Franca among North American Indians I Jeffrey Davis KeyWords Deaf Worlds Submitted 03/06105 2005 I vol 21 (3) Accepted 22111/05 Forest Books ISSN 1362-3125 Aboriginal and Indigenous Sign Language; Anthropological and Historical linguistics; Lingua Franca; Plains Indian Sign Language; Primary and Alternate Signed Languages. Abstract The purpose of this paper is to bring attention to the historical documentation of sign language among North American Indians. 2 During the 19 th and early part of the 20 th centuries, indigenous sign language appears to have been so widespread that scholars of this time period considered it to be a lingua franca. In other words, signing was used within and between indigenous groups, who did not otherwise share a common spoken language. Previous documentation was made by some of the first ethnologists and anthropologists to do field work with Native American Indian groups (most notably, Boas 1890, Mallery 1880), before there was a decline in the use of indigenous sign language. The previously collected documentary materials showed that sign language was 1 I am extremely grateful to numerous individuals who have inspired and encouraged me to write this paper. Thanks to Ellis Bacon for reading and discussing the contents of this paper on numerous occasions, and providing me a place to write up in the Great Smoky Mountains of Tennessee. A note of gratitude goes to the Elders of the Intertribal Deaf Council for maintaining the Circle and inviting others to participate; and especially James Woodenlegs (Northern Cheyenne), and Melanie McKay-Cody (Cherokee 1 Choctaw) for sharing the legacy of PSL, along with their immeasurable wisdom and wit. s 4-7 48 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians used among North American Indians for a variety of discourse purposes. Apparently, sign language was used even when deaf people were not present, but it was also learned as a first language by some deaf members of these native communities. This paper considers the traditional use and contemporary status of these sign language varieties, and sheds light on this little known and often overlooked part of Native American heritage. Biography Jeffrey Davis has worked as an interpreter, teacher, and researcher in the fields of signed language linguistics and deaf studies for the past thirty years. He holds Masters and PhD degrees in Linguistics. He began his university teaching career in 1983 at Gallaudet University in Washington, DC, where he taught until 1990; he then served on the faculties of the University of Arizona (1990 - 1994) and Miami-Dade C o l l ~ g e (1994 - 2000). Davis joined the faculty at the University of Tennessee in 2000, where he is an Associate Professor in the Educational Interpreting Program, Department of Theory and Practice in Teacher Education. In addition to interpreting in the field and conducting research, he teaches ASL Linguistics and Interpretation courses. His research involves the linguistics of ASL, interpretation and translation processes, and the study of historical and contemporary sign language among members of some American Indian groups. Overview In addition to being one of the primary languages in Deaf communities, signed languages have been used among hearing indigenous communities around the world as alternatives to spoken languages. Elaborated forms of signed communication have been documented and described in some 2 Various terms are used in the literature to refer to the aboriginal peoples of the Americas. Members of these cultural groups that many consider the First Nations, generally call themselves American Indians. North American Indian is sometimes necessary to distinguish the indigenous peoples of North America from those of Central and South America. The historical linguistic documents that are the focus of the present study do not include the signed language varieties that have been reported for Central or South American indigenous populations. Specific tribal afTiliations and cultural-linguistic groups are acknowledged whenever possible - e.g., Assiniboine, Blackfoot, Eastern Cherokee, Inuit, Lakota, Northern Cheyenne, etc. 1 I Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 49 Aboriginal groups of Central Australia, and among Indigenous communities of North and South Amerid. 3 This linguistic phenomenon also has been evident to varying degrees within some occupational settings and monastic traditions. The use of sign language within and between both Deaf and non- deaf communities around the world has been documented - even when deaf individuals were ndt present (see for example, Davis & Sup alIa 1995, Farnell 1995, Johnson 1994, Kendon 1988, Kelly & McGregor 2003, Plann 1997, Umiker-Sebeok & Sebeok 1978). This was particularly true for the native groups in North America that are the focus of this paper. The North American continent was once an area of extreme linguistic and cultural diversity with frequent contact between groups speaking distinct and mutually unintelligible languages. Historically, signing between and within indigenous groups of North America has been well documented. Over many generations, signed language appears to have emerged as a way to make communication possible between individuals speaking so many different mother tongues. This was observed and documented in numerous accounts including extensive fieldwork conducted by 19 th century ethnologists and anthropologists. Most notably, Boas 1890 and Mallery 1880, who were among the first scholars to do ethnographiC fieldwork with native groups of the Americas. 4 Apparently, signing was so widespread among North American Indian groups that earlier scholars considered it a lingua franca - that is, sign language was used among numerous indigenous groups, who did not otherwise share a common language. Papers describing the distinctive features of the conventionalized signed language used among American Indians were published by researchers who helped establish the discipline of anthropological linguistics (Kroeber 1958, Voegelin 1958, West 1960).5 Reportedly, the more nomadic groups were the best signers; dialect differences did not seriously hinder communication; signing was not limited 1 Aboriginal or indigenous are synonymous terms and refer to the original or "native" inhabitants, before foreign immigration and colonization. In this article, these terms are used interchangeably depending on the historical or geographical context and source being cited. 4 Boas and Mallery, helped establish and served terms as presidents of learned societies of their time (for example, Linguistic Society of America, American Philosophical Society, and American Anthropological Society). Mallery was credited as one of the first scholars of his time to use the term "semiotics" (Umiker-Sebeok & Seheok 1978). 50 DW (21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians to intertribal ceremonial occasions; and also was used in storytelling and conversation within groups speaking the same language (Mithun 1999:293). The traditional signing used by some Native American groups appears to be distinct from American Sign Language (ASL) and is now known primarily by hearing elders and by some Deaf members of these groups, due in large part to its replacement by English as a lingua franca (Farnell 1995, Mithun 1999, McKay-Cody 1997). Aims of this Paper The focus of this paper is the historical documentation of sign language among North American Indians during the 19 th and early part of the 20 th centuries. The legacy of historical documentary materials in the form of written texts, lexical descriptions, illustrations, and motion pictures is critical to preservation, further scholarship, and language revitalization of sign language among North American Indian groups. One of the chief aims of this paper is to bring attention and provide wider access to these documentary materials so that various levels of the languages involved can be studied and described. The research conducted to date and the previously collected documentary materials indicate that sign language was used in varying degrees as an independent communication system within most of the language families indigenous to North America (Campbell 1997, Mithun 1999). This paper reviews the research literature on this subject and documentary materials from archival sources, including early anthropological linguistic descriptions. These early ethnographic and linguistic descriptions of sign language among American Indian groups informed the research of some of the first linguists to study ASL (e.g., Stokoe 1960, 1972, Battison 197812003). However, the same biases that delayed the recognition and academic acceptance of ASL as 5 Kroeber and Voegelin each also served terms as president of the Linguistic Society of America, were considered pioneers in the field of anthropological linguistics, and developed classification systems for the Native American languages. Kroeber's 1958 paper, followed by a two volume PhD dissertation written by one ofVoegelin's students West (1960) were the first to describe the conventionalized signs used by Indians in terms of distinctive features, similar to the sounds of spoken language. The research on Indian sign language is reflected in the seminal research of some of the first Signed language linguists (e.g., Stokoe, 1960, 1972; Battison 1978/2003). T i Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 51 a distinct language have contributed to the oversight and neglected study of sign language among N a t i v ~ American groups (see Baynton 1996, 2002). There has been a general lack of understanding about the nature and structure of indigenous signed language, even though it has been observed and reported from the 1500s until today. Documenting Endangered Languages Crystal (2000) estimates that at least half of the world's six to seven thousand currently used human languages are endangered. These endangered languages constitute irreplaceable treasures, not only to the communities who speak or sign them, but also for scientists and scholars. Like many American Indian languages and cultural traditions, the sign language varieties historically used among numerous North American indigenous groups are currentlr endangered. Since the late 1800s, social, cultural and historical factors have caused the number of native users of traditional American Indian sign language to dramatically decrease. Along with the decline of native languages and cultures, came the loss of signed language that was once a widely used alternate to spoken language, and a traditional way of storytelling. The role of a signed lingua franca has been replaced by English, which means that fewer hearing Indians are learning the traditional ways of signing. The decline of sign language among native groups also contributes to the marginalization and isolation of tribal members who are Deaf. (See Goff-Paris & Wood 2002 and Miller 2004 to read more about the experiences of Native American Indians who are Deaf.) Some researchers have suggested that the varieties of sign language used among Native American groups are endangered (Davis in press, Farnell 1995, Kelly & McGregor 2003, McKay-Cody 1997). Though greatly diminished, varying degrees of sign language use among some American Indian groups has been observed today. Several tribes incorporate the traditional sign language as a part of language and cultural education programs. Before describing these cases and pointing readers to the linguistic corpus that is the basis for this paper, it will be useful to survey the literature about other cases around the world where both deaf and hearing members used sign language and provide historical background information about the North American native communities where sign language traditionally has been used. ~ . 52 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians (Communities Where Everyone Signed Historically and contemporarily, there have been indigenous communities in which both deaf and hearing members used sign language. In addition to the reported cases on the North American continent, signed communication has been observed among aboriginal communities in other geographic locations - such as parts of South America and Australia. A similar linguistic phenomenon has been evident within some occupational settings and monastic traditions. (For more detailed accounts of these cases, see Branson, Miller, & Marsaja 1996, Davis & Sup all a 1995, Johnson 1994, Kendon 1988, 2002, Kelly & McGregor 2003, Plann 1997, Umiker- Sebeok & Sebeok 1978, 1987). The propensity for indigenous peoples to develop highly elaborated sign c?mmunication systems as alternatives to spoken language and for a variety of discourse purposes has been well documented. Indigenous communities in which both deaf and hearing members use sign have been reported in Chican, a traditional Yucatec Maya community in the state of Yucatan in Mexico (Johnson 1994); Providence Island about 150 miles east of Nicaragua (Washabaugh 1986); in Central America among the I{'iche' and Kaqchikel of Guatemala, and in South America among the Urubu, a Tupi- Guarani language community in the state of Maranhao, Brazil (Campbell 1997). Perhaps the best known sociocultural-historical account of sign use by both deaf and hearing members of a community in North America was the case of "English-Sign bilingualism" that existed on Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts from the 17th - 19 th centuries (Groce 1985). Sebeok and Umiker-Sebeok (1978) provide the most detailed account of aboriginal sign language use in the Americas and Australia. There are critical distinctions between these ways of signing and other kinesthetic forms of communication - e.g., gesticulation or pantomine. Similar to studying other types of language contact phenomenon it is useful to consider these varieties of L signing along a continuum, or several multidimensional continua. Kendon's Continuum Scholars from the emergent field of gesture studies distinguish several forms of communication that are generally called "gestures." McNeill (1992) considered four types of gesture along a continuum of - "gesticulation," ,. Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 53 "pantomine," "emblem," and "sign language" based on Kendon (1982). Each of these types can be furtherlanalyzed and subdivided into separate continua. According to McNeill (2000:6) "gesticulation accompanies speech" and "is non-conventionalized." This is distinguished from the signs in a signed language which "like words in speech, are conventionalized, segmented, and analytic, and possessed oflanguage properties, while they are obligatorily not performed with speech". Thus, McNeill correlates the presence or absence of speech with gesture, with the absence or presence of conventional linguistic properties. "Emblems are at an intermediate position ... partly like gesticulations, partly like signs." McNeill emphasizes "the non-linguistic character of these gestures: the lack of a fully contrastive system and the lack of syntactic potential" (original emphasis, 1992:6). Kendon (1988) studied sign language as an alternate means of communication among the hearing aborigines of Central Australia, and proposed that the sign language of deaf communities be called "primary sign language" and the sign language of people already competent in spoken language be called "alternate sign language." Kendon did not study the signing of deaf aborigines, and more studies are needed to determine the outcomes of signed language acquisition if a deaf child is born into a situation in which sign is used as an alternative to speech by hearing members of the community. More recently, Senghas and Monaghan (2002:74) have described the distinctions between "natural sign languages (i.e., sign languages not consciously invented), artificial sign languages, gesture, and homesign." Taxonomy of Sinned Communication Along these lines, Davis & Supalla (1995) conducted extensive ethnographic fieldwork in a Navajo (Dine) community where both Deaf and hearing members used a variety of signed language distinct from ASL. This was reminiscent of what historically had occurred on Martha's Vineyard from the 1600s - 1900s, when most of the inhabitants of the island regardless of hearing status reportedly used sign language (Groce 1985). Based on work with this Navajo community, and Kendon's research with hearing aboriginal signing communities, Davis and Supalla (1995:83-85) proposed a "Taxonomy of Signed Communication Systems:" 54 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians 1) primary signed languages that have evolved within specific historical, social, and cultural contexts and that have been used across generations of signers (e.g., ASL, French Sign Language, British Sign Language, etc.) 2) alternate sign systems developed and used by individuals who are already competent in spoken language (e.g., the highly elaborated and complex sign system used historically by the Plains Indians of North America) 3) home sign systems that are gestural communication systems developed when deaf individuals are isolated from other deaf people and need to communicate with other hearing people around them (Frishberg 1987, Morford 1996) 4) gestures that accompany spoken language discourse (Kendon 2004, McNeill 2000). Davis and Supalla noted some overlap between these categories. For example, the "alternate sign systems" used by hearing Indians became a "primary signed language" when acquired natively by deaf The linguistic evidence suggests that "alternate signs" are used to varying degrees of proficiency ranging from signs that accompany speech, to signing without speech, to signing that functions similarly to "primary signed language." Again it should be emphasized that, like other cases of linguistic variation, these "ways of signing" are best considered according to a theoretical framework of multidimensional continua. When an Alternate Sinn Lannuane becomes Primary In a study of traditional and contemporary Plains Indian signing among native groups, McKay-Cody (1997) found patterns consistent with those identified earlier by Davis and Supalla (1995). McKay-Cody described what happened when the alternate sign language traditionally used by hearing members of the Plains cultural groups was acquired as a primary sign language by members of the group who are deaf. The deaf members of these native groups "seem to gain a higher level of proficiency" when compared to members who are hearing (1997: 50). These findings suggest that the alternate sign language becomes linguistically enriched when Jeffrey Davis' DW(21)3:2005 55 learned as a primary language by members of these native communities who are deaf. The research evidence from these studies (Davis & Supalla 1995, McKay- Cody 1997) suggested that "alternate signs" are used to varying of proficiency ranging from signs that accompany speech, signing without speech, and signing that functions similar to the "primary signed languages" of Deaf communities - especially when used cross-generationally within a linguistic community for a variety of discourse purposes. Another distinction is that primary sign systems are developed, acquired, and used by deaf people as a first language, whereas alternate sign systems are developed, transmitted, and used by hearing individuals already competent in a spoken language. In contrast to primary sign systems that are used across a wide range of functions and domains, alternate sign systems may have more restricted functions and limited domains of use. Despite these differences, both primary and alternate sign systems do nonetheless share some important linguistic properties - e. g., both systems are rule-governed and conventionalized (Umiker-Sebeok & Sebeok 1978, Voegelin 1958, West 1960). Further data-driven and comparative research of the development and use of sign language within native communities, and between deaf and hearing individuals from these groups is needed. The Linguistic and Cultural Diversity of Native North America Much has been written about the consequential clash of cultures that occurred follOwing massive European immigration and colonization of the Americas (or 'invasion' as it came to be considered by the Indians). Previously, the North American continent was an area of extreme linguistic and cultural diversity with hundreds of distinct and mutually unintelligible languages spoken among the native populations. Mithun (1999: 1) points out that "while the languages of Europe are classified into just three families, Indo-European, Finno-Ugric, and Basque, those of North America constitute over SO." Goddard (1979, 1996) and Wurtzburg & Campbell (1995) have published papers about the role served by signed languages and some spoken native languages as lingua francas, and have discussed the pidgins, trade languages and "mixed" systems used among Native American groups. Each of these topics warrant further investigation, but are beyond the scope of the present paper. 56 OW (21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians Based on the major published literature (e.g. Campbell 1997, Mithun 1999) this paper aims to provide an interdisciplinary and international audience with a broad introduction to the historical linguistic contexts, geographic locations, cultural areas, and native groups where sign language traditionally and contemporarily has emerged. This includes a review of the previous research literature on this subject and a survey of the extensive documentary materials from archival sources, including early anthropological linguistic descriptions. These documentary materials and previously published descriptions show that sign language was used in varying degrees as an independent communication system within most of the language families indigenous to North America (Kroeber 1958, Voegelin 1958, West 1960). The Earliest Historical Accounts From the 16 th to the 19 th centuries, numerous descriptive accounts of American Indians signing were written by early European explorers who spent years in the area and colonizers who settled in North America (Mithun 1999). The earliest known descriptions of the Indians signing come from the 1527 Spanish expedition to Florida and were written by Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, who reported numerous occasions of native groups signing with each other. Pedro de Castenenda made similar descriptions during the Coronado expedition of 1541-42, and subsequent reports continued into the 18 th century (Wurtzburg & Campbell 1995). In earlier times, the varieties of indigenous sign language specific to North America were named in various ways - e.g., Plains Indian Sign Language, Indian Sign Language, The Sign Language, etc. "Hand talk" was the way that some American Indian groups commonly referred to sign language (Tomkins 1926). A generally accepted hypothesis among scholars (cf. Goddard 1979, Taylor 1978, Wurtzburg & Campbell 1995) is that sign language among native groups originated and spread from the Gulf Coast region, and became the intertribal lingua franca of the Great Plains cultural areas, and spread throughout the northwest territories of the u.S. and Canada. JcffrcyOavisOW(21)3:2005 57 Plains Indian Sign Language Historically, sign language u.e in varying degrees has been dqcumented among the members from one dozen distinct North American language families (Clark 1885, Scott 1934, Kroeber 1958, Mallery 1880, Voegelin 1958, West 1960). The best documented cases involved members of the Plains Indian cultural and linguistic groups. Generally, twelve major geographic cultural areas of Native North America have been identified in the literature with the Plains cultural area centrally located to all of these (cf. Campbell 1997, Mithun 1999). Waldman (2000: 32 - 33) points out that the modern cultural areas "are not finite and absolute boundaries, but _ simply helpful educational devices" and "that tribal territories were often vague and changing, with great movement among the tribes and the passing of cultural traits from one area to the next; and that people of the same language family sometimes lived in different cultural areas, even in some instances at opposite ends of the continent." The Great Plains cultural area was an enormous geographic expanse that stretched north to south for more than two thousand miles from the North Saskatchewan River in Canada to the Rio Grande in Mexico. The east-west boundaries were approximately the Mississippi-Missouri valleys and the foothills of the Rocky Mountains and encompassed an area of some one million Isquare miles. The following map illustrates the major cultural areas of native North America referenced in this paper. These culture areas show the major geographic areas where native groups shared a similar culture and history. These geographic boundaries are based on numerous sociQ-cultural, linguistic and historical variables; and do not imply that there are only a few sharp distinct ways of life in the continent. As stated in the Handbook if North American Indians 4: viii (1988) "in reality, each group exhibits a unique combination of particular cultural features, while all neighboring peoples are always similar in some ways and dissimilar in others." Traditionally, Plains Indian Sign Language (PSL, hereafter) is used within the Plains cultural and linguistic groups of the USA and Canada (Gordon 2005). Previously documented at every level of social interaction, PSL was used as a widespread medium of communication between members from distinct language groups. Although greatly diminished from its widespread use across the Great Plains in former times, PSL has not vanished. According 58 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians Source: Culture Areas of North America, Handbook of North American Indians 4: ix (W.E. Washburn, ed. 1988). Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC. to Ethnologue: Languages if the World, 15 th Edition (Gordon 2005), PSL is considered distinct from ASL that is used in Deaf communities of the USA and Canada. Today, PSL is used within some native groups in storytelling, rituals, legends, prayers, and by American Indians who are deaf. Jeffrey Davis' DW(21)3:2005 59 Previous Linauistic Description and Ethnoaraphic Documentation Early anthropological linguis_ic field research indicates that sign language was used in varying degrees as an independent communication system within most of the language families of native North America (Kroeber 1958, Voegelin 1958, West 1960). Kroeber, Voegelin, and West were the first scholars to desGribe the distinctive features of the Plains Indian sign lexicon in terms of shapes of the hand(s), the areas in which a gesture is made (points of articulation), and the direction and nature of motion involved. Handshape features were described as open, closed, fingers extended, straight, curved, etc. Different points on the body were considered places of articulation. The movement patterns of the hands were described in detail (e.g. up, down, left, right, repeated, straight lines, curves, circles, etc.) and included one hand acting alone, one stationary and the other active, with both hands moving parallel or interacting. Voegelin and West also developed an elaborate transcription system and "phonemic-like" inventory for PSL. This remains in dissertation form, but represents a substantive contribution to the study of signed languages. In addition to the structural properties and production of sign, these early anthropological linguists carefully examined the lexicon, semantics, and possible origins of the system. Additional linguistic descriptions are long overdue. ISince West's dissertation, there has been only one published linguistic analysis of American Indian Sign language (Newell 1981). Newell provided a stratificational description ofPSL, and supported Kroeber's earlier observation that "whereas writing systems such as Chinese or Hieroglyphics are alternate expression systems of a single communication system, sign language is an independent communication system in its own right" (1981: 189). (See West 1960, Mithun 1999, and Newell 1981 for further linguistic descriptions). The Lanauaae Corpus A corpus of PSL documentary materials forIps the basis for the linguistic descriptions presented in this paper. Documentary materials retrieved from archival sources reveal that regardless of hearing status, signing was used by members from approxjmately thirty-seven distinct American Indian cultural and linguistic groups (Davis, in press, McKay-Cody 1997, Minthun 1999, Umiker-Sebeok & Sebeok 1978). Certainly signing may have been used by 60 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians even more groups than these, but at least this many cases were historically documented. By the turn of the 20 th century, however, a dramatic decline in sign language use among native groups was evident, largely due to its replacement by English as a lingua franca. Education Policy and the Demise of Native Language and Culture The documentary evidence suggests that the use of a signed lingua franca continued well into the early 20 th century. However, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the United States and Canada (mainly in Northwestern and Southwestern regions) residential Indian schools were established by state, provincial, and federal governments; and by religious. organizations in some cases. It became common practice for Indian children and adolescents to be systematically removed from their families and placed in these residential educational institutions. The official educational policy during this period was "cultural and linguistic assimilation." This translated into loss of many native ways, including the loss of native language and culture for many Indian children. Indian children were taught English on!Jr and in most cases were forbidden to follow or practice their cultural traditions. Along with the dramatic decline of native languages and cultures, came the loss of the signed lingua franca that was once an alternative to spoken language. There is a paradox between the linguistic and cultural outcomes of residential Indian Schools and Schools for the Deaf that were established during the same historical period (primarily during post Civil War reconstruction). Ironically, residential Schools for the Deaf became a primary means for sign language acquisition and enculturation; whereas in contrast Indian Schools led to the tragic demise of native language and no less than cultural genocide in many cases. (For additional socio-cultural and historical perspectives about the historical use, or non-use of sign language for instructional purposes, see Baynton 1996, 2002, and Plann 1997). Lanouaoe Revitalization Thus, a variety of social, cultural, and educational factors caused to the indigenous population of native and secondary users of sign language to dramatically decrease. However, as testimony to its resiliency, there is Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 61 evidence that PSL is still in use today among both hearing and Deaf American Indians from various geographic locations where a signed lingua franca once flourished (Davis in press, Farnell 1995, Kelly & McGregor 2003, McKay- Cody 1997). The rich legacy of illustrations, descriptions, and motion pictures that documented the varieties of sign language used among North American Indians is essential to language revitalization. These documentary materials make it possible for this historical sign language variety to be reintroduced to the communities where it once thrived. For example, some of the current activities of the Intertribal Deaf Council are conducted in traditional PSL and the language is gradually being re-introduced to Native American Deaf communities through these gatherings (website provided below). The Spectrum of Discourse An examination of the historical documentary materials show that sign language was uS,ed for additional purposes besides as an intertribal lingua franca between different linguistic groups or as a way to communicate with European colonizers. For example, sign language was used within and between American Indian groups for some of the follOWing discourse purposes:
Story-telling (including a variety of narratives and genres) Gender and age specific activities (most documentation involved male tribal chiefs, medicine men, and elders; however, descriptions and illustrations of woman signing have been identified) During times when speech was difficult or considered taboo (during hunting activities or mourning the death of someone) Chanting, praying, and other ritual practices. The richest sources of these data come from archival sources; particularly the motion pictures that were produced by Scott (1934) with support from an Act of the U.S. Congress. These films documented chieftains and elders from thirteen distinct spoken language groups who were communicating with each other through sign language. Produced during the historical three day Indian Sign Language Council (September 4 - 6, 1930), a variety of topics was signed, including anecdotes and stories. These documentary films 62 DW (21)3: 2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians show the Indian participants engaged in several types of discourse. For example, making introductions and showing name signs for each of the tribes represented; signing traditional cultural and medicine stories; and making metaphorical comparisons - such as comparing the radio which the signer called "White Man's Medicine" with the ability to communicate in dreams which was called "Red Man's Medicine." 6 Scott (1934) provided the original written transcriptions and voiced translations for the films that were produced as a result of the council meeting. In one of the films we see that one of the Chieftains was chanting and signing simultaneously. In studies involving other Native American groups, speech with sign accompaniment has been observed (e.g., Farnell 1995). However, this was not a common occurrence in these films. Aside from one chanting-signing segment, there was only one other example of a story being told with sign and speech accompaniment. Most of the signed discourse shown in these films was void of spoken language and mouth movements. Sample digitized images and link to film clips The films show the participants engaged in lively, natural, and un-rehearsed signed language discourse. The spontaneity and variety of discourse types captured in these films offers the most remarkable demonstration of American Indians using sign language. It was noteworthy that the participants of the Indian Sign Language Council were tribal leaders, and the largest gathering of tribal leaders to be filmed up to that date. To show the significance of this historical gathering, a m o n u m e ~ t was erected at the location of the Indian Sign Language Council. Each participant placed their footprints in bronze as a permanent record of the historical gathering. Subsequently, the National Museum of the Plains Indians was built at this site. Table One shows digitized still images of some participants signing. 6 According to the National Multicultural Interpreting Curriculum (2001, P 27) "medicine is an array of spiritual practices, ideas, and concepts rather than only remedies and treatments as in western medicine." Furthermore: "Medicine men and women are viewed as the spiritual healers and leaders of the community. They have the role not only as a doctor, but they can be the diviner, rain-maker, prophet, priest, or chief." Medicine is anything that brings one closer to Great Spirit, to the Divine. In this tradition, all space is sacred space. Every place on the planet holds a specific energy connection to some living creature and is to be honored for that reason. , Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 63 Table 1: Digitized Images of Sign Language from the Original 1930s Films (Source: Scott 1934. Copy courtesy of the National Archives, Washington, DC) Table 1 (Clockwise from top left) Dick Washakie, Shoshone Chief points to his ancestral home lands; (top right) Short Face of the Piegan tribal group, discusses hosting the Sign Language Council; (bottom right) Bitter Root Jim representing the Flathead people, makes the traditional sign for NATIVE AMERICAN; (bottom left) Bitter Room Jim signs NOW, marking his turn to make introductions. [Source: Scott 1934, Courtesy of the National Archives, Washington, DC] The author has established the following website for readers to view sample historical illustrations (JPEG) and some digitized films clips (QuickTime) from the corpus of PSL documentary materials: http:// sunsi te. u tk. edu / plainssignlanguage / 64 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians The Lexicon and Beyond Further linguistic analysis of PSL morphology, grammar, and discourse is currently underway. Every linguistic level of PSL needs to be considered- the phonetic to the semiotic. This represents an enormous undertaking and a further study of the lexicon is central to providing accurate linguistic descriptions and translations. For example, descriptions and illustrations of more than 8,000 lexical signs have been identified from 11 previously collected archival sources spanning a two hundred year period (ca. 1800 - 2000). In a preliminary study, Davis (in press) compared 500 descriptions and illustrations produced during several historical time periods from the PSL language corpus (the early 1800s, late 1800s, 1930s, and 2002). Considering historical change and ling4istic variation, Davis found that approximately two-thirds of the signs from the early 1800 descriptions were identical or similar (i.e., differing only in a single parameter - handshape, movement, location, orientation) to the signs documented for subsequent generations of American Indian signers (Davis in press). While these results are preliminary and should be interpreted carefully, these findings are consistent with those of earlier scholars (Mallery 1880, Kroeber 1958, Voegelin 1958, West 1960) that there was an inter-tribal and intergenerational signed language lingua franca. The evidence suggests that PSL was the dominant sign language variety shared by the Plains communities and was learned by other groups through language contact. Further historical comparisons, linguistic descriptions and analyses are currently underway. Traditionally, the more nomadic groups of the Great Plains signed the PSL variety - most notably, Kiowa-Tanoan, Siouan, Algonquian, and Uto- Aztecan linguistic groups. West (1960) also identified fluent signers of the PSL variety among groups from the Plateau area - e.g. the Nez Perce (Sahaptian) and the Flathead (Salishan). West reported dialect differences among these groups, but found that these did not seriously impede sign communication. In a two volume dissertation and a series of motion picture documentary films, West (1960) documented that signing was still practiced, particularly on intertribal ceremonial occasions but also in storytelling and conversation, even among speakers of the same language. - -- ---------- Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 65"\' The research literature indicates that PSL varieties are distinct from the sign language varieties used in Ndlrth American Deaf Communities - such as ASL (see Davis & Supalla 1995, Gordon 2005, McKay-Cody 1997, Newell 1981). There also are striking similarities in linguistic structure between PSL and ASL (e.g., marked and unmarked handshapes, symmetry and dominance conditions, and classifier forms). Further research is needed to ., determine the historical connections, similarities, and differences between these sign language varieties. Linking Traditional and Contemporary Use Although greatly diminished from traditionally being used among dozens of distinct Native American cultural groups, contemporary cases have been documented. Several recent studies have reported that native groups of the Plains area still use PSL, and that other groups use signs that are distinct from PSL (Davis & Sup alIa 1995, Davis 2006, Farnell 1995, Kelly & McGregor 2003, Mithun 1999, McKay-Cody 1997, Weatherwax 2002). The evidence suggests that PSL was the dominant sign language variety shared by the Plains communities and was learned by other groups through language contact. Currently, signing has been reported within the following seven distinct spoken language groups, representing four language families (Algonquian, Athabaskan, Siouan, and Pueblo Isolates). 1. Assiniboine (SIOUAN) 2. Blackfoot = Blood = Pi egan (ALGIC =ALGONQUIAN) 3. Crow (SIOUAN) 4. Keresan = Keres (New Mexico Pueblo Isolates) 5. Navajo = Navaho = Dine (ATHABASKAN) 6. Northern Cheyenne (ALGIC =ALGONQUIAN) 7. Sioux = Lak(h)ota = Dakota = Nakota (SIOUAN) These research findings suggest that the descendents of Siouan and Algonquian groups still sign a variety of traditional PSL. Navajo and Keresan groups appear to use a distinct form of signing, and further research is needed to determine these differences. Most importantly, to prevent further language loss, contemporary and historical use of these sign 66 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians language. varieties need to be documented, described, and stabilized through language education. For example, the National Multicultural Interpreting Project at El Paso Community College, the Intertribal Deaf Cquncil, and the Department of Blackfoot Studies at Blackfoot Community College have been involved in cultural education and language stabilization efforts. Summary and Conclusions A corpus of previously collected PSL documentary materials .from archival sources has been the focus of this paper. These materials have been considered in light of new discoveries and current theories from interdisciplinary perspectives. Historically, sign language has been used by North American Indians from dozens of different spoken language groups. These sign language varieties have been named in different ways - e.g., Plains Indian Sign Language (PSL), Indian Sign Language, North American Indian Sign Language, etc. Native members of these groups commonly referred to sign language as "hand talk." A I though the best documented cases involved groups from or in contact with the Plains cultural groups, signing also was observed and documented beyond the Great Plains area - including the Southeast, Gulf Coast, Southwest, Plateau and Basin, Subartic, Mesoamerica, and Northeast geographic areas. However, this does not mean that these various signed languages were mutually intelligible. Further research is needed to determine if these were varieties of the same signed language, or distinct signed languages. Like other studies of language variation, these different "ways of signing" are best considered along a continuum, or multidimensional continua. The study of indigenous signed languages helps broaden our understanding of these issues and raises other linguistic questions - e.g., language attitude, contact and change. r This paper has taken a two-fold approach to the PSL language corpus presented here. First, to provide a preliminary description of discourse features and a comparative historical assessment of the PSL lexicon; secondly, to make known and point others to this language corpus so that all levels of the language can be studied and described. Documenting and describing a language is an enormous undertaking, made urgent by the Jeffrey Davis' DW(21)3:2005 67 endangered status of PSL in this case. The chief aim is to promote language revitalization, and to enoourage further linguistic research of the phonological, morphological, and grammatical characteristics of PSL and other signed language varieties. Two predominant themes that emerge from early descriptions of' American Indian sign language are "universality" and "iconicity" - theoretical issues that signed language studies continue to address today (Armstrong, Stokoe, & Wilcox 1995). The documented cases of signed language in various deaf and hearing communities around the world, demonstrate the human innateness and resiliency for language. Clearly, language is not limited to oral-auditory modalities, but expressed equally and richly through visual and kinesthetic means. In contrast to the oral- aural medium of spoken languages, signed languages are' visual-gestural in nature. The use of gesture and space are exploited and become highly conventionalized aspects of the overall linguistic system. rsign language was' used among the Indian Nations of North America as a complementary alternative to spoken language. Thus used from one generation to the next, signing became linguistically enriched and conventionalized. Great care must be taken to preserve the rich legacy of sign language documentary materials represented in the PSL language corpus. Placing the historical linguistic documentary materials into digitally stable and accessible formats will promote further research, description and translation. Developing an open source PSL digital archive will form a significant resource for educational programs, libraries, and museums of natural history; encourage further scholarship and language revitalization; and provide unprecedented access for multiple users interested in studying, understanding, preserving, and describing these and other signed language varieties. Sign language linguistic research continues to demonstrate the human innateness, propensity, and resiliency for language; the cognitive, social, and communicative underpinnings for language acquisition and development; and provides insights into the origins of human language. Moreover, PSL is a part of the linguistic and cultural heritage of North America that should be preserved for this and future generations. Otherwise, like so many o t h ~ r native languages and cultures, PSL could be lost forever. 68 DW(21 )3:2005 Evidence of a Historical Signed Lingua Franca among North American Indians Further information about American Indian languages and cultures, Native Americans who are Deaf, and PSL can be obtained from the following websites: The Intertribal Deaf Council (IDC) http://www.deafnative.com/ The National Multicultural Interpreting Project at EI Paso Community College http://www.epcc.edu/Community/NMIP/Wclcome.html National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, D.C. http://www.americanindian.si.edu/ Plains Indian Sign Language Digital Archive http:// sunsite. utk.edu/plainssignlanguage1 Jeffrey Davis DW(21)3:2005 69 References Armstrong, D., Stokoe, W,'& Wilcox, S. (1995) Gesture and the nature if languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Battison, R. (197812003) Lexical borrowing in American Sign Language. Burtonsville: Linstock Press, Inc. Baynton, D. 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