Surmises on R.

Fortunes THE RULE OF RELATIONSHIP BEHAVIOR IN ONE KIND OF PRIMITIVE SOCIETY In Chapter 03 of Blasco & Wardle Answers and Insights Dominique Angela M. Juntado Ph.D Anthropology

05 August 2011

Beginning this essay with a personal observation in terms of writers voice, it is worth noting that Fortunes 1947 discourse is an example of the social turned scientific. He was quite diligent in scribing the precise location of his observations, but it must be highlighted that there is a margin for improvement in terms of providing a better description of the environment. Considering that, it is somewhat an unfriendly read to those with a vivid imagination. Although Fortune had done a good job in describing the activity and tendencies of the characters in the account, looking into the mind process it is comparable to watching a play with a bare background, or a National Geographic short with the signature white backdrop. It is understandable that anthropologists do differ in writing personalities, but it is wished that to in order establish the demarcation between anthropological research and presentation from other fields in the social sciences that anthropology should differ. Ideally, it must provide readers to see a culture through an intimate lens. When a hardcore anthropologist writes, a part of him or her should go into the treatise being written. Through this, he or she would be on a personal (level) with the reader, a more comfortable stance. Science is typically characterized for its characteristic of stiffness, but it is encouraged to look at it with a touch of artistic. Ideally, ethnographies should be a marriage of art and science. It is a call to revive the romantic side of research.

The study is interpreted to be an account of inter-village political relations, discussing the system of alliances and neutrality. On the one end, it is observed that gender and kin aspects play a key role in determining a clan members identity and position during the times of war, be it affiliation with one group or even the cause for war. Tracing the origins of the case, reading from a western (invoking Said [1978]) perspective [or an eastern perspective which is significantly influenced by the western] it is quite curious how the spark of war played on the notion of the natural death of a male member of the clan. If the death had been natural, not poisoning, not freak accident, nor murder in any of its degrees, then what is the rationale behind this conflict? What readers will notice is the relativity of the concept in the time and place of a culture. Natural Death in accordance to popular usage bluntly means occurring in conformity with the ordinary course of nature; that everything in time will expire. Merriam-Webster had even added a convenient phrase which pairs well with the Fortune rendering not marvelous or supernatural. For the Finintigu, Fukaminofi, Kumuina, Jehovi, Compari, Ikanofi and the remainder of the Kamamentina river civilizations between the Ramu and Benabena airfields, the natural death of a male member of their society was equated to death by sorcery. Fortune preferred to use the term evil magic in his writing. Much question is raised towards the death philosophy of these Kamamentina area peoples. It must be noted that throughout the remaining pages of this written rumination the term Kamamentina area peoples will be used more frequently as a collective catch-call for those communities within that location. What did they count then as a cause of death that is non-assisted, inevitable expiration? In what other means would death still be perceived as a supernatural event? It is also interesting to read that the reactions are not the same when a female member of the society dies a natural death. What is done in that instance is a wake (with the expected amount of weeping) and a meal of some pig-based dish. But of course this is not to say that women are of no mourning value on the part of the males. In the

case, it has been mentioned that women who were killed during war-time had fueled the anger of the tribes, thus escalating further conflict. It is observable in Fortunes account that sorcery and magic is well-embedded in the consciousness of the Kamamentina area peoples. It is a rationale for social conflicts, and examining the case discussed in Fortune using a Functionalist inclination, sorcery in that instance may have been treated as a means of native justice for any dispute. What is of additional interest in their death philosophy is their practice of the divination of payment. It would have given more light if Fortune had clarified why there was the emphasis of war and not just concentrate on the death of the perpetrator/s. In writing an ethnography, it is of personal fervent belief that scope and limitations be not strictly observed, as there are some fragments of observation which may not appear as relevant to the study, but may actually open an avenue for better insight or understanding of the relations. It is interpreted that wartime relationships are classifiable into three kinds. For the purpose of clarity, Fortune did not use these nouns in his work, but it is personally coined presently for convenience in addressing the inquiry of the types of valid relations. First, there are member alliances that are, in political jargon, for aggressive warfare. Naturally, these comprise of those who will stand at combat on the battle zone. These obey a set of unwritten codes as regards targets for attacks. In accordance to the unscribed-yet-official warriors manual reading as follows: A man was certainly expected to serve his village in action against his sisters husband or against his wifes brother [p.74 of Blasco & Wardle 2007]. The scope of this clause, Fortune adds, may extend to the relatives of his wife, under the used term folk. The geostrategic details were impressive, geopolitical in nature, with an innovative use of weather, climate, approximate distance, and its effects in the advantage of certain moves. Common attack strategies involve the setting of flames on enemy territory, provided that the grass was dry enough to burn at all.

The production of heavy smoke --- later utilized as a hiding barrier for when the enemy tribe moves in for hand to hand or close-range combat. This occurs while there is the opening of fire at thirty to fifty yards range. There had also been the scheduling of the burning of the huts from the first to second day. Fortune did not fall short on providing the geostrategic details. This information had further assisted in scene-setting, and makes up for the blandness in the description of the environment. Secondly are neutrals. Directly quoted, When a mans village engages in battle against the village of his maternal uncles son or of his paternal aunts son, the relative, who is an ally in war or else nothing, becomes neutral [ibid]. The same goes when a man withdraws from one side his maternal uncles son or his paternal aunts son also withdraws from the other. The third classification comprises of passive assistance. Once more, taken from the code, A man is expected to aid his maternal uncles son or his paternal aunts son in war when he can. In order to bring aid such a man must command the agreement of the mens council of his village, who are responsible; if he secures it he may also secure the fighting alliance of all his co-villagers for the aid of his kinsmen through his mother or through his paternal aunt [p.74 in Blasco & Wardle]. Women may also fall under this classification, on occasion being channels for safety. There is margin for improvement in Fortunes conclusion where he had scribed a surmise concerning a link between his study and the concept of international law. It may have been helpful to those who are addressing this Blasco & Wardles activity if he had expounded a little bit more on his notion of international law. At present, examining the account from the lens of a political anthropologist, it is difficult to assume answers or quickly construct an insight on something that is critical. The result of which is no doubt a demerit in the overall mark of this essay. The reader is now invoked that he have mercy..

To be on the safe end, perhaps what is being illustrated here is the contrast between the varying cultural takes on law. In Fortunes study, he indirectly brands the inter-clan laws as one stained with blood, resolved with blood. As mentioned previously, though to describe the fascination and practice of sorcery, it appears that there is the absence of a formal, that is to say institutionalized body of justice. The inter-clans have practiced a native form of justice. They had no familiarization with the relevance of the concept of le droit des gens. From people outside this culture, it is something of shock, but we are only reminded of relativity.

REFERENCES Blasco & Wardle, How to Read Ethnography, Routledge: London & New York, 2007. Said, Edward W., Orientalism, Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 1978.