ASIA-PACIFIC

NAZARENE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY MATTEO RICCI AN ASSIGNMENT PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF ASIA-PACIFIC THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY (APNTS) IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THEOLOGY (Intercultural Studies) SUBMITTED TO Dr. Floyd Cunningham HISTORY OF MISSIONS BY nderson Godoy S. Taytay, Rizal August 2011

THE SOURCE Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) was born in Macerata, Italy.1 Although he wanted to study law, due to the high influence of Catholicism in his city he ended joining the Jesuit order in 1571.2 Since the reformation was a threat for the Roman Church his desire to serve was fostered with dreams to contain Protestantism and carry the Catholic faith abroad.3 Nevertheless, it was hard for him to get involved in missions and it took him several years before being commissioned.4 Nevertheless, Ricci was able to wait without losing passion inspired to a big degree on the ministry of Alessandro Valignano who was a Jesuit missionary in the Far East.5 It was actually under Valignanos advice that Ricci ended up in Goa, India, but after a couple years of service he noticed that his ministry in India was not fulfilling his expectations, I am here accomplishing nothing, and have been ill twice this year there is nothing else for me to do except to hear an occasional confession. He said.6 It was not too long before Ricci managed to get an assignation to Asia. After getting some guidance from Valignano and other missionaries who were ministering in Japan, Ricci arrived to Macao on August 7th 1582.7 One of his first goals in Macao was to learn Chinese. Fortunately Ricci enjoyed the study of Chinese much more The Jesuits in China, 1582-1773, ed. Charles Ronan and Bonnie B. C. Oh (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988), 3. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Vincent Cronin, The Wise Man from the West, (1955; repr., London: The Harvill Press. 1999), 23. 5 Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 3. 6 Ricci quoted in Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 7. 7 Ricci quoted in Ibid., 10.
1 Jonathan Spence, Matteo Ricci and the Ascent to Peking, in East Meets West:

than Greek or any other language8 and it took him only 12 years to completely master the language and his classic variant.9 What Ricci found in China was a mixture of a highly developed civilization with some practices that seemed primitive. This challenged him and sometimes even disappointed him.10 Ricci found out that the best way to be effective in his mission was to get to the capital of the Chinese Empire, Peking. This meant for him a large trip from South to North11 that at the end took him eighteen years before he could settle in the Forbidden City.12 During his ministry in China Ricci faced different kind of difficulties. He suffered different sicknesses including Malaria,13 and lost at least two of his European companions.14 Furthermore, Vaglinano also died during Riccis assignment and the latter felt like the missionaries of China were orphans.15 But in spite of the difficulties, Riccis time in China was extremely fruitful. Chinese literati people accepted Ricci as one of them (this was not unexpected considering Riccis excellent preparation in theology, philosophy and human sciences, and his great and deep knowledge of geography, cartography, astronomy, geometry, and arithmetic.)16 Furthermore he had the opportunity to meet an isolated group of
8 Ricci quoted in Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 7. 9 Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 13. 10 Ibid. 14.

11 Ricci quoted in Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 12. 12 Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 12. 13 Cronin, 97. 14 Ibid., 102. 15 Ibid., 228.

& Alliance 4, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 54, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx? direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000829977&site=ehost-live, ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed August 15, 2011).

16 Piero Corradini, "Matteo Ricci's Approach to Chinese Civilization," Dialogue

Chinese Jews17 and find traces of the Christianity that had been introduced by the Nestorians nearly 500 years before.18 All of this and more led Ricci to feel so committed with China that when he finally arrived to Peking he knew he would not return to Europe.19 In the last years of his life Ricci foresaw the conversion of China as something imminent20 but at the same time he felt a deep sorrow for his failures and mistakes in ministry.21 Ricci died a peaceful death in his house in May 11th 161022 and his death was such an important event that it gathered large multitudes that according to their custom, performed their bows and genuflections first to the image of Christ the Savior, then to the grave.23 The Receivers24 When Ricci arrived in China the great days of the Ming Dinasty had passed, but the figure of an empire was still being practiced.25 The emperor was Wan-li (r. 1573-
17 Cronin, 220-1. 18 Ricci quoted in Philip Jenkins, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand

Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia -and How It Died (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2008), 177. 19 Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 12; Cronin, 235. 20 Corradini, 51. 21 Cronin, 271. 22 Ibid., 272. 23 Nicolas Tirgault quoted in George Minamiki, The Chinese Rites Controversy from Its Beginning To Modern Times (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1985), 213. 24 Even though Ricci also ministered as missionary in India, for the purpose of this document the Chinese will be considered as the main subjects of Riccis service. 25 Albert Chan S. J., Late Ming Society and the Jesuit Missionaries, in East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 1582-1773, ed. Charles Ronan and Bonnie B. C. Oh (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988), 153.

1620)26 and he represented the highest authority for all of the country. The Chinese or people of the Middle Kingdom, as they called themselves27 were an ancient civilization. Their highly developed culture and scientific knowledge led Ricci to say: Of all the pagan nations that are known to our Europe, I know of none which has made fewer errors contrary to the things of Religion than the nation of China in its early Antiquity!28 In fact, even though they had millions of people and soldiers, they were a pacific nation, going to arms only to defend themselves.29 The Chinese had a rich language different to the ones that Ricci had already mastered. However, it did not contain words for Christian concepts30 and that was one of the main challenges for Ricci. The Chinese society was morally correct generally speaking, but concubines and polygamy were usual among the high classes.31 There were three main religions in China during Riccis time: The followers of Lao Tzu (who believed that everything was produced out of nothing), Buddhism (affirming than things emerged from voidness) and Confucianism (that took existence as the basic principle of things).32 In fact, many of Riccis converts

26 Ibid. 27 Cronin, 256.

Missions," Numen 35, no. 2 (December 1, 1988): 181, http://search.ebscohost.com/ login.aspx?direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000810063&site=ehost-live, ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed August 14, 2011). 29 Cronin, 233. 30 Ibid., 61. 31 Ibid., 87. 32 Matteo Ricci S. J., The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tien-Chu Shih-I), Chinese and English ed., trans. Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen, S. J., ed. Edward J. Malatesta, S. J. (St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985), 99.

28 Ricci quoted in Michael Loewe, "Imperial China's Reactions to the Catholic

came from the Buddhist group, had devoted lives and practiced strict fasting according to their customs.33 Religion indeed permeated the Chinese society. Ricci was astonished when he met a great number of fortune-tellers using innumerable superstitious methods.34 Because of this when Ricci preached to the Chinese, most of the people related the Christian message with their own idolatrous beliefs.35 All in all, Ricci noticed that rites played a very important role in the society and could not be ignored: The most solemn thing among [the Chinese] is the offering they annually make to the dead at certain times of the year in this act they make the fulfillment of their duty to their relatives, namely, to serve them in death as though they were alive.36 () They offer him [Confucius] with great solemnity dead animals and other items to eat to thank him for the fine teachings which he left them in his books.37 It is exactly this ritual character of the Chinese people what brought both the most success and the most criticism in Riccis ministry. Even after his death when the Ming Dynasty was replaced by the Tartars from Northwest,38 the approach of Riccis subsequent missionaries to this aspect of the Chinese culture was the determining factor for the advance of their mission.

33 Cronin, 87. 34 Ibid., 81. 35 Ibid., 61. 37 Ibid., 20. 36 Ricci quoted in Minamiki, 17. 38 Cronin, 276.

The Message When one analyzes the message that Ricci brought to the Chinese it becomes clear that his was a message of reconciliation. Not only he wanted to reconcile the Chinese people with God, but he also wanted them to know that Christianity was a religion for all the peoples of the world. As a matter of fact, he wanted Chinese people to join the Western nations as in a great family bound by a common religion.39 Nevertheless, before this message could push through it was necessary to deal with the rites and religious cornerstones of the Chinese. For example, whereas for Ricci sin was a fault against God, for the Chinese guilt was upon those who committed crimes against humanity.40 These kind of differences after some time led Ricci to consider most of the Chinese rites as free from superstition and take them instead as mere civil expressions of respect or honor for people who have lived before. Nevertheless, he sought to change such acts (that usually included food offerings) for works of charity like giving to the poor.41 In order to make his message attractive for the Chinese literati, Ricci used logic and reason as opposed to mere dogmas of faith. This can be seen in his fictional dialogue between a Western scholar and a Chinese scholar: Now you, Sir, desire to learn the principles of the teachings of the Lord of Heaven. I shall therefore state them plainly for you, and my explanations will be based solely on reason.42 Such approach was a clear consequence to his desire to relate Confucianism with
39 Chan, 158. 40 Loewe, 196. 41 Minamiki, 158. 42 Ricci, 71.

Christianity, for Confucius followers were extremely logical and realistic. In order to relate both, Ricci stated that the early Confucians had worshipped the Christian God when they pertained to terms like Lord of Heaven or Lord on High.43 Trying to support his theory he insisted in the use of a local name for God instead of the Latin Deus;44 After several considerations he chose the term T'ien chu, 'Master of Heaven'45 even though the name caused some confusion in the Chinese for they regarded T'ien chu as the main of many spirits, not as a single God.46 Such misunderstanding caused Ricci to declare: Our Lord of Heaven is the Sovereign on High mentioned in the ancient canonical writing: Quoting Confucius The ceremonies of sacrifices to Heaven and Earth are meant for the service of the Sovereign on High.47 Riccis parallel between Christianity and Confucianism was also extended to Jesus Christ. He stated that, like Confucius, Jesus based human society in the moral strength of each person48 and therefore he opposed immoral practices like prostitution and polygamy. Ricci noticed that in spite of their beliefs, most of the Chinese were apathetic about the consequences that their actions could have on their future.49 This inspired Ricci and the French Jesuit Mathematicians Sent by Louis XVI, in East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 1582-1773, ed. Charles Ronan and Bonnie B. C. Oh (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988), 68. 44 Scott W. Sunquist, Asian Christianity: Facing the Rising Sun, in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader, 4th ed., ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 2009), 243. 45 Loewe, 188. 46 Ibid., 189. 47 Ricci, 123. 48 Dana Thomas, Crusaders for God (New York: A. A. Wyn, Inc. 1952), 220. 49 Ricci, 305.
43 John W. Witek S. J. Understanding the Chinese: A Comparison of Matteo

him to use their old Confucian teachings to exhort them to a clearer sense of personal responsibility: Everything in the world which has a will can allow the will to achieve its end or can restrain it, and a distinction is thereby made between virtue and vice, good and evil.50 Knowing that the Chinese did not consider the Bible as a holy book, Ricci also tried to emphasize the divine inspiration of the Scriptures knowing that only in this way the Chinese would listen to the gospel as something more than just a Western story.51 The Channels In order to communicate the good news of the gospel to the Chinese literati Ricci used virtually every channel available for him. He arrived to China showing respect for each one of his inhabitants and their culture.52 Since he knew that Bonzes where highly regarded in Japan, he and his co-workers dressed in that fashion. However, later on they had to change their clothes to those of Confucian literati for Bonzes were actually despised by the group of literati that Ricci wanted to win.53 Riccis contextualization task went well beyond the outer clothes he wore. He tried as hard as possible to understand the Chinese culture and of course one of the elements he used the most was his fluency in the language. In fact, it took him only

50 Ricci, 291. 51 Ibid., 379. 52 Minamiki, 16.

53 Cronin, 104-5; Witek Understanding the Chinese, 66.

two years since his arrival in Macao to be able to talk without an interpreter.54 Ricci used his high proficiency in the language to win the peoples confidence and make friends with everybody.55 When his knowledge of Chinese went deeper and he mastered the classic Chinese used in the Confucians writings, he tried to interpret them in a favorable way to Christianity.56 Indeed Ricci understood the power of written word for the Chinese society. He noticed how short pamphlets were able to easily catch the attention of the scholars57 and he dedicated considerable time to writing. In 1608 Ricci published Ten Chapters of a Strange Man, a book on philosophical questions written in dialogue form.58 The title of the book was based on a Confucius said that strange man is strange in the eyes of men but like unto Heaven.59 This book was inspired in Latin and Greek models of thinking60 and guided several literati to conversion.61 Chinese people found in Ricci a tolerant foreigner. As a matter of fact, it was Riccis tolerance towards Confucian rites to the ancestors what later would bring

54 Witek, Understanding the Chinese, 66. 55 Chan, 159. 56 Ricci quoted in Lisa Bresner, "The fathers of sinology," Diogenes 45, no. 2

(June 1997): 115, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db= rlh&AN=9712111108&site=ehost-live, Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed August 15, 2011). 57 John Witek, S. J. "The True Meaning Of The Lord Of Heaven (T'ien-Chu Shih- I) (Book Review)." Theological Studies 49, no. 1 (March 1988): 168. http://search. ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rlh&AN=4845205&site=ehost-live. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed August 14, 2011). 58 Chan, 160. 59 Cronin, 258. 60 Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 15. 61 Chan, 160.

opposition from the Catholic church.62 Ricci and his fellow-missionaries allowed the new converts to take part in the rites, although they forbade them from sacrificing animals as part of those.63 Such attitude was defended by Ricci arguing: they [the Chinese people] do not recognize any divinity in these dead ones all this stands outside of idolatry.64 For Ricci, given the circumstances, the end justified the means.65 Although he was not allowed to see the emperor in person66 Ricci gave him gifts as a means to get a place to live in Peking and foster the advance of the mission.67 He even composed doctrinal songs for the emperor68 for his plan was to convert him to Christianity, or at least to convince him of tolerating the religion in the Kingdom.69 Ricci joined the opinion of the emperor against Taoism and Buddhism70 and even asked: The Buddha failed to understand himself, so how could he understand the Lord of Heaven?71 By all means, Ricci tried to convince the emperor and the literati about the real existence of God. In one of his books he wrote: Is there anyone who has not raised his eyes and gazed at the sky and who has not silently sighed to himself, while gazing at the sky, and said: There must surely be Someone in the midst of it who
62 Minamiki, 15. 63 Minamiki, 21. 64 Ricci quoted in Ibid., 18. 65 Loewe, 199. 67 Ibid., 193. 68 Spence, Ricci and the Ascent, 16. 69 Cronin, 276. 70 Ibid., 205-6. 71 Ricci, 209. 66 Cronin, 167-8.

exercises control over it. Now this Someone is none other than the Lord of Heaven whom our Western nations term Deus.72 It can be clearly stated that Riccis most effective channel to communicate the gospel was his constant effort to turn every single piece of knowledge or talent that he had into a bridge to reach to the Chinese. That is why he constructed astronomical instruments,73 taught mnemonic techniques74 (using this as a means to establish himself in a city75), and developed cartography76 creating maps with Christian notes for the emperor.77 But in spite of the diversity of his efforts, Ricci worked hard until the end of his life. With white hair, constant headaches, and doing the work of at least 12 men,78 Ricci decided to write a history of the mission under the title Della entrata della Compagnia di Gies e Christianit nella Cina with the hope that someone would remember everything he and his companions did and maybe felt inspired to take part in the work..79 The Effects Matteo Riccis ministry in China generated many different effects both during his life and after his death. By quantitative standards his ministry may not have been the most successful for it did not bring the expected amount of converts in
72 Ibid. 71. 73 Thomas, 219. 74 Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Mateo Ricci (New York: Elisabeth

Sifton Books Viking, 1984), 3. 75 Cronin, 126. 76 Witek, Understanding the Chinese, 70. 77 Cronin, 257-8. 78 Ibid., 263. 79 Ibid., 264-6.

Peking80 (especially it did not convert the emperor as Ricci originally intended). After 10 years of living in China there were less than a hundred Christians, 81 but most of them where jealous enough to burn their former idols82 and replace them with prints of the Virgin Mary.83 All in all, by the time of his death the converts in all China were already several thousands84 and the Sodality of the Virgin Mary, was established as the first Catholic confraternity in the country.85 Whether or not the amount of converts was significant, his books, translations and various contributions represented an immeasurable contribution to the world.86 His cultural papers about the Chinese people where well received in Europe and developed further by the French in the years after his death.87 Riccis ability to understand the culture helped the Chinese people to change the concept of foreigner from contemptible barbarian to stranger worthy of special consideration.88 This opened the doors for further missionary work although when Franciscans and Dominicans arrived, they were not nearly as tolerant to the Chinese as Ricci had been.89 Not so long after Riccis death, the Popedom accused the Jesuits

80 Witek, Understanding the Chinese, 71. 81 Cronin, 104. 82 Ibid., 104. 83 Spence, The Memory Palace, 247. 84 Cronin, 275. 85 Ibid., 261-2. 86 Bresner, 108. 87 Cronin, 277. 88 Ibid., 278. 89 Ibid., 277-9.

from perverting Catholicism and forbade any kind of rites including veneration to the ancestors or Confucius to the Chinese believers.90 Even though due to different historical circumstances virtually all traces of Riccis converts in China disappeared, the biggest effect of his ministry was the connection between West and East.91 Europe was highly influenced by the Chinese especially in the arts and architecture and even if most of them had never been in China, they tried to imitate the descriptions given by Ricci.92 The bridge that Ricci built between the two worlds was not completely broken even in spite of the mistakes and opposite approaches of those who continued the work after him.93 His testimony and contextualized approached is still a source of knowledge and example for all of those who, as him, want to carry the Word of God to peoples who do not know about it yet.

90 Ibid., 280-2. 91 Loewe, 205. 92 Cronin, 278. 93 Ibid., 287.

Bibliography Bresner, Lisa. "The fathers of sinology." Diogenes 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 107-124. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rlh&AN=97121111 08&site=ehost-live. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed August 15, 2011). Chan, Albert, S. J. Late Ming Society and the Jesuit Missionaries. In Ronan and Oh, 153-172. Corradini, Piero. "Matteo Ricci's approach to Chinese civilization." Dialogue & Alliance 4, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 51-59. http://search.ebscohost.com/login. aspx?direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000829977&site=ehost-live. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed August 15, 2011). Cronin, Vincent. The Wise Man from the West. 1955. Reprint, London: The Harvill Press. 1999. Jenkins, Philip. The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia -and How It Died. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. 2008. Loewe, Michael. "Imperial China's Reactions to the Catholic Missions." Numen 35, no. 2 (December 1, 1988): 179-212. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx? direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000810063&site=ehost-live. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed August 14, 2011). Minamiki, George. The Chinese Rites Controversy from Its Beginning To Modern Times. Chicago: Loyola University Press. 1985. Ricci, Matteo, S. J., The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tien-Chu Shih-I). Chinese and English edition. Translated by Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo- chen, S. J. Edited by Edward J. Malatesta, S. J. St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985. Ronan, Charles, and, Bonnie B. C. Oh, Eds. East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 1582- 1773. Chicago: Loyola University Press. 1988. Spence, Jonathan. Matteo Ricci and the Ascent to Peking. In Ronan and Oh, 3-18. ____________________. The Memory Palace of Mateo Ricci. New York: Elisabeth Sifton Books Viking. 1984. Sunquist, Scott W. Asian Christianity: Facing the Rising Sun. In Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader. 4th ed., edited by Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne, 239-43. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. 2009.

Thomas, Dana. Crusaders for God. New York: A. A. Wyn, Inc. 1952. Witek, John W., S. J. "THE TRUE MEANING OF THE LORD OF HEAVEN (T'IEN-CHU SHIH-I) (Book Review)." Theological Studies 49, no. 1 (March 1988): 168-170. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rlh&AN=4845205 &site=ehost-live. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed August 14, 2011). ______________________ Understanding the Chinese: A Comparison of Matteo Ricci and the French Jesuit Mathematicians Sent by Louis XVI. In Ronan and Oh, 62- 102.