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On the development of social movements to empower sexual minorities in Albanias capital Tirana

On the policy of an internationally operating NGO, and about a grassroots movement


An empirically based philosophical reflection: Habermas and Deleuze on social engineering to create and strengthen social networks

University for Humanistics GD4: Social & Political theories Cordinator: Ruud Kaulingfreks 2010 Utrecht

Frank Nieuwenhuizen Gerrit van der Veenlaan 12 k10 3743 DP Baarn The Netherlands 0031 (0)619460541 fn@uvh.nl University for Humanistics

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

Contents Foreword Introduction About LGBT-organisations ~ top-down and hierarchical ~ 1995 - present About an LGBT-movement ~ rhizomatic Conclusion References ~ 2009 present 5 7 14 24 28 30

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

Foreword After doing a research about the difficulties faced by Christian-orthodox gay men in The Netherlands in shaping their identity where they try to reconcile their homosexuality with their religious beliefs; after participating in a multicultural and multi-religious dialogue about tolerance in Amsterdam, and after carrying out research in Albania in 2008 and 2010, many (gay-) people seemed to wonder why I find LGBT rights so important, and, as I have to admit, interesting. Well, at least for myself my answer is quite obvious and clear: In a world
Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

where diversity is accepted as a positive force, I believe I am better able to develop myself - my identity, my love life, my relationships with others, among many other things - in a free and open way. At the same time, I am horrified by the heterosexist normative discourse prevalent in the mass-media and everyday life in the Netherlands. Though I do consider myself a heterosexual,1 it does not at all mean, for example, that I desire women to have huge breasts or to act in an overtly feminine manner. Neither do I aspire, after graduation, to a petty life of finding a job, marrying, buying a too expensive house, getting a car (bigger then the one of your neighbours), two children (a girl and a boy), a few pets, and an annual holiday to some boring holiday resort with the kids, -- the utmost form of happiness according contemporary commercials! This is to say that, obviously, I feel rather uncomfortable about the contemporary hedonistic and hetero-normative discourse in The Netherlands. As a kind of cultural asylum, I enjoy going attending events where people of all kind of backgrounds, sexualities, ages, classes and ethnicities can be together. When Ahmed Marcouch, a well-known Dutch-Moroccan politician from Amsterdam, stated that the freedom of the gay is the freedom of the Muslim,2 I believe he meant to say that respecting other minorities rights promotes the respect for you and the rights of your group. Simply put, I feel more comfortable if others around me are also able to experience my ideal extent of freedom, step out of the mass and act and show what they feel like. Although in essence it is a rather egoistic claim, my main premise is that I feel freer if others, near and far from my surroundings, do not face discrimination or oppression. In short, I believe that LGB or Ts, queers, and even foreigners, migrants, weirdoes, performers, artists, funky hipsters, whoever, can show, while living their lives, that accepting dominant lifestyles is neither obligatory nor necessary. Moreover, it makes me just sad to experience everyday phobias and discrimination against diverse minorities. I believe those are the reasons why I feel sympathy for LGBT activists, although I have never have reflected thoroughly on
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While studying humanistics, and not for example gender studies, I never found a final answer to the question to what extent sexuality is a construct (nurture) and to what extent it is an innate drive (nature). In The Netherlands, the Islam, whatever that might be, currently faces harsh criticism from the populist and (extreme) right political parties and media. At the same time, quite a few of the Dutch Islamic population in The Netherlands have a rather negative attitude towards LGBT individuals. During one conversation with Ahmed Marcouch he told me that he was debating with some elderly Moroccan migrants who were, because of their religious beliefs, against homosexuality. Marcouch responded that respecting human rights implies the rights of the gays, but as well the rights of ethnic, cultural and religious minorities and that respecting human rights do grant ethnic minorities the right to profile themselves as such, like for example wearing djellabas (Maroccan traditional dresses) and have visible mosques in the traditionally Christian Netherlands.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

those reasons. In truth, while contemplating, I realize it is more a matter of feeling. Not just a feeling, but a compulsion deep in my spine for humanity, fairness, dignity and equality. To sum up, my motivation to write this paper is that I see LGBT rights as important human rights and I believe every human would have a better life if they lived in a world where human rights and the diversity that every person brings is respected. This research would not have been possible without the help of many people, to whom I would like to express my gratitude and respect. First of all I would like to thank the courageous people of Aleanca for welcoming me in their movement and for their inspiration. I thank LGBTpro for the interview. I do thank the people of Mjaft for letting me stroll around their organisation. I thank Noeke Ruiter and Sweder Voorst tot Voorst of the Royal Netherlands embassy in Tirana for their willingness to cooperate in my research. I thank Sergei Malkin of COC International for sharing thoughts. I thank Martha Schaverova for pointing my research towards other ideas. I thank Vilma for her assistance and her help with translating and Oriol for arranging interviews. I thank Kris Kobes for the use of her illustration and Marc Krebbe for providing me a stage to discuss this topic. I thank Lenore Heijenkamp for her wisdom and activism. Last but not at least, I thank all the Albanians who prefer not to be mentioned. I found it rather difficult to write this paper. While studying and searching for lines and connections, I became aware of the precious relations between the organisations and people involved in this research. I emphasize I do not intend to offend anybody. Moreover, I am more than willing to explain and discuss the content of the article. Frank Nieuwenhuizen, Baarn, The Netherlands. 13-07-2010 The problem with writing is that something can only be described accurately exclusively by the use of inaccurate statements.
Gilles Deleuze.

Intuition: A vague fog around a clear gleam, which the intellect cant handle in a concrete way.
A note from a lecture of Ruud Kaulingfreks.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

Introduction This article combines philosophy, empirical observations and interviews. The study is an expos of two investigations which took place in Tirana3 in the summer of 2008 and in the spring of 2010. It consists of a combination of participative field-research and interviews with significant actors in civil society. 4 The field research focuses on
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Tirana, Albanias rapidly expanding capital, houses relatively many students and as well the intellectual upper-classes of the country. In general the inhabitants of Tirana have more contact with foreigners due the foreign expats currently living in the capital and the Tiranians are more likely to travel abroad. In short, traditional (family-) values seem less embedded in everyday life in Tirana compared to the more rural areas or smaller cities of Albania. Therefore, I believe it is inapplicable to speak about the LGBT in Albania while my research was conducted in Tirana.
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The civil society is composed of the totality of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions that form the basis of a functioning society as opposed to the force-backed structures of a state (regardless of that state's political system) and

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

The Alliance against the discrimination of LGBT (Aleanca), a Tirana-based Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender (LGBT) movement,5 and the Mjaft Movement, a civic awareness development organisation. Interviews were conducted with members of the LGBT community, social activists, and employees of NGOs6 and the Dutch embassy.7 I will strive to give a picture, an impression, of two different sorts of LGBT organisations by comparing two kinds of social activism: that which is embedded in hierarchical and official top-down structured NGOs on the one hand, and non-hierarchical spontaneously born rhizomatic movements; both aim to start and empower grassroots community organisations. As part of the stabilisation and association process, I focus specifically on the policy of international organisations that work towards de-marginalising the (sexual) minorities of Albania. Drawing from Habermass theory of communicative action, which explores the system- and livingdomains, and Deleuze and Guattaris concept of the rhizome I will present an analysis of the current problems and challenges faced when trying to create social communities. The underlying theme of this article is social policy and social engineering in developing countries, in light of how Albanian and international organisations have tried to create a strong civil society (Sap, 2000) from, as it seems, scratch. The study considers inter alia emancipation and empowerment, social in- and exclusion, community development, sexual diversity, and the organizational dynamics of NGOs. By way of introduction, I will expose the new Albanian antidiscrimination law and developments in the Albanian media and society regarding LGBT from 2009 until the present (June, 2010). After I have shaped a general impression of that tumultuous year, I will focus in the main text on Habermass and Deleuzes philosophies regarding social communities and international collaboration regarding the LGBTs. After this elaboration I will deliver a concluding chapter where
commercial institutions of the market. (Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_society, consulted on 13-06-2010.)
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Social movements are a type of group action. They are large informal groupings of individuals and/or organizations focused on specific political or social issues, in other words, on carrying out, resisting or undoing a social change. (Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_movement, consulted on 30-06-2010).
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NGO: A non governmental organisation is a legally constituted non-commercial organization created by natural or legal persons with no participation or representation of any government. (Source: http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/nongovernmental_organization, consulted on 30-06-2010).
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Equality is an important value in the Dutch foreign policy, according to former Dutch ambassador in Albania Voorst tot Voorst. The Dutch embassy does focus especially on LGBT rights. Regarding the cultural context of Albania, the Dutch embassy has put effort to open the discussion about LGBTs, for example by inviting Boris Dittrich of Human Rights Watch to deliver a speech about LGBT rights. Moreover, the Dutch embassy assisted several organisations who work on LGBT empowerment. The Netherlands will oppose the discrimination of homosexuals globally. We will strive to reduce discrimination by governments regarding homosexuality and lobby to erase the criminalisation of homosexuality from the law. (Statement regarding LGBT Human rights by former minister of foreign affairs Verhagen, consulted on 31-07-2008. Source: http://bestel.postbus51.nl/content/pdf/05BR2008G004-200843-81912.pdf)

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

I consider some issues regarding the support of international players like the Amsterdam based LGBT organisation COC for the strengthening and empowerment of the Albanian LGBTs.

The SAP and the new constitution And then, Berisha came with this shocking anti-discrimination law proposal! The Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) of 2000 is the roadmap for Balkan countries to a possible EU membership. Among other things, prospective member states should develop their institutions and introduce new laws in line with EU norms, improve their police and legal systems ability to tackle crime, develop an independent media and a robust non-governmental sector, move towards respect for minority rights, and combat racism and xenophobia.8 Since Albania is a prospective member of the European Union, the Albanian government seems quite willing to implement progressive laws which guarantee the rights of diverse minorities. One of these minorities are the lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgenders (LGBT). In the largely politically and sexually conservative Albanian society, the LGBTs seem particularly vulnerable to social exclusion, discrimination and violence.9 Probably because of a willingness to flatter the European Union regarding the Stabilisation and Association Process, Albanian Prime-Minister Berisha10 stated, to many Albanians surprise, that he is willing to implement legislation supporting the right for same-sex marriage in Albania. The progressive law - drafted since 2006 by human right activists with the assistance of foreign partners11 - was accepted by the Albanian parliament on February 4th, signed by Prime Minister Berisha on February 25th and
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Source: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/how_does_a_country_join_the_eu/sap/history_en.htm#s ap_agreement, consulted on 03-06-2010. 9 I find it useful to mention that it seems that religions do not have a major role in the mainly Muslim Albanian society. Considering sexual diversity, strong tradition and family values seem to be of more importance than the influence of religious values. For western Europeans it might be an interesting insight that Islamic people often expose progressive political and social viewpoints.
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It is worthwhile to note that Prime Minister Berisha is known for his conservative political attitude. Nota bene he was laughing aloud while mentioning the same-sex marriage. Minor observations like these might give an indication how some MPs think about the progressive developments in Albania. A respondent said he [Berisha] works for his PR, and that this attention towards LGBT rights distracts the debate of the mass from the bigger and more structural problems Albania is facing: It is probably the first case where the movement of human rights did not start at the grassroots level up to the politics, but now it came from the top.
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Among others Boris Dittrich of Human Rights Watch, The United Nations, the European Union, the ILGA, the Dutch embassy and some local Albanian law specialist assisted the team who wrote the new legislation. In 1995 amendments to the Penal Code stipulated that homosexual acts were no longer a crime.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

entered force in the beginning of March 2010.

Everybody is talking about it Suddenly every media wanted to hear a voice from the gay-community On February 27th 2010, Klodian ela, a participant of the popular Albanian reality show Big Brother, declared in the show that he is homosexual. This was one of the first unveiled coming outs in the Albanian media. His statement stirred up a lot of attention in the media and in the public opinion (Public petition, Aleanca. 2010). ela, as well his family in his hometown Lezh, faced anger from local inhabitants, who protested and claimed that there arent any gays from Lezh, that homosexuality is morally wrong and that homosexuality disrespects the Albanian values.12 Some protesters even threatened to burn the Big Brother house or kill ela after he leaves the Big Brother compound.13 The American and Dutch ambassadors in Albania appeared as guests in the Big Brother show delivering statements which were in favour on LGBT- and human rights. In the meantime, well-known journalists, such as Fatos Lubonja, wrote in a positive manner about homosexuality in the Albanian newspapers. Open discussions about gay-issues have been a taboo in the Albanian media and society before last winter - that might be one of the causes why many Albanians seem uninformed and insecure about the topic. However, at the end of 2009, the curtains of the LGBT stage finally opened, and on stage talk shows and print media - the topic is vividly debated. Aleanca Kundr Diskriminimit t LGBT & LGBTpro Aleanca14 started in April 2009 when a group of LGBT activists opened an account on
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A respondent told: Their only argument was that we as Albanians are proud of our history as Lezhians, and Lezh is not gay. Lezh was the capital of our national hero Skanderbeg, and he was a strong male, and we dont accept gaypeople to live in this city. If he comes out of the big brother house, he can never enter Lezh. The problem is, this man still got family living in Lezh. There are plenty of his cousins still living there. They are afraid and have stress, because they are threatened. 13 Still in the 90s of the last century, some people fled Albania to found asylum abroad because of the discrimination they faced because of their homosexuality.
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Aleanca Kunder Diskriminimit te LGBT (Gay-Straight Alliance Against LGBT Discrimination) is an Albanian nongovernmental organization that envisions a free, open and equal Albanian society that embraces diversity and is inclusive of people of all sexual orientations and gender identities. To achieve this vision, Aleanca strives to support and empower a visible and inclusive lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender community while increasing public understanding, education, and awareness of issues of sexual orientation and gender identity. Aleanca began in April of 2009 when a group of activists started a Facebook group. In less than a month, the Facebook group had over 500 members, almost all of whom were Albanian. These online group participants are people who are living both inside and outside Albania, are gay and straight, many of whom may never come to a formal meeting of the organization, but all of whom support the idea of an Albania where all people, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity, can live freely. () Aleancas programs revolve around a three-pronged approach of

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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the Facebook networking site. They turned out to be a really active LGBT movement; Aleanca is the first LGBTgroup in Tirana to attract relatively many young lesbians and gays in the movement. An American lesbian couple -- one of them works at the US Embassy in Tirana -- became friends with the group. They supported them with knowledge regarding social activism. Moreover, Aleanca received modest support by the American and Dutch embassies. One of the first achievements of the movement were the weekly LGBT parties hosted by Aleanca. To protect the privacy and security and to be able to party with people who are positive towards LGBT rights, the location is hidden for people outside the Aleanca community. From the first party on, every Friday a party has been organised, with an increasing number of participants. The LGBTs of Tirana, who can not express their love and sexual identity too openly in regular bars, have found a place where they can be what they feel like. Although partying is a healthy and fun thing to do, especially regarding self-acceptance and creating a community, the scope of activities of Aleanca is definitely not just partying.15 The opposite in fact is true, because Aleanca is actively participating in public events regarding LGBT rights: Aleancas first collaborative events were the activities surrounding the International Day Against Homophobia in 2009. In cooperation with the Dutch Embassy, the American Embassy, the Albanian Human Rights Group, the Albanian Helsinki Committtee, and the Childrens Rights Center of Albania, Aleanca helped organize a panel discussion with the American Ambassador at Tirana University, co-sponsored the distribution of 30,000 free postcards in three Albanian cities (Tirana, Vlora, and Shkodra), broadcast and published (anonymous) radio and newspaper interviews, and designed and displayed 150 posters in the central area of Tirana. Aleanca was registered as an Albanian non-governmental organization in November, 2009.16 (Aleanca, 2010). In addition, Aleanca opened an official website with an email address which made it possible for journalists and
building and empowering community, public education, and creating visibility for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender issues. Activities of Aleanca have included regular lectures on sexual orientation and gender identity in University classrooms and at human rights events; frequent and well-attended social events designed to build community; and periodic discussions where community members can discuss issues related to being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender in Albania. Given the importance of media in shaping public opinion and perception, Aleanca has participated in a variety of print, radio and television interviews and discussions, while also recognizing the need for individual Albanians who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender to decide their personal level of comfort with disclosing their identities. Aleanca also regularly engages in political conversation surrounding issues of sexual orientation and gender identity in Albania through press releases on timely issues. Aleanca has been covered in both the national and international media. (source: http://gayalbania.org/index.php? option=com_content&view=section&layout=blog&id=9&Itemid=29&lang=en, 06-06-2010)
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I noticed some other Albanian and Dutch social activists do not consider creating a community or organising parties as serious social activism. Somehow I think these people are t focused on structural organizing ond political lobbying. (Source: http://gayalbania.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=section&layout=blog&id=9&Itemid=29&lang=en, consulted on 06-06-2010)

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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sympathisers to interact with them. The activists chat online with other LGB or Ts. Aleanca reacted to the media attention by publishing press releases and giving interviews. Lectures about homosexuality have been given at universities. I believe a particularly interesting and important aspect of the development of the contemporary Albanian LBGT community, in comparison with former initiatives, is the use of modern communication devices, especially the use of Facebook.17 In the meantime, an organization called LGBTpro has been launched. LGBTpro is a branch of the childrens rights institution CRCA and is focusing mainly on two aspects, namely lobbying for the rights of the LGBTs and developing a grassroots movement. LGBTpro got granted by COC. I will expose more about LGBTpro later in the paper. To summarise; last year was an tumultuous regarding LGBT rights in Albania. Prime Minister Berisha, although his intentions were not clear, surprised the Albanians delivering a pro-LGBT statement; the anti-discrimination bill has been approved by the parliament; in the media the topic is vehemently discussed, and there is a young and energetic group of young LGBT creating a network, having their parties, delivering their press releases and giving interviews. LGBTpro is lobbying and also being present in the media. I will give an impression on the organisational dynamics of the two LGBT organisations active in Albania. I believe this is important, because some external parties, like the Amsterdam-based LGBT organisation COC, are really eager to support the LGBTs of Albania. How can the LGBT cause be supported and strengthened? If you want the LGBT movement and LGBT organisation to join forces, what to keep in mind? First I will discuss topdown organisations such as LGBTpro, secondly the more rhizomatic movements, like Aleanca. After this elaboration I will end with some concluding thoughts.

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See www.facebook.com. Facebook is a social networking website. Users can add people as friends and send them messages, and update their personal profiles to notify friends about themselves. Additionally, users can join networks and groups. The Facebook of Aleanca is: http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=67626763334&ref=ts In June 2010, 1.038 are signed up as members to the Facebookgroup of Aleanca, the majority of whom are Albanians.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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LGBT top-down organisations ~ 1995 - present Before elaborating on grassroots social movements, I will shape a picture of what seems to be an opposite of those, namely the more systematically structured NGOs, by describing the Albanian LGBTorganisations Gizz and LGBTpro. I will briefly describe Habermass theory of the system and livingworlds, to address the problems of top-down policy in civil society regarding (the autonomy of) NGOs. After that I will combine those insights with some fieldobservations.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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Habermass system and livingworlds First we developed the NGOization without the civil society in Albania. NGOs were created by Westerners, but not from the grassroots, but as a way for some excommunist elites, to find their children a job somehow. They dont really have a link with grassroots. In my writings I have described is as trees with the roots up, instead of having the roots down and being nourished by people, by needs, by society. NGOs are nourished by westerners who give from the upside If the westerners stop, the NGOs stops as wel.
Political activist Fatos Lubonja. Excerpt from interview taken in the summer of 2008.

NGOs are thus economically dependent on grants from donors who set the agendas to which they ostensibly function.
Scholar Shannon Woodcock.

While working for Mjaft, an Albanian NGO, in 2008, I got sense of a vague feeling. With the help of Habermas theory of the living- and systemworlds, I disentangle the cause for that feeling as follows; Mjaft, and similar NGOs, are nt the activist or social movements which they pretend to be, because they are far-reached entwined with the bureaucratic check- and report systems18 of the donors, which Habermas does consider an interference of the systemworld in the livingworld. Opposite of the systemworld Habermas positions the livingworld; the sphere of communicative action, the domain of personal- and group relations, like for example the contact between partners, families, friendships, and as well societies, the public opinion and the civil society. (Kunneman, 2009). Habermas states that the livingworld should always tend to emancipate itself from the systemworld interferences. In the livingworld people do strive for consensus with the help of reason and respect for plurality. It is the domain of non-violent communication, which implies a request for non violent agreement. (Schreurs, 2008). A central characteristic of the livingworld is that people expect to be treated in a communicative way. Strategic acting is experienced as a disruption in the livingworld. The livingworld contains the request for sense, culture, solidarity and institutions. (Kunneman, 2009).
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Top down structured organisations should be bureaucratic to prevent corruption and fraud. However, I question to which extend a bureaucratic system is an adequate mechanism to prevent misuse of money and power, especially regarding the phenomenon of donor darlinism, which later will be described.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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The systemworld, with its sub-domains the economy and the state, is materialized in bureaucracy,19 power and money and tends to colonise the livingworld, in this particular case regarding NGOs by its adoptation of concepts like democractic values, human rights and solidarity. It leads to the phenomenon that instrumental and strategic acting becomes dominant in the sphere where communicative acting is necessary. The systemworld as domain of material reproduction tends to expel the culture, the institutions and the senses or passions for social cause from society. This tendency is exemplified in the unbridled bureaucratisation and monetarization of everyday life. (Habermas, 2008. P.11). Because of this tendency, the space for communicative action and freedom of action decreases, and is replaced by contracted and determined acts. This is a form of violence which undermines solidarity and care, and overloads civil servants in systematic and bureaucratic (paper-)work. (Scheurs, 2008). Habermas points out that in the modernity the systemworld becomes more and more independent from the livingworld. For example, nowadays many people find it normal to act rather egoistic in the economic system. Moral questions regarding human rights seem to be out of question - the systematic act is not communicative to others - it is the capitalistic law. Habermas states that it is important that the livingworld emancipates itself from the penetrating influence of the systemworld in the domain of the language and everyday communication. In general, I notice two problems regarding the relation between donors and NGOs. Firstly, the agenda of the NGOs are not set by the NGOs themselves, but implicitly by the donors, i.e., Western countries. The NGOs are, in their struggle for survival, depending on new funds, and will, because of that need, come up with new project proposals, which, quite often, connect integrally with the political agenda of the donors. Uutonomy20 of local organisations decreases as a result. This structure, despite the funders probably humanist and democratic intentions, leads in essence to cultural and political imperialism from the Western countries. Adri Smaling warns us of the problem which emerges here, namely that the avoidance of subjects where
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Bureaucracy, invented by Max Weber, is an organisationstructure works on rule based procedures, division of responsibilities, hirarchy and unpersonal relations. (Source: http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bureaucratie, consulted on 15-06-2010). The aim of burocracy is to prevend corruption and abuse of power, and to threat every clint of the organisation as an equal.
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Borradori defines [a]utonomy (...) as a function of functional symmetry, or equality, between parties, a symmetry which is embedded in the democratic participation. (Borradori, 2003. P.65).

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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differences of insights, opinions and meanings exist form a tremendous obstacle for the development of a fruitful and open sphere. That might lead to conformism, docility, lip service, lack of criticism, hypocrite dependency and improper consensus. (Smaling, 2008. P.13). Habermas indicates that mutual understanding (...) can only occur if the necessary conditions that allow for a mutual change of perspectives do occur, to be able to see the others vision. (Habermas, 2003. P.57). In the case of donor darlinism, the donor is in a dominant position, where it is not obligatory to have an open and listening attitude to see the other partys viewpoint. Because of the minor position of the donor darling, the local NGO is obliged to adapt to the donors agenda; a case of improper consensus Smaling (2008) points to. After noted this, one might for example aks the question to what extent local people feel a need or necessity for a project imposed by an foreign organisation. The bureaucratic check system which investigates the results and accountancy of a project is not impermeable. A research intern of an Albanian NGO told me the reports were usually good, while the results were not. Bigger NGOs have some freedom () to write exactly what donors want to hear but act within their own framework, i.e. make it sound as if theyre following the wishes of the sponsors. E.g. if I really want to start a project on agricultural produce I can still fit it under governance framework () [like] that the farmers will increase their participation; [this is a] common practice among bigger NGOs. (Schaferova, 2010). Yes, to apply particular tricks, like selling good results, one needs some experience. Inexperienced activists might lack these kind of abilities. In addition, I wonder to what extent donor darlings are able to connect with the target groups of projects. Usually, employees of NGOs have been studying abroad, and spend most of their time, together with international expats, in the upper class neighbourhoods of the capitals. In what extent are they authorised to speak for marginalised groups in society?

GIZZ It was too early. At that time (2005) there was no movement. It was too early. There was no prime minister saying bullshit things for same-sex marriage. The project (GIZZ) was about capacity building. If you speak about capacity

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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building, you consider also the communication field. If you dont have a public face, a spokesperson which represents your case, you have nothing. But what if you have a public face, but you dont have a movement. That is worse. But yes, it was not the right moment to do. Some things come with the right moment. Of course, they will come, because it is the truth. The truth has been hidden for centuries, but you cant hide it forever... We had no clue how to deal with the media. Why do we need to come out then? First we need to come in ease with ourselves It was a small project to test. To encourage us to start a movement. They (Author: COC) were not wrong. Their will was to start this all things we are talking about right now.
(Anonymous respondents)

Since 1994 there have been several attempts to form gaymovements in Albania. My impression is that generally speaking these organisations were not particularly visible nor viable in the civil society so far. In 1995 the paragraph which prohibited homosexual acts was erased from the Albanian constitution. In that year a Jordanese immigrant came out as gay in public. After his appereance on television the man faced anger and violence, and he found asylum in neighbouring country Greece. This might have made other homosexuals even more aware what kind of risk and discomfort coming out in contemporary Albania implies. Respondents stated that the coming out of this person was quite a bad publicity for LGBTs because of his weird appearance and silly answers in the televisionshow. Quite a few homosexuals emigrated in that time from Albania to live a more free life abroad. From 1996 onwards Albania aimed to become a prospect member of the European Union. In 2005, a group of homosexual man formed in collaboration with the international operating Amsterdam based LGBTlobbygroup COC21 the LGBT-organisation Gizz (Group for integration). COC aimed to institutionalise22 the movement, something which turned out to be difficult, because the involved people experienced fear, lack of self-acceptance and problems with the formation of a community (about 50 men were involved in the organisation according COC). Gizz was not labellad as an LGBT-, but as an organisation for minorities- and humanrights. GIZZ lobbied to influence schoolcurricula regarding sexual diversity, tried to create an LGBTcommunity and tried to raise a gathering space. As well GIZZ published articles on the internet. GIZZ
21 22

COC: http://www.coc.nl/dopage.pl?thema=any&pagina=meer&algemeen_id=274#rest, consulted on 13-06-2010.

Marijke Prins describes institutionalisation as the mutual acceptance of written and non-written rules and codes, which form a basis for people to interact with each other to be able to form appointments and decisions.

Frank Nieuwenhuizen. University for Humanistics, Utrecht, The Netherlands. 2010 fn@uvh.nl

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was mainly a capacitybuilding organisation. A respondent told that although the project was perfect, it failed. There was a lack of a (gay-)community, and to quote one of my respondents: without a community you are destined to fail. He said that forming a community can not be reached in an institutional way. Respondents informed me that the COC wanted to have Gizz a public face, to be able the represent the right of the LGBTs in public. Because of reasons of privacy and security, the members of Gizz did not want to come out of the closet in public. To give an example of the fear the involved man experienced; they never spoke openly about homosexuals, but used in public codewords if they spoke about their organisation, like for example communists if mentioning homosexuals. The man involved were afraid to give up their privacy, because being out of the closet would affect their private and professional life. As well, the respondents experienced lack of protection from the back from COC: The members of GIZZ felt left alone when they asked for assistance but did not received any in time. I believe that the obligation to have a public face have caused stress and dispute, and was an important cause for the falling apart of GIZZ. I have the impression that, regarding media-attention GIZZ, was a rather passive and hidden movement. However, Gizz seems to be a seed, a small sparkle, for the contemporary LGBTmovement. A small network of gaymen was formed then and the LGBTissue was put on the agenda of some Albanian human right NGOs and embassies.

LGBTpro / Pinkembassy LGBTpro23 is runned by a few man who have been involved in GIZZ as well. Because of that, the staff got a relative long history in the LGBTfield and got international contacts. LGBTpro is the executive of the project Pink embassy.24 This project does
23

LGBTpro Albania is a new movement that aims to protect and promote the respect for the rigths of of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender. Pro LGBT group consists of boys and girls who believe that Albania cant be considered a democratic country that respects human rights without respecting and guaranteeing the rights of LGBT community in the country. To achieve this aim LGBTpro Albania works to: Defend the rights of the LGBT community in Albania; Promote dignity, equality and respect for the rights of LGBT people; Fight against the discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity; Awareness of the general public and institutions on LGBT rights; Improve public policies and laws in support of the rights of LGBT community in Albania; - Support LGBT individuals in emergency situations. (LGBTpro, 2010). Considering the name of LBGTpro, I have the impression that the organisation claims, considering the pro in their name, to be the professionals on LGBT issues in Albania. 24 This project is a collaboration with COC international. The goals of the project are: 1. The PINK embassy is established.

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focus on lobbying and advocacy to protect and strengthening the LGBTrigths, changing the attitudes of the Albanian society and government regarding LGBTrights and do as well aim to create a safe environment for an LGBT community. LGBTpro claims that the LGBT community in Albania is facing internal homo-phobia. I am aware, let us consider for example the rage Klodian ela of the Big Brother Show face, that it is definitely hard to come out of the closet in Albania. However, I believe that the integrity and trustworthyness of LGBTpro decreases if the organisation is employing a so called Janus face;25 I find it ironic that two of the staffmembers of LGBTpro, who are homosexuals themselves, appear regularly in the Albanian media claiming to be humanrightsactivists who are advocating the rights of, and fight discrimination against, the LGBT, while talking about the homosexuals in third person.26 I think that, regarding trust and integrity, LGBTpro is losing credits in the Albanian LGBTcommunity acting this way. Pinkembassys projectplan of spring 2010 states that the LGBT of Albania are fragmented and invisible, and there is no LGBT movement in Albania defending the rights, position, requirements, and needs of LGBT individuals in Albania, and that the project goal of LGBTpro is to support and encourage an effective societal LGBT emancipation process that will result in the establishment of a local LGBT organization in Albania. I question the usefullnes of the goals regarding the development of an LGBTcommunity, because it is obvious that there is a relative strong and big (at least, there have not been any bigger LGBTmovement in the Albanian history) LGBTcommunity in Tirana (the epicentre of the activities of Pinkembassy), namely Aleanca, who re relatively visible, with their media appareances, acts of civil obedience, for example painting the benches in the park of Tirana in the rainbowcolours, pressreleases nd parties. I have the general impression
National and international communities are mobilized in support of the PINK embassy. Albanian societal and governmental attitudes have improved towards the respect of LGBT human rights; A safe and supporting environment for the LGBT individuals is in place and enables them to socialize, organize, strengthen their capacities and an effective community based LGBT organization is established. The main activities to develop Pink embassy as an entity to represent the LGBT community are among others: - The Pinkembassy is physically and electronically established, - Training programme for key Embassy staff, - Activities are consulted with the policy advisor in the Netherlands, - Lessons learned are identified, compiled and shared are the aims of the project. (CRCA Albania / COC, 2010). What I miss in these aims is the development of an LGBTmovement. The aims seem mainly focused on political and lobbying activities. Combined with the activities of Aleanca, this seems to me a rather fruitful and promising supplement. But, I question the ability of LGBTpro to develop an LGBTmovement considering the above enumerated goals and activities.
25

2. 3. 4.

Janus Faced: two-faced; hypocritical; deceitful, having polarities or contrasts; "a Janus-faced policy". double-dealing, double-tongued, duplicitous, two-faced, double-faced, ambidextrous, deceitful, dishonest, dishonorable - deceptive or fraudulent; disposed to cheat or defraud or deceive. Source: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Janus-faced, consulted on 06-062010.) 26 Briefly, the employees of LGBTpro do suffer from internal homophobia indeed.

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that LGBTpro is ignoring these activities. At least some of the goals of the Pinkembassy are accomplished already. In short, the project did start too late! I suggest that Pinkembassy would update the project as soon as possible. On the other hand, the lobbying,27 mediamonitoring and networking of LGBTpro might be useful, on which according to my opinion Pinkembassy should focus. I believe in general the policy of Pinkembassy aims on thse goals. However, as well they still seem to focus to work on a new LGBTmovement. I state that LGBTpro is a so called donor darling, that they literally have copy-pasted the policy of the funder. When I take the stiffness into consideration regarding the implementation of the projectproposal, I expect that as well LGBTpro as COC is entwined with bureaucratic systempressure from their funders, which is the Netherlands ministry of foreign affairs. I would like to propose an unorthodox claim that a social project is doomed to fail when there is a pressure from the systemworld, because quantificable or visible criteria of the systemworld seem to dictate if the process is an succes or not. I question for example how one can measure a difference in mentality regarding tolerance towards homosexuality in a society. However, that might be a cause why the donor seems to focus mainly on the visibility of an LGBTmovement. This might explain last decades many gayparades have been held in in general gayhostile countries like Serbia, Lithuania and Croatia, countries were international NGOs have been active in the LGBTfield.

Problems developing an LGBTcommunity social engineering Well, I consider the preceding 21 pages just as a broad, sideways introductionary body on relevant social and historical issues, which I found necessary to elaborate on

27

Woodcock states that activists and academics have realised, that civil society (in Eastern Europe at least) is a structure that can only lobby rather than engage with the power players, while applying to international donors for funding to support actions. (Woodcock, 2009).

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to be able to answer my question how to empower sexual minorities in Albanias capital Tirana while focusing thereby on the use of social engineering and social networks. First I focus on the aspect of social engineering. Considering the aim of Pinkembassy to develop an LGBTmovement, I am rather sceptical about the viability of this top-down approach, especially given the failed attempts to establish a durable LGBTcommunity in Tirana the last decade, think for example about Gizz. First of all, most of the concrete goals of Pinkembassy seem to be focused on the political and the lobbying and networking level. Files of COC28 and LGBTpro express an assisting attitude regarding the LGBTmovement. To explain, COC claims they are using an inside-out approach: We [consider] ourselves () outsiders to the local process, which is owned and directed by the insiders from the local LGBTcommunities. COC facilitates with knowledge, experience, resources and networks, but we cannot and will not be the engine of the local emancipation process. (COC Update, issue 5. 2009.P.2,3). This implies that COC is supporting and assisting the local network, when needs are expressed from the local community. However, I do question their statement with the following argument; Regarding the Pinkembassy, I observe that COC does namely employ an, instead of an Inside-Out approach, and Outside (COC) - mediator/facilicator (CRCA/LGBTpro/Pinkembassy) Inside (LGBTcommunity) approach: COC wrote the projectproposal of the Pinkembassy in which nota bene knowledge about local developments in Albania have been ignored. An executive organisation was found or even raised, namely LGBTpro, whom were mandated to raise and support a LGBTmovement; the required and needed activists in the field. I would like to state, I will elaborate on this later, that by employing this top-down approach, one can by definition not reach the inside, the activists in the field, because the activist do employ another style organisation and logic. As well, the real policy of the COC and the above mentioned ideal policy are not similar, because at the
28

To me it appears that the COC employs implicitly the policy to focus on the visibility of LGBT- communities. For example, in the COC update of december 2009 they want to assist the LGBTcommunity by giving more visibility, by perhaps organising an gaypride (Update, 2009. P.6) or Then the time may not be right for a gaypride. (Update, 2009. P.8). I would again like to point out to the stress, insecurity and fear a coming out contains. Non of the involved parties would dismiss this. But, as well, the premise of COC that more visibility leads to less discrimination is an unproved hypothesis. Oskar Verkaaik points out that the more visible the LGBT become in society, the more sophisticated the discrimination becomes. (See, for example, the article of Oskar Verkaaik about homosexual acts in Pakistan: http://www.assr.nl/news/documents/VerkaaikNRC29-1-10.pdf, consulted on 14-06-2010.) As well, many scholars are rather critical towards the use of an LGBTpride. (See for example the article of Sharon Woodcock about gayprides in Eastern Europe: http://sextures.net/woodcock-gay-prideromania, consulted on 14-06-2010.) Woodcock describes the harsh violence LGBTactivists who join a gayparade experience. The riots on last May 8th on the first Baltic Gayparade in Vilnius, Lithuania, do illustrate the phenomenon described by Woodcock.

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bottomline the funder got the most power. In real life it means that if the activists choose a policy which the mediator or funder (COC) does not approve, they will abort the project. In this sense, a project is not owned by the local LGBTcommunities. Secondly, besides the problem that an already existing LGBTmovement has been ignored, I would like to point to another problem which appears herewith. While meeting the staff of LGBTpro and COC, I noticed these organisations were blaming the youngsters of Aleanca, the movement, to have a lack of professional skills and attitude. I can imagine that might be unpractical in a workrelation, but I assume one can and may not expect this from youngsters who just founded an social movement. The late Professor Van Houten did characterise social movements as unpredictable, spontaneous and radical: We do something and everything has to change. The movement is uneasy to locate, flud, informal, temporary and non-hirarchic. Political pression- or lobbygroups are their opposite; they are focused on their own existence and interests. They are formal and hirarchically organised, with a chairman, an accountant, divisions and some spokepersons. They are focused on long term goals and lack anarchic activism. (Van Houten, 2008). Van Houten explained social movements as non-hirarchical, which means, horizontal. The policy from COC comes from top-down. My hypothesis is that these two organisationtypes have an opposing logic and style, like for example cats and dogs. To employ empirical observiations; I observed a lot of anger, incomprehension and distrust between the two types of organisations towards the other. I think the people involved in the grassrootsmovement of Aleanca might dislike Pinkembassy, because they seem ignored in that projectproposal. As well the self designated spokespersons of Pinkembassy were not mandated by the local LGBTcommunity. I wonder why the community was not questioned who to be the representative of the Tiranian LGBTcommunity, instead of that the COC picked one themselves? Now there is in theory a chance for concurrence between the organisations, which might decrease the atmosphere for a fruitful collaboration.29 To take a more distant view, I believe there is a communication problem. COC is willing to assist the local LGBTmovement, but LGBTpro might develop itself as an
29

We (Author: COC) now arrange the presence of LGBT activists at meetings of the UN where they can lobby the interests of the communities they represent. (Update, 2009. P.2). Troubles developed as the designated representatives of Aleanca were not allowed to go to this meeting because LGBTpro opposed the Aleanca-candidates because they were blamed not being openly homosexual (which the staff of LGBTpro is neither). This seem to have caused disrespect between the organisations. I quote this story to express the top-down power relation in the described LGBTnetwork.

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unwanted and, one might argue, an unnecessary, intermediate. Namely, I expect a tendency have developed that the majority of the communication and grants flow through LGBTpro. Also, I doubt personally in what extent some aims of the project, for example a gatheringspace is needed, if ones consider the Aleanca movement has been able to work without a official space since their existence. Of course, help is wanted, but it might be more productive to have a more sensible and ad hoc approach as donor. I think the aim to create from top-down an LGBTcommunity is bound to fail, because the involved professionals have another approach of working and behaving. A grassrootsmovement is rather invisible for an international partner, which makes an national intermediate, which focus more on policy and lobbying, necessary. The problem is that the international partner can not reach the social movement directly. On the other hand, the social movement might feel left alone and might disagree about policies and strategies. To summarise, it is rather hard to create a movement from top-down. A bureaucratic top-down policy, which is necessary to deal with the funds in an responsible manner, lacks the right properties to form a movement. As well, a social movement would probably lack any direct need to collaborate with institutionalised organisations. Therefore, to institutionalise a social movement, an explicit aim of COC, is a paradoxical aim which just freezes the strength and creativity of the movement. In the next chapter I will investigate, with the use of Rizhome (2004) by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, how Aleanca is organised as a social network.

LGBTmovement

bottom-up and rhizomatic 2009 - present

I find the organisationstructure symbolised as a Rhizome - a biologic term for the grassrootsstructure (Kaulingfreks, 2010) - particularly interesting in the case of social activism, especially because it is an alternative regarding the earlier mentioned

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problems regarding a top-down policy. I would like to label, although labels do harm the complexity of things, Aleanca as a grassrootsmovement. Aleanca makes, as many youngsters do nowadays, viable use of Facebook30 for their networking. I think this is one of the reasons why Aleanca seems to be rather fruitful. These are topics which can not be reached in an instutional way, these are topics that need grassroots movements. It needs constant working people, it needs outreaching people, to be active all the time, to talk, to inform, to debate. To inform all the time. It is not something you can do from the office. Because you have to change how the whole society thinks. And you can not do it with one project. The project should be a tool to form a movement. But without a movement, it is not worth it to start a project We had an office, but we did not have a community. You could not establish an organization without having someone on your back to protect and support you. Which Aleanca did better than the GIZZ organisation But at that time, people had no Facebook. I believe, this kind of social network platforms, do help a lot. Especially in building and strengthening the community. You can engage and invite them for events. You can ask them for help. To ask to design a poster, you can ask a member to make a design or ideas. If you want to translate something for the website you can ask a Facebookmember. They are really eager to help, in some ways. They can not join a gayparade on the street, but they can do many other activities in the background, like translating, like giving support, like making flyers. You can inform about parties, you can update them about news. Some live abroad. Facebook is wonderful media to inform globally.
Anonymous respondents.

Deleuzes Rhizome Deleuze investigates in Rhizome; an introduction identities and differences. According to Deleuze traditional philosophers think in static identities. Man tends to collect different things into line and encode or label them as one (as one specie, a type of things). This is how we fit things, how we make them workable and touchable in our worlds, our systems, our organizations. By the creation of concepts, one tends to freeze, code, label the fluidity and multiplicity of things. This Deleuze calls territorialization. This happens by the use of contracts and institutions (Kaulingfreks, 2010). Moreover, mankind does not seem very able to cope with the diversity and multiplicity of nature and things. Usually our thinking, and hierarchical organizations
30

Facebook, and other new media, are particularly useful for marginalised groups to form a network and exhibit their voice. Regarding the anonymousity of the political or social activists - who probably do face oppression by the political elite or the population in a country one can decide in general themselves what and how much of their identity is shared with others. For example, people can use alter egos. As well, although verbal violence can be really oppressive and intimidating, there is at least some safe physical space between protagonists and antagonists of a case. Another interesting aspect is that, regarding LGBTrights, one might inform herself or himself from a safe distance, one can read about homosexuality from ones house, instead of having to know a homosexual themselve or to go to an LGBTparty. With the use of Facebook information can be spread easily. In short, new media do have an enormous emancipatory potential. Facebook in itself is a good example of a Rhizome

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in general too, operates in a binary logic. Historian Maarten Van Rossem stated that all mammals have their social relations arranged in hierarchies (Van Rossem, M. Lecture. 07-06-2010: University of Utrecht: Utrecht). The top-down tree root or hierarchical thinking expresses according to Deleuze a sad image of a dealing which is constantly imitating the multiplicity of things by employing a superior unity, center or main-unit in an organisation. Then one receives just information from a higher unity and from the already existing links. Moreover, to give primacy to hierarchic structures implies favoring the hierarchic structures, in which hierarchic structures will be preferred as a result. (2004). However, Deleuze reasons, in our world no single object is identical to the other, so in reality nothing is the same. For example, talking about the specie cat is bringing falsely into line all the particular and unique cats. By doing so one offends the particularity. If one radicalizes this idea, one find essential problems labelling and summarising concepts. But, there is a constant dialectic tendency between territorialization and de-terrirolization, codation and decodation. Kaulingfreks uses the metaphor of an icecube which one holds in her hands: One can grab reality by labelling it freezing it, but in the meantime, the icebuce will melt and trickle throught ones fingers. (2010). So, freezing and melting, coding and decoding is happening perpetually. One can easily sense, if one consider for emaple the troubles between rhizomatic Aleanca and top-down operating COC and LGBTpro, that a rhizomatic community would ricochet a centralising, unitising and institutionalising organisation as an anti-social intruder.

The rhizomatic network Rhizomatic or grassroots movements31 are horizontal, which implies a non31

As examples what Rhizomatic organisations are, one may think about quite many things, for example what one can see in nature: Ants, but insects in general, rats, but all the holes of animals, lianas, but the whole jungle, actually the whole nature in general. I concidentally envision the image of people who desperately try to eradicate insects. If one noticed the rhizomatic

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hierarchical and flat organisation, so grassrootsmovements do not a have a central body or central points of authority or leadership; it works because of the ability to form a network. A rhizome can exist in divergent forms, in all directions and shapes, and the network is always changing. You can enter, think for example about Facebook, from divergent and uncountable angles, instead of the few entrances in a hirarchical organisation. Every random point in the network can be connected to any other random point. The connections are mushrooming out to all directions. As link the network is developing to link with other. A grassrootsmovements it is all about the connections, the heterogenousity, the fludity, the decentralized movements. Her opposite is the hirarchical top-down organisations, which continuously tend to destroy the networking organisms by its tendency to stucturalise and code; structures and benchmarks do make social organisms measurable, but kill its fludity, heterogenousity and ability to form networks creatively. If a multiplicity is captured in a structure, her growth is slowed down with the reduction of combinations. Even the scheduling of pseudo-multiplexities, I think here for example about branches of civil organisations, is just not abstract enough for the concept of Grassrootsmovements. I suppose because of that Aleancas Faceboukgroup is working as a grassrootsnetwork, they gained steadily sympathisers since their existence. The more connections an network can make, the stronger the network will be. Interestingly, these kind of grassrootsmovements do not need much funds to exist, at least for the outreach to their members. Regarding social movements, I state that grassroots movements are always stronger, more diverse and more creative then top-down structuralised organisations. In general, hirarchical organisations are just not able to anticipate quick enough on the flexible reality, which a grassrootsmovement is better
structure in which the insects live, one may realise this is an impossible task. If one demolishes a hole or track of some insects, the insects will find other paths or holes. Examples of rhizomatic human organisations are social movements like the squatmovement the other-globalisationmovement, freelancers, but as well terrorist organisations. The decentrality of these organisations are interesting. For example, I find it interesting that the forces who are fighting, terrorist- or drugtraffickingorganisations, seem to reason in a hirarchical manner. Taking away a leader of a movement does not erase the organisation at all. These kind of organisations dont get severely damaged or erased if a main figure is arrested or assasinated. While doing this research, I noticed that since 2008 I quite a lot of newsarticles which claimed that leaders of the Islamist terrorist organisation Al Qaida have been assasinated, and all of the articles stated this is a severe blow for the terrorist organisation, which will be destabilised and weakend by that particular assassination. However, the Al Qaida terrorist network is ever existing and active. A similar kind of mechanism one can notice when a criminal, for example a druglord, has been arrested. The criminal is taken out of the network, but the network in itself is creative enough to fill up this position, and the criminal acts will continue as ever before. Another example of a Rhizome is the internet in general, but as well organisations as Wikipedia, Linux and Facebook. In general, I think that humankind, the nature and all communication is essentially rhizomatic.

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able to. So, Aleanca is viable and valuable in the Albanian community, LGBTpro and iniatives alike, are doomed to freeze and exist as donor darling. I would like to end this parapraph with an interesting observation. It seems that many people, for example the ones who are working in the institutionalised Albanian NGO field are not able to see the effect of non institutionalised activities. I noticed that many people tend to reduce the work of Aleana as yeah okay, they are doing parties, they are having a facebookaccount, but that does not make them a real (whatever that might be) or viable organisation. I somehow find this a weird, rudimantary idea that an organisation need an office, chairman and logo before it can be taken serious. Because, in the meantime, Aleanca as do it yourself movement is able to fullfill many targets hirarchical organisations seem not able to. But, if it is not visible or approriated, it seems to be left out of the discourse of many NGOs.

Conclusion With the use of Habermass theory of communicative action, which explores the system- and livingspheres, I have investigated how the system-world, with its

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bureaucracy, technical rationality and focus on power and money, interferes too deep in the livingsphere, the domain of the civil society, dialogue, friendship, opinions, which needs to be based on the respect for plurality and a will for consensus. I argued this is a form of imperialism which limits the autonomy of an NGO to a minimum. In such a donor darling NGO privacy can not be guaranteed, which is necessary for a newborn LGBT-movement. With the use of Deleuze ideas abouth the rhizomatic network, I state it is impossible to form a social movement from top down. Statements like the COCs inside outside approach are to be problematised. A bureaucracy can not create an community, because a community got a non-bureaucratic logic. Top-down policy and institutionalisation or bureaucratisation in the field of social movements lead to demoralisation, frustration, a loss of autonomy and a lack of safety. But, when extensive subsidies are involved, one need bureaucracy to prevent fraud and the misuse of power. However, donor darlings are able to save their autonomy while present magic tricks regarding their rapports. After this research I would like to conclude that in the field of lobbying and mediamonitoring, a hirarchic top-down mandated organisation, like LGBTpro, can be rather fruitful. This kind of organisation should focus inforcement and check the humanrights. However, this does not have to be a particular LGBT, but can be a human rights organisation in general. These kind of organisation should focus on legal and media issues, where an employee need to be an experienced professional with a network. As missing piece, the fieldactivity should be left to active members in an autonomous movement. Grassrootsmovements are way better able to form networks, be creative, and developed an own agenda. Institutionalisation of these social grassrootsmovement would destroy the movement. However, it is well possible dymanic that some young members of a grassrootsmovement will become professionalised members of an institution. Please do not confuse short-term and long distance goals nor confuse professionalism and activism. Nowadays the mishmash of top-down and bottom-up activity - the EU laws being implemented, the lobbying by western-european NGOs, like the the Dutch Ministry for Foreign affairs, Human Rights Watch, and the Amsterdam based LGBTorganisation COC and LGBTpro, and activity in the field by young Albanians -

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seem a fertile ground regarding the Albanian LGBT rights. The stage seems to be ready, the play has started and there is an interested crowd. The plot of the play is how to combine the best of all the described worlds. I think an openness for complexity and respect for autonomy and own space of organisation is needed here. As concluding thought I hope that the own pace of the Albanian LGBTs is respected by foreign NGOs. A nice picture in the media of a gaypride is just an artificial and false tool for donor darlings. Some respondents quoted regarding an gayparade as follows: Instead I prefer it more, those 500 members, can start openly discuss with their friends, their families, the people they know. If we have 500 people, and talk with at least 2 people, we have 1.500 who are informed and are not homophobic anymore. If they start to talk with others, it is a better way to put the seed, instead of harvest now. A gayparade is useless. We should work on something more sustainable. We dont want to hurry, we should do it on our own pace.

References Borradori, G. (2003). Filosofie in een tijd van terreur. Kampen: Uitgeverij Klement. Deleuze, G. & F. Guattari (2004). Rizoom: een inleiding. Utrecht: Spreeuw libertaire

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uitgeverij. Prins, M. (1991). Het Calimero-denken binnen het humanistisch raadswerk. Praktische Humanistiek nr.1. Smaling, A. (2008). Dialoog en empathie in de methodologie. Amsterdam: Humanistics university press / SWP. Wierdsma, A.F.M. (2001). Leidinggeven aan co-crerend veranderen: balanceren tussen broosheid en maakbaarheid. Breukelen: Universiteit Nyenrode. Woodcock, S. (2009). Gay Pride as Violent Containment in Romania: a Brave New Europe. Sextures, 1(1): 1-17. Lecture: Van Houten, D. University for Humanistics: Utrecht: 18-09-2008. Lecture: Van Rossem, M. University of Utrecht, faculty of history: Utrecht. 07-062010. Lecture: Schreurs, M. University for Humanistics: Utrecht. 20-10-2008. Lecture: Kaulingfreks, R. University for Humanistics: Utrecht. 2010. Lecture: Kunneman, H. Technische Universiteit: Delft. 14-10-2009. Consulted on 1804-2010 at: http://collegerama.tudelft.nl/mediasite/Viewer/? peid=68c4d85162764de3aaf6bef2329ededa

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