Research paper

Gendered Migration of Upwardly Mobile Young Roma Women 1. Introduction The main purpose of the present paper is to describe analyze how migratory patterns and motives vary regarding ethnicity and social group. I will analyze to what extent the migrant behavior of upwardly mobile highly educated young Roma women from Bulgaria is similar to that of poor Roma and upwardly mobile Bulgarian women 1. By saying behavior I mean the motivation in taking decision for migration including the act of migration, and the attitude toward living in a foreign country. Although I concentrate on Bulgaria, my findings could be applied to other countries in Eastern Europe. There are several studies which examine the Bulgarian migration to Western Europe. However, while these studies include classifications of migratory behavior, the migratory behavior of Roma minorities is barely mentioned. There are no studies which focus on Roma migrants by gender and class/strata. The lack of literature regarding Roma migration provokes my interest to examine the intersection of strata, gender, ethnicity, and age. My research shows that young Roma and non-Roma highly educated women follow mostly similar patterns for migration. For Roma and non-Roma students the main push factor in leaving Bulgaria is the lack of opportunities for building a career in their home country, and the poverty trap. The pull factor to migrate to Western Europe is the opportunity to realize themselves in the labor market. However, upwardly mobile and highly educated young Roma women also have greater motivation to migrate to Western Europe than upwardly mobile Bulgarians2. I have found that reasons related to ethnicity, such as the greater extent of discrimination and the poverty trap that the Roma face in their home country are push factors for upwardly mobile Roma. My findings support the argument of Durst (2002) that social isolation is a specific motive for migration of the upwardly mobile Roma. In the next section I will discuss the methods and data sources used in the micro research I conducted and I will highlight the limitation of my findings. Then I will turn to the theoretical framework of the research. After that, I will analyze the migratory motives and patterns of two Roma girls (upwardly mobile ones), who are students in France comparing to those of Bulgarian students in France. In the last section I will summarize my findings and suggest possible further studies vis--vis Romani migration to Western Europe from a gender perspective, as well as further research regarding the upwardly mobile group of Roma.

2. Background information and methods

In her article, Fertility and childbearing practices among poor Roma women in Hungary: the intersection of class, sex and gender Durst uses the term upwardly mobile to describe a social, ethnic group of Roma, who are in a better social position than poor Roma. According to Durst, this group is similar to non-Roma, and has similar life strategies (including a positive attitude toward education), which suggests similar migration behavior as well. In Dusts research, upwardly mobile Roma are women living in mixed marriages. In this paper I expand the term upwardly mobile to include highly educated Roma, who usually come from Roma families as well as to the second generation of upwardly mobile ones. By the second generation of upwardly mobile Roma I understand the children of upwardly mobile Roma described by Durst and those born in mixed marriages, where one of the parents is Roma. I conducted two semi-structured in-depth interviews, one via Skype, and another one in a written form with two Roma students from Bulgaria, who recently have studied in France. One of those girls (Vesela) comes from a mixed marriage. Her mother is of Roma origin; her father is a typical upwardly mobile Roma, as his mother is Roma, and his father is non-Roma. My second interviewee, Any, is of Roma origin, both her parents are Roma. Any and Vesela are 27 years old, graduated primary school teachers in Bulgaria. Any is a second year student, Vesela is in the first year of her studies in France. Neither of them is married. Both have known me for years, and they are aware of the field of my study. To reduce their biases I did not mention the topic of my current research before or during the interview. Supposedly, the fact that I have a friendly relationship with them has contributed to the success of the interviews. Vesela felt comfortable, and shared her experiences without restraint. During the interview I first asked them to share information about their background. Next, I asked specific questions about how they decided to migrate and to choose further education as form of migration. I also raised queries about their intention to settle in France and the reason, which were crucial for taking that decision. At last, I posed questions concerning their place in French society comparing it to their background in Bulgaria Being acquainted with my interest in gender studies, and considering the questions asked, both Any and Vesela supposed my research to be in that field. Nevertheless, they were surprised by the particular topic and the social group I chose to focus on for the purpose of my research paper. As being Roma myself and having a similar background (I graduated in Bulgaria at the faculty of pedagogy, continuing my education in a foreign country) my migrant behavior is similar, which to some respect may create biases in the research I conducted. Having said that, I assume that my personal history eased the analysis of the interviews and the data, obtained by other sources such as articles, statistical surveys and reports.

The research is limited in the sense that I interviewed only two people, whose backgrounds are very similar. In order to protect the privacy of my interviewees I have changed their names. 3. Theoretical considerations There are no existing surveys, studies, or statistics analyzing Romani patterns and motives of migration by gender and class. There is no existing literature which examines the migratory behavior of highly educated upwardly mobile young Roma women, the social group I am looking at. Generally, for Roma from Eastern Europe only two factors are argued to be crucial in taking a decision to migrate and settle in Western Europe: economic and ethnic reasons (the hostile attitude toward Roma) (Corsi 2010, Kovts 2002, Baldwin-Edwards, 2006). Discrimination that the Roma face, which as Durst points out, is even higher for Roma women than for Roma men, leads them to a quest for better life in Western Europe. According to a survey, Roma migrants from post-socialist countries, such the former Yugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria see themselves as refugees, seeking asylum in Western Europe (Kovts 2002, Baldwin-Edwards, 2006). The motives and patterns of gendered migration from Eastern to Western Europe have been studied recently. Several research approach the migratory behavior of the highly educated Bulgarian women as well as that of the young Bulgarian women students abroad (Markova 2010, Rangelova 2005). According to the statistic survey of 2002, National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria, and a survey of from 2008 (Markova 2010), Bulgarian students select the higher education as form of migration and that group, more commonly than other groups choose permanent migration. Study of Kovacheva 3 have shown that crucial motives for the migration of the educated women from post-socialist countries, including Bulgaria, to Western Europe are the better opportunities to build a career compared to their home countries. Eastern-European women face a higher level of gender based discrimination in the labor market in their home countries (Rangelova 2005). What is crucial in taking the decision to settle down of Western Europe for upwardly mobile young Roma women? How similar is their behavior to upwardly mobile Bulgarian ones? How similar is it to that of poor Roma? I am looking at highly educated upwardly mobile young Roma women from Bulgaria who is in a better social position than poor Roma. I will analyze the migrant behavior of this social group, using the case of Roma students. Durst argues that upwardly mobile Roma are also segregated, they do not interact with the poor Roma or non-Roma. Even though, the upwardly mobile ones have similar life strategies to non-Roma (Durst 2002), and supposedly, similar migratory behavior. I will see if Dursts finding is true in the Bulgarian context. The pattern I am looking at is the case of highly educated young women from Bulgaria, who are now students in Western Europe.

4. Analysis What are the patterns and motives for upwardly mobile Roma women from Bulgaria to migrate to Western Europe? How similar are the patterns and motivations to those of non-Roma or similar to those of poor Roma? The study asks how motives and patterns of migration differ regarding ethnicity when migrants belong to same/similar social stratum. Durst (2002) argues that Roma women in Hungary face greater extent of discrimination in the labor market, compared to non-Roma and to Roma men. Poor Roma girls have limited opportunities to realize themselves in society as well as in the labor market. Due to the poverty trap (the insufficient income of the family for supporting its needs, and the education of the children within the family), which result in practices of early marriages, higher education could not be reached by poor Roma girls. Upwardly mobile Roma differ from poor Roma, the former have the financial possibility to invest in the education of their children. This is seen as a strategy to escape the poverty trap (Durst 2002). Besides, moving to a better geographical area is also seen as a very important goal (life-strategy). Social isolation faced by, both poor Roma and non-Roma is another reason for leaving the home area/country (Durst 2002). As Durst quotes one of her interviewees: there is no future in this village My family was different, not like the other Roma. They did not ask me to marry earlier. The other Roma tried to persuade me to get married, meanwhile they were so rude with me, they were making fun with me just because I was not married and I decided to studies not to be average Roma women with any future, living on social benefits. Anyway, it was always harmful to here those kind of gossips thats why I avoided them. My grandfather and my mother were supporting me; I had my mothers example. The passage above adds to the explanation given by Durst why upwardly mobile Roma (women) move out of the homeland area. Besides, the isolation for the upwardly mobile Roma girls, the discrimination within the community (even though the interaction with poor Roma are limited) is also a factor for taking a decision to move to a more developed area. My family supported constantly supported me. They always wanted me to continue my studies. I was sad to leave them and to move to another city to study at the university. I was aware and I probably would leave them, in a quest for a better life. I was educated with the idea that there is no future in my city and the best opportunity after finishing my studies at the university would be the emigration. Indeed, that was not only my case, my Bulgarian schoolmates saw their prospects abroad as well. Besides, some of my schoolmates at the high school as well as those from my faculty moved to Western Europe as I did, using the opportunity to study and work abroad.

By analyzing the interviews not only do upwardly mobile Roma see reaching high school as goal, but further education, as well. This point of view is similar to that of non-Roma upwardly mobilegirls. Hence, those two social groups have same strategy to seek opportunities for building career in Western Europe. They both (upwardly mobile Roma and non-Roma) see limited opportunities in the labor market in their home country. According to Baldwin-Edwards(2008)4 young women, from Eastern Europe move to West because in their home country, they are facing high level of gender-based discriminated in the labor market, which influences their choice for leaving the country /taking into account that in Western Europe the level of gender based discrimination is relatively lower (Baldwin-Edwards (2008). According to survey of Rangelova from 2005 Bulgarian students tend to be potential, permanent migrants, which in combination with the segregation in the labor market, explains the higher migratory rates of women (comparing to that of men). The rates of the migration of the Bulgarian teachers are a significant example for that theory. Most of the Bulgarian teachers are women (Markova, 2010). Regarding to the economic crisis after the end of socialism and the lower birthrate, many of them dropped out of the labor market (Markova, 2010). As a result, a significant percentage of them migrated to Western Europe. As young teachers, Any and Vesela, do not have the an opportunity to realize themselves in the labor market The fact that they are Roma complicates the situation further and limited their chances to build a carrier. The stated by Vesela below, confirms the problematical situation of the highly educated upwardly mobile ones. I worked at school for a while when a one teacher was on sick leaves. It is too hard to be highly educated and without any prospects. Thats why I decide to move to France and to study. Why to study? Because I dont want to work in a low paid job, just to survive, I want to realize myself and to build a successful carrier. The French universities are one of most frequently chosen from Bulgarian students abroad (Rangelova, 2005). My interviewees are typical examples. But they are typical only in terms of the migration patterns, but not the motivation. My findings show that the motivation is different for Roma and non-Roma. The different attitude toward Roma, the ethnicity-based discrimination influences the motivation of migration. Here absolutely sure, Im receiving different attitude toward me comparing to that I faced in Bulgaria. On one hand, the reason is my ethnicity. Here, Im accepted as I am, without stereotypes. In Bulgaria even if I would have 10 diplomas I would remain for them (for ethnic Bulgarian) Gypsy girl with capital G.Now, I think, France is my second homeland.

Vesela, adds: Here, my ability are important and appreciate, my work is rewarding not my connection. Yes, here as well as in Bulgaria Im facing discrimination but here people are more tolerant. In addition, here, they are more than six million migrants people got used to this. The analysis of the interviews, suggests that a pull factor (what attracts migrant in the host country) for upwardly mobile Roma is the lower level of discrimination they experience in France. Accepting that in the East as well in the West gender-based ethnic discrimination exists (Corsi, 2010) the lower level of discrimination is a pull factor for women from minorities. The theory which argues that Roma migration to Western Europe is more complex, not only based on economic reasons, is proved by the above claimed and weaken the theory, which presents that ethnicity as minor factor for Roma migration as well as the theory, which sees Roma migration based as solely to poverty. If those theories would be true, how migratory behavior of upwardly mobile Roma, could be explained. 5. Discussion and conclusion . Upwardly mobile Roma (especially highly educated young women), as a social group present a different image of Roma. Their migratory behavior is an example for the need Roma not to be seen as one homogenous group, but to be classified according to their social status and gender. As the research have shown upwardly mobile Roma (women), differ from poor Roma and upwardly mobile non-Roma (women) in terms of motives of migration. Not only do highly educated Roma women, leave their home country in quest of better opportunities for building career and to escape from the poverty trap, but also due to the greater level of ethnicity-based and gender-based discrimination that they face in their home country. The research proves the theory that for Roma (women) ethnical reasons are major push factor to migrate from Eastern to Western Europe. The study is an attempt to describe the patterns and motives of Roma migration regarding ethnicity and social group. However, further research and classifications concerning Roma as compound group are needed. Diversity of Romani subgroups, in regard to geographical area, and living country supposes differences in living strategies, which are not analyzed.

4. Bibliography:

Kovacheva,S, Flexibilisation of Youth Transitions in Central and Eastern Europe,(last access 25.05.2011),http://www.hwf.at/downloads/open_area/publications/forum_publications_05.pdf Kovats, A.(2002), Roma Migration ,Hungarian Academy of Sciences Institute of Minority Research Centre for Migration and Refugee Studies, Budapest, ,(last access 25.05.2011)http://aa.ecn.cz/img_upload/f76c21488a048c95bc0a5f12deece153/Roma_Migration.pdf Baldwin-Edwards, M (2006) Patterns of migration in the Balkans, Working paper No 9, MMO,(last access 25.05.2011)http://aei.pitt.edu/7045/1/mmo_wp9.pdf (2006) National strategy of demographic development of Republic of Bulgaria (20062020), Sofia, (last access 25.05.2011),http://www.mlsp.government.bg/bg/docs/demography/Dem.%20Strategy_ENG.pdf Markova, E., (2010), Effects of Migration on Sending Countries: lessons from Bulgaria, Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe, GreeSE Paper No 35 (last access) http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/28438/1/GreeSE_No35.pdf Rangelova, R., (2005) Vladimirova,Katya. Migration from Central and Eastern Europe: The case from Bulgaria ,(last access 25.05.2011)http://www.grupa484.org.rs/czm/migracioni_potencijal/Migration%20from%20central%20a
nd%20eastern%20Europe_The%20case%20of%20Bulgaria_Rangelova_2004.pdf

Corsi, Marcella(2008) Ethnic minority and Roma women in Europe: A case of Gender equality? European Commission,Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal OpportunitiesG.1 unit, ,(last access 25.05.2011), http//www.ec.europa.eu/social/BlobServlet?docId=4833&langId=en Durst, J. (1992), Fertility and childbearing practices among poor Gypsy women in Hungary: the intersections of class, race and gender, Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, p.457474

Due to the similarity between upwardly mobile highly educated young Roma women and the ethnic Bulgarian ones with identical characteristics /level of education and social status, and patterns of migration/ I applied the term upwardly mobile to ethic Bulgarians as well.

Due to the similarity between upwardly mobile highly educated young Roma women and the ethnic Bulgarian ones with identical characteristics /level of education and social status, and patterns of migration/ I applied the term upwardly mobile to ethic Bulgarians as well.

Kovacheva,S, Flexibilisation of Youth Transitions in Central and Eastern Europe,http://www.hwf.at/downloads/open_area/publications/forum_publications_05.pdf

Patterns of migration in the Balkans, Working paper No 9, MMO