ. To many of these bishops, it seemed that Nestorius had been misunderstood, and they felt he had been unfairly treated and represented. Besides the Nestorians, a roughly equal number of bishops held to the Monophysite position. Those bishops who held to the Chalcedon formulation were in the minority in the East, and were called Melkites, from a Syriac word meaning imperial; i.e., those who held to the Imperial Christology.11 Because the East was in politically disputed territory, there was a greater possibility for dissent because the Empire could not (or did not) always enforce orthodoxy by the sword. The area was a disputed region with the Persian Empire. In the 4th Century, the adoption of Christianity by Rome led to mass persecutions and massacres of Christians by the Persians. But by the late 5th and early 6th Centuries, non-Melkite churches in Persian territory were accepted and even protected in Persian territory; on the other side of the border, Rome did not want to give Persia a pretext for invading Roman territory by persecuting the churches that flourished on the Persian side. The result was that all three strains of Christianity Nestorianism, Monophysitism (also called Jacobite, for reasons given below), and Orthodox flourished. Both dissident strains had parallel ecclesiastical structures to the Orthodox churches, openly in Persian territories, clandestinely in Roman territories. The Christians of the East were thoroughly Christian, not simply forced into an unwanted faith. There were large church buildings in the major cities, but there were many village churches as well. Worship and literature were in the languages of the people, either Greek or Aramaic, with translations into local languages such as Coptic, Armenian etc, rather than forcing all people to learn an unfamiliar liturgical language (as occurred in North Africa with native North Africans and Latin).12
Jenkins, passim. J. Spencer Trimingham, Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (London: Longman Group, 1979) 223-228.
11 12
212
The Islamic conquest of Syria occurred very early after the death of Muhammad in 632 AD. The Battles of Yarmouk and Qadisiyya in 636 AD gave the Muslim forces control of Syria and Mesopotamia, respectively. The Roman and Persian Empires had, to some extent, exhausted one another and they were also weakened by the effects of the Bubonic Plague.13 That is not to take anything away from the bravery and skill of Arab arms; the speed with which these conquests occurred cannot be explained by weakening alone! The effect of the speedy conquests was firstly to remove the pressure of the Roman Empire from the Nestorian and Jacobite churches, and secondly to dilute the attention of the invaders. No longer did the Empire persecute dissidents. And the Muslims had such success that the cities were conquered without being razed, and they needed help to rule the vast areas they had taken over. Some churches were destroyed and some Christians were killed, but the scale was nothing to what it might have been and can be explained to a large extent as part of the normal fallout of war. Martyrs under Islam came later.14 Three figures from the churches of the East stand out; Jacobus Baradaeus, the 6th Century organizer of the Monophysite Church; Theodore Abu Qurrah, the late 8th/early 9th Century Orthodox Bishop of Harran; and Catholicos Timothy, the late 8th/early 9th Century Patriarch of the (Nestorian) Church of the East. The Monophysite church was organized prior to the advent of Islam, in the 6th Century, by Jacobus Baradaeus (~505-578 AD). He was invited to Constantinople by the ever-colourful Empress Theodora. She was the daughter of a bear keeper and a prostitute and herself a former prostitute and actor, who had risen to be the wife of Emperor Justinian, and was the discrete patroness of the Monophysite cause.15 While in Constantinople, Jacobus was effectively put under house arrest with a number of other Monophysites. They elected and ordained him with the title of Bishop of Edessa.

Rosen, passim. Jenkins, Chapter 2. 15 Jenkins, 64-88.
13 14
213
He escaped the house arrest and worked for many years to establish a Monophysite church structure in the East. He was constantly in danger, but avoided detection by his simple clothing, a hair tunic.16 He travelled constantly and over great distances. Because of his work, the Monophysite Church is called the Jacobite Church. Its structure and organization allowed it to survive imperial sanction, and it was a strong church when the Islamic conquests began. Theodore Abu Qurrah (known to be active up to 829 AD) was bishop of Haran, the village from which Abraham departed to go to Palestine. He is primarily known for his defense of Orthodoxy, including a defense of the use of icons, and because his works include the earliest Orthodox writings in Arabic (he also wrote works in Greek). He wrote an apology for Orthodoxy against the Nestorians and the Jacobites, and also engaged in debates with Muslims, a record of which is found in the work, Refutations of the Saracens by Theodore Abu Qurrah, the Bishop of Haran, As Reported by John the Deacon. The apology continues a long history of apologies for Christianity, but the tone and approach are very different, as of course are the issues! In one dialogue, Theodore argues that Christianity is proved by its most disadvantageous features, which focus admirably on the crucifixion of Christ as the most disadvantageous feature of the Christian faith.17 In another dialogue, on Monogamy, the Saracen antagonist asks him to prove Christianitys contention that monogamy is more lawful than polygamy. In one proof, Theodore asks this question of the Saracen: 18
Theodore: Imagine that two slaves of one master were sent on a journey. Their master told one that he could wear as many cloaks as he wants and the other that he could wear just a single tunic. Their master also
16 Baradaeus is the Latinized form of the Syriac for the kind of goats hair used in the simple garments of the farmers. It is morphologically related to the Arabic AlBaradai, the family name (laqab in Arabic) of the Egyptian Nobel Peace Prize winner, Muhammad Al-Baradai. 17 Theodore Abu Qurrah, Refutations of the Saracens, trans. by John C Lamoreaux (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 2005) 216-219. 18 Ibid., 220-222.
214
decreed that if one of them begins to shiver he must be given eighty lashes. In that he established such rules, do you reckon their master to be just or unjust, and especially if the one allowed to wear just one tunic was the weaker of the two? Saracen: Unjust. Theodore: You are, thus, accusing God of being unjust. According to you19, he orders women, who are prone to lust, to have just a quarter of a husband, while men, who are endowed with self-restraint, can have four wives, as well as a herd of concubines. At the same time, he says that the punishment for adultery is eighty lashes. Could there be anything more unjust than this?
The Nestorian Timothy was the Patriarch of the Nestorian Church from 780-823 AD, making him a contemporary of Theodore Abu Qurrah and Charlemagne. His patriarchate began at Seleucia, a major city on the Tigris. During his patriarchate, he sent missions to India, Afghanistan, and China. His missionaries interacted not only with the usual mix of Zoroastrians and Manicheans, but also Buddhists and Taoists. His flock encompassed roughly a fourth of all the Christians of his world. He was frequently in the court of the Caliph, and so in touch with a wide world. He also debated the Caliph at Baghdad, and he wrote an account of the exchange for the benefit of Christians in an apology. While it differs in form from the account of Theodore Abu Qurrahs discussions with Muslims, looking partly like an official church report of the matter and partly a letter of instruction to the faithful, there is much that is similar to Abu Qurrahs apology.20 In considering the lives of these men who served the churches of the East, we are amazed first at them, and secondly at what we dont know! Philip Jenkins sums up the situation provocatively: Our common mental maps of Christian history omit a thousand years of

This myth, wrong on both fronts, is still current among the Arabs today. Timothy, Jacobite Patriarch of Seleucia, Apology for Christianity, trans. by Alphonse Mingana (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2007). Also available at http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/timothy_i_apology_01_text.htm, 15 December 2009.
19 20
215
that story, and several million square miles of territory. We cant understand Christian history without Asia.21 2.3 The Churches of the Arabian Peninsula The Arabian Peninsula was, unlike the Middle East and Mesopotamia, outside of the Roman Empire. Geography was one barrier to the Roman Empire in the Arabian Peninsula. It is a vast area of approximately 2.6 million square kilometres, which is slightly more than one-fourth the area of the entire United States. The population has always clustered along the coasts and in the oases and those parts of the interior that receive rain. Most of the interior is desert and so is a natural barrier. A more important barrier was the Persian Empire and the buffer states which separated them from the Romans at key points. The Persians controlled Mesopotamia, effectively blocking access to the Eastern coast of the peninsula. The Nabatean kingdom in the Northwest of the Peninsula, a client of Rome, helped to control the tribes in favour of Rome over Persia, but the tribes and geography blocked the route along the Red Sea. Other tribes, the Ghassanids and the Lakhmids, were client tribes of Rome and Persia, respectively, and they, together with the desert, effectively blocked the remaining part of the peninsula.22 The religious makeup of the region was different from that of North Africa or the Middle East. The majority of the population worshipped idols but maintained a belief in one supreme God. Their pantheon was different from that of the Greeks and Romans. There were also Jews, whose origins are unclear. Some may have been descendents of refugees from the Jewish rebellions of 66-70 AD and 132 AD. Some of them claimed to have become Jews after the visit of the Queen of Sheba to Solomon23. Still others converted to Judaism possibly as a political response. There is evidence that Zoroastrianism was practiced by the Persian military in Arab cities

Jenkins, 11. Trimingham, passim. 23 Trimingham, 296.
21 22
216
along the coast of the Persian Gulf. It is also possible that Manicheans were present in Mecca.24 Finally, there is strong evidence from the Quran and other sources for a monotheistic faith that was neither Christian nor Jewish.25 For the purpose of this study, the discussion of Christianity in the Arabian Peninsula will be limited to the Southwest part, the region known as The Yemen, which means The South in Arabic. This ignores vast and significant areas. In particular, the subject of Christianity in the Hijaz, the area of Mecca and Medina, is an especially interesting one because of possible Christian interactions with Islam during its formation. There were churches in the Yemen, although there were not many and the information about their establishment and character is meagre. An imperial mission in the mid 4th Century, led by an Arian by the name of Theophilus, resulted in the establishment of three churches, one in the Himyarite capital Zafar (South of Sanaa near modern day Yarim in the Yemeni highlands), one in Aden, and one in the East near the mouth of the Persian Gulf.26 There was also a thriving center of Christians in Najran, which was the point at which Yemeni caravans diverged either West leading to the Mediterranean or East leading to Iraq and Mesopotamia. A Najrani merchant, who came in contact with Nestorian Christians in the early 5th Century, is reported in a Nestorian account to have converted his family and started a house church in Najran. Muslim sources record the influence of a Syrian Christian who had been captured and sold into slavery by a Bedouin trader. There were other Christians in the Yemen, especially along the Red Sea coast, who were connected with the Axumite Kingdom in what is now Ethiopia, which in turn was connected with Alexandria.27 The region was not immune to the Christological controversies and, in the 5th and early 6th Centuries, most of the churches were

Jonathan Berkey, The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 47-48. 25 Ibid., 48. 26 Trimingham, 292. 27 Trimingham, 294-307.
24
217
Monophysite. This is because the two major connections with the wider Christian world were with the Syrian churches and those influenced by Alexandria through Axum. There may have been some churches that held to Chalcedon. Trimingham says there is evidence of Nestorians, but not Nestorian churches, in the Yemen prior to Islam.28 The churches of the peninsula did not suffer from the various imperial persecutions because of the isolation of the region from Rome, but they did contribute martyrs. The most famous come from Najran. A Himyarite king, Yusuf Asar usually known as Dhu Nuwas (522-525 AD), converted to Judaism, possibly to oppose his rival powers the Byzantines and the Axumites.29 Because of threats of invasion by Axum, Dhu Nuwas attempted to eliminate Christian supporters of Axum in the Yemen starting in the capital Zafar and then along the coastal areas. He then turned his attention to Najran, besieging it. After its capitulation, he burned the church with many people in it, traditional reports claiming as many as 2000 deaths, though an undocumented number of 340 seems a more sober estimate.30 The massacre was followed by further executions, including a noble woman and her daughters who insisted on being executed in order to follow their husband and father who had died in the firing of the church. In one document, Dhu Nuwas reportedly tried to shake her faith by executing her daughters in front of her and forcing their blood down her throat, eventually executing her for her continued obstinacy and confrontational challenging.
28 But, surprisingly, more than 150 years after the death of Muhammad, letters of Timothy, the Nestorian Patriarch during the Abassid Empire, indicate four Nestorian sees in Arabia, including one in Yemen! Jenkins, 10; Trimingham, 307, footnote 59. 29 Trimingham, 289. 30 In this case it is uncertain whether to take a potentially exaggerated number from a hagiographic source or an undocumented figure. I was unable to track down any documentation on the lower figure, but there must be an original source for it. The reference is http://www.catholic.org/saints/saint.php?saint_id=4781, 15 December 2009.
218
Interestingly, this document31 and others on the Najran martyrs put strong Monophysite testimonies in the mouths of the victims. The martyrdoms were widely known and reported, including a retrospective reference in the Quran, Surat 85 (Al-Buruuj). The accounts outraged the Christian world, and the Emperor Justinian wrote to the Axumite king requesting him to go to the aid of the Himyarite Christians. This established the Axumite domination of the region (through Himyarite confederates) up until the Islamic conquest. After the triumph of Muhammad over Mecca, Muhammad sent messengers in 628 AD (8 AH), the Year of the Delegations, to all parts of the peninsula calling for submission, and many delegations came to him. The delegation from Najran was taken under the dhimmi system (more on this below). The text of Muhammads letter to them confirming their protection also indicates both a bishop and priests. They seem to be the only Christian group with whom Muhammad treated. The second Caliph, Umar, ruled that no Christians were to remain in the Peninsula, but there are records of Christians in Najran as late as 897 AD.32 Intriguingly, there is also a mention of a bishop in Sanaa in 835 AD.33 There are no references to Christians in the south of the Peninsula after this date.34 Some converted to Islam, others were exiled to the lower Mesopotamian region. In comparison with North Africa and the Middle East, Christianity ceased to exist sooner in the Arabian Peninsula and furthermore ceased more completely with no visible remnant remaining after the 9th Century. In this brief survey of the churches of North Africa, the Middle East, and the Arabian Peninsula, many aspects of their situations on the eve of the Islamic conquests seem to be shared and yet the feel of the three regions is very different. The biggest surprise is the situation of the churches of the Middle East even 150 years after the

31 Arthur Jeffery, Three Documents on the History of Christianity in South Arabia, Anglican Theological Review 27 (1945): 195-205. 32 Trimingham, 307 (see footnote 59). 33 Thomas of Marga, The Book of the Governors, cited in Trimingham. 34 Although see footnote 27 above.
219
Islamic conquest. The situation hardly resembles churches on their knees, gasping out their last breath. And yet, by the 14th Century, while not totally absent as in North Africa and the Peninsula, the churches of the Christian East survived only as a tiny remnant of what they had been. Dozens of cities famous as Christian centers, especially in Mesopotamia, were mere ruins. Gone are the churches of Edessa, Nisibis, Bostra, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Arbela, Tabriz, Merv, Herat, and Samarkand. Congregations were dead or scattered. This raises huge questions. How did the churches die? Did the churches die for the same reasons, or for different reasons? What contributed to the survival of some churches? Did the initial state of the churches contribute to their death or survival? Was the pressure put on churches by the Islamic Empire the only reason for the decline? 3 Factors in the decline of the Churches in the lands under Islamic Rule As we review the scenarios sketched above, the key phenomena which we would like to be able to explain are the following: 1. The military and political conquest of Islam in each region was complete in a very short time frame following the death of Muhammad, yet the churches declined at very different rates. 2. The churches in Southern Arabia declined the quickest, followed by the North African churches. The churches of the Middle East thrived and continued to expand for at least 200 years after the Islamic conquest. They also had the largest remnant. In the end, they suffered the most.35 However, before being able to address these questions, it is essential to know something of the interval between the 9th and the 14th Centuries. The situation in the Peninsula and North Africa

35
Jenkins, especially Chapter 4. 220
seems complete enough, but the decline of the churches in the Middle East in these centuries needs special attention. Philip Jenkins speaks of the near annihilation of the churches of the East as a series of punctuated equilibria. For a time, the churches would be more or less secure, though with the continual pressure of the dhimma system, and then another crisis would come that decimated the faithful. One clear tipping point was when Christians were no longer in the majority. This opened the possibility of mob violence, which occurred at regular intervals and was not checked or punished by the Muslim authorities.36 This violence sometimes occurred because of external, shared pressures. Jenkins specifically notes the role of the societal pressures brought on by global cooling in the 14th Century in contributing to civil unrest that found outlet in violence against Christians. 37 As Islam increasingly became dominant, violence against Christians erupted more often. The intervals of tolerance decreased under Turkish rule, and the violence peaked in the infamous massacres of Armenians in 1915. Finally, outright war contributed to the death of Christians and churches across the Middle East. The Mongol invasions were particularly devastating, especially the conquests of the Muslim Mongol Timur, who eradicated Christians as a self-conscious act of piety.38 John Glubb, speaking of the disaster of the Mongol invasions, says that the Mongols were able to rule over vast lands not because of the brilliance of their administration, but simply because there was no one left to rule over.39 It is hard to escape the conclusion that the churches of the Middle East didnt die; they were killed.40

The reasons for this are detailed in the appendix on the dhimma system. Jenkins, passim. 38 Jenkins, 137-138. 39 John Bagot Glubb, The Life and Times of Muhammad (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1970). 40 Jenkins, especially Chapters 4 and 7.
36 37
221
4 Implications If this analysis is substantially correct, then the only thing remaining is to explain why the churches of the Middle East thrived in the early centuries of the Islamic empire vis a vis the rapid decline in North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. The following factors are relevant to the survival or decline of the churches in the early centuries of the Islamic empire: 1. Christians in the East were in the majority during the first century or two after the Islamic conquest. 2. The degree to which Christianity was practiced by the common people also played a role. The Syrian church was the most indigenized church. Religious diversity was there, but the faith was held sincerely by a great number of the common people and worship was in their language. This is in marked contrast to both North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.41 3. Linguistic and sociological disparity with the Muslim conquerors seemed to have played a key negative role in North Africa, and a key positive role in the Middle East. The nearness of Aramaic to Arabic gave the Christians of the East an enormous advantage over Christians in North Africa in coming to terms with the Arab conquerors. Prior to the Islamic invasions Aramaic was widely understood and spoken by the Arabs, and the Aramaic speakers were able to rapidly learn Arabic. Very soon there was a push by the churches to write and communicate the faith in Arabic and to produce Christian Arabic literature. However, this factor by itself was not sufficient to guarantee continuity because the greatest degree of linguistic and cultural homogeneity with Islam was in the Arabian Peninsula, and that is where the churches declined most rapidly and disappeared most completely. 4. The alignment of churches with Rome, the rival political power to the Islamic Empire, seemed to work against the churches in

41 Syriac was the ecclesiastical language of the church in Najran. Trimingham, Chapter 8.3.
222
North Africa. It would be interesting to trace the relative fortunes of the Orthodox (Melchite) churches in the Middle East with the Jacobite and Nestorian churches, which were not identified with the rival power. 5. The organizational status of the church hierarchy seems to have played a consistent role in early survival. The churches of the Peninsula were the most isolated and had the weakest leadership, and they declined the fastest. The churches of North Africa were likewise disorganized from the rapid military and political changes of the time leading up to the Islamic invasions. The churches of the East had the best organization and connectivity. 6. With regard to the theological aspect, conformity to Orthodoxy did not seem to guarantee continuity or longevity. It is likely that many people, including church historians, have instinctively, and perhaps mistakenly, associated dissidence with failure. There may even have been a reluctance to consider dissident churches to be true churches, thus dismissing them from consideration in Church history. 7. Then there is the question of the pressure put on the churches by the Islamic millet system, or dhimma system. The system can be portrayed by a skillful (Muslim) polemicist to be just and reasonable. The idea behind it was that the religious groups identified in the Quran as having received revelation (the Quranic phrase is The People of the Book) would be allowed to continue in their religion, and that the Islamic state and armies would protect them in exchange for the payment of a tax, called the jizya. However, the system is a ratchet42 that applies unrelieved pressure, holding steady until there is an opportunity to tighten another notch. There is a strong sense, looking at the historical data and the factors related to the decline of the churches, that the reasons for the death of the churches lay outside of human responsibility. It is

42
The metaphor is Jenkins. 223
impossible to escape the conclusion that little could have been done to ensure survival. The factors given above are certainly useful as we work for and pray for the revival of the Christianity in Muslim lands. The indigenization of the church in its leadership and language must be key to survival and thriving. Organization of churches is essential to health. Pursuit of doctrinal purity is an outworking of love for the God of truth. Training in responding to the kinds of relentless pressure exerted by Islam might play an important role in helping new churches to survive and thrive. However, there is little hope in mere human methods and strategies. A stray war or an outbreak of civil unrest and violence during economic or political crises cannot be anticipated or prevented. And above all, Islam is still strong and growing stronger. It will require a profound work of God to overcome these barriers to the planting and growth of churches in Islamic countries. Finally, the history of the churches in North Africa, the Middle East and the Arabian Peninsula should instil a sense of humility and watchfulness in us, and cause us to turn our eyes in faith and hope to the God who will one day put all things under the feet of Jesus, King of kings and Lord of lords.
In putting everything under him, God left nothing that is not subject to him. Yet at present we do not see everything subject to him. But we see Jesus, who was made a little lower than the angels, now crowned with glory and honour because he suffered death, so that by the grace of God he might taste death for everyone. Hebr 2:8b-9
Bibliography
Abu Qurrah, Theodore. Refutations of the Saracens. Translated by John C Lamoreaux. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young Uni Press, 2005. Berkey, Jonathan. The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
224
Daniel, Robin. This Holy Seed: Faith, Hope and Love in the Early Churches of North Africa. Harpendon, UK: Tamarisk Publ, 1993. Glubb, John Bagot. The Life and Times of Muhammad. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1970. Gonzalez, Justo L. The Story of Christianity. New York: HarperCollins, 1984. Harrison, Francis. Christians Besieged in Iraq. Reported on the BBC News website 13 March 2008, accessed 15 December 2009: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7295145.stm, Jeffery, Arthur. Three Documents on the History of Christianity in South Arabia. Anglican Theological Review 27 (1945): 195-205. Jenkins, Philip. The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia and How it Died. New York: Harper Collins, 2008. Rosen, William. Justinians Flea. New York: Viking, 2007. Timothy, Jacobite Patriarch of Seleucia. Apology for Christianity. Translated by Alphonse Mingana. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2007). www.tertullian.org/fathers/timothy_i_apology_01_text.htm accessed 15 December 2009. Trimingham, J. Spencer. Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times. London: Longman Group, 1979. Internet Sources Jacob Baradaeus. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob_Baradaeus,15 December 2009. Martyrs Najran. www.catholic.org/saints/saint.php?saint_id=4781. 15 Dec 2009
225
Appendix: Dhimma System

The Quran acknowledges the legitimacy of Judaism and Christianity as People of the Book. In practice, this means that Jews and Christians are allowed to retain their faith and churches and continue to practice in any land conquered by Muslims. However, there are restrictions that are seemingly designed with the idea in mind that it is only time until the non-Muslims convert to Islam. The Quranic reference is 9:29 (Al-Taubah): Fight against those who believe not in Allah, nor in the Last Day, nor forbid that which has been forbidden by Allah and his Messenger and those who acknowledge not the religion of truth among the people the Scripture, until they pay the jizyah with willing submission, and feel themselves subdued. The interpretation of this in Islamic Law is that the Caliph is to make war on everyone until they either accept Islam or pay the jizyah (poll tax). Some of the restrictions (taken from The Reliance of the Traveller, by Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, translated by Noah Ha Mim Keller, and published by the Modern Printing Press, Dubai UAE, 1991) on people who pay the jizyah are as follows: O11.5: Such non-Muslim subjects are obliged to comply with Islamic rules that pertain to the safety and indemnity of life, reputation, and property. In addition, they: 1. Are penalized for committing adultery or theft, though not for drunkenness; 2. Are distinguished from Muslims in dress, wearing a wide cloth belt (zunnar); 3. Are not greeted with as-Salaamu àlaikum; 4. May not ride a horse, but may ride a mule or sit sideways on a donkey. 5. Must keep to the side of the street; 6. May not build higher than or as high as the Muslims buildings, though if they acquire a tall house, it is not razed; 7. Are forbidden to openly display wine or pork (or to ring church bells or display crosses), recite the Torah or Evangel aloud, or make public display of their funerals and feast days;
8. And are forbidden to build new churches. 9. May not restrict any of his relatives from entering Islam. These restrictions come from the so-called Pact of Umar, which refers to the Umayyad Caliph Umar rather Umar bin Khattab, the second Caliph. The Pact of Umar reputes to be a form of submission initiated by a church in conquered land. That is probably a fiction, but whether or not, it is accepted by scholars of Islamic Law as an apt basis for the legislation. The main points of the restrictions are to humble the non-Muslim (inherent in the verse quoted above), encourage easy conversion to Islam and guarantee that the subjected religion does not grow.
227
YOUR SWORDS DO NOT CONCERN ME AT ALL: THE LIBERATION THEOLOGY OF ISLAMIC CHRISTIANITY
By Duane Alexander M iller 1 1 Introduction In this paper I will draw on the work of Robert Schreiter to discuss different forms of local theologies. I will suggest that one of those is a form of liberation theology. After some background on the overused word contextualization, it will be suggested that within evangelical mission circles the original vision of contextualization as organic has largely been lost as contextualization; it became an additional tool in the tool box of missionary strategies, to be done largely in a directed manner by the missionaries. I will then argue that the predominant form of organic contextual theology in Islamic Christianity is a form of liberation theology. This is characterized by its understanding of theology as praxis and wisdom, its use of poetry, narrative accounts, and apologetics in public discourse, and an agape-centred soteriology. The goal is a transformed society with freedom of religion and assembly and an acknowledgment of the reality of their conversionall of which goals defy the Islamic sharia. 2 What is Islamic Christianity? My use of the term Islamic Christianity comes with some reservations2. For the person familiar with the topic of mission to Muslims

1 Duane Alexander Miller holds degrees in philosophy, theology, and Arabic. He is presently a lecturer of the College of Liberal and Fine Arts at the University of Texas at San Antonio (UTSA). He is married with three children, and has spent much of the last six years in the Arab world. His current areas of interest are conversion studies (Islam to Christianity) and church history with a focus on world missions and Anglicanism. Other articles and lectures by the author can be found at his blog duanemiller.wordpress.com, and he can be contacted at xphilosopherking [at] yahoo [dot] com. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 228
Islamic Christianity is simply the religious forms of Muslim background believers (MBBs) and their communities. The word Islamic here refers to an origin: that the Christianity of the persons involved has been influenced by the fact said persons were reared and grew up and educated in an Islamic context. Regardless of how that experience of Islam comes to be viewed later, that common origin in an Islamic context marks a key difference from other forms of Christianity. Second, the word Christianity here is understood broadly, meaning allegiance to Jesus Christ as he is portrayed in the Gospels (that is, not only as he is portrayed in the Quran). The form of that allegiance or commitment, its depth, motives, and so on, change from person to person, and need not be defined in advance. Finally, and this is important, Islamic Christianity and Muslim Christian are very rarely used as a self-label. Within this large disparate movement there are so many different self-identifiers (Jesus Muslims, Muslim followers of the straight path, Muslim disciples of Christ, mutanassiriin, New Christians, Christians from a Muslim background, etc) that to treat each group as unrelated to the other is to ignore two key factors: their common origin and faith in the Gospels as genuine, uncorrupted revelation. 3 Indigenization and the local church The word contextualization was coined by Taiwanese pastor and scholar Shoki Coe in 1972. The setting was theological education and not missionary methodology. Coe understood contextualization as the next step beyond indigenization, and indeed this is a key factor for anyone who wishes to understand what contextualization is. This will be the first topic addressed in this writing. Multiple analogies have been offered to describe contextualization: for instance, communicating the seed of the gospel while removing the cultural hull. The analogy has its limitations, some of which we will touch on. Nevertheless, it does offer a helpful beginning point,
I first introduced the term in Reappropriation: An Accommodationist Hermeneutic of Islamic Christianity and I develop the concept in greater detail there (pp 4-6). St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 229
at least in terms of understanding how evangelical missionaries and mission-strategists understand contextualization. We will begin with a discussion of the original meaning of the word as coined by Coe, then move on to some evangelical developments whereby the concept was co-opted as an auxiliary to missionary method. We will then examine attempts to differentiate between the more traditional models of indigenization/adaptation and genuine contextualization. Finally, using Robert Schreiters analysis, we will note three models of local theologies which we find in Islamic Christianity. One of them is a form of liberation theology, and an explanation of that will occupy the second part of this paper. By indigenization we understand the process whereby a local church is brought under the leadership and direction of persons indigenous to that region and/or culture. How the term local church is defined is largely influenced by the ecclesiology of the missionaries who founded the work. It may be a single congregation, a cluster of city churches, or an entire region (ie, a diocese). Indeed, in the New Testament the word is used in all these manners, and Paul can speak of the church in Galatia (an entire region), the church in Rome (probably multiple congregations within a city), or a discrete congregation (the church that meets at so-and-sos house). The key shift with indigenization is then the transfer of authority to indigenous agents so that the catechists, elders, pastors, priests, and bishops are not foreigners. Indigenization is a gradual process; it is quantitative, not qualitative. The Anglican Diocese of Iran has a bishop from Pakistan presently. He is not entirely indigenous, but his cultural locus is much closer to Iranian culture than would be that of a bishop from North America. Indigenization then is related to the extent to which the mission and witness of the local church is informed by individuals conversant with the local culture(s). Three points must be made here for the sake of clarity. One: indigenization does not necessarily mean that the local church will look on the surface any more like the local culture. There are entire Catholic dioceses in Africa where the leadership, all the way up to the bishop or archbishop, is indigenous to the area. But the theolSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 230
ogy taught is thoroughly Roman Catholic and the liturgy is, as they say, more Catholic than Rome. Similarly, the Anglican congregations in Israel, while led by indigenous pastors, are much more thorough in their use of traditional Anglican hymnody than are many Anglican parishes in the Church of England, which have no problem with using tunes borrowed from Latin America, the USA, Australia, and Africa: these are praise choruses which, in their origins, have no connection whatsoever to Anglicanismas broad as that term is. Does this represent a failure of some sort? Advocates of contextualization would say yes. More is needed. Indigenization is significant and important, but it is not enough. The second point is this: The extent to which a church is indigenized or should be indigenized is itself fluid and depends on the local context of that church. Many churches (or communions of churches) place a good deal of import on the fact that they are not only local. The prime example of this is the Catholic Church, but one might then mention the Orthodox Churches and the Anglican Communion, and finally those churches which have world federations of some sortthe Baptists, Lutherans, Methodists, and so on. There is no such thing as an indigenous leader in this context. The limits and desirability of indigenization are informed by the global context. 100% indigeneity is, in the end, probably not possible in the globalized world of today. Lastly, multiple examples of indigenization being rejected by the indigenous Christians can be provided. One fine example is in Harper 1995, where the local missionaries want to build a church using indigenous materials and design. This is rejected by the local Christians because they associate such indigenous buildings with the negativity of their subservience to higher castes. They opt, not without much sacrifice, to build an English-style church building, which was much harder to build. 4 Contextualization as the next step beyond indigenization Many individuals, including Shoki Coe, have examined the process of indigenization and concluded that it failed to address the realities
231
of the educational and social needs of the churches. Let us remember here that Coe coined this term in reference to what he perceived as inadequacies in theological education and social challenges:
The theory of contextualisation did not develop in a vacuum. If one were to be true to the principles of the theory, one should admit that contextualisation was a product of its times. It was indeed a culturally conditioned notion that found its impetus in dissatisfaction with the status quo of theological education. Coe implies that the Christian churches in Europe and North America, in the estimation of many, were not theologically prepared for the turbulent 1960s and 1970s.3
It is clear from Coes writing that he and the Theological Education Fund (TEF) of the World Council of Churches believed that indigenization, while an important step in the life of the younger churches, could not be the final goal:
Indigenous, indigeneity, and indigenization all derive from a nature metaphor, that is, of the soil, or taking root in the soil. It is only right that the younger churches, in search of their own identity, should take seriously their own cultural milieu. However, because of the static nature of the metaphor, indigenization tends to be used in the sense of responding to the Gospel in terms of traditional culture. Therefore, it is in danger of being past-oriented. Furthermore, the impression has been given that it is only applicable to Asia and Africa, for elsewhere it was felt that the danger lay in over-indigenization, an uncritical accommodation such as expressed by the culture faiths, the American Way of Life, etc. But the most important factor, especially since the last war, has been the new phenomenon of radical change. The new context is not that of static culture, but the search for the new, which at the same time has involved the culture itself. (1973: 240)
In light of these factors, a new way of doing theology is needed. This led to the introduction of two terms, contextuality and contextualization:
By contextuality we mean that wrestling with God's world in such a way as to discern the particularity of this historic moment; and by contextualization we mean the wrestling with God's word in such a way
Coleman, Verster 2006: 97. 232
that the power of the incarnation, which is the divine form of contextualization, can enable us to follow His steps to contextualize. (1974: 7)
Indigenisation [] was more about ecclesiological form than theological substance (Stanley 2007: 22), and this is something that Coe addresses by arguing that it is not enough to yield authority to indigenous agents who, in their own patterns of religious thought and practice, had to a significant degree either ignored the indigenous context, or had compartmentalized practices and teachings into Christian-imported and indigenous-local. Or, to put it positively, the indigenous leaders (like Coe) are committed to integrating, critically, the traditions and patterns of life found in their indigenous cultures and the Christian message in their praxis, history, universality and thought. Non-indigenous leaders are committed to humble and patient discussion with their fellow leaders. Such discussion is not entirely uncritical though. Contextualization, insofar as it is Christian, must always account for the local and the catholic, the historical and current, balancing them in the ethos, praxis, and symbola of the community. So far so good. But what happened when evangelical practitioners of mission approach the topic (after a period of suspicion), and start asking, what if we, for the sake of Christian mission and evangelism, contextualize our message ab initio? 5 Two kinds of contextualization: organic and directed At this point we must differentiate between organic contextualization, which is more or less the process described above. A church is established, the church is indigenized to the appropriate degree, and then the indigenous communities engage in contextual thought and practice; this adds to, affirms, challenges, or modifies other local theologies, eventually even making its contribution to catholic thought and praxis. But with the entry of figures like American Phil Parshall in the late 70s and early 80s, we must specify another sort of contextualization: one that is done by missionaries and evangelists preemptively, based on their knowledge and understanding of the culture of the people they are trying to evangelize.
233
To some extent this has always been part and parcel of Christian mission. A certain sense of adaptation has always been present, though it waxed and waned. A fine example of this is in Pope Gregorys message to Augustine (d. 604), the missionary bishop in Canterbury4. He instructs Augustine to destroy the idols in the temples, but to cleanse the temples themselves and convert them into churches since the people are familiar with them. Also, since these new converts were used to making animal sacrifices, Augustine should find some feast (Gregory doesnt seem to care which one) when the new Christians can gather and slaughter cattle, not as an animal sacrifice but because of the joyous occasion of the saints festivity. Countless other examples could be provided. This fact is neither surprising nor are the churches ignorant of it. Reflecting on this history of mission Pope Pius XII wrote in 1951:
the Catholic Church has neither scorned nor rejected the pagan philosophies. Instead, after freeing them from error and all contamination she has perfected and completed them by Christian revelation. So likewise the Church has graciously made her own the native art and culture which in some countries is so highly developed. She has carefully encouraged them and has brought them to a point of aesthetic perfection that of themselves they probably would never have attained. By no means has she repressed native customs and traditions but has given them a certain religious significance; she has even transformed their
4 And because they are used to slaughter many oxen in sacrifice to devils, some solemnity must be given them in exchange for this, as that on the day of the dedication, or the nativities of the holy martyrs, whose relics are there deposited, they should build themselves huts of the boughs of trees about those churches which have been turned to that use from being temples, and celebrate the solemnity with religious feasting, and no more offer animals to the Devil, but kill cattle and glorify God in their feast, and return thanks to the Giver of all things for their abundance; to the end that, whilst some outward gratifications are retained, they may the more easily consent to the inward joys. For there is no doubt that it is impossible to cut off every thing at once from their rude natures; because he who endeavours to ascend to the highest place rises by degrees or steps, and not by leaps. In Bedes Ecclesiastical History of England, ch. 30. Available online at www.ccel.org/ccel/bede/history.v.i.xxix.html, accessed 27 Oct 2010.
234
feast days and made them serve to commemorate the martyrs and to celebrate mysteries of the faith. (Evangelii Praecones 585)
But there are limitations here. Returning to Gregorys advice to Augustine, further on in the letter we find the expectation that sooner or later the Angles will become sophisticated, mature Christians (like the Romans). In other words, the allowance was pragmatic, based on facilitating missionary efforts, but not necessarily born of the profound questions being asked by the Angles. This is also the sentiment expressed unapologetically by Pius XII above. If organic contextualization is an extension of indigenization, then directed contextualization is a deliberate extension of this pragmatic adaptation. In the image of the analogy of the seed, it is the missionary who takes the kernel sans husk to the new land, and plants it there; that is directed contextualization. Organic contextualization is a much slower process; it does involve transplanting the entire seed, husk and all, and hoping that after many generations the genus will have adapted to the new soil and weather, and thrive. Directed contextualization, largely a product of American evangelicals, is characterized by its urgent focus on productivity that is not unrelated to the form of capitalism prevalent in that country. Directed contextualization involves the construal, in the minds of the missionaries, of what it would look like if organic contextualization occurred. It represents a circumvention of what is a slow, messy and arduous process. For example, during one interview6 I conducted with a mission strategist from the UK who had spent many years in Turkey, he made an interesting comment about the early ordering of worship with the ex-Muslim Christians there. He recounted how he had arrived there, in a rather large city, and meet-

5 Accessed on 27 Oct 2010 <www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xii/encyclicals/documents/hf_pxii_enc_02061951_evangelii-praecones_en.html> 6 Interview done by Skype in March 2010. Name of missionary withheld at his request.
235
ing with the Christian Turks7 had suggested traditional (rustic) Turkish meeting customs, like sitting on the floor and using traditional instruments. They looked at him like he was crazy. What do you think? That we are from some village? they asked. During the interview he explicitly said of himself and his fellow missionaries, We had read our Parshall. This demonstrates an important point. What the missionaries think people will be comfortable with is subject to a very significant degree of error. The Turks were cosmopolitan and Western. Many of them had not been very religious as Muslims and had no great deal of affection for those patterns of behavior. His explicit mention of Parshall is also important, because it was Parshalls 1980 volume New Paths in Muslim Evangelism: Evangelical Approaches to Contextualization that really injected on a large scale the idea of using (directed) contextualization to mold a kind of Islamic Christianity that would be palatable to Muslims. Accompanying this was a helpful solution to an historical riddle that had vexed the missionary community for centuries: why have Christians been so unsuccessful in evangelizing Muslims? Answer: they did not contextualize their message correctly. It is in this volume that Parshall proposes the famous (or infamous, depending on whom one asks) Jesus Mosques. The form of worship at the mosque is preserved with minimal modifications and, moreover, Muslims dont have to use the selfidentifier Christian; now they could be Muslim followers of Jesus or Jesus-Muslims8. But let us return to the analogy of the seed, which actually appears in the foreword9 to Parshalls New Paths. In this understanding of contextualization it is, as was mentioned, the missionary who takes the kernel (but not the husk) to the mission field. But what
7 And I do mean Christians of Turkish ancestry, not only Turkish citizens who are Christians belonging to an ethnic minority like the Armenians. 8 The 1997 July/October issue of Mission Frontiers has two articles on the topic: Of Jesus Mosques and Muslim Christians and A Different Kind of Mosque. Both can be accessed online at www.missionfrontiers.org/pdf/1997/0710/sbt.htm as of 27 Oct 2010. 9 Written by Warren Webster.
236
exactly is the kernel? Is being a Christian part of the kernel or not? Is belonging to the Church part of the kernel? Is baptism part of the kernel? With Catholic and Orthodox forms of Christianity one can identify a fuzzy but usable core of practices, narratives and doctrines that connote orthodoxy. However, this is not so easy within evangelical Christianity. There are at least two reasons for this: one is structural, in that evangelicalism is rather fragmented. The other is that most evangelicals understand themselves as receiving direction from God through the Bible in a non-mediated manner. Because of this, appealing to historical consensus, confessions, documents, or councils may be insufficient for discerning orthodoxy. Furthermore, since the meaning of the Bible is nonmediate, it is sometimes difficult to establish a consensus on what this or that verse means, much less how it might be applicable to the question of mission to Muslims. While the main concern of this writing is not to focus on instances of directed contextualization, I do think giving two final examples of the most creative forms of directed contextualization would be helpful. The first one is a harmony of the Gospels written in classical Arabic titled Siirat al Masiih bi Lisaan 3arabi Fasiih (or in English, The Life of the Messiah in a Classical Arabic Tongue). This harmony of the Gospels was composed by two scholars, one American and one Palestinian, who desired to present the teachings and life of Jesus to Muslims in a manner that they would understand and accept. Multiple steps were taken to make this occur: First, this is one book, so the traditional four gospels have been folded into one. This is more amenable to how Muslims understand the meaning of the word injiil as it occurs in the Quran, where it is portrayed as a single body of teachings given to Jesus by God. Second, each chapter is given a name much like the names of the surahs of the Quran. We thus have sections named Al Kalima (The Word) which is a rendition of the opening verses of John 1, Al Midhwad (The Manger), Al Sab3iin (The Seventy), Al 3arsh (The Throne), Al Xubz (The Bread), and so on. Finally, the verbs and nouns and sentence structure used throughout are heavily influenced by Quranic language. The project is a fascinating one and warrants much further
research10, but the reason it has been mentioned here is to give an example of directed contextualization. The translation and adaptation of the Gospels into this one volume is one of the best examples of directed contextualization in relation to Christian mission to Muslims. One more example should be provided. This instance of directed contextualization was devised as a way to plant home churches consisting both of local Western Christians and Muslim disciples of Christ, some of whom might call themselves Christians, while others may not. It is being used in several cities in the USA, though its long term success (or failure) has yet to be determined. The program begins with several teachings on the nature of Islam, the Quran, the Prophet, and customs found in many Islamic societies around the world. After that basic education, a group of people from a local church (or churches) then agree to meet at someones home on a regular basis for a meal which is followed by a liturgical prayer where men and women are separated, portions of the Bible are read, and a contextualized version of the Apostles Creed may be used as a confession of faith/shahada. These people are committed to getting to know Muslims in their neighborhoods, intentionally speak with them,and form a genuine friendship with them. At the meals, the food is all hallal and neither pork nor alcohol is ever served. The idea is that Muslims invited to participate in this sort of community will feel more comfortable than they would if invited to church on a Sunday morning, which is hardly an unreasonable conclusion. Furthermore, from the point of view of discretion for the Muslim who wants to know more about the Christian faith, having dinner with friends attracts much less attention than attending an actual church building. Eventually, the goal is that as an MBC is established, organic contextualization would then also become possible.
10 One of the individuals involved in this project is now deceased; the other (the American), no longer classifies himself as a Christian and in an interview (2010) told me he regrets the entire the endeavor.
238
Many more examples of directed contextualization could be given, but these two were chosen because they demonstrate how bold and creative evangelicals can be in their witness to Muslims, and specifically in their willingness to engage in directed contextualization. In a later section examples of organic contextualization will be examined, which is the central concern of the second part of this writing. 6 The syncretism-contextualization controversy This reality has led to a controversy among missiologists and missionaries that goes by several names11. The most concise name, though, which will be used here, is the syncretism-contextualization debate. The literature on this topic is massive. The battle has been carried out in the pages of journals like The International Journal of Frontier Mission, St Francis Magazine and Evangelical Missions Quarterly. The details of this controversy are beyond the immediate scope of this writing. However, as an introduction it should be said that the lack of consensus on how to engage in directed contextualization, and the related question of what the limits of said contextualization are, have led to some deep disagreements. Those supporting a vigorous project of directed contextualization see themselves as finally shedding the chains of a Western culture from the gospel, completely removing the husk from the kernel, and making that message intelligible to Muslims. Those who are suspicious of this project level accusations of syncretism and compromising the gospel. To return to the analogy of the seed, one side says, look were planting just the kernel, and youre moving an entire tree! The other side says, youve killed the whole seed. This controversy is not actually about contextualization itself. There is a sense among evangelical missionaries and missiologists that organic contextualization is, in general, positive and healthy for a local church. The debate is regarding who should do the contextualization. Should the missionaries engage in strategic adaptation

11 For example, the C4-C5 debate, the Insider Movement controversy, the Contextualization-Extraction problem. All of these names are inadequate.
239
(as Pope Gregory recommended above), establish a church, transfer leadership to locals (indigenization), and then converse with them as they engage in contextualization, knowing that this process will take multiple decades? Or should missionaries preemptively contextualize the Christian message for their audience, going beyond the mere adaptations that have always been a part of mission, as in the examples just presented? That is the question that is perhaps the key burning issue right now in the world of evangelical mission to Muslims. To some degree, directed contextualization represents a pronounced departure from what both Coe and Schreiter intended when they used the word. For Coe it was precisely the teaching, thought and praxis of the Western churches that had been unsuccessful. Because of this, the newer churches had to move beyond indigenization to contextualization. Furthermore, the term was coined to address questions relating to education and social order. Both of those are related to mission and evangelism, but when some evangelicals co-opted the idea, they made two alterations: first, it became directed; and second, it was enlisted to provide new strategies for evangelistic mission. With these clarifications regarding the history behind the meaning of the word contextualization, we are prepared to explore Robert Schreiters theory of local theologies, and then apply those insights to the Islamic Christian milieu. 7 Schreiter on local theologies and contextualization. In searching for some system of classification whereby we can investigate the different forms of local theologies, we turn to Robert Schreiters 1985 Constructing Local Theologies. Schreiter proposes that there are three types of local theology: translation, adaptation, and contextualization. Translation theologies are the most basic sorts of local theologies, they are often related to evangelism, and seek dynamic equivalents. Curiously, Schreiter connects this most basic form of local theology to the kernel and the husk image which is quoted in the foreword of New Paths in Muslim Evangelism,
240
and to which reference has been made above. The translation model relies on knowledge of tradition and works under the assumption that culture is easy to decode. Beyond translation, we find varieties of adaptation models. In adaptation models we find foreign and local theologians using indigenous concepts to re-formulate what is still substantially the imported theology. Adaptation models tend to begin with tradition and then use local terms and concepts to reformulate the tradition. Only when we reach contextualized models of local theology, which we are most interested in, do we find that the theology begins with the local concerns and local concepts, and, only then goes on to draw on the tradition where that may be profitable. We find this insight echoed elsewhere: What contextualization means is that you are asking the questions to which people want to know answers" (Abu Daoud 2009: 96). Schreiter describes contextualized local theologies as embodying the ideals of local theology (12). He also explains that there are two types of contextual theologies, the first being ethno-graphic, and concerned with local identity (ibid). Its goal is usually maintenance of social identity and family bonds in the face of urbanization and globalization, both of which submit persons identities to substantial pressure. The second form of contextual theology (and recall that Schreiter published this book in 1985) is liberation theology. This form of local theology focuses on dynamics of social change in human societies (14), is concerned with salvation, and seeks to analyze the lived experience of a people to uncover the forces of oppression, struggle, violence, and power (15). Let us note also that Schreiter, while allowing a role for the outsider in the development of a local theology, does not seem to allow that a genuine contextualized theology can be directed. As he explains it, the primary theologian of a local theology is the local, worshipping community. Liberation theology is also characterized by its method,
241
wherein, biblical and theological reflection cannot be separated from the goal of transforming lives and history12 A difficult question has to do with the Schreiters kernel and husk image, one that many evangelicals use to describe contextualization, as simply a mode of translation. Is it true that this image over-simplifies what contextualization represents? Let us operate along the hypothesis that the answer is yes: it tends to over-simplify the nature of the Gospel as something that is easily defined and supercultural. Also, it tends to see cultures as being easy to analyze and, to use a word that Schreiter resorts to often, decode. So, either Schreiter and the evangelicals are using this image in different ways, or evangelical efforts at direct contextualization in fact represent the most rudimentary sorts of local theologies. A full investigation of this question lies outside the scope of this writing. Based on Schreiters categories of local theologies, I propose that within Islamic Christianity there are three distinct approaches to the formation of local theologies. They are: 1) A genuine, organic, contextual model of the liberation variety which is characterized by praxis, apologetics, conversion narratives and poetry; 2) A genuine, organic model of the ethno-theology variety, which is also characterized by its use of poetry, emphasis on continuity of identity, understanding of Islam as a civilization (and not a religion), and is sometimes conflated with the third variety; 3) a directed (pseudo)contextualization which is carried out by some missionaries and is in fact a variety of Schreiters translation model; it is often conflated with the second model. What is being discussed here are trends and generalities. These are not three discrete schools, as if that concept even existed within Islamic Christianity as it does in Western academia or theology. Nevertheless, they are all present and if we wish to analyze approaches to the formation of local theologies within Islamic Christianity, these three general classifications are of great use. The re12 Goizueta, RS. Liberation Theology in Global Dictionary of Theology, William A Dryness and Veli-Matti Karkkainen eds. (Downers Grove, Delaware: IVP 2008). P 493.
242
mainder of this paper will concern itself with an exploration of the first type of local theology: liberation. 8 Liberation theology as praxis and wisdom It might seem that to mention liberation theology here is anachronistic. Is not the heyday of liberation theology over? Surely for Schreiter, writing in the mid-80s, it was understandable that he would include the genre, but today? But let it be noted that liberation theology need not be concerned primarily with material poverty, as was often the case in Latin America. Schreiter gets right to the point when he says that these models are primarily concerned with salvation from oppressive structures. Here is a recurring theme in this Islamic Christian theology: liberation from what is perceived as the slavery to Islam, the sharia, and the Prophet. Disappointment with Islam, indeed anger at Islam, is not uncommon among ex-Muslims13. Since Islam employs slavery14 as the metatheme for explaining the relation between God and humans, it is not unreasonable to call this practical rejection of Islam, its book, and its prophet, a theology of liberation. Furthermore, it is clearly not concerned with one ethno-graphic group. Practitioners of this theology range from Copt to Arab to Bengali to Persian. They will tend to identify themselves as Christians, seeing that different moniker as an important signpost signalling their movement from slavery to liberation. An example of this are movements in North Africa where the communities call themselves the new Christians, rather than opting for something like Muslim followers of Jesus.15 Nevertheless, it is incorrect to picture this sought-for liberation in solely negative terms, i.e, liberation from the sharia. That is in13 One pastor I interviewed who has very extensive experience ministering to Iranian Muslims and ex-Muslims in the West said that it is one of the key challenges involved from the angle of pastoral care. 14 Rather than filiation/redemption, as is the case in Christianity. Christianity does employ the servant/slave imagery as well, but it is not as prominent as it is in Islam where it is perhaps the key term to describe mans relation to God. 15 Cf. Madany 2009: 50.
243
deed a recurrent theme, but it is with the goal of reaching somewhere else, of constructing a new society. As Ibrahim Arafat16, an ex-Muslim originally from Egypt, wrote to me in correspondence, We are done with Islam and good riddance to bad rubbish, and the question that remains is, how do we fight for our rights and not yield to that Eastern fatalism in resignation to persecution (May 2010). To use a favourite theme from the Latin American tradition, the goal of the Exodus was not the destruction of Pharaohs armies, but entering into the Promised Land. But the former had to happen to make the latter possible. To understand the aim of this liberation theology, we must identify certain realities about life in Islamic states. In most of the Muslim world it is impossible to have ones religious status officially changed from Muslim to Christian, while it is easy to have it changed from Christian to Muslim. Countries like Jordan and Egypt that have signed the Declaration of Human Rights have done so with the caveat that the said declaration is only valid when it does not disagree with the Islamic sharia. Furthermore, all schools of sharia agree that the male apostate must be slain17. Regarding female apostates, they must be slain or imprisoned for life18. While the state itself does not usually carry out the sentence, often times a family member will and the police force will turn a blind eye. All of this is mentioned to explain why individuals who identify themselves as Christians often are, on paper, Muslims. If anything, this reinforces the image that Islam is a jail from which one must be lib-

Whose conversion narrative can be read online at answeringislam.org/authors/abraham/testimony.html 17 The excommunicated unbeliever is not only damned in the world beyond; he is outlawed in this world. He is deprived of all legal rights and barred from all religious offices; his very life and property are forfeit. If he is born a Muslim, his position is that of an apostate, a dead limb that must be ruthlessly excised (Lewis 1953:59). To this day, all five major schools of Islamic jurisprudence agree that a Muslim who abandons Islam must be executed (Fatah 117). 18 There is also disagreement on whether a female apostate is to be killed or merely imprisoned until she returns to the faith. Her offense is not regarded by any school or jurist to be of less magnitude, the disagreement merely relates to whether the appropriate punishment is death or life imprisonment. (An-Naim 211).
16
244
erated. Kenneth Cragg explains the complexity of the apostates situation well: It is assumed that Islam is a faith that no Muslim would conceivably wish to question. Consequently the option to do so is neither valid nor feasible. It is nonexistent. Looked at from this side Islam is a faith that no adherent is free to leave. And that which one is not free to leave becomes a prison, if one wishes to do so (Cragg 1956 [2000]: 307). The oppressive structure that this theology aims to overturn is nothing less than the Islamic sharia. This theology of liberation announces its message primarily in three modes of discourse: poetry, conversion-persecution narratives and apologetics. Instances of poetry abound, what is unfortunate in that we must limit ourselves here to translations, but even with translations we encounter a sincere energy. Let us begin with one example from Fatima al-Mutayri (trans. unknown), a convert to Christianity and citizen of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, until her martyrdom at the hands of a family member in 2008. She was 26:
The ode that Fatima Al-Mutayri wrote before her martyrdom19 May the Lord Jesus guide you, O Muslims And enlighten your hearts that you might love others The online forum20 does not revile the master of the prophets It is for the display of truth to you and for you it was revealed This is the truth which you do not know And what we say are the words of the master of the prophets And we do not worship the cross and we are not insane We worship the Lord Jesus, the light of the world We left Mohammed and we are no longer on his path And we follow Jesus the Messiah, the clear truth And truly we love our homeland and we are not traitors We take pride that we are Saudi citizens How could we betray our homeland and our dear people?? How could we, when for death for Saudi, we are ready???

The Way of Fatima8, 9. It appears that Al Mutayri wrote this poem as a response to a poem posted on an online forum for Christians in the Gulf. That message accused those Christians of several things, some of which Fatima mentions here, and then threatens them with death.
19 20
245
The homeland of my grandfathers and their glories for which I am writing these odes And we say, proud, proud, proud, we are to be Saudis We chose our way, the way of the guided And every man is free to choose which religion Be content to leave us alone to be believers in Jesus Leave us to live in grace until our time comes My tears are on my cheek and, oh! the heart is sad On those who became Christians,21 how you are so cruel And the Messiah says: blessed are all the persecuted And we, for the sake of the Messiah bear all things And what is it to you that we are [considered] infidels? You will not enter our graves or be buried with us Enough, your swords do not concern me at all Your threats do not concern me and we are not afraid By God, I am for death, a Christian, oh my eye Cry for what has passed in a sad life I was far from the Lord Jesus for many years Oh history record and bear witness, Oh witnesses22! We are Christians walking on the path of the Messiah And take from me this information and note it well You see Jesus is my Lord and he the best protector I advise you to pity yourself and clap hands [in resignation] And see your look of ugly hatred Man is brother of man, oh learned ones!!!!! Where is the humanity, and love, and where are you And my last words I pray to the Lord of the worlds Jesus the Messiah, the light of the clear guidance, That he changes your notions and set right the scales of justice And spreads love among you oh Muslims.
Let a note be made of a number of qualities in this poem. First, is that the author has no reservation about using divine titles for Jesus Christ, specifically Lord of the Worlds, which is a traditional Islamic title for God and certainly not for Jesus. Second, the author
21 The word translated here those who became Christians is mutanassiriin in the Arabic. It is significant to note that there is a single Arabic word meaning convert to Christianity. 22 Arabic: Shaahidiin.
246
is very aware of the reality of violence, but follows the ethic outlined in the Sermon on the Mount,23 praying for her enemy to repent and, presumably, join her in her embrace of the Christian faith. Third, the author has no problem calling herself a Christian (ana masiihiyya). Fourth, we see something like what we have in the early church. The Christians were then accused of being bad citizens because they were Christians. Similarly, in a country like Saudi Arabia, embracing Christianity is often seen as an act of treason against the state. The author here follows (probably without knowing it) the pattern of Tertullian24 who exclaims that Christians are not bad citizens, but perhaps the best of all citizens! Fifth, there is a strong hermeneutic of the love of God being the heart of the Christian faith that resurfaces again and again in writings as diverse as the Pakistani Bilqis Sheikhs I Dared to Call him Father and the Egyptian Emir Rishawis A Struggle that led to Conversion: Motives for a Gospelbased Faith25. Lastly, there is an unabashedly evangelistic tone here. This comes across better in the Arabic of the final line: wa yubashshir al mahabba baynakum ya muslimiin. The word translated spread can also mean evangelize in Arabic. Furthermore, it refers explicitly to Christian evangelism, because the normal word for Islamic evangelism is entirely different (da3wa). As we read Al-Mutayris writings the motif of disappointment with Islam becomes clear as well:
Muslims claim that Islam is a religion of peace and love and to this day. Muslims never hesitate to mention this in their media to the extent that they drive us crazy with it. When I was a Muslim and sleepwalking through my days, I repeated the same words. I used to claim that Islam does not attack others, but after doing a study about Islam, I discovered the opposite is true. (12)
An extended amount of time could be spent on an analysis of the few writings we have of this young woman. But let us examine an
Mt 5-7. See for example Apologia 42, 43. 25 Originally published in Arabic under the title saraa3 adda ila al ihtida: dawaafi3 lil imaan al injiili.
23 24
247
instance of liberation verse that focuses very clearly on persecution and evangelization, two themes which are so close to the heart of these theologies:
Selections from Steadfast26 Advance! With the streams of living water...it's the time for evangelism Don't be afraid...it's a dangerous time Fill your heart with love...the revolution of love drives away fear Any other god is evil Opium for people and navet of the mind Your Christ is a path of reformation and a sun of enlightenment Don't be afraid...all the enemy's wells are dry Whitened tombs...decorated...papers on which death is written Steadfast....steadfast We'll evangelize In our cells, we'll evangelize In solitary confinement, we'll evangelize our body cells We'll evangelize the particles of the air...we'll baptize the steel bars We'll save the walls...we'll light the tombs with your light We won't keep silent
These verses were written (in Arabic originally) by someone who simply used the name Mozafar.27 Let us note how directly and closely evangelism and persecution are linked to each other in these verses: its time for evangelismits a dangerous time. Also, the hermeneutic of love again comes to the forefront: the revolution of love drives fear away. The liberation motif is formulated in terms of transitioning from being in a drugged state to clear sight and light radiating from Messiah who is a sun of enlightenment. The image of the sun is especially important for anyone who has spent time in a jail or prison in the Muslim world, since they often times have no ventilation or windows. Finally, note the uncompromising language. A Muslim reading this might well suspect (perhaps correctly) that the papers on which death is written are nothing other than the Quran. The ex-

26 27
In Copeland, ed. 2003: 171, 2. Trans. Unk. His entire conversion narrative can be read in Copeland, ed. 2003. 248
plicit mention of baptism also puts forth a sensitive topic with no sense of timidity. Bilquis Sheikh, an ex-Muslim from Pakistan, explains how baptism is seen by Muslims: I knew that the significance of baptism is not lost on the Muslim world. A person can read the Bible without arousing too much hostility. But the sacrament of baptism is a different matter. To the Muslim this is the one unmistakable sign that a convert has renounced his Islamic faith to become a Christian. To the Muslim, baptism is apostasy (Sheikh 61). One ex-Muslim pastor strongly connects baptism and the Church, writing, In the process of baptism one should take oaths like, I have received Jesus Christ as my Savior and Lord. I will lead my life according to the teachings of the Bible, and I will do whatever the Church instructs me to do consistent with it, etc. How can a person dare to leave Christ after receiving instruction and taking oaths of this kind?!" (Emphasis added, Ayub 2009: 30). Similarly, when Masood is told by the Western pastor at the Methodist church in Pakistan that he should be baptized in private, he resists, insisting on a public baptism during the Sunday worship (150). Thus, while some of the doctrinal elements in this theology are informed by Western evangelicalism28, there remains a tendency to interpret rituals as being very important regarding the construal of identity and this in contrast to most of Western evangelicals who tend to have a low estimation of ritual acts qua signifiers. It is not clear precisely what the source of this difference regarding baptism is. But American anthropologist, Edwin Zehner, who has studied con-

28 One could expand on the relation between Western evangelicalism and this Islamic Christian theology of liberation. What contextualization means is that you are asking the questions to which people want to know answers" (Abu Daoud 2009: 96). Western evangelicalism and this liberation theology are really not asking similar questions at all, nor do they have the same methodology or epistemology of theological knowledge. This liberation theology rarely involves itself with complex dogmatic questions, though on one occasion when it does (Rishawi 1993: 171-5), the author ends up disagreeing with no less a doctrine than penal substitution! That having been said, most of the traditional hallmarks of evangelicalism are here, ie sola scritura, a high Christology, an emphasis on a personal act of conversion to Christ, etc.
249
version from both Buddhism and Islam to evangelical Christianity, offers one suggestion:
I personally suspect that new MBBs value baptism more than even the missionaries do, because they are already used to the notion of a "ritual of entry" (two of them, in factthe shahada and circumcision). The missionaries, on the other hand, almost all come from backgrounds that [regard] baptism as a symbol, delaying it, and even [] shifting some of its New Testament symbolic resources to other "acts of entry" such as the "prayer of conversion."29
This is a theology of praxis: As understood today, praxis is the ensemble of social relationships that include and determine the structures of social conscience (Schreiter 91). In relating praxis to liberation we read further, Since oppressive relations occur in every society, and in many societies characterize the larger part of social life, praxis can come to be defined as revolutionary or transformative practice, aimed at the changing of those patterns (ibid). The main oppressive pattern here is not economical as was often the case with the Latin American varieties of liberation theology. Rather it is the entire edifice of Islamic sharia. Sharia stipulates death for these apostates, but Fatima commands, Leave us to live in grace, until our time comes. To the efforts of the sharia to silence the propagation of the Gospel, Mozafar announces to God, Well light the tombs with your light. The subversive praxes whereby this liberation theology seeks to undermine the sharia are evangelism and apologetics. The most well known theologian-practitioner here is the Coptic priest Abuna Zakaria Botros. Without going into great detail, the systematic theology of Botros, which appears to be a curious if compelling form of Coptic Orthodoxy with evangelical sensitivities, is not the issue. This man was born into a Christian family in Egypt and has never been a Muslim. What is important is the theological message that he is communicating, not in his words, but by the very act of engaging in overt, unapologetic, bold evangelization of Muslims. Equally

29
Correspondence with author, March 2010. 250
scandalous to many Muslims is how successful he has been30. His apologetic ministry, which is broadcast on satellite TV all over the Muslim world, enables a Copt to challenge Muslims regarding everything from the Quran to the Prophet to sharia. This state of affairs represents a huge reversal of the order envisioned in the Quran (at least as many Muslims interpret it) wherein Muslims (the best of all peoples31) enjoy a privileged position above the People of the Book, who pay the jizya with willing submission, and feel themselves subdued (9:29). Here then is an example of a person who is technically an outsider contributing both to the formation of this theology and, significantly, to its praxis. His preaching and teaching not only seek to (and do) convert Muslims to Christianity, but also to model for Christians how they can do the same thing. The application of this liberation theology is nothing less than bold evangelism which strikes at the heart of the system of dhimmitude, which Kenneth Cragg describes well32: Their [the dhimmis] authority to worship, to solemnize marriages, to own property, and the like, is contingent on their observing a policy of introversion. By a legacy of the millet concept it is difficult for them to be at once communities of worship and communities of evangelism. This is a cruel dilemma, but a real one. When it comes to Islamic milieus, overt evangelism is the apogee of subversive praxis. Let us turn to the topic of pastoral issues briefly, because it is here that we better understand why the sharia is perceived as an oppressive structure which must be overthrown. For people in the West it may not be immediately clear how significant it is what
30 During a conversation with him in 2006 he told me he had baptized over 500 Muslims himself. 31 The Quran 7:89. 32 2000 [1956]: 320, 1. Note that the millet system is simply the Turkish application of the dhimmi principal. Christians are not usually called dhimmis in Islamic countries anymore, though several indigenous, Arab pastors explained to me that they felt that Muslims still had that concept in mind (of Muslims being superior to Christians and entitled to greater rights and status), and that the governments operated accordingly. Thus in Egypt a Muslim can burn down a Christian shop with little fear that the police will do anything at all.
251
ones religion is officially, rather than personally. As one wellintentioned American evangelical told me, Who cares what their ID card says, they have Jesus in their hearts! Let us not denigrate the very significant change that has occurred in their conversion, or to use that rather rustic evangelical phrase, having Jesus in their hearts. But when one examines the quotidian realities attached to official religion we are left with a sobering picture. This picture is related to the social order imposed by the sharia. For one, a man who is Muslim, on his documents, may indeed marry a Christian woman, but there are numerous practical difficulties. First, many Christian parents will not agree to have their daughter marry such a man, especially evangelicals. And two, even if the two are wed, their children will inherit the status of Muslim from their father. This means that even if they are baptized and raised in the church, they will take classes on Islam periodically, under a religious teacher, at their school. Second, it means that in all questions of family law, like divorce, custody, and inheritance, cases will be handled according to the principles of Islamic sharia, and not by Christian church courts. In the case of an ex-Muslima, she cannot be married to a Christian, as the sharia prohibits anyone other than a Muslim to take a Muslim wife. Her options are either a Muslim man (which most Christians understand as being contrary to Scripture and/or culturally reprehensible) or a fellow ex-Muslim. If she ascents to marrying a Muslim man who has little or no sympathy for Christianity, she may well be pressured constantly to revert to Islam, and/or be beaten (which the Quran permits33), and she will probably be rejected by the local Christian communitythat is if she is even able

33 "Men have authority over women because God has made the one superior to the other, and because they spend their wealth to maintain them. Good women are obedient. They guard their unseen parts because God has guarded them. As for those from whom you fear disobedience, admonish them and send them to beds apart and beat them. Then if they obey you, take no further action against them. Surely God is high, supreme." (Dawood's translation of the Quran, 4:34) The Quran contains a great deal of obscure Arabic words, but the word for beat or hit (darab) in this verse is very clear and easy to translate.
252
to visit them anymore. If she marries a foreigner then she will likely leave the country and she will face all the challenges of a new society in a new country; also, her ability to evangelize her friends and family, so important to this local theology, is drastically diminished. In many ways the second option is ideal. But the difficulty remains that the children will be, in the eye of the law, Muslims. How do you go about raising children who are taught Islam at school, have an Islamic name, have Muslim extended family, and yet attend church, are possibly baptized (depending on the kind of church they attend, probably), and whose parents tell them, People treat you like a Muslim, but we are Christians. There is a depth here to the difficulty of this sort of pastoral situation that is foreign to most persons used to a secular society. Moreover, this is only one instance of how an already difficult situation (conversion from Islam to Christianity) is made all the more difficult by the sharia. It is not surprising, then, to understand why the very legal system of Islamic society is the object of subversion of this liberation theology.34 In addition to poetry and apologetics, we find a theological source in the use of the conversion narratives, which, using Schreiters categories, represents theology as wisdom35. Now conversion narratives serve multiple purposes. One is evangelistic, and this is a staple of evangelical Christianity. But in Islamic Christianity they also serve the purpose of a wisdom theology. That is, by a narrative story it tells one how to go about converting to Christianity, and
34 For more detailed information on the difficulties faced by converts as they seek to form their new religious identity see Kraft 2007, ch. 8. Kraft, who interviewed numerous converts in Egypt and Lebanon, argues that converts face anomie, disappointment with other Christians, both local and foreign, and especially are challenged by the issue of how to raise Christian children who are treated as Muslims by the State. 35 As opposed to certain knowledge, as is the tradition of Western systematic theology. Western theologies also contain wisdom theologies, the best known being perhaps St John of the Cross, books like Dark Night of the Soul and Ascent of Mt Carmel. We also find poet-prophets in Western theology, like TS Eliot. He is often quoted by religious scholars and theologians, though seldom referred to as a theologian per se. If Schreiter is correct then it is entirely appropriate to call Eliot a theologian.
253
within the narrative answers complex questions about relating to hostile family members, evangelism, persecution, imprisonment, employment, how to interact with unsympathetic Islamic governmental authorities, how to interpret visions and dreams, and so on. Shorter conversion narratives can be found on the internet36 and in print37, but it is the book-length ones that offer the fullest treatment. We should also note that sometimes the convert will tell what he or she did, and then explain why it was not the best thing to do, and what they should have done. There is clearly a pedagogical element in these narratives. Thus we should not interpret these narratives as vainglorious auto-hagiographies, but as genuine attempts of ex-Muslims to communicate how they dealt with the difficulties associated with their liberation. Two examples were mentioned above (Sheikh and Rishawi), but we could also point to books like Once an Arafat Man by Tass Saada38 and one which is, in many ways exemplary, Secret Believers: What Happens when Muslims Turn to Christ? by Brother Andrew and Al Jannsen. Secret Believers is at once like and unlike other conversion narratives. For one, it is written by two outsiders. Also, as the book freely admits in the introduction, it is not strictly historical but is a mlange of different narratives from real converts. This actually makes it stronger as a wisdom theology because it allows for many topics to be touched on, some of which are quite complex. For example, what is the appropriate way to interact with the government when a bribe is expected? Answer: pray but dont give a bribe, and expect to wait more. How should indigenous leadership interact with foreign funders? Answer: the direction of the ministry is the

36 Probably the largest single repository of such narratives is at http://www.answering-islam.org/Testimonies/index.html. 37 For example, the Costly Call books by Caner and Caner (2005 and 2006) and In The Den of Infidels, Lynn Copeland ed (2003). 38 Saada comes from a Palestinaian background, and thus the form of liberation he is focusing on is more related to reconciliation in the Holy Land. While still remaining within this tradition (in my view) because he is addressing a different context, the sharia is not a main obstacle. Rather it is decades of hatred and mistrust and arrogance between Jews and Palestinians.
254
prerogative of the indigenous leaders; also, a strong emphasis is placed on converts staying within their cultural matrix, even if in a different country. How can a congregation move from antipathy towards Muslims to energy and witness? Answer: Fasting, prayer, good leadership, and challenging the youth to read and memorize the Bible. Once you have a convert in a safe-house, what do you do? (A long answerread the book.) And so on. While the book is obviously written from a Christian perspective, it is brutally honest about the difficulties involved, as when the young Christian girl is kidnapped and forced at knife-point to convert to Islam and is likewise forced to marry a Muslim cousin who tired of her, divorced her, and then passed her on to his Muslim friend (as his new wife). This may seem inconceivable or Islamophobic, but this sort of thing does indeed happen. Finally, the authors have an appreciation for the role of the traditional churches (Orthodox, Latin, Greek Catholic, Coptic) in this work. Such a sense of respect is sometimes lacking from other evangelical literature on the topic and ignores the fact that one of the most productive churches in the world in terms of outreach to Muslims is the Coptic Orthodox Church. Finally, we find resurfacing again and again the hermeneutic of love, or if we wish for a more precise term, a liberation/agape soteriology. This theology of liberation is not isolated only to the Arab world. It is found in the Iranian diaspora all over the world, in locations in Europe, Africa and South Asia as well. We see it being enunciated in A Letter from the Afghan Persecuted Church in Christ, an address to then-US president George W. Bush39. The background was the new constitution that was going to be passed which would have no provision for religious freedom for Afghan Christians. They are writing to President Bush to ask him to intervene because, The sword of Islam should be removed from Afghanistan and Afghanistan should be a democratic country instead of Islamic, where all the sects have freedom (267). The Afghan Christians ask, if it is possible to make mosques in US and Rome,

39
Found in an appendix of Andrew and Janssen 2007, pp 265-8. 255
why could there [not] be a church in Afghanistan??? (268) The letter says there are about 3,000 Christian Afghans at the time of its writing (2003). One more theme that we encounter multiple times in these conversion narratives is the issue of the Bible, specifically how important it is to the inquirer or the convert, and how multifaceted its role is in these conversion narratives. Into the Den of Infidels (Copeland ed. 2003) is a collection of multiple conversion narratives. In it we find the rather lengthy narrative of Paul. He talks about how nervous he was when he first brought a Bible into his house. His religious teacher had given him a special job to read the Bible and reveal all its errors: The first day was the most difficult. I was under the impression that the Bible was not from God, and that it might bring demons into my house so I wouldnt be able to pray. Therefore, I kept it outside my bedroom. For many days I was paranoid. Whenever I heard a sound in the house, I thought God had sent demons to punish me for having this book around (91). But then, as he reads the book, he experiences a change of heart: I finished reading the Gospel of MatthewI read the rest of the Gospels and the Epistles and was amazed to find philosophy and rhetoric superior to those of the Quran. Since the Bible was written 630 years before Islam, how could we say that the Quran was unique in rhetoric? (99) The implication (for the Muslim reader, at least) is that there is no danger in having or reading the Bible, and that the philosophy and rhetoric of the Bible are at least equal to those of the Quran. He later goes on to learn more about the life of the Prophet and becomes disillusioned with him. Near the end of his narrative he reminds readers that as a Christian he now loves his Middle Eastern country more than he ever did before, another recurring motif in these texts. 9 Conclusion This contextual, local, organic liberation theology understands itself as praxis, expressed by apologetics, evangelism and poetry, and as wisdom, as is most commonly found in conversion-persecution
256
narratives. What is the shape of the liberation sought? Acceptance as co-citizens, acknowledgment of their conversion by the instruments of state, and a free and open public square wherein religious agreements and disagreements can be discussed with security and respect and without recourse to coercion, imprisonment, torture, or execution. Furthermore, it is organic. While there are influences and interactions with certain outsiders, like Brother Andrew and Abuna Botros, the narratives, poems, and approaches embodied here are genuinely born from the context of Islamic Christianity and seek to address the questions that originate in that contextpersecution, family relations, citizenship, migration and so on. Whether right or wrong, many persons in this group feel certain that the only thing holding hundreds of thousands of people maybe millionsfrom leaving the slavery of Islam for the love of God in Christ is fear of punishment and persecution. Some have crossed that threshold. Their message is, Now is the time for evangelism, and Love alone can remove grudges, and forgiveness alone can blot out transgression. To die for the killer is the only way to annul killing (Rishawi 175), and A man who can disagree and yet remain gracious with you is a hundred times greater than a god who cannot bear divergence of opinion or criticismthe dictators fragile throne (qtd in Andrew and Janssen 15). The dictators fragile throne is the entire oppressive system of the Islamic sharia, and in the words of Fatima al-Mutayri, the goal40 is civility that is transparent in appearance // and a new civilization in all measures and laws. It is this new civilization that is the Promised Land to which these exiles are travelling. Whether or not they will ever arrive, only time will tell.

40
The Way of Fatima 18. 257
Bibliography
SFM: St Francis Magazine41 Abu Daoud. 2009. Observations on Abuna Zakaria Botros (and a Book Review) in SFM Vol. 5:5, Oct, pp 93-98. An-Naiim, Abdullahi Ahmed. 1986. The Islamic Law of Apostasy and its Modern Applicability: A Case from the Sudan in Religion Vol 16, pp 197-224. Brother Andrew and Al Janssen. 2007. Secret Believers. London: Hodder. Ayub, Edward. 2009. Observations and reactions to Christians involved in a new approach to mission in SFM Vol 5:5, Oct, pp 21-40. Coe, Shoki. 1974. Theological Educationa Worldwide Perspective in Theological Education, Vol 11:1, Autumn, pp 5-12. Coe, Shoki. 1973. In Search of Renewal in Theological Education in Theological Education, Vol 9:4, Summer, pp 233-43. Coleman, M and P Verster. 2006. Contextualization of the Gospel Among Muslims in Acta Theologica, Vol 2006:2, pp 95-115. Copeland, Lynn, ed. 2003. Into the Den of Infidels: Our Search for the Truth. Bartlesville, Oklahoma: Living Sacrifice. Cragg, Kenneth. 1956 [2000]. The Call of the Minaret, Third Edition. Oxford: One World Press. Dyrness, William A. and Veli-Matti Karkkainen, eds. 2008. Global Dictionary of Theology. Downers Grove: IVP. Fatah, Tarek. 2008. Chasing a Mirage: The Tragic Illusion of an Islamic State. Mississauga, Ontario: Wiley.

41 Note that all SFM articles are available for free download at the journals website: www.stfrancismagazine.info
258
Harper, Susan Billington. Ironies of Indigenization in International Bulletin of Missionary Research Vol. 19:1, 1995. Kraft, Kathryn Ann. 2007. Community and Identity among Arabs of a Muslim Background who Choose to Follow a Christian Faith. PhD Diss. University of Bristol. Lewis, Bernard. 1953. Some Observations on the Significance of Heresy in the History of Islam in Studia Islamica Vol 1, pp 43-63. Parshall, Phil. 1980. New Paths in Muslim Evangelism: Evangelical Approaches to Contextualization. Grand Rapids: Baker House. Miller, Duane Alexander. 2009. Reappropriation: An Accomodationist Hermeneutic of Islamic Christianity in SFM Vol 5:3, June, pp 3-36. Madany, Bassam M. The New Christians of North Africa and the Insider Movement in SFM Vol 5:5, Octo 2009, pp 49-57. Masood. Steven. 1986. Into the Light. Kent: OM Publishing. Parshall, Phil. 1980. New Paths in Muslim Evangelism: Evangelical Approaches to Contextualization. Grand Rapids: Baker House. Rishawi, Emir. 1993. A Struggle that Led to Conversion: Motives for a Gospel-based Faith. Trans. Unk. Villach, Austria: Light of Life. Saada, Tass with Dean Merrill. 2008. Once an Arafat Man. Carol Stream, Illinois: Tyndale House. Schreiter, Robert J. 1985. Constructing Local Theologies. London: SCM Press. Sheikh, Bilquis. 1978. I Dared to Call Him Father. Lincoln, Virginia: Chosen Books. Siirat al masiih bilisaan 3arabi fasiih. 1987. Larnaca: Abdo. Stanley, Brian. 2007. Inculturation: Historical Background, Theological Foundations and Contemporary Questions in Transformation Vol 24:1, Jan, pp 21-7.
259
The Way of Fatima: A collection of articles, messages, and poems related to Fatima Al-Mutayri who was martyred in August 2008, in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, for her faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. PDF File. July, 2009.
260
THE EKKLESIA AND THE MOSQUE: SAME, SIMILAR OR DIFFERENT?

By Salaam Corniche 1 1 Introduction An Arabia Islamic World Review article in July 1987 described the tactics of a particular group of Christian missionaries among Muslims and concluded that their approaches were new, devious and underhanded. More specifically the article addressed what it called the contextualized approach and observed that believers in Christ were now encouraged to use the name Followers of Isa instead of Christian, and that churches were now called masjid Isa.2 A decade later, in 1997 missionaries working in Benin, reported in glowing terms the proliferation of what they called Jesus mosques.3 The purpose of this article is to take a closer look at this phenomenon of Jesus mosques which was described as underhanded by the Muslim source cited and in glowing terms by the Christian source cited. Obviously there is a difference of opinion as to this phenomenon. The way that we shall approach the subject is to take in part, the advice of Dudley Woodberry who stated that To determine the
1 Salaam Corniche is an ordained minister who loves "theology on fire"; he works with his family in a predominantly Muslim country. 2 Ata'ullah Siddiqi, Islam and Missions: Mohammad or Christ," in Islamic World Review, 6, No. 71, (July1987), p.30 cited by J. Dudley, Woodberry, Contextualization Among Muslims: Reusing Common Pillars pp. 286-7, in Dean S. Gilliland (ed), The Word Among Us: Contextualizing Theology for Mission Today. (Dallas: Word, 1989). 3 Erich Bridges, "Of Jesus Mosques' and Muslim Christians," Mission Frontiers, (July-October 1997), p. 19 reprinted from The Commission [August 1997], a publication of the International Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Convention. The accolades for Muslim followers of Jesus in the mosque also are found in Richard Jameson and Nick Scalevichs First Century Jews and Twentieth Century Muslims, International Journal of Frontier Missions, Vol 17:1 (Spring 2000) and Rick Browns contribution at the 2009 ISFM Orlando meetings with a story of an imam installing a cross in a mosque in IJFM Vol 26:4 (Winter 2009), p. 179.
261

extent to which Muslim followers of Christ may still worship in a mosque or mosque-like context, we need to determine the function of both mosques and churches.4 In our previous article on the ekklesia of Ephesians, we addressed the function of the church, as seen by the Old and New Testaments. Thus this present article will examine more closely the role and function of the mosque in an Islamic context. Islamic sources will predominate in our investigation. First we will begin with a brief historical overview of the development of ideas that the church and the mosque can be said to be functionally or dynamically equivalent, and also analyze the underlying assertion that Islamic forms are neutral vehicles into which Christian meaning can be poured. Secondly we will look at the mosque in the big picture of Islam; how it was seen by Muhammad; the meaning of its Arabic equivalent --masjid; how it is viewed by Islamic thinkers today; and finally its heart. Lastly, the Islamic assertion that the mosque is theology in concrete will be affirmed, but not according to Muslim thinking. 2 The mosque and the ekklesia and dynamic or functional equivalence When a group of Arabic Christians in Jordan and Bahrain were asked by Bruce Heckman "How do you feel about Muslim believers using Islamic styles of worship when they meet together? some of the answers were revealing: The use of Islamic styles of worship is wrong. We cannot accept expressions of worship that relate to idolatry or strange rituals."

4 J. Dudley Woodberry, Contextualization Among Muslims: Using Common Pillars, International Journal of Frontier Missions, Vol 13:4 (Oct.-Dec. 1996), p. 10. The reason that we say, in part is because the phrase Muslim followers of Christ could be assumed to be accepted without reservation by this author, but as we explore what it means to be a Muslim in the context of the mosque this phrase will be seen to be increasingly problematic.
262

"I personally believe Islamic worship is devised by the devil. The worship structure of Muslim believers should therefore be different and not attached to the past."
He also asked "What could be the effects of using Islamic styles of worship?" The negative responses included: Those using Islamic style of worship would deviate from true Christianity." "Using old forms of worship would take them back to the life from which they were delivered." "Continuity with the past will tie the Muslim believer to darkness."5
The challenge of this paper is to examine in the light of Islamic doctrine, a Biblical Christian worldview, and the history of missions to Muslims, if these statements by these Arabic Christians are to be considered as wise counsel. 3 Historical background Sam Schlorff has done a great service to help understand the history of missions to Muslims in his book Missiological Models in Ministry to Muslims. There he traces some of the roots of the modern day contextualization movement. He observes that in the early 1900s voices were starting to ask questions about methodology and the underlying view of other religions. Schlorff carefully analyses some of the ideas behind the changes that were arriving and detects two major presuppositions are at work, namely the so-called sin of missionary extractionism, the assertion of neutrality of culture with its resultant idea that one can infuse Muslim forms with Christian meaning.6 He also helpfully traces the effects of taking the phi-

5 Bruce Heckman, "Arab Christian Reaction to Contextualization in the Middle East," (Unpublished M.A. thesis; Pasadena, CA: Fuller Theological Seminary, 1988), pp. 73-75; 80-81 cited by Dudley Woodberry, (1989) Dimensions of Witness Among Muslims in The World of Islam CD v. 1.0 (Global Mapping International,2000), n.p. 6 Samuel P. Schlorff, Missiological Models in Ministry to Muslims. (Upper Darby, PA.: Middle East Resources, 2006), pp. 84-85.
263

losophy behind dynamic equivalence translation theories and applying them to missions. His analyses will be used to lay the groundwork in answering the question whether a follower of Jesus can stay in the mosque or is it whether the mosque can stay in the follower of Jesus in perspective.7 4 Two streams Schlorff identifies two streams of thought with respect to the relationship between the use of Muslim forms and the Christian believer. The first stream, he noted was a growing sensitivity to leaving areas of Middle Eastern culture, for example, that were neither offensive to the gospel nor send mixed messages, as possibly useful in Christian worship. Already in 1916 it was recommended that in order to reach Muslims in India, what was needed were Churches furnished more in Mosque-fashion and erected in Saracenic style.8 This sentiment was expressed again by Robert McClenahan in 1942 in the same journal under the title 'The Moslem's Mosque and the Christian's Church where he suggested in so many words that some of the barnacles of Christendom surrounding ecclesiastic practices might be well be scrutinized in the light of scripture and that hard questions be asked about their helpfulness or hindrances to missions to Muslims. This stream, if we would fast forward to the 1990s might be fleshed out in a C-4 church where a mat instead of a pew is used. The second stream, which Schlorff identified, was that Islam must be viewed as a work of the Holy Spirit and this was encapsulated in Bevan Jones 1932 book, The People of the Mosque.9 The seeds of this line of thought found fertile ground in Eugene Nidas dynamic equivalence theories of translation of the 1950s which suggested that it would be desirable to make the Bible fully/entirely
7 This is a tongue in cheek push-back of a group of analysts who came to the country where I work, and they posed the following question to ex-Muslim believers, Can a Christian stay in the mosque? 8 Arthur, J.P. French, The Problem of Islam in India: A Discussion of Methods, The Moslem World, Vol 6, No. 1 (Jan 1916), p. 11. 9Schlorff, p. 15.
264

meaningful to the receptor language.10 Nidas ideas were taken up by Charles Kraft and in 1974 he advocated that we bend every effort toward stimulating a faith renewal movement within Islam".11 To accomplish this noble goal he suggested "that we encourage some Christians to become Christian Muslims in order to win Muslims to Muslim Christianity". The barn door had swung open. The stream continued and in 1977 John Wilder wrote "Some Reflections on Possibilities for People Movements among Muslims." There he suggested two possibilities, namely "a people movement to Christ which remains within Islam or "a people movement constituting a new church of Muslim cultural orientation"12 Schlorff notes that Wilders first option seems to have captured the imagination of evangelicals.13 In 1978 at a Colorado Springs conference Kraft ran with this concept, which he would flesh out more fully in his 1979 publication of "Dynamic Equivalence Churches in Muslim Society." Listen to Krafts own words concerning the essential neutrality of Islamic forms, and the possibility to infuse them with Christian meaning.
The kinds of ritual, behavior patterns, places and times of meeting, music (if any), prayer times and postures, even doctrinal formulations are quite incidental to the allegiance that is being expressed through them I believe [] that it would be thoroughly Biblical to work toward a recombination of Christian allegiance with so-called Muslim religious structures... Indeed [] I believe that this is what Muhammad himself was trying to do: to combine an allegiance to the Judeo-Christian God with Arabic cultural structures. Abraham and Moses and Paul before

10 Eugene A. Nida, Customs and Cultures; Anthropology for Christian Missions. (New York: Harper, 1954.) 11Charles H. Kraft, "Psychological Stress Factors Among Muslims," in Conference on Media in Islamic Culture (1974), p. 143 cited by Schlorff, p. 80. 12 John W. Wilder, "Some Reflections on Possibilities for People Movements among Muslims," in Missiology 5/3 (July 1977), pp 301-20, as cited by Schlorff, pp. 80-81. 13 Ibid. p. 81.
265

him had performed similar recombinations between that allegiance and the cultures within which they worked. 14
The old adage, ideas have consequences certainly has proven to be true, historically speaking. The cross pollination of ideas reached to the venerable John Stott, who wrote an article in Christianity Today of 1978 entitled, Christians and Muslims: some barriers are cultural rather than theological.15
[The] question is whether a whole new way of presenting the Gospel can be developed. Can we show that however much new converts feel they need to renounce for the sake Christ, they are still the same people with the same heritage and the same family. (Willowbank Report) and that conversion does not unmake, it remakes (Kenneth Cragg)? Is it possible to conceive of converts becoming followers of Jesus without so forsaking their Islamic culture that they are regarded as traitors? Can we contemplate Jesus mosques instead of churches and Jesus Muslims instead of Christians?
The mantra of barriers to the gospel as being cultural rather than theological is still with us to this present day, as evidenced by the February 2011 issue of Christianity Today, with Rick Browns justification of tweaking the term Son of God due to cultural issues with Muslims. As much as Phil Parshall quoted approvingly, John Stotts assertion for the creation of Jesus mosques in his 1980 book New Paths to Muslim Evangelism five years later he seemed to have second thoughts about his first flush of approval. In his Beyond the Mosque: Christians Within Muslim Community he concludes that continued involvement in prayers at the mosque" involves a ritual [that] is too closely connected to, Islamic belief. theology and religious practice. I conclude that participation involves either compromise or
14 Charles H. Kraft, Dynamic equivalence churches in Muslim society, pp. 117118 in Don McCurry ed. Gospel and Islam: A 1978 Compendium. (Monrovia, Calif : Missions Advanced Research & Communications Ctr, 1979) 15 John R.W. Stott in Christianity Today, 23 no 5 (D 1 1978), pp 34-35 cited by Phil Parshall, New Paths in Muslim Evangelism. (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1980), pp. 157158.
266

deceit."16 Parshall continues to worry about the over-zealous efforts of some missionaries to Muslims in their radical contextualization schemes as illustrated by the titles of his 1998 and 2004 articles entitled Danger! New Directions in Contextualization," and Lifting the Fatwa." Yet, if we continue our historical overview, one will see that new ideas have an incredibly persistent quality to them and this even shows in the opening phrase of Dudley Woodberry, where it appears that he accepts unquestioningly the term Muslim followers of Jesus. He is certainly not alone as this is a widely accepted term by proponents of the Insider Movement. 5 The question of neutrality of culture As we will observe the form and function of the mosque from an Islamic standpoint will we see that it is the primary tool of identity formation for the Muslim. With a Biblical worldview as the basis of examination of the presuppositions of the Islamic texts which will speak for themselves, we will be struck by the fact that it has a theology in concrete that is a replacement for the gospel. This will certainly challenge Krafts assertion that the forms and functions of culture are essentially a neutral vehicle in which to pour in gospel truth.17 This will also raise serious doubts as to whether Krafts suggestion, albeit in a round-about way, that the ekklesia and mosque can be considered dynamically equivalent is actually valid. 6 The mosque in the big picture According to Mark Duries recent book, The Third Choice, Islamic doctrine can be distilled down to three words: ignorance (jahiliyyah), guidance (huda), and success (falah). He shows that for good reason, the call to prayer at the mosque (the Adhan) includes the words,

16 Phil Parshall, Beyond the Mosque: Christians Within Muslim Community. (Grand Rapids: Baker. 1985), p. 184. 17 Charles Kraft, Christianity in Culture. )Maryknoll, NY: Orbis.), pp.113-15 cited by Schlorff, p.85.
267

come to success.18 Similarly, we observe the manner in which mosques are used as tools for guidance in a doctoral thesis by a Muslim named Ijaz Mukhtar Mian entitled, The Mosque as an institution of Islamic Dawah. He defines dawah as a call to faith which requires, according to him, proper guidance.19 About the role of the mosque he states:
So they are places, educational establishments, social centers to learn to worship and worship to learn to obey and obey the rules and regulations of the Creator of the Universe. They reflect a belief and action system, so they are in every way extremely useful institutions on the face of this earth for the benefit of mankind.20
In Islamic thought, architecture serves to re-enforce belief, and so it will become quite evident, therefore that mosques are used to declare Islamic superiority over all other religions, having rescued pagan Arabian tribes from their state of ignorance. 7 Etymology of the word for mosque. 7.1 Place for bowing down
And that the Masajid are for Allah (alone) so invoke not anyone along with Allah. Surah 72:3
The etymology of the word for mosque helps provide a more indepth picture of its form and function. The Quranic word masajid is a plural of the Semitic word masjid which when Anglicized can be rendered mosque. According to Arthur Jeffrey, this Arabic word has its roots in Aramaic with the Semitic root s-j-d, meaning: to

18 Mark Durie, The Third Choice: Islam, Dhimmitude and Freedom. (Melbourne: Deror Books, 2010), pp. 16-18. 19 Mian elaborates on his definition of DaWah: I may say that Da'wah is to invite the people to: 'La Ilaha Illa Allah-Muhammad Rasul-Ullah", (that is, Allah Alone is worthy of obedience and worship and that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah). Ijaz Mukhtar Mian, The Mosque as an institution of Islamic DaWah (Phd Diss., University of Wales, Lampeter, 2001), p. 27. 20 Ibid, p. 16.
268

bow down, to prostrate oneself, to fall down, to perform the prostration, to pray, to serve.21 In the Elephantine papyri circa 5th century BC one reads Then did I, Ashiqar, indeed bow down and perform the prostration [i.e. sj-d] before Esarhaddon [king] of Assyria.22 In the Bible the verbal form in Aramaic occurs in the book of Daniel where the king attempts to render homage to Daniel, and the young men refuse to bow down to the kings statue (Da 2:46; 3:5-7, 10-11, 15; 7:20).23 Scholars disagree on the dating of Daniel, but a late 6th to early 5th century BC is not out of the question. In Biblical Hebrew, the word sagad meaning to prostrate oneself in worship which also uses the s-j-d root is found in Isa 44:15, 17, 19; 46:6. Isa 44:15b reads Also he makes a god and worships it; he makes it an idol and falls (s-j-d) down before it. Curiously in the Isaiah passages written about 550 BC and in the instances cited in Daniel, the emphasis is on either a refusal to worship an image of a deified king, or a mockery of those who create their own idols and prostrate themselves before them. The prohibitions of the Decalogue (Ex 20.5) seem to be at play, especially when one considers that the Greek Septuagint translators used the same word in Isa 44.15b and Ex 20:5. In pre-Islamic Arabia, the courtyard around the Kaba, known as The House of God which itself contained 360 idols, was a pilgrimage destination and was known as the masjid. A pre-Islamic text refers to the Kaba itself as the Holy Masdjid. The same s-j-d root appears in the Arabic word 'Sajada' meaning to bow down, bow in

21 Jeffery, Arthur. The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran. ( Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938), pp. 263-4 Masjid in Thomas Patrick Hughes, A Dictionary of Islam. (London, Allen, 1885) pp. 329-333; Johannes Pedersen Masdjid in H.A.R. Gibb and J.H.Kramers eds. Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell U. Press, reprint of Leiden: Brill 1961), pp. 330-353; Also see Encyclopdia of Islam, 2nd Edition., Vol 6 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991) articles on Masdjid. 22 Rusmir Mahmutc"ehajic". The Mosque: The Heart of Submission. (New York: Fordham University Press, 2006), pp. 84-85, fn 11. 23 James Swanson, Dictionary of Biblical Languages With Semantic Domains : Aramaic (Old Testament). electronic ed. (Oak Harbor : Logos Research Systems, Inc., 1997), S. DBLA 10504. Alternate transliteration sagid
269

worship, to throw oneself down, prostrate oneself (before). Hans Wehr and J.M. Cowan in an Arabic-English dictionary also have the following entries: sajda: prostration in prayer sujid: prostration, adoration, worship sajjad: worshipper (of God) sajid; pl sujjad prostrate in adoration, worshipping24 It can thus be concluded as one Muslim author noted, The Masjid [mosque] is the place where one throws oneself in prostration to invoke Allah, the All-Mighty. 7.2 Uses in the Quran and in the hadiths. 7.2.1 Quran Variations on the word masjid are used (31x) in the Quran and other words like prostration and worship, using the s-j-d root are quite common. A complete listing is available in Arabic and English at the Quranic Arabic Corpus.25 Select examples include:
A place of worship (lamasjidun) which was founded upon reverence from the first daywherein are men who love to purify themselves. Allah loves the purifiers. Surah 9:108 The Masajid (masajida), of Allah shall be visited and maintained [Pickthall says only] by such as believe in Allah and the Last Day, and establish regular prayers, and pay zakat."26 Surah 9:18 Prostrate (wa-us'jud) and draw near to Allah. Surah 96: 19

24 Hans Wehr and J. Milton Cowan. A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic (Arabic English) = Arabisches Woerterbuch Fuer Die Schriftsprache Der Gegenwart. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1979), pp. 462-3. 25 For a listing of all the Quranic words using the s-j-d root see The Quranic Arabic Corpus http://corpus.quran.com/qurandictionary.jsp?root=sjd#%282:34:4%29 (Accessed 2011/3/1) 26 Pickthall: He only shall tend Allah's sanctuaries who believeth in Allah and the Last Day and observeth proper worship and payeth the poor-due and feareth none save Allah. For such (only) is it possible that they can be of the rightly guided
270

It has been observed by Woodberry that the word masjid is used in the Quran both of Muslim sanctuaries and also of the Christian sanctuary associated with the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus (Surah 18:21/20) and the Jewish Temple in Jerusalem if, according to him, the traditional interpretation of Surah 17:1 is adopted.27 7.2.2 Hadithic literature
Narrrated Abu Qatada (r): Allah's Messenger said, "When one of you enters the Masjid, he should pray two Raka before sitting down.28 [ed: Rak'ah is the unit of prayer, done by standing, bowing, prostrating and reading as prescribed] The bondsman is nearest to Allah when he is in prostration.29 Ibn Abbas relates: Masjids are the houses of Allah on the earth. They shine up to the inhabitants of the heavens just as the stars in the sky shine down to the inhabitants of the earth (Tabarani).30
7.2.3. Later Islamic literature. Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) used the word masjid in a general sense to include the temple of Solomon. He said, Jerusalem is the house of David and Solomon. God commanded them to build the mosque there and to erect its monuments. Many of the prophets, descendants of Isaac, were buried around it."31 Despite English translators rendering the original word masjid as mosque, instead of place of worship or temple, they likely reflect an Islamic tendency to rewrite history, with prime examples of Abraham being described as the first Muslim, and an Islamic tradition that had Joseph and Mary working as water carriers at a mosque.
Woodberry (1996), p. 9. Ibn Hajar Al-Asqalani, Bulugh Al-Maram. (Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh, 1996), Hadith. No. 209, p. 94 as cited by Mian 29 Abu Bakr Al-Jazairee, Minhaj-Al-Muslim.[=The Way of the Muslim] (Maktabah Al-Hadithah, Riyadh, 1976,), p. 52 as cited by Mian 30 Mufti Abdur-Rahman Ibn Yusuf, Masjid or Musalla http://www.centralmosque.com/fiqh/mmussalla1.htm (Accessed 2011/3/1) 31 Ibn Khaldun, Franz Rosenthal, and N. J. Dawood, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1969), p. 269.
27 28
271

7.2.4 Summary According to Islamic usage then, wheresoever sajda (prostration) is done, that place is described as a masjid. Another citation echoed this by stating the mosque is essentially a courtyard for the faithful to worship in, either in solitude or under due supervision.32 Take note: There are parallels between the Biblical word ekklesia the people who God has assembled, and the word jami as seen in the word for Friday mosque which means gathering. The motivations and reasons for gathering, however, might caution us against making hasty conclusions as to the ability to reuse common pillars33 or to read Christian ideas of worship into Islamic ideas. 34 8 The Mosque as the centre of the Islamic universe Consider the following statements by M. Quraishy in his Textbook of Islam: The mosque is the undying symbol of Islam. The mosque is the centre of all Muslim activities. [] Where there is no adhan or prayers in congregation, there can be no Islamic community35 Could these be overstatements? Let us examine other Islamic literature.
32 E.M. Forster, Abinger Harvest. Part 4: The East: The Mosque (Mariner Books, 1950), p. 275. Also referred to by Harold W. Turner, The History of Islams Mosques: A Critical Analysis, Scottish Journal of Religious Studies, 2 no 2 (Aut 1981), p 149. 33 This refers to Woodberrys reference to a mosque in Tunisia which had used building materials from other sources, notably churches in its construction. He used the metaphor to suggest the possibility of adopting Islamic forms as they stood on formerly Christian and Jewish pillars. (See fn #3) 34 It is beyond the scope of this paper to distinguish between the finer nuances of what have been called the street mosque, the district mosque, the congregational mosque often called the Friday mosque (masjid jami ), national mosque, and the shrine. Suffice it to say, that for our purposes we will have the Friday mosque in mind when discussing the role and function of the mosque. 35 M.A. Quraishy, Textbook of Islam I. (Nairobi: The Islamic Foundation, 1989), p. 67 cited by Gerhard Nehls and Walter Eric, Islam As It Sees Itself, As Others See It, As It Is. (Nairobi, Kenya: Life Challenge Africa ,1996), Appendix. On-line: http://www.answering-islam.org/Nehls/tt1/tt10.html#MOSQUE (Accessed 2011/2/17)
272

By means of the word-picture of a wheel, the Scottish convert to Islam, James Dickie (a.k.a. Yakub Zaki) describes the interrelationship between the orientation of each mosque and the hub of the wheel. He states that each mosque is:
[A] building erected over an invisible axis, an axis which is none the less the principal determinant of its design. The Muslim world is spread out like a gigantic wheel with Mecca as the hub, with lines drawn from all the mosques in the world forming the spokes. These lines converge on a city and within that city on a point. The city is Mecca, and the point is the Kaba at its centre. ..The Kaba, a hollow cube of stone, many times rebuilt, the original of which goes back beyond the time of Muhammed, is the axis mundi of Islamic cosmology. It is diagonally oriented, with its corners facing the cardinal points of the compass. ..It is the centre of the world, because it is the primordial symbol of the intersection between the vertical axis of the spirit and the horizontal plane of phenomenal existence.36
Thus the Kaba is the geographical and spiritual center of Islam. Its shape in the form of a cube, has not gone un-noticed by Harold Turner who observed that its bears a striking resemblance to the form of the Holy of Holies of the Jerusalem temple, and to the shape of the New Jerusalem.37 Observers have noted that the Kaba is black in colour in sharp contrast to the New Jerusalems luminosity, has a black stone of adoration vs. the brilliant foundation stones of the New Jerusalem and is said to be positioned directly beneath the throne of God, whereas in the New Jerusalem the throne of God is within it. It was the Kaba that needed a cleansing by Muhammad in order to make it an appropriate house of prayer for all nations. Simply put, the Kaba appears to be a pseudo-holy of holies. Islamic sources tell us that the Kaba was designated as the prototypical mosque, although we know that Abu Bakr built a place of prayer next to his house in Mecca before the Hijrah, and that first mosque was built by Muhammad at Quba in Medina when he ar-

36 James Dickie, Allah and Eternity: Mosques, Madrassa and Tombs, p. 16 in Ernst J. Grube, James Dickie, Oleg Grabar, and Eleanor Sims eds., Architecture of the Islamic World: Its History and Social Meaning. (London: Thames & Hudson, 1996) 37 Turner, p. 136.
273

rived there.38 In traditions [=hadiths] narrated by Abu Dhar we read:
I said, "O Allah's Apostle! Which mosque was first built on the surface of the earth?" He said, "Al-Masjid-ul-Haram (in Mecca)." I said, "Which was built next?" He replied "The mosque of Al-Aqsa (in Jerusalem)." I said, "What was the period of construction between the two?" He said, "Forty years." He added, "Wherever (you may be, and) the prayer time becomes due, perform the prayer there, for the best thing is to do so (i.e. to offer the prayers in time)."39 [as the above, but the ending reads] for all the earth is a place of worshipping for you."40
Notice that the Kaba is contained within the precincts of the Great Mosque called Masjid al-Haram. Thus by definition it is said to be inviolable, sacred, set apart, and consecrated which were words also used to describe the inner sanctuary of the Jerusalem temple and the holy of holies of the tabernacle. 41 Glasse makes an insightful comment when he describes the Kaba and its purposes as paralleling, or should we say, attempting to overshadow the Old Testament motifs connected with sacred buildings. In his words:
Thus the Ka'bah is both the Ark of the Covenant and the Holy of Holies, not in the sense of enclosing the Divine Presence, but, rather, as the center of a Holy of Holies that stretches out in all directions; thus the whole earth becomes the locus of prayer for every Muslim, who each day fulfills the role that the Jewish high priest performed only on the Day of Atonement.42

38 Mosque p. 316 in Cyril Glasse" and Huston Smith eds., New Encyclopedia of Islam: A Revised Edition of the Concise Encyclopedia of Islam. (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2003). 39 Sahih Bukhari, (Book #55, Hadith #585) 40 Ibid, #636 41 Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi commenting on Surah 2:144, 149 turning your faces to the Holy Mosque states The Holy Mosque refers to the sanctuary invested with holiness and sanctity; the sanctuary in the centre of which the Kabah is located. in Towards Understanding the Quran. (English Version of abridged Tafhim al-Quran): Tr.: Zafar Ishaq Ansari. Vol. 1 (The Islamic Foundation: Leichester UK, 1988), p. n149. 42 Cyril Glasse, Concise Encyclopedia of Islam. (San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row, 1989), p. 216.
274

Glasses throw out comment, that the Muslim daily fulfils the role of the high priest only on the Day of Atonement will receive more scrutiny later in this paper. The building, which was said to be the House of God (Bait-Ullah) was said to be built by Adam and Eve, and then later reconstructed by Abraham. Ibn Kathir quotes Ibn Umar regarding Adam and later by Ali regarding Abraham:
Adam and Hawwa built the "Bait-Ullah" (that is, "the Ka'bat-Ullah") on the instructions of Allah and performed Tawaf [circumambulated] around it and Allah said to him: "You are the first human being and this is the First House of Allah for you to worship in it.43 Ali narrated, Allah ordered Abraham [Ibrahim] to build Kabat-Ullah. Ibrahim showed his concern about its shape and size. Allah sent a special piece of cloud and a voice said, Build it exactly under its shadow.44
J. Obermann is not entirely convinced that Muhammads invoking the imprimatur of Abraham were altogether spiritual. He prefers to see a certain amount of recycling for the sake of gaining authority. He states, The Abrahamization of Islam had led Muhammad so far as to include the age-old national centre of Arab worship in his institutionalized monotheism; now this stark residue of preIslamic paganism is in turn Islamicized by being anchored in Gods primeval design for the salvation of man.45 Mian further elaborates from an Islamic point of view and suggests that Muhammad laid the foundation of the Muslim society, around the five daily obligatory prayers (Salawat). In doing so he established the mosque as the central place of prayer, and thus the masjid became the heart, core and kernel of every Muslim settlement. Elsewhere he says that the masjid must be to the Muslim community, what the heart is to the body.46

43
Ibn Kathir, Tafsir Ibn Kathir. Arabic-Urdu, Vol. 1, (Juz 1, Noor Muhamnmed Karkhana, Karachi, n.d.) p. 191 as cited by Mian 44 Ibid, p. 189. 45 Turner (p. 138) citing J. Obermann in R.H. Bainton et al. (eds), The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955), p. 278. 46 Mian, pp. ix; 400. St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 275

What we are seeing and will continue to see is that the mosque is much more than an empty shell of a building, contrary to what some well-meaning, but potentially nave missionaries have described it to be47. Rather, it is what some Muslims have described as theology in concrete48 It was the fact that the mosque plays such a central role in Islamic society that caused Phil Parshall to question whether a Christian can legitimately be incorporated into mosque life and remain a Christian. Thus he entitled his book, Beyond the Mosque. 9 How Muhammad viewed the mosque Muhammad viewed the mosque both descriptively and prescriptively. When he stated that he was unique in this world due to six things that had been confided to him alone; one of them was that the whole earth was a mosque. He meant this to be both a description of the fact that a Muslim could pray anywhere, and also a prescription that all inhabitants of the earth should perform the Islamic prayers. Thus Bukhari relates:
Allah the Exalted has conferred a special blessing upon his ummah that is, the whole earth has been declared a mosque for it. Therefore, when the time for prayer comes, a Muslim may pray wherever he may be.49 Another tradition related by Jabir noted: The Messenger of Allah said, Unlike any other Messenger before me, all the Earth has been made a Masjid and Pure (clean) for me.50

For example, consider the words of Avery Willis, IMB senior vice president. Does the look of a building make a difference? Does how you kneel make a difference, or that you pray five times a day, if you transfer that into a Christian context? We need to struggle with that.God is doing a work in the people of other religions; a lot is going on in Islam in Erich Bridges, p. 19. 48 George W. Braswell, What You Need to Know About Islam & Muslims. (Nashville, Tenn: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2000), p. 49 quoting Ira G. Zepp Jr., A Muslim Primer: Beginner's Guide to Islam. (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2000. first printed 1992), p. 197. See also Robert Irwin, Islamic Art in Context: Art, Architecture, and the Literary World. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1997) 49 Sahih Bukhari, Volume 4, Book 55, Number 585. 50 Sayyid Sabiq. Fiqh-us-Sunnah. Vol. 1, (Dar al-Fikr, 1977), pp. 66-67.
47
276

Note that the contents of these traditions have been used as justifications to cleanse Muslim and non-Muslim countries of anyone who does not adhere to what Mian called the whole ideology of Islam namely the declarations of the Sahadah, that God is greater and Muhammad is his messenger and all that entails.51 10 Role and function In order to further explore what Woodberry challenged us to do, namely to closely examine the roles and functions of the mosque this section will engage with a number of voices, all of whom have been Muslim at some time in their lives. Since Islam is based on emulation of Muhammads activities, all mosques also seek to emulate the first mosque and its roles and functions. The words of two serious students of Islamic traditions, a Sheikh, and a trustee of the Oxford University Centre for Islamic Studies, along with words at mosque inaugurations all confirm this. 10.1 S. Solomon and E. Alamaqdisi In their book, The Mosque Exposed, Sam Solomon and E. Alamaqdisi, former Muslims, detail the activities that occurred at Muhammads first mosque. In summary they say it was: 1. A Madrassa or Islamic seminary 2. The place where spiritual admonitions and encouragement to resist non-Islamic influence through jihad were given 3. Where jihad operations were discussed, directed and its commanders appointed 4. The origin of official Islamic delegations sent by Muhammad and his successors 5. The place where delegations and representatives of tribes under control or negotiating for peace were received 6. The place where pledges of loyalty to Islam by the Arabic tribes to Muhammad were received 7. Where affairs of Islamic State were conducted, and was its headquarters

51
Mian, p. 398. 277

8. Where jihad was proclaimed and armies mobilized and dispatched 9. Where the companions received honour in order to encourage them, to continue the spread of Islam, and eliminate opposition 10. The place where Muhammad and Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman and Ali appointed judges for different regions as well as commanders. It was the origin of tax collectors and high ranking state officials 11. The place of origin of contracts, pacts and treaties. 12. Where Islamic Shariah unfolded and where binding, and loosing, permitting, and prohibiting was declared. 13. The location where the superiority of Muslims and the inferiority of non-Muslims was declared 14. The location where the supremacy of man over woman and inequality of people was declared 15. The place where death sentences were issued for any kind of opposition 16. Where people who executed death sentences on oppposers whether Jew or breast-feeding mother, were honoured 17. An army base52 In a word, one would say that the authors see the mosque as the command and control centre for Islam. Perhaps they would agree that the first mosque served in some fashion, the role described in a poem penned in 1998 by Recep Erdogan, now the Prime Minister of Turkey who then wrote "The mosques are our barracks, the domes our helmets, the minarets our bayonets and the faithful our soldiers."53 In case one thinks this is a case of exaggeration or skewed emphases due to Solomon being a former Muslim, consider the following list which bears striking resemblance to the above.

Sam Solomon and E. Alamaqdisi, The Mosque Exposed (Charlottesville, Va: Advancing Native Missions Press, 2007), pp. 30-34 53 BBC News "Turkey's charismatic pro-Islamic leader" http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/2270642.stm (Accessed 2011/2/16)
52
278

10.2 Sheikh Omar Bakri M uhammad In his publication, The Role of the Mosque Sheikh Muhammad, the principal lecturer of the London School of Shariah said that the mosque is 1. the headquarters of the Islamic State's supreme leadership 2. section of the Department of Information and Culture 3. Judiciary Court 4. University for Learning and Teaching 5. platform for oratory, eloquence and poetry 6. place where war booties are divided 7. detention centre for the prisoner of war 8. hospital where casualties of war are treated 9. home and refuge for the poor, needy and the travelers 10. a place of relaxation and siesta 11. a place where the pleasure of Allah and 'good reputation' is sought 12. eating place for the hungry and the needy 13. place for celebrations, socializing and amusement 14. where people in need can ask for help 15. place for consultation and exchanging views 16. place of worship and prayer 17. a Jamia [place of assembly] 18. the best place to be 19. place where some of the penal codes are implemented 20. [was] one of the first houses built for mankind54 A close reading of the hadiths such as Sahih Bukhari, Ibn Maja, Muslim and Abu Daowed, along with the Sira (i.e. the accounts of the life of Muhammad) by the likes of Ibn Ishaq (Life of Muhammad) show that the Sheikh, and for that matter Solomon and Alamaqdisi are not deviating from the lines of majority Muslim thinking. Their lists are confirmed by a man considered to have a perhaps yet a more weighty opinion in the contemporary Islamic world.
54 Sheikh Omar Bakri Muhammad, The Role of the Mosque, http://www.izharudeen.com/uploads/4/1/2/2/4122615/role_of_mosque_www.iz harudeen.com.pdf pp. 7-20 (Accessed 2010/10/15)
279

10.3 Yusuf Al-Qaradawi In response to a question, Is it permissible to use the mosque for political purposes Yusuf Al-Qaradawi issued a fatwa or legal ruling in 2006. Qaradawis opinions are considered authoritative in the Islamic world and he is a trustee of the Oxford University Centre for Islamic Studies. He replied:
The mosque at the time of the Messenger of Allah [Muhammad] was the center of the activities of the Muslim community as a whole: it was not just a house of worship and prayer, but included worship, a university for science, a forum for literature, and a parliament for consultation ... it was used by delegations from various places in the Arabian peninsula to meet with the prophet [Muhammad], and it was the place where he gave his sermons and guidance in all religious, social and political aspects of life. In the life of the prophet there was no distinction between what the people call sacred and secular, or religion and politics: he had no place other than the mosque for politics and other related issues. That established a precedent for his religion. The mosque at the time of the prophet was his propagation centre and the headquarters of the state. This was also the case for his successors, the rightly guided Caliphs: the mosque was their base for all activities political as well as nonpolitical. ... Politics as a science is one of the best disciplines, and as a practice and career it is the most honourable. The surprising thing is that it is politicians, who are totally immersed in it [politics] from the top of their heads to the soles of their feet, who are inquiring if the mosque should embark on and leap into political affairs. Politics in itself is neither vice, nor evil, according to Islam. ... For Muslims it is part of our religion: doctrine and worship constitute a system for the whole of life. ... It must be the role of the mosque to guide the public policy of a nation, raise awareness of critical issues, and reveal its enemies. From ancient times the mosque has had a role in urging jihad for the sake of Allah, resisting the enemies of the religion who are invading occupiers. That blessed Intifada in the land of the prophets, Palestine, started from none other than the mosques. Its first call came from the minarets and it was first known as the mosque revolution. The
280

mosque's role in the Afghan jihad, and in every Islamic jihad cannot be denied.55
Finally, to underscore the data from Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, Sheikh Omar Bakri Muhammad, along with Solomon and Alamaqdisi notice a number of statements made in conjunction with an intended or actual inauguration of a mosque. 1. In his relationship in A.H. 9 to the subjugated Christian tribe, the Bani Hanifa, the following action was described concerning Muhammad: "On the departure of the embassy the Prophet gave them a vessel with some water in it, running over from his own ablutions, and said to them, 'When ye reach your country, break down your church, sprinkle its site with this water and build a Masjid in its place.'56 2. "The construction of this mosque is not solely to provide for the needs of Orientals, but also to furnish a centre of missionary activity and to explain Islam to the German people."57 3. The mosque exists for the purpose of bringing people together, and our purpose is to teach in the mosques the moral, social, educational, economic, and above all the hygienic sides of religion.58 4. "We are met together to open one of the Houses of God which God has commanded should be raised, and in which His Name is
55 Mark Durie Blogspot (Sept 15, 2010), What is A Mosque? http://markdurie.blogspot.com/2010/09/what-is-mosque.html (Accessed, 2011/1/11). 56 William Muir, The Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira: With Introductory Chapters on the Original Sources for the Biography of Mahomet and on the Pre-Islamite History of Arabia. Vol 4, (London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1858.), p. 219 citing K. Wackidi, [=Al Waqqidi, Kitab al Maghazi], p 61. Muir also produces a facsimile of Muhammads words in Arabic. In his Vol 2 (pp. 303-4) Muir expressed some reservation about the authenticity of the tradition, but later felt that sufficient data about Muhammads treatment of Jews and other Christians would likely substantiate it. J. Pedersen in the Encyclopedia of Islam, (Vol 6, p. 648)-[see fn # 73] cites this tradition, attributes it to Ibn Sa'ad , yet calls its authenticity into question. 57 Current Topics: Two New Mosques in Berlin, The Moslem World, Vol 19, No. 1 (Jan. 1924), p. 90. 58 Can Islam be Reformed? The Moslem World, Vol 16, No. 1 (Jan 1926), p. 244.
281

remembered. A House in which a Moslem earnestly desires that worship which God has ordained for him; a House of purity and holiness, a House where the worshippers stand lined like a building well founded, behind their prayer leader, facing their kiblah (Mecca) in goodly array, in accordance with that true correctness required by religion. Side by side they stand with no difference between the Emir and his servant, between the poor man and the rich man. From the tower of this House sounds forth daily that honoured word-the word of the Unity of God.59 5. Attached to every mosque is a kuttab or elementary school, whose avowed purpose is to train up the boys of each generation in the knowledge and practice of the religion of Mohammed. A kuttab is as thoroughly Moslem as a Sunday School is Christian. The kuttab holds its classes every day, and weaves the thoughts of Islam into the primers and copy books and memories of the smallest lads. 60 6. We started using the premises as a "Masjid" (that is where, whoever enters, prostrates before the Creator imagining that He sees him)..The entire top floor became the Prayer Hall, an attractively maintained place. This is the heart" of the centre. Here are the people who meditate, read the Qur'an, and stand rightly behind the Imam to benefit from the Blessings of Allah in the form of unity of faith and practice through togetherness.61.Let me also thank the companions (As'hab) of the Prophet for keeping the Sunnah of the Prophet alive through the great institution of the Masjid. It is from the Masjid that they advanced the message of Islam through Da'wah throughout the lands on this earth.62

59 An excerpt translated from the Algerian Arabic newspaper Al Najah in A Moslem Preacher Quotes the Bible, The Moslem World, Vol 20, No. 1 (Jan. 1930), pp. 412-3. 60 Stephen VanRensselaer Trowbridge, For Egypts Childhood, The Moslem World, Vol 16, No. 1 (Jan 1926), p. 288. See also, Salah Zaimeche, Education in Islam: The Role of the Mosque, (Manchester, U.K.:Foundation for Science Technology and Civilization, June 2002) 61 Mian (pp. 375,378) details how the Lewisham and Kent Islamic Community originated and developed in London. 62 Ibid, p. ix.
282

Synthesis: Later in this paper we will observe that there are areas of sameness, similarity and difference between the ekkl sia and the mosque. The data just surveyed, would affirm a statement made Solomon and Alamaqdisi that :
Islam cannot be defined only as a religion in the Western sense of the word, neither can it be termed as a faith only. It is a whole encompassing system. It is first and foremost a socio-political and socio-religious system, as well as socio-economic, socio-educational, legislative, judiciary, and military system, cloaked and garbed in religious terminology with regulations that govern every aspect of the lives of its adherents and their relationships among themselves, and with those that are nonMuslims. The main institution that plays a central role in directing the lives of the Muslim community and everything related to it is the mosque.63
In a word, one could say that the mosque is the principal tool of Islamic identity formation. That is its role and function. Looking deeper, we will see how this affects the Muslim heart. 11 The heart of the mosque: the place of rewards for right observance. In order to examine the heart of the mosque one must become aware of the presuppositions behind its prescribed activities. Presuppositions are vitally important, as they expose the unseen thinking that lies behind the actions that are seen. Fortunately the body of Muslim traditions is quite explicit in revealing Islamic presuppositions, thereby preventing the charge of reading meanings into the texts. This section will observe numerous ways Muhammad guaranteed that activities surrounding the mosque would ensure success in the form of temporal and eternal rewards. This is a logical extension of the ignorance-guidance-success motif. As well, the Dutch missiologist J.H. Bavinck saw this as an outworking of the doctrine of duties, or fikh [also spelled as fiqh], which he affirms constitutes

63
Solomon and Al. pp. 20-21. 283

the very heart of Moslem theological thought. 64 The language of the balance sheet with debits and credits is most evident. 11.1 Intentions and good rewarded
Umar bin al al Khattab reported, "I heard Allah's Messenger say, 'The reward of deeds depends upon the intentions and every person will get the reward according to what he has intended. So whoever emigrates for worldly benefits or for a woman to marry, his emigration will be for what he emigrated for."65
In a nutshell the intention is what counts, and in some way this hadith presupposes that intentions are pure. In a similar fashion Surah 6:10 presupposes that unalloyed goodness is possible and thus has its rewards, to a much higher degree than evil.
He that does goodness shall have ten times as much to his credit; he that does evil will only be recompensed according to his evil. No wrong shall be done to them.
11.2 Self cleansing prior to prayers (ablutions) and walking to the mosque rewarded Cleansing in a prescribed manner, by external washing is a way to expiate sin in Islamic thinking. According to this system this is best done prior to prayers as it guarantees their effectiveness. In the Fiqh al-Sunnah, a book on how to best emulate the deeds and attitudes of Muhammed, we read the following two injunctions:
Anas (r) reported that the Messenger of Allah said: If good characteristics exist in a person; Allah makes all of his acts good. If a person purifies himself for As-Salat, he expiates all of his sins and his As-Salat is considered an extra reward for him.66

H. Bavinck, Introduction to the Science of Missions. Tr. David H. Freeman. (Grand Rapids: Baker. I960), p. 264. 65 Az-Zubaidi, Summarised Sahih al-Bukhari. Arabic-English, (Dar-Us-Salaam Publishers, Riyadh Z. A, 1994), Hadith No. 1, p. 49 as cited by Mian. *The use of Islamic statements referring to The Prophet or Allahs Messenger does not necessarily imply acceptance of the validity of these terms by this author. 66 Sabiq, (Vol. 1, p. 37), as cited by Mian St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 284
64J.

Abdullah Ibn al-Sunnabiji (r) stated that the Messenger of Allah said: 'When a slave (faithful) makes ablution and rinses his mouth, his wrong deeds fall from it. As he rinses his nose, his wrong deeds fall from it. When he washes his hands, his wrong deeds fall from them until they fall from beneath his fingernails. When he wipes his head, his wrong deeds fall from it until they fall from his ears. When he washes his feet, his wrong deeds fall from them until they fall from beneath his toenails. Then his walking to the Masjid and his As-Salat give him extra reward. 67 It was narrated that Abu Hurayrah: Whoever purifies himself in his house then walks to one of the houses of Allah in order to perform one of the duties enjoined by Allah, for every two steps he takes, one will erase a sin and the other will raise him one degree in status. (Narrated by Muslim, 666)
11.3 Rewards for prayer done communally The following traditions give a range of credit for prayer, depending where it occurs. They also presuppose that one can do their ablutions perfectly, and that intentions can be entirely noble, and that the act of walking can purge away sin. In the Sahih [i.e. reliable] hadiths of Bukhari, which are acknowledged with Sahih Muslim to be most authoritative we read that Abu Huraira narrated:
Allah's Apostle said, 'The reward of the prayer offered by a person in congregation is twenty-five times greater than that of the prayer offered in one's house or in the market (alone). And this is because if he performs ablution and does it perfectly and then proceeds to the mosque with the sole intention of praying, then for every step he takes towards the mosque, he is upgraded one degree in reward and one sin is taken off (crossed out) from his accounts (of deeds).68
Another tradition in the Bukhari collection mentions that The prayer in congregation is twenty-seven times superior to the prayer offered by a person alone."69

67 68
Ibid. p. 37. Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith 1:352: l0.30.620. 69 Bukhari [Vol. 1], 351); Bukhari, 11(Call to Prayers=Adhaan):620 St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 285

Jabir reports that the Messenger of Allah said: "Prayer in the inviolable mosque (in Makkah) is like one hundred thousand prayers (elsewhere). And a prayer in my mosque (in Madinah) is like one thousand prayers (elsewhere). And a prayer in Bayt al-Maqdis (in Jerusalem) is like five hundred prayers (elsewhere). [Al-Baihaqi, asSayuti] Thus, not all mosques are created equal. According to the hadiths, and even in modern day Egypt, as observed by Solomon a prayer offered in the mosque of Amer ib Alaas has more potential effectiveness than that in other places such as the Misr al Gadida mosque.70 It should be noted that Muhammad frequently referred to his mosque with a possessive my, mine. Echoes of scriptures such as build a temple for my Name (I Kings 5:5), I will give them within my temple, my house will be called a house of prayer for all nations (Isa 56:5, 7 c.f. Mark 11:17), the house that bears my Name, the temple (Jer 7:14) cannot be overlooked. 11.4 Early and frequent mosque attendance rewarded These traditions presuppose that showing up to the mosque can be an indicator of ones faith, and that early attendees have the potential of gaining more sacrifice-credit.
On the authority of Abu Said Al-Khudari Allah's Messenger said: When you see a person coming to the mosque frequently, bear witness to his faith, for Allah says: "Only one who affirms his faith in Allah and the Last Day, can maintain the mosques of Allah." (9:18)71 Narrated Abu Huraira: The Prophet said, "When it is a Friday, the angels stand at the gate of the mosque and keep on writing the names of the persons coming to the mosque in succession according to their arrivals. The example of the one who enters the mosque in the earliest hour is that of one offering a camel (in sacrifice). The one coming next is like one offering a cow and then a ram and then a chicken and then
Solomon, p. 27. On the authority of Abu Said Al-Khudari and transmitted by Tirmidhi Ibn Majah and Darimi.
70 71
286

an egg respectively. When the Imam comes out (for Jumua prayer) they (i.e. angels) fold their papers and listen to the Khutbah."72
11.5 Contentment and tranquillity promised for gathering and study in the mosque This traditions presupposes that the mind and activities of Allah can be known to Muhammad, who gave ample incentive for study at the mosque. According to Al-Umree, Muhammad stated:
Anyone who followed a way to seek knowledge, Allah will make his way easy to the Paradise. Never do a people gather in one of the Houses of Allah (that is, a Masjid) to study the Book of Allah (AlQur'an) and discuss (to understand) its meanings; but Allah showers them with contentment and tranquility, Mercy covers them, Angels, surround them and Allah mentions them to the Angels around Him.73
11.6 Eternal rewards for mosque building promised Two streams of thought appear to converge in the following traditions, namely that rewards are commensurate with intention, and also with executing the plan. The dynamic of if I scratch your back, then you will scratch mine or the Roman idea of I give to the gods in order to get seem to be at play. Might there be a subtle reference to the scriptural echo of in my Fathers house are many mansionsI go to prepare a place for you (John 14:2-3) in Fayes recipe for success?
Whoever built a mosque, "Intending Allah's Pleasure", Allah would build for him a similar place in Paradise.'74 Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet said: "Whoever builds for Allah a mosque, even if it be tiny, like a bird's nest, Allah will build for him a house in paradise." (Ahmad, ibn Hibban, al-Bazzar Sahih)
Cheikh Aliou Faye, the chief marabout of the Gambia revised and embellished a poem detailing Islamic etiquette written by his mas-

Sahih Bukhari: 2.51 Wali-ud-din Bin Abdullah Al-Khatib Al-Umree, Mishkat Shareef. Arabic-Urdu, (Maktabah Rahmania, Lahore, n. d,), Hadith No. 193, p. 64. as cited by Mian 74 Sahih Bukhari: Vol.1, Book 8, No.441
72 73
287

ter, Cheikh El-Hadji Malik Sy, who was of the Tijaniyya branch of Islam in Senegal and entitled it The Way of Success for the Disciple. Two sample verses read: Whosoever wishes to enter Paradise without punishment and without the need to give an exact account of his actions at the Resurrection, should build a mosque for God the Merciful, and he will be granted one hundred and thirty palaces in Paradise. Every believer who enters this mosque to pray will obtain a pleasant dwelling in Paradise.75 11.7 Eternal rewards unique to mosque attendees and mosque cleaners
On the dreadful Day of Resurrection, when there will be no shade except under the Divine Throne, seven groups of people will be provided a place thereunder: one group will be those people whose hearts were much inclined for prostration (in the Mosque).76 Sweeping the Mosque clean of dust and dirt is indeed arranging for dowry of the black-eyed houri [perpetual virgins in paradise] (Tabarani)77
11.8 Rewards for being the prayer caller These rewards presuppose that it would be possible award both paradise and ranking on the day of resurrection for pronouncing the call to prayer. Years of service also are meritorious.
Narrated Muawiyyiah (r), 'The Prophet said, "The Callers to the AsSalawat will have the longest neck (that is, they will be the tallest) of all people on the Day of Resurrection.78 Ibn Umar (r) narrated, 'Allah's Messenger said, "The Muedhdhin who pronounces the Adhan (sincerely) regularly for a period of twelve years is declared a man of Paradise. Everyday sixty grades are

75 A. Samb. Masdjid In West Africa p. 705 in P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs et al. eds. Encyclopdia of Islam, 2nd Edition., Vol 6 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991) 76 Bukhari, Adhan, 36; Muslim, Zakat,91; Tirmidhi, Zuhd,53. 77Rules and Regulations for using the Mosque and Islamic Centre of Hampton Roads, http://members.cox.net/z_noor/Rules.pdf (Accessed 2011/3/1) 78 Sabiq (Vol. 1, p. 94) as cited by Mian
288

recorded for him. As far as the reward for his iqamah [the second call to prayer] is concerned, he gets thirty rewards.79
11.9 Rewards for placement in the mosque and attentive listening

Abu Hurairah (r) reported; The Messenger of Allah said; Salat behind the Imam is twenty-five times more excellent than the one performed individually. 80 It was narrated from Abu Hurayrah that the Prophet said: Whoever does ghusl then comes to Jumuah, and prays as much as Allah decrees for him, then listens attentively until the khutbah is over, then prays with him (the imam), will be forgiven for (his sins) between that and the next Jumuah and three more days.81
11.10 Rewards for standing for prayer in the mosque

It is related that 'Imran said, "I asked the Prophet, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, about the prayer of a man sitting down and he said, 'It is better if he prays standing. Someone who prays sitting down has only half the reward of someone standing. And anyone who prays lying down has only half the reward of someone who prays sitting down."82
11.11 Rewards for lingering at the mosque

Muadh bin Anas Jahni (r) narrated: The Messenger of Allah said; Whoever continues to sit in his place after Salat al-Fajr and then perform two rak'at, of Salat ad-Duha and does not enter into loose talk, all his sins are forgiven even if they were more than the lather of the ocean. 83

AI-Umree (Vol I, Hadith No. 627, p. 147) as cited by Mian Sahih Muslim, Book 4, No. 1364 81 Sahih Muslim, 857 82 Sahih Bukhari Ch. 24 (Shortening the Prayer) 13, No. 1065 Note: The previous hadith, No. 1064 refers to a man who had piles, and some commentators see both of these references as a concession to someone who is sick, yet the gradation in merit from one lying down, to one sitting, to one standing is obvious. 83 Abu Da'ud, further reference unknown.
79 80
289

11.12 Fridays offer more rewards than other days
Narrated Abu Huraira: Allah's Apostle talked about Friday and said, "There is an hour (opportune time) on Friday and if a Muslim gets it while praying and asks something from Allah, then Allah will definitely meet his demand." And he (the Prophet) pointed out the shortness of that time with his hands.84 According to a tradition cited by D.S. Margoliouth, Allah rewards the piety of his believers with a generous act of liberation, namely that on Fridays he releases sixty thousand souls that are imprisoned in Hell.85
11.13 Certain days offer even more rewards for mosque attendance The night of Qadr, or the night of destiny is said by Quran (AlQadr 97: 1-5) to be worth a 1000 months of prayers at other times. For good reason, mosque attendance at this night is especially meritorious. 11.14 Rewards or disincentives for the gender of the mosque attendee
A woman is closest to God's face, if she is found in the core of her house. And the prayer of the woman in the house is better than her prayer in the mosque.86
11.15 Summary Every detail surrounding the mosque has the potential for meritorious behaviour.87 With each of these acts, good is either increased or
Sahih Bukhari 2.57 David S. Margoliouth, The early development of Mohammedanism. (New York: C. Scribner's sons, 1914), p. 165. 86 This hadith is classed as 'Hassan', or approved. According to Nonie Darwish in her Cruel and Usual Punishment. (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2008), p. 78 this hadith was very formative in dissuading mosque attendance by women in her native Egypt even though Muhammad did say elsewhere that women should not be prevented from mosque attendance when they were in a state of purity. She cites AlGhazali, Ihy'a 'Uloum ed-Din. Vol II, Kitab Adab al-Nikah (Dar al-Kotob al'Elmeyah, Beirut,), p. 65. 87 For a collection of Islamic traditions which promise rewards for recitation of the Quran see: Benefits of the Recitation of the Chapters of the Holy Quran (Civil
84 85
290

sin effaced, albeit almost wholly dependent on meeting various conditions. All of them presuppose that someone had the ability to actually declare the terms of forgiveness of sin, the entry into Paradise and position there, aversion of judgment, and that humans are able to fulfil all the conditions laid out before them. The phrase it is not by works, that you should boast (Eph 2:9) is wholly missing from the formula. This is most poignant in Surah 9:108. A place of worship which was founded upon reverence from the first day [] wherein are men who love to purify themselves. Allah loves the purifiers. Glasses observation concerning every Muslim, who each day fulfils the role that the Jewish high priest performed only on the Day of Atonement" was designed to be the highest compliment to Islam. Yet it is the most damning statement from a Christian standpoint. Essentially, it says that the observations surrounding the mosque are an implicit statement that one can make atonement for oneself daily, as a fulfilment and improvement on the role of the Old Testament high priest. This directly undermines the work of the new High Priest, with a better sacrifice, a better covenant, a better country, a better word, a better promise, a better hope and better possessions to quote the book of Hebrews. Likely echoes of Phil 3:8 not having a righteousness of my own that comes from the law, but that which is through faith in Christ--the righteousness that comes from God and is by faith would have reverberated in Pauls mind at hearing the above Surah and Glasses quote. Sam Schlorffs adage that Islam provides a perfect illustration of the cycle of sin, repression and suppression, substitution, and more sin will be examined for veracity in the next section, which examines whether the mosque and ekkl sia can be said to be the same, similar or different.
Service of Pakistan) http://www.cssforum.com.pk/off-topic-section/islam/17666benefits-recitation-chapters-holy-qur.html (Accessed 2011/2/17) St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 291

12 The ekklesia and the mosque: Same, Similar or Different? As soon as two systems of worship share similar terminology, it becomes incumbent to tease apart the semantics or meanings associated with words, in each system. Otherwise, facile equivalences can be made, which can prove to be more of a hindrance than a help. 12.1 Areas of sameness. 12.1.1 The call to faith In both Islam and Christianity people are said to be the called ones. In the former adherents are said to respond to al-Dawah al Tammah or as it is referred to the complete call. This is the call that goes out each time the call to prayer comes from the mosque. Mian asserts, Because Islam is ultimate and entire, the invitation to it is something that cannot be improved. As Islam is whole, perfect and a complete way of life so is the call to it. 88 In Christianity, as well, we have observed that the qahal on which the NT word ekklesia is based, is due to the sovereign call of God. It is His convocation for a holy assembly at Sinai of the people of Israel that he saved out of the slavery of Egypt. In the New Testament it is Gods gracious call of sinners out of darkness into his marvellous light that constitutes His people. 12.1.2 The language of worship Just as the Shahadah is the Muslims stated expression of their beliefs, so the Christian expresses his/her belief by means of a creed. When entering a mosque with the right foot first in emulation of Muhammad, a variation on the theme of the Shahadah is spoken with the words In the name of Allah, praise be to Allah, O Allah, bless our liegelord (= a feudal lord entitled to allegiance and service. Arabic: Sayyidina,) Muhammad, his folk and his Companions, and give them peace. O Allah, open unto me the gates of Your mercy.89
88 Kenneth Cragg, The Call of the Minaret. (Oxford University Press, 1956), p. vii-ix cited by Mian p. 155-156. 89 Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveler: A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law. Tr. Noah Ha Mim Keller (Beltsville, Md: Amana Publications, Revised 1994), p. 355 item j13.1. This is the classic medieval Shafi manual of Islamic jurisprudence.
292

Just as the Muslim call to prayer is said to be the Muslim International Anthem so Christians have their anthem Jesus Christ is Lord to the glory of God the Father. Just as Christians have terminology for postures in prayer, namely that of standing, sitting, bowing, prostrating, so Muslims have terminology for postures of prayer, some of which are similar. The heart motivation, the object of adoration and petition as well as means of access to such, are all other matters. 12.1.3 Life is liturgy Both Christians and Muslims understand profoundly that what one does with their body, re-enforces belief, which in turn re-enforces what one does with their bodies. In a word, both believe that life is liturgy. In Islam this comes out most strongly in the rituals of ablutions prior to prayer and the movements of the rakas during prayer. Islamic rituals re-enforce both the belief that it is possible to purify oneself, and to present oneself in obeisance as the slave of Allah in such a way as to gain merit with such. Christians see life as liturgy expressed in the church via the sacraments of baptism and the Lords Supper, both of which are affirmations of Gods covenant relationship in Christ to his people. Both share in the fact that liturgy is permeated with physicality. For Christians this derives from the belief in the essential goodness of the original creation as well as the Incarnation. For Muslims, this derives from a belief that the whole world is a place of prayer. 12.1.4 Social aspects of the gathered congregation Two groups gather. They can both be called assemblies. One is called jama in Arabic and the other ekkl sia in Greek. Both state that unity and equality are highly valued. This was somewhat the same situation of the meeting of the Roman polis [=ekklesia] and the people of God as part of the Kingdom of God [=ekklesia]. The case for sameness seems strong. But is it? 12.1.5 Architecture. In his paper, Re-using Contextualization Among Muslims: Using Common Pillars Woodberry takes one on a tour of the mosque to show that it has borrowed much of Christian and Jewish architecSt Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 293

tural and religious furnishings as well as liturgical elements ranging from the pulpit, to the placement of revered texts, to the presence of a sermon and so forth. At first glance there are multiple areas of sameness. When we recall, however, Glasses and Dickies comments relating mosque architectural form and functions areas of dissimilarity emerge. 12.1.6 Focus on the day of resurrection A number of the traditions examined in the area of rewards for cleaning, attending, building, and working in conjunction with the mosque point to the day of resurrection. Obviously the hereafter and giving assurance about ones place in it was a great preoccupation of Muhammad. One might say the same about the orientation of many Biblical writers who talked in terms of paradise, hope, resurrection and assurance. It was only Jesus, however, who could say in most definitive terms, Today you---all of your de-merits notwithstanding-will be with me-personally- in paradise. 12.1.7 Summary Words that imply sameness can provide a springboard for discussion between Muslims and Christians. They might also provide openings to discuss the meanings behind such words and challenge Christian thinkers who might have subtly adopted Gnostic thinking in making a divorce between what one does with the body and its influence on the spirit. 12.2 Similarities 12.2.1 The metaphor of light It has been observed by Kenneth Cragg in his book, The Call of the Minaret, that the towers at the four corners of a mosque, from which the call to prayer originate have the metaphor of a lighthouse. He notes that the English word minaret is derived from its Arabic original manarah or belonging to the realm of light. This is consistent with Duries synopsis of Islamic thinking that shows a progression from ignorance via guidance culminating in success. Thus the minaret is the tool to call people out of their darkness---literally in the early morningof ignorance to success. For example the apex of a

minaret usually is crowned with a crescent moon and a star. Both of these are seen at night, and some have dubbed Islam, the religion of the night. This was not lost on Samuel Zwemer who stated, Mohammed's mission, whatever else it may have been or done, was [an attempt to] an eclipse of the Sun of Righteousness by the moon of Mecca.90 Metaphors of light abound in Christianity with the one just cited by Zwemer as an example. Likewise, Paul tells the Philippian Christians that they are to Do everything without complaining or arguing, so that you may become blameless and pure, children of God without fault in a crooked and depraved generation, in which you shine like stars in the universe as you hold out the word of life. (Phil 2:14-16b; cf Dan 12:3). 12.2.2 A place of purity. Cyril Glasse gives us a brief summary of the architectural elements of a mosque along with their function, and shows that its essence can be found in the word consecrated.
The style of mosques varies greatly, but the elements are constant. The fundamental requirement is for a consecrated space, either open or covered or both, upon which the worshippers, ranked in rows behind the prayer leader (imam), perform the actions of canonical prayer, standing, bowing and kneeling. No one should set foot in this space except in a state of ritual purity. To indicate the direction of Mecca (qiblah) which all face in prayer, there is generally a closed arch, of varying degrees of adornment and elaboration, called the mihrab. In very large mosques there may well be more than one mihrab. To the right of the mihrab in larger mosques stands the pulpit (minbar) from which the Friday exhortation, or sermon (Khutbah) is delivered.91
An example of this ritual purity is seen in a tradition that states that Umm Salamah related that the Prophet came to the mosque's courtyard and said at the top of his voice, "The mosque is off limits
90 Samuel M. Zwemer, The Glory of the Cross. (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1982 original 1935), p. 41. 91 Glasse, p. 315.
295

to menstruating women and the sexually impure persons."92 The description of the New Jerusalem, as well precludes sexually impure persons from attending, but their purity is derived from an externally derived purity, namely that of the blood of the Lamb. It strikes one as ironic, that Muhammad could set limits to mosque attendance based on gender and menstrual cycles, and yet somehow be untouchable when it came to his own state of sexual purity. As with many of the traditions that we have seen, a presupposition of being able to purify oneself runs through Islamic thought. The quote from Glasse demonstrates that Islam adheres to the belief that sacred spaces exist, and this much more so with the gradation of sacredness that we have seen with the efficacy of prayers in one place or another. In Christianity, however, the sacred space of the tabernacle and of the temple has been taken over by the person of Christ who is the embodiment of the temple. Thus, His dwelling in and with His people, renders them sacred, both individually and collectively. 12.2.3 All of life is religion The apostle Paul said, whether you eat or you drink do all for the glory of God (I Cor 10:31). In his thinking there was no dualism between the mundane activities of eating and drinking and his spiritual life. That is to say, he saw life as a complete whole. Islam has a similar dynamic in that it does not compartmentalize life into the physical and the spiritual, but rather views all of life as a religious activity. Thus one finds hadiths that tell one whether sneezing or yawning is permitted or forbidden based on precedents of observations on Muhammads life and teachings. Just to what end this life serves however, serves as a parting of the ways. 12.2.4 Summary It becomes quickly apparent that the philosophy and presuppositions that are part and parcel of a religion play a major role in how
92 Related by al-Tabarani. See Fiqh-us-Sunnah-Volume-1-Ghusl-the-completeablution, Vol. 1, p. 54 http://www.yanabi.com/Hadith.aspx?HadithID=147376 (Accessed 2011/3/1)
296

it fleshes itself out. When examined at this level, apparent similarities start to reveal themselves as springing from rather different sources. 12.3 Differences 12.3.1 The gathered people and warfare. In every mosque is a niche which shows the orientation that prayer must be made. It is called the mihrab which is an Arabic word, according to Zwemer, for the place of fighting. Prayer thus, is said to be an instrument by which demons are fought.93 Lest one think that the only motif is spiritual warfare, however, it would be wise to listen to the words Sir Valentine Chirol who observed:
Islam alone of all the great religions of the human race was born sword in hand. Islam has always relied on the sword, and for thirteen hundred years the mullah who reads the Friday prayers in the mosque wears a sword, even if only made of wood, as a symbol of his creed.94
Another classical scholar of Islam, D.S. Margoliouth shows this relationship between physical warfare and religion and asserts that "the original Moslem system was to make its adherents soldierpriests, i.e., to combine the sacerdotal with the warrior caste."95 He shows, as well that the prayers in military formation, along with Ramadan as a month test of endurance, enthusiasm kindled by the claim to form the most excellent race on earth, and a right, proclaimed from the pulpit to all the possessions of all who did not belong to that race of Muslims, all contributed to a war-like spirit.96 This war-like spirit coming from the Friday preachers at the mosque is a present-day concern for Coptic Christians in Egypt,

93 Samuel M. Zwemer, Animistic Elements in Moslem Prayer The Moslem World, Vol 8, No. 4 (October 1918), p. 367. J. Pedersen (1961, p. 343), suggests, however that the word is derived from a palace or a part of it, or could refer to a niche where a bust of a prominent person or saint would be displayed. 94 Sir Valentine Chirol in Foreign Affairs, Vol. I, No 3 quoted by Samuel Zwemer The Sword of Mohammed and Ali in The Moslem World, Vol 21, No. 2, (April 1931), p.109. 95 David S. Margoliouth,. Mohammedanism, (London, Williams and Norgate, Original 1911, 1921 reprint), pp. 76-77. 96 Ibid,, p. 76.
297

who can statistically show a relationship between a fiery sermon, and the likelihood of a rogue or radical element using them as whipping-boys for whatever the preacher has alleged.97 Margoliouth observed this already in 1911 when he said, From the year 7 A.H. to the present day, the minbar of every great mosque in the world of Islam is the seat of the mighty. From such minbars the Khatib (Friday preacher) has exercised the power of eloquence, roused the multitudes to new fervor, or even jihad, and pulled down princes from their thrones.98 In the context of Gods gathered people in the ekklesia the motif of warfare also exists. It no longer embodies the Old Testament concept of holy war against the enemies of God, but now is a celebration of the decisive battle of Christ against his arch-enemy Satan at the cross, and a looking forward to the final victory battle at the Parousia. The church is commanded to act in military ways, but that is to use the motif of a soldiers watchfulness to encourage it to pray, and to identify assaults against it by Satan and his minions. 12.3.2 The relationship of religion and the state Recall that Sheikh Omar Bakri Muhammad in his publication on the role of the mosque, had as its first item, The Mosque is the headquarters of the Islamic State's supreme leadership. Since there is no separation in Islam between church and state nor an acknowledgement of giving to Caesar what is Caesars and to God what is Gods the mosque can easily become a religious tool for state domination.
97 See also Friday Sermons in Saudi Mosques: Review and Analysis, MEMRI [The Middle East Media Research Institute] No.10 (September 26, 2002), http://www.memritv.org/report/en/736.htm (Accessed 2011/2/28). The sampling included the following categories: Christians and Jews are "Infidels," "Enemies of Allah"' ;'Jews - The Descendants of Pigs and Apes';'It is Impossible to Make Peace With the Jews' 'Muslims Must Educate Their Children to Jihad and to Hatred of Jews and Christians'; The Palestinian Struggle Must be An Islamic Jihad. 98 Zwemer, Sword of Mohammed. p.28. See also "What Muslims Hear at Friday Prayers". Der Spiegel.(April 19, 2006), http://www.spiegel.de/international/spiegel/0,1518,411903,00.html. (Accessed 2011/2/10)
298

Samuel Zwemer in his article, The Clergy and Priesthood of Islam states:
Church and state are so completely identified that the religious life is made subject to the supervision of the courts of law; and the constitution of society and the government is supposed to be the result of a series of Divine enactments.99
A hadith might explain how this occurred in Muhammads day. Anyone not joining in the prayers would receive a heavy sanction, from Muhammad who was the head of state and the head of the religion.
Hammam bin Munabbih reported: 'The Messenger of Allah said; "I intend that I should command my young men to gather bundles of fuel for me, and then order a person to lead people in As-Salat, and then burn the houses with their inmates (who have not joined the congregation.)"100
The Christian church, however is ordered to honour the emperor (I Pet 2:17), to pray for those in authority (I Tim 2:2), to submit to those in authority (Rom 13:1; I Pet 2:13) and to speak prophetically to it. It sees its head of state and rightful recipient of its ultimate allegiance as King Jesus, who Himself said to Pilate the Roman governor, that his Kingdom did not have its origins in this world (John 18:36). Thus the church sees itself as influencing, not taking the role of the state. 12.3.3 Religious observances for the glory of In a fashion not unlike that of an injunction to the Ephesian church to be imitators of God, Muhammad gave an injunction to his followers to be imitators of him. Regarding observances at the mosque, he was said to say to his followers, "Pray as you have seen me praying.101 Mian justifies this imitation by describing Muhammad as the Model Practitioner. He states: Allah owns all knowledge. He blessed His Last Messenger with perfect knowledge of

99 Samuel M. Zwemer The Clergy and Priesthood of Islam, The Moslem World, Vol. No. 1 (January 1944), p. 18. 100 Sahih Muslim, (The Book of Prayers No. 1371) 101Al-Asqalani, (Hadith, No. 259), p. 119 as cited by Mian.
299

what was essential for him in order to be the "Model Human Being in all walks of life. 102 Besides praying like Muhammad, Muslims are to pray for him and to reverence him. Thus prayers for him [= tasliya] occur at each entry and exit of the mosque and are consistent with the Surah 48:9 That ye (mankind) may believe in Allah and His messenger and may honour Him, and may revere Him, and may glorify Him at early dawn and at the close of day (Pickthall). Sale, translates the same verse as that ye may believe in God, and his apostle; and may assist him, and revere him, and praise him morning and evening. Even among Islamic scholars there is a certain ambivalence if the pronoun him refers to Allah or to Muhammad or to both. Regardless of where their opinion falls on this verse, Islam has a definite tendency to glorification of Muhammad and in many ways that is the role of mosque observance.103 The ekklesia however, exists to the praise of his glory (Eph 1:12.14) and due to the plan of salvation delivered by Christ. 12.3.4 A declaration of the superiority of .. According to Islamic tradition, at the end of time, Jesus return will centre around the institution of the mosque. This brings his life full circle, as according to other Muslim traditions Jesus parents were water carriers for a mosque. The story goes that just three days after Jesus conception Mary was at that time a girl of fifteen years old, and some say thirteen years old, - she dwelt in a mosque; and there was with her in the mosque her cousin, named Joseph the carpenter, and he was a sweet-tempered man, who earned his living by his trade. And Joseph and Mary were also servants of the mosque as water-carriers, and when Mary had emptied her water-jar and Joseph his, each of them took the jar and went to a cave where the

Mian, p. 54. See the comments of G.E. Haddad concerning this ambivalence in The Prophetic Title The Best of Creationhttp://www.masud.co.uk/ISLAM/misc/best.htm (Accessed 2011/2/19)
102 103
300

water-spring was, to draw water. And then they returned to the Mosque.104 According to hadithic traditions Jesus (Isa), will descend from heaven and will appear in the mosque at Damascus, at the hour of the midday Prayer, in the angle nearest to the eastern minaret. There the imam will give up his place to him and he will lead the Prayer. Then he will slay Dajjal [the anti-Christ] at the gates of Lydda, and he will obtain from God the destruction of Gog and Magog. He will marry, have children, and will reign on the earth for forty years, eliminate the jizya tax on non-Muslims i.e. they will accept Islam or die, kill all the pigs, and destroy all the crosses. He will die at the end of the forty years, before which he will work to usher in Islam worldwide, and will be buried next to Muhammad in the Masjid an-Nabi [literally: Mosque of the Prophet] in Medina.105 Both of these stories underscore the supremacy of the mosque in Islamic tradition, and this supremacy extends to the present day where in many Islamic countries it is forbidden to make a church steeple higher than the minaret of the mosque.106 The message is loud and clear. Islam is the superior religion, and our architecture declares it aloud. This can be observed in a talk given by Dr. Abeed bin Muhammed ASufiyani of the University Of Umm El Qurra who stated that Islam Rises Above all is a basic principle of the Islamic Shariah that permeates all aspects of Islamic jurisprudence.107 This same sentiment was expressed in a fatwa describing the supremacy of Islam and by extension the mosque:
104 Samuel M. Zwemer cites Imam Abu Isbak Ahmed bin muhammad Mohammed bin Ibrahim Eth-Thalabi as his source of this tradition in The Moslem Christ, (London, U.K: Oliphants, 1912), p. 38 105 See Reliance of the Traveller, 603-4; John Gilchrist, The Christian Witness to the Muslim (1987) http://www.answering-islam.org/Gilchrist/Vol2/5a.html (Accessed 2011/2/28): Sahih Muslim Book 041, Number 7015, Book 001, Number 0287; Sunan Abu Dawud, Book 37, Number 4310, Narrated by Abu Hurayrah: Sahih Bukhari Volume 3, Book 43, Number 656 106 Hans Jansen, Hans Jansen on Dhimmitude in Holland http://www.jihadwatch.org/2005/04/hans-jansen-on-dhimmitude-inholland.html (Accessed 2011/2/15) 107 Solomon, Mosque Exposed , p. 81.
301

For a mosque is symbol of the presence of Islam, the heartbeat of the Muslim community, an educational outlet where the community is taught to combat evil, ignorance and apostasy. It is a university as well as a court, from where the laws of Allah are promoted, it is a symbol of authority within that community and ultimately within the state and beyond, for the Apostle of Allah said Islam rises and nothing rises above it, for it is the uppermost.108
The role of the ekkl sia however, is to declare the excellencies of Him who brought the assembly out of darkness into his wonderful light (cf. I Peter 2:9). It exists, not to declare its own praises, but wholly the praises of Another who has conquered sin and death. Thus the strength of the ekklesia is not in declaring, by word and architecture, that it is superior to all others, but can assume a humble position of service in the world to the glory of God. 12.3.5 Effect on the attendee Durie helpfully demonstrates that there is a quantum difference between someone who is declared to be successful and has been raised x number of degrees in status, as in the case of a faithful mosque attendee, and someone who has been rescued, as in the case of an attendee of the ekklesia. The former can pride themselves on having a superior way of life and the later are intrinsically humbled by the fact that their contribution consisted in a cry for help, as per the condition of the Hebrew slaves prior to their liberation and eventual sacred assembly (qahal) at Sinai which was the prototype for the ekkl sia. One cannot help but wonder if one can connect a few dots between the implicit legalism of Islam and something somewhat intangible, but what has been identified as a seductive sprit. When Paul addressed the Galatian church, which had fallen into the trap of legalism, he asked them who has put a spell on you?(Gal 3:1). Veteran missionaries have observed that mosque attendance appears to place a spell on its adherents. Could they be on to something?

108
Mosque Exposed, p. 80, quoting www.islameyat.com/Fatwa_26159.htm 302

The historian Edith Butcher in 1887, related a story of a Tunisian who went to visit the mosque of Amr in Cairo. Although a sense of dirt and disorder surrounded the comings and goings on in this place, the 13th century visitor stated:
Nevertheless.I experienced in it a soft and soothing influence without there being anything to look upon which was sufficient to account for it Then I learned that this is a secret influence left there from the fact that the companions of the Prophet stood in its courts while it was building.109
At the i2 Ministries conference of October 2010, a missionary to the Arabic world related that as he stood in front of a famous mosque, an invisible seductive female voice was heard to be saying, Come and worship me Accompanying the voice was a scent of a most attractive female perfume, which in the open air where he stood could not have been exactly natural. Other anecdotal stories, including the use of the word spiritual seduction were tabled, notably that of Jay Smith and his documented reaction to the material presented at the Atlanta 2009 Common Ground conference. Curiously, A.M. Forster, the noted writer, cited the experience of the Tunisian, and observed, He was conscious of an atmosphere which, though supernatural, was not divine; men had produced it.110 Although it was supernatural could there be another source than men who had produced it? Might this spirit have contributed to the slippery-slope, what seems to be apostasy of a so-called Christian missionary family described by Dick Brogden in the Spring 2010 Journal of Frontier Missiology who decided to live as insiders and embrace Islam as a social-religious context publicly said the full shahada, joined a

109 Edith L. Butcher The Story of the Church of Egypt Being an Outline of the History of the Egyptians Under Their Successive Masters from the Roman Conquest Until Now. Vol. 2. (London: Smith, Elder, 1897), p. 150. 110 Forster, p. 276.
303

mosque and placed their children in Islamic schools[and who] no longer believe Jesus is divine? 111 12.3.6 Summary As much as there are some areas that one could call sameness, along with similarities, the underlying role and function of the mosque and ekklesia are dramatically different. In his book, The Mosque: The Heart of Submission Rusmir Mahmutcehajic, a professed Muslim states, Christians in particular may suppose that the Mosque is the Islamic analogue of the Church, the mystical body of Christ. But the mosque has no similar connotation for Muslims.112 This was observed more than 60 years earlier by McClenahan who said, The mosque is indeed sometimes thought of as the"church" of the Moslems, as if the two were analogous. In fact they are very unlike, in their physical and material design and equipment, in their organization, use and general spirit.113 13 Conclusion This study began by engaging in the challenge of J. Dudley Woodberry to to determine the function of both mosques and churches in order to determine the extent to which Muslim followers of Christ may still worship in a mosque or mosque-like context. We took exception to his phraseology Muslim followers of Christ and still do, perhaps with even more reserve after observing the Islamic assertions that it is an all-encompassing socio-political-religious system. Thus the advice of two ex-Muslims, namely Solomon and Alamaqdisi to not allow Christian definitions of worship to be facilely superimposed on Islamic words that might have resemblance to Christian words but entirely different meaning, proved to be extremely important to this examination. Specifically, their suggestion to keep in mind that worship in Islam is upholding and impleDick Brogden, On Religious Identity: Inside outProbing Presuppositions Among Insider Movements, International Journal of Frontier Missiology, 27:1 (Spring 2010), p. 37. 112 Rusmir Mahmutc"ehajic", The Mosque: The Heart of Submission. (New York: Fordham University Press, 2006), p. x. 113 McClenahan, pp. 159-60.
111
304

menting the revealed law of Allahthe Shariah contributed to allowing Islamic texts to speak for themselves. The mosque as described by Muslims themselves is said to be theology in concrete. We granted that Islamic architecture is entirely consistent with its worldview. Yet, from a Biblical perspective, might concrete be seen as cold, dead and lifeless? Was Glasse, an advocate for Islam so far off the mark when he described in so many words the fact that the mosque is the symbol of institutionalized self-righteousness has come up with a better solution than a Savior. The Quranic words a mosque founded on piety ring true. The only problem is that it is not the Saviors piety, but human piety. Might the mosque, as E.J. Long writing some 80 years ago in the Moslem World suggested, embody a Crescent dominated religion, which as the moon, is not a light source in itself, but bears only reflected light? What of his statementthe moon has no physical, and Islam has no spiritual atmosphere?114 Islamic sources, themselves revealed that in many ways the mosque, for all its superficial sameness and similarities with the ekklesia, actually functions as an un-ekklesia, or to use stronger words: a counterfeit ekklesia. Through imitation of its human founder it re-enforces self-righteousness, an attitude of superiority, saving of oneself by meritorious behavior, self-assurance and acceptance by God conditional on performance and conquest by human power, in a word to put confidence in the flesh. Thus the words Jesus mosque combine the formers ethos with the name of Jesus, who came to demolish all confidence in the flesh. Is this not akin to combining oil and water? Heckmans interviewees gave sage advice. They reflected Sam Schlorffs observation that culture and cultural objects are not neutral vessels in which to pour Christian meaning. Sadly, many efforts at missions to Muslims reflect an almost fanatical assertion that cultural forms are neutral. Perhaps listening to the larger Body of

114
E.J. Long, Cross and Crescent in an Arab Mosque, The Moslem World, Vol 19 No 2 (April 1929), p. 203. 305

Christ is a good antidote to what appears to be zeal without knowledge leading to careless experimentation. We will close with some words by Warren Chastain of the Zwemer Institute of Muslim Studies who responded to the glowing reports in Benin. His response will suffice as well to call into question the assertion by Kraft that one can classify the church and the mosque as more or less dynamically equivalent. Chastain minces no words by stating:
Muslim forms cannot be divorced from their meanings. A Christian mosque is neither fish nor fowl. It confuses converts and outrages Islamic leaders, who see it as a deceptive lure for ignorant Muslims. Other Muslims may see it as an admission of defeat, a sign that Christians are adopting their superior form of worship. Westernized, urban Muslims may just laugh at the idea, since many of them no longer practice the traditions of their own religion.115
For further reflection

How would you respond to the following statements? 1 Thursday, 03 February 2011 (TOLO News) Militants Use Mosques to Plot Attacks116
. National security forces seized 12 magnetic mines and more than 10 IEDs from the Imam that were kept in the mosque117
2 Concerning the phenomenon of Jesus mosques: The motivation is good, but the price you pay is too high. Youre making Muhammad another of the religious authoritiessomeone besides Jesus

In Bridges, Mission Frontiers, p. 19. www.tolonews.com/en/afghanistan/1769-militants-use-mosques-to-plotattacks-nds?format=pdf www.tolonews.com/en/afghanistan/1769-militants-use-mosques-to-plot-attacksnds?tmpl=component&print=1&layout=default&page= www.tolonews.com/en/component/mailto/?tmpl=component&link=aHR0cDovL 3d3dy50b2xvbmV3cy5jb20vZW4vYWZnaGFuaXN0YW4vMTc2OS1taWxpdGF udHMtdXNlLW1vc3F1ZXMtdG8tcGxvdC1hdHRhY2tzLW5kcw%3D%3D 117 www.tolonews.com/en/afghanistan/1769-militants-use-mosques-to-plotattacks-nds (Accessed 2011/2/11)
115
116
306

and the apostles setting up your practice and theology for the church. You dont find Paul starting a Jesus-Diana temple or a Jesus-Apollo temple.118 3 A statement by the Dutch missiologist J.H. Bavinck. "From a strictly theological point of view there is no point within [Islam] which offers an unripe truth that can be simply taken over and utilized as a basis for Christian witness."119 4 A statement by Ata'ullah Siddiqi in the Islamic World Review commenting on the use of contextual missionary methods in the Muslim world. It would appear that it no longer matters whether heresies are being taught as long as recruits [i.e. new converts] are being brought in, especially if they were Muslims. The matter of orthodox belief can (hopefully) be sorted out later.120

In Bridges, Mission Frontiers, p. 19. J. H. Bavinck, Introduction to the Science of Missions. Tr David H. Freeman. (Grand Rapids: Baker. I960), p. 140. 120 Siddiqi, p. 31.
118 119
307
THE MISSION OF THE IRANIAN CHURCH

by M ert Hershberger The church in Iran is suffering intense persecution these days. Leaders are being harassed and killed, but the church is growing. Could there be a message for the Church here from the Bible? 1 Ancient Iran Ancient Iran was the home of Zoroastrianism. This system of belief holds Ahura Mazda as the High God and ascribes to a dualism between good and evil. Characteristics of the religion include the use of fire in worship - many would even say the worship of the fragrant sandalwood fire itself - and the placing of the dead in open towers so that carrion birds can eat the flesh. In Iran, the ruler came to be seen as having divine qualities as the king of kings during the Persian Empire when the Medes and Persians spread out from their homeland in South-Central Asian. Their empire and influence extended from present day Iraq to present-day Tajikistan. The Kurds of Turkey and Iraq, the Azeri of Azerbaijan, the Dari of Afghanistan, and the Tajik of Tajikistan all have languages related to Persian. The spread of Persian influence led to the spread of Zoroastrian religion, which is largely practiced today only among the Parsees.1 Most Persians have turned to Islam. Iranian Islam has become mostly Shi'ite and exhibits a dualism similar to Zoroastrianism along with the concept of suffering as a means to atone for personal sin and demonstrate personal devotion. 2 Persia in the Hebrew Scriptures Persia came late in the Old Testament period. Major portions of Daniel, as well as the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Zechariah
1 Parsees is the generally accepted term for the descendants of the ancient Persians who still practice the teachings and traditions of Zoroaster.
308

and Habakkuk were all written under the Medo-Persian Empire. Below is a summary of what the Old Testament teaches regarding Iran. For a more detailed study, see the link for Allyn Huntzingers book Persians in the Bible in the list of resources.2
Ancient Greater Iran during the Achaemenid stretched from the modern boundaries of eastern Turkey to western China and from the Steppes of Russia to the Indian Ocean.3
In Genesis and the prophets, we can read about Iran via references to such places and peoples as Elam/Susa, the Medes, and the Persians. Cyrus was prophesied in Isaiah as the one who would send Israelites out from captivity.4 Jeremiah prophesied that 70 years would pass from the time of the Babylonian captivity to the

2 The name Iran is related to Aryan and means the Land of the Aryans. http://ancienthistory.about.com/od/persianempiremaps/qt/Iran.htm . All internet articles current as of April 18, 2010. 3 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Greater_Iran.gif 4 Isaiah 45:13.
309

time when Judah would be released. Sure enough, 70 years passed, Daniel read those words and prayed, and then Cyrus conquered Babylon and released the Jews to go back to their promised land with great favor and blessing. Persian bureaucracy kept records of details about the rebuilding of the Temple and the walls of Jerusalem that are recorded in Ezra, Nehemiah, and Haggai. This demonstrates how the Lord uses the nations to extend His glory in the earth. Israel was restored because she was in a place to inherit the promises and to be blessed as she blessed the nations. God made promises and kept them. The Iranian peoples had a key part in God's purposes for His people. The Book of Esther never records the name of God. In fact, the main Jewish characters, Esther (Hadassah) and Mordecai, are named after pagan gods. But the faithfulness of God is greater. Mordecai saved the king's life from a plot, but would not bow down to wicked Haman. Haman hated the Jews and was in high command in the king's court, so Haman connived to have all the Jews killed by royal edict when entrusted with the royal seal. Providentially, the king had his queen Vashti degraded in honor, and Esther had won the imperial beauty contest to become the next queen. Once Mordecai had seen these things come to pass, he urged Esther to advocate for her people, saying that she had been appointed "for such a time as this.5 She and her maids fasted along with the Jews of the capital city of the empire. Then on the appointed days, Esther held a feast for the king where Haman's plot and wickedness were exposed. Not long afterward, the enemies of the Jews were slaughtered rather than the Jews, and God again demonstrated His faithfulness to His people. God used a few Jews in positions that influenced the Persian government to protect the entire Jewish people. 3 Iran and persecution in the early church In the book of Acts, there is a record in the account of Pentecost of Parthians, Medes, and Elamites, all from the area of Greater Iran,
Esther 4:14. 310

hearing the Good News in Jerusalem.6 Along with this, there is strong evidence that at least some Iranians heard and responded to the Good News in their homelands in the first couple of centuries after Pentecost. A church existed and was growing. In Jerusalem, the church was born though and we will look there first for a quick case study of what happened. Before the Ascension of Jesus, he commanded his disciples to proclaim the Good News throughout the earth, making disciples of all nations7 in the power of the Holy Spirit. After Pentecost, this began to happen in rapid fashion. In Jerusalem the church grew and developed rapidly, even making disciples of Levites as the Word of the Lord spread to thousands of Hebrew and Greek speaking Jews. Following persecutions, the Good News finally spread to Samaria and the rest of the Roman Empire. The "followers of the Way" from Jerusalem became known as "Christians" first in Antioch, as the Good News bridged the cultural gap to Gentile peoples. However, it took persecution to spread the Gospel and eventually the church in Jerusalem declined rapidly after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 AD and was greatly weakened after the exit of many of her members. There is a tradition that Andrew and Matthew both served as apostles to areas of Greater Iran. An early center for Christianity under King Shahpur I (240-272 A.D.) was the city of Shush, where Daniel saw his visions and Nehemiah served the kings cup.8 The church there spread, and the message was announced throughout the trade routes of the Persian Empire, even into Central Asia and China through missionary efforts of the Church of the East.9 Though the Christology was biblical, it was not as sophisticated as in the Greek and Latin speaking portions of the Roman Empire. Thus later churches would call these brave Christians Nestorians, assuming they followed the heresy that the bishops of the East and

6 Acts 2:9. Also, Allyn Huntzinger. Persia and the Bible. Self-published: 2004, 5051. 7 Mat 28:17-20. 8 Huntzinger, 51. 9 Huntzinger, 51.
311

the West had condemned at the Council of Ephesus in 431. Eventually, persecutions by the Persian Empire and then the expanding Muslim-Arabic empires and finally the Mongol invasions, virtually killed the Church ... waiting for a renewal in modern times. In spite of all these difficulties, scattered congregations of Assyrian and Armenian Christians managed to somehow survive. But these churches could barely cope with surviving. The ability and energy to reach out to non-Christians (mostly Muslims) would have to wait for centuries until the Modern Missionary Movement. The re-evangelization of Persia began when two Moravians, Hoecker and Rueffer, went to Iran and began to suffer for the Lord there. Beginning with Henry Martyn, an Anglican mathematician and linguist, outreach was made to Persians via a translation of the Bible and verbal witness. Later, American Presbyterian missionaries entered Persia in the north. These churches grew a little, but largely drew from a few Muslim converts as well as non-Persians. In the twentieth century, a prayer group began in Tehran which grew into a vigorous church later associated with the Assemblies of God.10 4 The contemporary Persian Church Since the establishment of a clerical state in Iran during the Islamic revolution a generation ago (1979), many churches in Iran have been forced to come to life or to die. As of 2004, there were an estimated 20,000-25,000 Jews in Iran, and that number was declining rapidly due to emigration.11 Now Muslims are beginning to come to Christ in large numbers. Iranian Christians International estimated in 2004 that there were 70,000 house church members and that they were praying for 500,000 Iranian Christians by the year 2015.12 A more recent article by Open Doors estimated the number

10 11
http://www.elam.com/articles/Church-in-Iran/ http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/anti-semitism/reliran09.html 12 http://www.farsinet.com/ICI/ St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 312

of Believers from Muslim backgrounds to be over 100,000, all of whom live in Iran.13 There are also believers among the international diaspora of Iranians, some of whom are from Armenian and Assyrian backgrounds, while an increasing number are of Muslim backgrounds.14 Joshua Project Peoples Data on Medo-Iranian Peoples # of Percent of People Primary Total People unreached Cluster Religion Population Groups peoples Aimaq Baloch Kurd LuriBakhtiari Nuristan Parsee Pashtun Persian* Tajik Talysh Islam Islam Islam Islam Islam Zoroast Islam Islam Islam Islam 1,620,470 10,235,030 29,417,760 4,969,660 69,510 676,880 47,990,940 47,511,970 6,432,450 657,730 9 22 53 7 9 11 26 65 30 19 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 97.4917 100 100
*Of the Persian peoples, only the Ossetes who live primarily in the Caucus Mountain range, the Persians of Iran & their diaspora, and the Tats have a significant Christian population. Web: www.joshuaproject.net http://www.joshuaproject.net/affinity-blocs.php?peo1=14 The Good News of the Kingdom is being announced to Iranians via satellite and radio and the church is growing. At the end of this article, you will find links to a number of different ministries I found

13 14
http://www.opendoorsusa.org. Huntzinger, 69-73, 78-80.
313

on the internet ministering to Iranians in the diaspora and in their homeland by various means. As the momentum builds, it must go somewhere. Here is a list of all those peoples derived who have some affinity with the Greater Iranian heritage and may thus have an opening to the Gospel which relates to such a heritage apart from Islam. At the same time, the church in Iran has been suffering terribly at the hand of the Iranian government as leaders have been imprisoned and people have been killed for their faith. The government is clamping down on freedoms and seeking to wield increasing military muscle through the likely development of nuclear weapons and hard-nosed opposition to the state of Israel. What is next? How will the church respond? What is God saying to the church? 5 Conclusion: a vision for the Iranian Church I believe that Iran is currently going through the refining fires of persecution so that the message of Christ will be clearly and purely proclaimed and so that the message will spill over into neighboring countries. In nation after nation, in recent days, where persecution has hindered a growing church which was receiving the love of faithful intercession from the global body of Christ, that church has been purified and grown and gained a vision of wider mission. This has been true in China and Indonesia, to cite just two examples. So the churches in Iran have the opportunity to be purified and to grow within the boundaries of Iran. But God has something beyond church growth in store for the Church in Iran: a mission to the nations. First, God has entrusted every church with the Great Commission: Go, make disciples of all nations ... for I am with you even to the end of the age. This mission is still valid. Second, the ancient Jewish people in Persia and the ancient Christian churches in Persia experienced this mission and with it the divine blessing of His presence and provision. With the revival in the present day, it makes it abundantly clear that this is even more possible. Third, the Persian language and culture retain many similarities to languages and cultures like those of the Kurds and the Tajik. I

think that this would make it possible for the Good News of the Kingdom to extend to them more readily from an Iranian than from a Westerner. Fourth, the heritage of Persia is more ancient than the presence of Islam in those cultures, so the people have an identity of dignity that is not rooted in Islam. This has provided part of the impetus for the growth of the church in Persia and could readily provide impetus for the advance of the Kingdom among related peoples in the heirs of Greater Iran as well. Fifth, already Iranian-Persian leaders are catching the vision. Whether satellite evangelists or internet catechists or traveling missionaries, some have already ventured out to reach neighbors. If the nations are discipled by the Persian saints, it will be a blessing to both, as surrounding nations believe. nThe Persian churches will be encouraged by the renewed vision and protected by the changed lives of leaders, and the surrounding nations will experience the wonderful power of the Good News of the Kingdom. God has provided the power and the purpose and the promises. He is waiting for the Church to respond. But let the Persian Church also be cautioned: if they do not respond, they may find that the persecution will choke out their life as happened to the early church in Jerusalem. The flame which has begun to burn bright again may fade into oblivion rather than spread across borders. Yet I remain confident that the Lord has better things in store for the Persian Church. Like the attacks of the Anglo-Saxons, Goths, and Vikings who attacked centers of Christianity in Europe before the Good News was earnestly preached to them by their victims and their captives, persecuted Iranians have the opportunity to witness to their persecutors and are doing so. However, they also are increasingly in a position to reach their cultural cousins from the Kurdish to the Tajik peoples. This will require training in cross-cultural witness from some now simply training pastors. The increased witness will require increased prayer support and out-of-country connections. Let us pray and plan and labor accordingly. The revival is happening for such a time as this.
Bibliography
History of Christianity in Asia, Volume I: Beginnings to 1500, and Volume II: 1500 to 1900, both by Samuel Hugh Moffett (Orbis Books: 1998 and 2005) gives the detailed historical background of the Singanfu Stone, which is a testimony of the birth of Christ and evidence of the witness to the Gospel in China along with some sources on the spread of Christianity via the Church of the East. In Volume I, Moffett looks at Iran and her peoples pp. 10-12, the church in Iran and her mission in pp. 91-256. Volume II, pp. 193196 details the story of Nestorians under the Persians and Turks; pp. 386-381 details modern Protestant efforts in Persia. Christian Mission to Muslims: The Record: Anglican and Reformed Approaches in India and the Near East, 1800-1938, Lyle L. Vander Werf, (William Carey Library: 1977). Internet Resources 222 Ministries: www.worldchristianministries.org/default6.asp?active_page_id=33 0 Elam: A mission begun in 1988 by an Iranian to reach Iran. www.elam.com This includes an excellent short article on Church history in Iran: www.elam.com/articles/Church-in-Iran InterVarsity Christian Fellowship International Student Ministry http://www.intervarsity.org/ism/article/397 Iran Alive Ministries: www.iranaliveministries.org Iranian Christians International: www.farsinet.com/ICI Iran for Christ Ministries: www.iranforchrist.com Jews of Iran: www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/anti-semitism/iranjews.html Persian Ministries International: www.persianministries.org Persia in the Bible. Allyn Huntzinger (English edition, 2004)

http://www.farsinet.com/persiansinbible/images/pib04alle.pdf Persian World Outreach: http://www.persianwo.org Pray for Iran: http://www.prayforiran.org Worldwide Directory of Iranian/Persian Christian Churches http://www.iranianchurch.org
317

Complete SFM April 2011 Volume 7:2

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Complete SFM April 2011 Volume 7:2

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

PREPARING MISSIONARIES FOR GROWTH THROUGH SUFFERING

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

Trauma Counselling and the Discipleship Process

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

Figure 1: Crisis Management Model

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

Figure 2 Unnecessary persecution continuum

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

Figure 3 Strategic Risk assessment Graph

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision

St Francis Magazine Vol 7, No 2 | April 2011

RELOCATION AS A RESPONSE TO PERSECUTION