PAKISTAN-INDIA RELATIONS 1965-1993

INDO-PAK 1965-1973
Indo-Pak relations during this phase were never cordial. On 22 January 1965, Pakistan and India signed an agreement under which Pakistan would provide 50,000 tons of rice to India by the end of March 1965. However, the

situation got worst when there was an infiltration from the Indian side in the Rann of Kutch region.
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On 21 April 1965, both the forces clashed on this issue.

However, that matter was resolved when both the countries signed an agreement in June over the disputed territory of Rann of Kutch.The background of 1965 war between Pakistan and India is quite controversial. Embodied by a presumed victory against India in the Rann of Kutch in April 1965, Pakistan made plans for Operation Gibraltar to recover Kashmir. As it did in 1947, it first sent Pakistani guerrillas into the Valley in August 1965 hoping that the Kashmiri Muslims would rise in rebellion against India. Instead, the guerrillas were apprehended and handed over to the Indian authorities. The situation worsened rapidly.

1965 Indo-Pak War

On August 15, 1965, Indian forces crossed the ceasefire line and launched an attack on the region referred to by the disputants as either "Azad Kashmir" or "Pakistan-occupied Kashmir".2 Pakistani reports cite this attack as unprovoked, [10] while Indian reports cite the attack as a response to massive armed infiltrations of Kashmir by Pakistan.18 Initially, the Indian Army met with considerable success, capturing three important mountain positions after a prolonged artillery barrage. By the end of August, however, both sides had experienced successes; Pakistan had made progress in areas such as Tithwal, Uri and Punch and India had captured the Haji Pir Pass, eight kilometers inside Pakistani-occupied territory.

On September 1, 1965, Pakistan launched a counterattack, called "Operation Grand Slam", with the objective to capture the vital town of Akhnoor in Jammu, which would sever communications and cut off supply routes to Indian troops. Attacking with an overwhelming ratio of troops and technically superior tanks, Pakistan initially progressed against Indian forces, who were caught unprepared and suffered heavy losses.19 India responded by calling in its air force to blunt the Pakistani attack. The next day, Pakistan retaliated, its air force attacked Indian forces and air bases in both Kashmir and Punjab. Although Operation Grand Slam ultimately failed, as the Pakistan Army was unable to capture Akhnoor, it became one of the turning points in the war when India decided to relieve pressure on its troops in Kashmir by attacking Pakistan further south. 3 India crossed the International Border on the Western front on September 6, marking an official beginning of the war.20 On September 6, the 15th Infantry Division of the Indian Army, under World War II veteran Major General Prasad, battled a massive counterattack by Pakistan near the west bank of the Ichogil Canal (BRB Canal), which was a de facto border of India and Pakistan. The General's entourage itself was ambushed and he was forced to flee his vehicle. A second, this time successful, attempt to cross the Ichhogil Canal was made over the bridge in the village of Barki, just east of Lahore. These developments brought the Indian Army within the range of Lahore International Airport. As a result, the United States requested a temporary ceasefire to allow it to evacuate its citizens in

Lahore. However, the Pakistani counter attack took Khem Karan from Indian forces which tried to divert the attention of Pakistanis from Khem Karan by an attack on Bedian and the adjacent villages.
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On the days following September 9, both nations' premiere formations were routed in unequal battles. India's 1st Armored Division, labelled the "pride of the Indian Army", launched an offensive towards Sialkot. The Division divided itself into two prongs, was forced back by the Pakistani 6th armoured division (an under strength formation of few armoured regiments) at Chawinda and was forced to withdraw after suffering heavy losses of nearly 100 tanks. The Pakistanis followed up their success by launching Operation Windup, which forced the Indians back farther. Similarly, Pakistan's pride, the 1st Armored Division, pushed an offensive towards Khemkaran, with the intent to capture Amritsar (a major city in Punjab, India) and the bridge on River Beas to Jalandhar. The Pakistani 1st Armored Division never made it past Khem Karan, however, and by the end of September 10 lay disintegrated by the defences of the Indian 4th Mountain Division at what is now known as the Battle of Asal Uttar (lit. meaning - "Real Answer", or more appropriate English equivalent - "Fitting Response"). The area became known as 'Patton Nagar' (Patton Town), because of the large number of US-made Pakistani Patton tanks. 97 Pakistani tanks were destroyed or abandoned, with only 32 Indian tanks destroyed or damaged. The Pakistani 1st Armoured Division less 5th Armoured Brigade was next sent to Sialkot sector behind Pakistani 6th Armoured

Division where it didnt see action as 6th Armoured Division was already in process of routing Indian 1st Armoured Division which was superior to it in strength.

Cease Fire:
In January of 1966, at the invitation of Soviet Premier Alexsei Kosygin, both Shastri and Khan met in the city of Tashkent (Republic of Uzbesistan) and signed the agreement known as the Tashkent Declaration. On January 10, the agreement was formalized and the hostilities ended followed by the withdrawal of the Indo-Pakistani forces to the previous cease-fire lines.2 Shastri died of a heart attack in Tashkent right after he signed the declaration and Mrs. Indira Gandhi succeeded him. In 1971 India and Pakistan fought a third war over Bangladeshs Independence in which the Kashmir dispute was only a peripheral issue. At the end of the war not only India has suffered a lot but Pakistan also. 5 Pakistan celebrate 6th September as its Defense day and consider 1965 war as to be its victory while Indians assumed that, that war had no conclusion. Consequently the hatred among people of both the nations increased by 1965 War.

1971-73:
Indo-Pakistani relations deteriorated when civil war erupted in Pakistan, pitting the West Pakistan army against East Pakistanis demanding greater autonomy. The fighting forced 10 million East Pakistani Bengalis to flee to India. 6 When Pakistan

attacked Indian airfields in Kashmir, India attacked both East and West Pakistan. It occupied the eastern half, which declared its independence as Bangladesh, on December 17, 1971. Under great-power pressure, a UN cease-fire was arranged in mid- December, after Pakistan's defeat. Pakistan lost its eastern half, an army of 100,000 soldiers, and was throw into political turmoil. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto emerged as leader of Pakistan, and MujiburRahman as prime minister of Bangladesh. What happened in East Pakistan is the saddest episode in Pakistans history. The loss our eastern wing and the creation of Bangladesh were all a result of inept political handling ever since our independence Blame ultimately fell on the army. As events developed, the army was confronted with an impossible situation-a mass popular uprising within and an invasion from without by India, supposedly nonaligned but being helped overtly by the Soviet Union under treaty of peace and friendship. It was actually an alliance of war.7 Tensions were alleviated by the Simla accord of 1972 and by Pakistan's recognition of Bangladesh in 1974, but tensions have periodically recurred. On July 2, 1972, Mrs. Gandhi signed the Simla agreement with Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the first President and later Prime Minister of Pakistan who had succeeded the military dictator General Yahya Khan in 1971. Under this agreement, India
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and Pakistan, among others, committed themselves to settling their differences through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them, and that the basic issues and causes which bedeviled the relations between the two countries for the last 25 years shall be resolved by peaceful means. They also agreed that in Jammu and Kashmir, the Line of Control (LOC) resulting from the cease-fire of December 17, 1971, shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognized position of either side." The agreement became the basis for the renewal of official relations between the two countries both at political and economic levels, thus ending any role for either the UN or outside powers including the US. On July 24, 1973, they both signed another agreement in New Delhi agreeing to repatriate all POWs except for 195 who were held to be tried but were later released without trial. While it demanded a plebiscite in the Indian-part of Kashmir, Pakistan unilaterally detached Gilgit Agency and Baltistan from Azad Kashmir in 1974, and integrated them into Pakistan. This move ignored the UN Security Councils longstanding resolutions in the same fashion that India did when it had integrated Kashmir into her union in 1956. Pakistan and India also renewed diplomatic recognitions in 1976. 8

Consequence:
Unfortunately after 1971 war Pakistan splits into two parts, East Pakistan became Bangladesh and West Pakistan became remaining Pakistan which was later named

as Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1971 constitution. The involving of India in 1971s political situation of Pakistan which later Bangali called as Liberation War raise tension between India and Pakistan. The relationship between Pakistan and India became worst. But in 1972 after Simla Accord the relationship between both the nations came on the track towards peace.

INDO-PAK 1974-1984

1974 Indias Nuclear Tests

Tension is growing on the Pak-India borders what with India all set to launch another atomic explosion to check the credibility of her nuclear device. The news is based on the evidence gathered by the American spy satellite. The satellite recorded extraordinary activities around Pokran in Rajistan where India detonated its first nuclear device on May 18, 1974. Protest Launched by Pakistan

The Secretary, Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Agha Shahi, who arrived in Peking on an official visit to China on 6 June 1974, began talks with high-ranking Chinese officials regarding Indias nuclear explosion. The National Assembly started discussion on the repercussion of the underground nuclear explosion carried out by India. The members belonging to the government party as well as the opposition deplored it. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, while winding the debate in

the National Assembly on the Indian explosion, said that India had gone nuclear with the object of
intimidating and black-mailing Pakistan, but said he was confident that the people of Pakistan would face the challenges bravely. The Permanent Representative of Pakistan at the UN, while addressing the 15-Nation committee on the Indian Ocean, said that Indias nuclear programme had a military orientation and that work was underway to produce a delivery system for nuclear weapons.

On 24 June 1974, the Minister of State for Defense and Foreign Affairs of Pakistan while speaking in a closed session of the Islamic Foreign Ministers Conference, disclosed: Indo-Israeli collaboration in the nuclear field: India had enough plutonium for 17 bombs; and that this had been confirmed by Canada. Pakistans delegate at a Geneva Disarmament Conference, while criticizing the 18 May 1974 Indian nuclear explosion, said: that as a result of the test the restraints sought to be imposed by the UN have been shattered; the likelihood of other power resorting to the nuclear option had increased; if Indias nuclear programme was for peaceful purposes she should agree to place it before the International Atomic Energy Authoritys (IAEA) system of safeguards and inspections. Japans delegate also called for international controls over nuclear explosion and said that Indias explosion had increased the need for such controls.9 The Indian Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, said that Indias recent nuclear explosion would not impede normalization of relations with Pakistan. The Indian Prime Minister accused the Prime Minister of Pakistan of creating new difficulties in the way of normalization of relations between India and Pakistan by twisting the purpose of the Indian nuclear explosion. She reiterated Indias policy of using nuclear energy only for peaceful purposes. The Executive Committee of the Indian ruling National Congress Party accused

Pakistan of setting back the normalization of relations in the subcontinent by making Indias peaceful nuclear test as an excuse for calling of proposed talks between the two countries10 Indias Concern over Pakistans Nuclear Program A Pakistan Foreign Office spokesman expressed surprise at the questioning of the peaceful purposes of Pakistan modes of nuclear programme, in the Indian Parliament by the Indian Foreign Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, on 2 March, 1979 in view of the fact that India had entire fuel cycle outside all international safeguards and had already staged a nuclear explosion. It was reported that on March 24, 1979, the Pakistan

President, Zia-ul-Haq had received a letter from the Indian Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, protesting against an alleged attempt by Pakistan to acquire equipment for the production of nuclear weapons. In August 1980, speaking to newsmen at Islamabad airport, prior to his departure for New York, the Foreign Minister regretted Indias President allegations against the nature and intent of Pakistans peaceful nuclear programme. He also criticized the Indian propaganda regarding a mythical arms buildup in Pakistan. In November 1981, President Zia said that his country would sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty two minutes before India did so. 11

Resumption of Services
On September 12, 1974, Indo-Pakistan talks, on the resumption of postal and telecommunications link and travel facilities between the two countries, began at Islamabad. According to a joint-communiqu issued at the end of three-day talks between Indian and Pakistani officials at Islamabad, both countries agreed to resume postal and

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telecommunications services and restore travel facilities. It was officially announced that under an agreement reached between the officials of the two countries in Islamabad, the telegraph, telephone and telex service between Pakistan and India would be resumed with effect from 15 October.

Signing of Trade Protocol

On November 28, 1974, Official-level talks on the resumption of trade and commercial exchanges between India and Pakistan began in New Delhi. At the

conclusion of Indo-Pakistan trade talks, held in New Delhi; both countries signed a trade protocol which would lift their 10-year embargo on trade from 7 December. The protocol said: both countries would accord each other most favored nation treatment in trade; trade would be conducted on the basis of free convertible currency; trade, unless otherwise agreed, would be conducted on government-to government basis or through government-controlled corporations; talks on the restoration of direct shipping services and rail links would be arranged soon.12 Addressing a public meeting at Sahiwal, the Prime Minister of Pakistan declared that Pakistan would like to promote relations with India and Afghanistan without compromising on its basic and established principles. Pakistans Prime Minister, Z.A. Bhutto told a public meeting, in Dera Ghazi Khan that his country had sought to normalize ties with Indian for the sake of peace in the subcontinent, so that full attention could be devoted to the well-being of the people in the two countries. This normalization, he added, would have to be for the benefit of both the countries and not merely to seek to establish one countrys hegemony over the other. On December 7, 1974, the Pakistan

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Government removed restrictions on trade with India in accordance with the protocol on resumption of trade signed, in New Delhi, on 30 November 1974. According to figures released to the National Assembly on November 19, 1976, Pakistan had enjoyed a favorable balance of trade with India amounting to US $ 227, 38000 during the period 30 November 1974 to September 30, 1976. It was reported that the Pakistan Government had decided that trade with India form 1 July 1978, would be conduced on the basis of the protocol of 1974, on Government to Government level or through Government controlled corporations.

Salal Dam Issue

In December 1974, Pakistans Federal Minister for Fuel, Power and Natural Resources, Yusuf Khattack, told the National Assembly: the construction of Salal Hydroelectric Plant at River Chenab, as designed by India, had caused alarm in the country; that India should keep in view the spirit of the Indus Waters Treaty and should agree to necessary modifications in the design of the Plant, so that it conforms to the criteria laid down in the treaty; warned that if India was not reasonable, then the question would

have to be referred to a neutral expert for decision as stipulated in the Indus Basin Treaty. In June 1975, talks between the representatives of India and Pakistan on the Sallal Dam project being constructed by India over the River Chenab began in Islamabad.13
In October 1976, a five-member Pakistani delegation, led by the Foreign Secretary, Agha Shahi, had arrived in New Delhi, for discussion with an Indian

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delegation on the implication with Salal hydro-electric project. In a joint communiqu issued at the conclusion of Indo-Pakistan negotiations on the Salal Dam in Islamabad, the two sides noted with satisfaction that the comprehensive discussions had succeeded in creating a better understanding of each other. They expressed the hope that the two countries would arrive at a mutually satisfactory settlement at the next round of talks to be held after completion of certain required studies. In November 1976, Pakistan Minister of State for Defence and Foreign Affairs, Aziz Ahmad, told the Senate, that the

Government had made every effort to ensure that Indias Salal Dam would utilize the Chenab River water in a non-consumptive manner, without interfering with its flow.

Re-establishment of Diplomatic Relations

In 1976, the government of Pakistan once again proclaims that they ready to discuss with India the three outstanding issues, between the two countries the reestablishment of diplomatic relations, restoration of air traffic between the two countries and over flights, and the settlement of the Kashmir dispute. On March 14, 1976, in a joint statement issued on the conclusion of talks held between India and Pakistan delegations, in Rawalpindi, both countries announced that they had agreed to resume diplomatic relations, over flights, air-links and railway traffic. Both also agreed to open trade to the private sector in addition to state trading organizations. In an interview with DPA in Hamburg, Pakistans Ambassador to West Germany, Samiullah Khan Dehlavi said that the forthcoming resumption of all severed links between Pakistan and India would raise the curtain on a tremendous break-through

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towards economic and trade interdependence in which Bangladesh would also participate; the sizeable West German development aid to these three countries was one of the most important immediate and long term pillars of the emerging interdependence. Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs press note announced the appointment of S. Fida Hasan as Pakistans Ambassador to India, and the acceptance of the appointment of Kayatayani Shankar Bajpai as Indias Ambassador to Pakistan. Finally, on July 21, 1976, it was reported that the Indian Ambassador designate to Pakistan K.S. Bajpai, had arrived in Islamabad and Pakistan and India has resumed commercial flights after the lapse of about 11 years. On the very next day, the first train from India arrived at the Lahore railway station to mark the resumption of rail links between the two countries, after a lapse of about 11 years.

Pakistans Protest over Anti-Muslims Riots in India

In August 1980, Pakistans Foreign office spokesman expressed the serious concern of the Pakistan Government over the widespread incidents of anti-Muslim violence in Muradabad and other parts of India, which had resulted in heavy loss of fire and property. The resolution passed by the All-Pakistan Ulema Convention, in Islamabad, among other things, condemned the mass killing of Muslims in Anti-Muslim riots in India; and urged the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. Indian Response The Press Trust of India reported that some Pakistani nationals had been arrested following the recent communal riots in the Indian towns of Allahabd, Agra, Murabadabd

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and Sahranpur. In her talks with the visiting Japanese Foreign Minister, Masayoshi to, the Indian Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, expressed her concern over what she called Pakistans interference in the internal affairs of India during the recent communal riots in the country. The BBC reported that India had lodged a protest with Pakistan, through the Pakistani Ambassador, for its alleged interference in the internal affairs of India during the recent Hindu-Muslim riots there.

Kashmir Issue
In October 1981, In United Nations, Pakistan said that complete normalization of its relations with India could be achieved through the final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir dispute in accordance with the relevant UN resolutions and in the spirit of Simla Agreement. In January 1984, Pakistans Foreign Office spokesman in Islamabad said that Indian troops had committed 11 violations during the past eight days in the Kotli sector along the cease-fire line in Kashmir. Few days later, in an interview with BBC, the Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Sahabzada Yaqub Khan, said the Pakistans relations with India were not so cordial at present due to conditions in Kashmir. In April 1984 India lodged a strong protest with Pakistan over the appointment of three members to the Majlis-e-Shorra, belonging to the Northern areas, which according to India were an integral part of Jammu and Kashmir. In August 1984, at least five Pakistani soldiers were killed and five other seriously injured when the Indian Borders Security Force opened discriminate fire at an army unit along the Control Line, between Indian occupied Kashmir and Azad Kashmir territory.

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Siachen Glacier Issue

The Siachen Conflict, sometimes referred to as the Siachen War, is a military conflict between India and Pakistan over the disputed Siachen Glacier region in Kashmir. The conflict began in 1984 with India's successful Operation Meghdoot during which it wrested control of the Siachen Glacier from Pakistan and forced the Pakistanis to retreat west of the Saltoro Ridge. India has established control over all of the 70 kilometers (43 mi) long Siachen Glacier and all of its tributary glaciers, as well as the three main passes of the Saltoro Ridge immediately west of the glacierSia La, Bilafond La, and Gyong La. Pakistan controls the glacial valleys immediately west of the Saltoro Ridge. According to TIME magazine, India gained more than 1,000 square miles (3,000 km2) of territory because of its military operations in Siachen. The Siachen glacier is the highest battleground on earth, where India and Pakistan have fought intermittently since April 13, 1984. Both countries maintain permanent military presence in the region at a height of over 6,000 meters (20,000 ft). More than 2000 people have died in this inhospitable terrain, mostly due to weather extremes and the natural hazards of mountain warfare.

Indo-Pak 1985-1993
Formation of SAARC: A New Development in Indo-Pak Relations
The concept of SAARC was first motivated by President Zia-ur- Rahman of Bangladesh in 1980 to develop cooperation among the regional countries of South Asia. He perceived the regional cooperation in terms of a potential for peace keeping if it is 16

executed in good faith by all the participants, which would not only offer economic progress but also reduce the political dividends. After mutual consultation, the foreign secretaries of the seven states conducted a meeting at Colombo (Sri Lanka) in April 1981. This was followed up by a committee of all members to identify areas for cooperation. Five areas were chosen for regional cooperation. These areas were: agriculture, rural development, telecommunication, health and population. Later new areas of cooperation were added in the following years including transport, postal service, science and technology, arts, culture and support. There were also prospects of one market and might be of one currency and relaxation of visa or one visa.14 The idea of common forum received immediate approval from the regional states. Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Maldives found no reason to be hesitant about their participation in the proposed forum. However, the core countriesIndia and Pakistan were reluctant to join it despite recognizing the significance of cooperative measures. India was not quite sure, if all the states were really committed to the concept and Pakistan was thinking in terms of its own vision of economic requirements and identity that needed to be recognized and accepted. Other reason was unsettled issues between the two countries but there was chance that by doing so, it was likely to bring India around to the need of dealing with other states of the region on the basis of equality and not of domination. Its objectives as defined in the charter are:

To promote the welfare of the people of South Asia and to improve their quality of life;

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To accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region and to provide all individuals, the opportunity to live in dignity and to realize their full potential; To promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia; To contribute to mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one another's problems; To promote active collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, technical and scientific fields; To strengthen cooperation with other developing countries; To strengthen cooperation among themselves in international forums on matters of common interest and To cooperate with international and regional organizations with similar aims and purposes.

Divergent and Convergent Interests of India and Pakistan The Sub Continent has been one of the greatest cradles of the ancient human civilization. It is the birth place of Buddhism and Hinduism as well as a great center of Islam. The region has imprinted indelible impacts upon the culture of Asian mainland. Despite it, the region is often referred high-risk conflict zone due to the historic enmity of India and Pakistan. The religious and linguistic based majority and minority characters are major variables that have profound impact upon the intra region relations in the Sub Continent. These dangerous trends are highlighted in Indo-Pak relations and old partiality between Hindus and Muslims are main characteristics of their mutual relations. Parochialism embitters the secular approach of India towards Pakistan. Indo- Pak difference depict several dimensions ranging from territorial disputes to demarcation of land and maritime boundaries, disputed lands to waters-courses, illegal immigration to

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limited or large-scale wars and fears of hegemony towards the peripheral states. Sir Creek, Baglihar Dam, Siachen Glacier, and Wullar Barrage are threat perceptions between the two armed forces. All this historical orientation of differences converges on a single ground of Kashmir dispute. However, this problem is the core issue and any hope for peace and cooperation in South Asia lies in the resolution of this conflict. The partiality, suspicion, and mistrust are dominant characteristics of their relations. Even if one issue is to be solved, another would rear its ugly head because of the fundamental Hindu-Muslim division. However, SAARC is the best hope to improve the situation. Efforts of Friendly Relations under SAARC Summits conducted in India and Pakistan 1. Inauguration of SAARC Ministerial Meeting 1986 India and Pakistan have been locked in long standing conflicts since 1947. However, many initiatives have been taken from time to time to reduce the hostility by managing the differences through peaceful efforts. The SAARC is the most important forum in this direction as its agenda is to suggest that South Asian states should join together to form a tighter union.15 Mohammad Khan Junejo, the former Prime Minister of Pakistan, inaugurated a SAARC Ministerial Meeting on International Economic Issues in 1986 and stated that the unilateral and limited measures adopted by the major industrialized countries in response to crisis situation cannot resolve the fundamental problems of the world economy which are structural and interdependence in nature and SAARC countries should consider the feasibility of joint negotiating agreement with the industrialized nations. All members of SAARC endorsed his views but the nature of North-South conflict kept the countries away from negotiating any individual agreement

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with other powers for their own benefit. Indian Secretary Rasgotra expressed hope for cooperation on the matter of common interests among the countries of South Asia on international forum. 2. Second SAARC Summit The second SAARC Summit was held at Bangalore (India) from 16-17 November 1986 and the joint statement expressed many new ideas for expanding and strengthening cooperative programs under the SAARC. However, India and Pakistan did not take any specific step on the sideline of the association. India tried to present a united front for outsider world through this forum. General Zia, the former President of Pakistan, also put it in first SAARC Summit: actuated by a deep sense of solidarity, the South Asian countries acting in concert, could exercise a collective influence far greater than the sum of their individual contribution. Despite the joint statement in the wake of SAARC summits, the two states failed to resolve their differences as the SAARC is not aimed to allow India to interfere with its grand designs for South Asia. If Indian intension is true to take its neighbors along with it, and then SAARC would be a forum of mutual cooperation. 3. Fourth SAARC Summit 1988 The fourth SAARC Summit was held in Islamabad from 29-31 December 1988. The then Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi gave an optimistic assessment of trends and development in region calling them beginning of a new dawn in Pakistan. He also praised Pakistans Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto for encouraging prospects of enduring

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friendship and goodwill between the two countries. He mentioned Indian military actions in Maldives 1987 and Sri Lanka on Tamil issue in 1988 as examples of Indian friendly manifestation towards its neighboring countries. Basically, India desires that all regional countries should let it determine the policies and goals of the region. India also wants them to turn for help in solving problems. Reference of Sri Lanka and Maldives was to establish the notion that small neighbors are not capable to solve their problems without Indian assistance. Nevertheless, the summit of SAARC at Islamabad succeeded in making a breakthrough in view of softening stand of India and Pakistan on the disputed areas. The Indian on their part pacified Pakistans fears of economic domination and Rajiv Gandhi declared in Islamabad that India was fully conscious of its special responsibilities and that it would not seek to secure any unfair advantage at the expense of any other partner. Pakistan responded positively. Thus the successive summits afterwards showed a trend of including core economic areas within SAARC. Following this practice, the regional actors can promote cooperation in less controversial areas including transfer of technology and bilateral trade.16

4.

Strained Relations In 1990s, Indias relations with Pakistan were tense due to the allegation of insurgency in Kashmir sponsored by Pakistan. To reduce the tension and bring down the

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hostilities, the then Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and Nawaz Sharif, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan, conducted six meetings from 1991 to 1993 to reduce the tension and the two countries agreed on a number of confidence building measures (CBMs) to avoid military confrontation. The 8th summit was conducted in India (New Delhi) from 2 to 4 May 1995. This summit was held under the clouds of tension and mistrust between Pakistan and India. Pakistans former President Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari participated in this summit. All the heads of state expressed their satisfaction on the achievements of the first decade of SAARC. They endorsed proposal of the Council of Ministers to convene a commemorative session of the council on the theme SAARC Vision for the Second Decade to explore the areas on which member countries should focus. SAARC and Trade between India and Pakistan Trade is one of the major areas of economic cooperation but before 1985, the intra-regional SAARC trade was 2.5 percent of their worlds trade. The SAARC has taken important steps to expand cooperation among members in the core economic areas. A regional study conducted on Trade, Manufacturing and Services (TMS) in 1991, was the first significant effort to strengthen the cooperation in this important field through SAARC. The study outlined a number of proposals and recommendations for promoting regional cooperation in this part of the world. Recognizing the importance of economic cooperation in South Asia, another high-lever Committee on Economic Cooperation of the commerce secretaries was established in July 1991 and the first meeting of the Commerce Ministers of SAARC was held in New Delhi from January 8-9, 1996. After that, several ministerial meetings were held including Islamabad and Dhaka meetings,

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which focused on enlarging the scope and coverage of the regional economic cooperation. Indian exports to Pakistan were not significant in the early eighties. They were nearly $ 2 million in 1980 and around $ 6 million in 1983. These increased by 83 percent in 1984 and marginally by 9 percent in 1985. Thus the data available about the preSAARC period indicated that Indian exports to Pakistan were having a continuous raising trend as they increased 5 times from the figure of 1980 to 1985. This situation was changed in the post-SAARC period. The exports increased by 8 percent in 1986 but decreased by 8 percent in 1987. However, in the following years, there was a significant increase in the exports, which was 3 times high from the prior position. In 1990, the highest exports were $ 43 million while in 1991; the exports came down to $ 38 million due to the low growth rate. In coming years, mix trends dominated this area but the interaction and contacts between the business communities increased on both sides of the borders. In fact, Indian exports to Pakistan have never been constant due to the uncertainty and tension in their relationship. However, Indias imports from Pakistan were not only significant but also substantial among the SAARC countries. There is a great scope for regional cooperation in the international forums and common grievances of the member states can be redressed through SAARC platform. In the case of trade, SAARC has to lead member states to a joint front vis--vis developed world to improve their trade relations.

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Intensification of Kashmir Conflict

In the years since 1990, the Kashmiri Muslims and the Indian government have conspired to abolish the complexities of Kashmiri civilization. The world it inhabited has vanished: the state government and the political class, the rule of law, almost all the Hindu inhabitants of the valley, alcohol, cinemas, cricket matches, picnics by moonlight in the saffron fields, schools, universities, an independent press, tourists and banks. In this reduction of civilian reality, the sights of Kashmir are redefined: not the lakes and Mogul gardens, or the storied triumphs of Kashmiri agriculture, handicrafts and cookery, but two entities that confront each other without intermediary: the mosque and the army camp.17
British journalist James Buchan

In 1989, a widespread popular and armed insurgency started in Kashmir. After the 1987 State legislative assembly election, some of the results were disputed. This resulted in the formation of militant wings after the election and was the beginning of the Mujahadeen insurgency, which continues to this day. India contends that the insurgency was largely started by Afghan mujahadeen who entered the Kashmir valley following the end of the Soviet-Afghan War. Pakistani and Kashmiri nationalists argue that Afghan mujahideen did not leave Afghanistan in large numbers until 1992; three years after the insurgency began. India claims these insurgents are Islamic terrorist groups from Pakistanadministered Kashmir and Afghanistan, fighting to make Jammu and Kashmir, a part of

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Pakistan. They claim Pakistan is supplying munitions to the terrorists and training them in Pakistan. India states that the terrorists have been killing many citizens in Kashmir and committing human rights violations. They deny that their own armed forces are responsible for human rights abuses. They claim that Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence has encouraged and aided the insurgency. It has done so because it disputes the legitimacy of Indian rule in Kashmir sees the insurgency as an easy way to keep Indian troops distracted and cause international condemnation of India.

While on the other hand, Pakistan claims these insurgents are Jammu and Kashmir citizens, and are rising up against the Indian army in an independence movement. Pakistan accuses the Indian army of committing serious human rights violations in Kashmir. Pakistan denies that it has or currently is supplying weapons and ammunition to the insurgents. There has been a "purely indigenous, purely Kashmiri" peaceful protest movement alongside the insurgency in Indianadministered Kashmir since 1989. The movement was created for the same reason as the insurgency; it began with the disputed election of 1987. The Kashmiris have grievances with the Indian government, specifically the Indian Military, which has committed human rights violations, according to the United Nations.

Operation Brass tacks

The Operation Brasstacks was a codename of a large military exercise undertaken by the Indian Army in Rajasthan region of India during November 1986 and March 1987. It was one of the largest mobilizations of Indian Armed Forces in the Indian subcontinent. Many regard this as one of the most critical points in the relationships between India and Pakistan with regard to nuclear war. The exercise's magnitude and 25

closeness to the border caused a situation where a war between India Pakistan looked imminent. There is still a considerable debate regarding the purpose of the exercise as many believe that India was preparing for a war against Pakistan. Indian Armys Rationale The Chief of Staff of the Indian Army, General Krishnaswamy Sundarrajan (popularly known as Sundarji), at that time, advocated for modern methods of land-based warfare and professionalism in the Indian Army. According to General Sundarji, Operation Brasstacks was carried out to test new concepts of mechanization, mobility, and air support. The scale of the operation was bigger than any NATO exercise and the biggest land exercise since World War II. According to retired Lieutenant-General PN Hoon, commander of the Western Military Command of the Indian Army, Operation Brasstacks was a mobilization of the entire army of India. The exercise took place in the deserts of Rajasthan instead of the sensitive regions of Kashmir and the then restive Punjab. At one point of time nearly 400,000 Indian army troops were deployed directly across the Sindh Province of Pakistan.18 The magnitude and large scale direction of the exercise led to Pakistan fears that India was displaying an overwhelming conventional superiority and was planning to invade Pakistan, and dismember it by surgical strikes, as it did with East Pakistan during the Indo-Pak 1971 winter war.

Pakistans Response Pakistan's response was to mobilize its entire V Corps and Southern Air Command, near the Indian state of Punjab. Then-President and Chief of Army Staff of

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the Pakistan Army, General Zia-ul-Haq viewed the exercise as a direct threat and challenge to Pakistan's existence, and issued commands Armoured Corps and entire V Corps to move to the front lines. Meanwhile, Pakistan Air Force proceeded with Pakistan Army, and the Southern Air Command was put on high-alert directly reporting to Chief of Air Staff of Pakistan Air Force Air Chief Marshal Jamal Ahmad Khan. In order to remind the Indian Armed Forces of the possible repercussions of war with Pakistan, Pakistan's military dictator, designated himself as country's President, General Zia-ul-Haq famously said: "If your [Indian Armed] Forces cross our [Pakistan] borders by even an inch, we are going to annihilate your cities". The statement indicated that if necessary, Pakistan will not hesitate to use nuclear weapons, as first strike policy, in order to defend their motherland. Many defense analysts saw this statement as the first real, although subtle, confirmation of Pakistan's development of nuclear weapons and discouraged an Indian invasion of Pakistan's territory. By mid January, both the Indian army and the Pakistan army were facing each other on the frontiers. The situation could have potentially lead to a war between a de facto nuclear weapon state (Indiawho had already conducted a nuclear test in 1974 codename Smiling Buddha) and a state that was believed to be developing nuclear weapons at that time (Pakistan).

Exercise 'High Mark - 89' and 'Zarb-e-Momin' Exercise High Mark-89 was held from 14 November to 23 December 1989. The aim of this exercise was to create a realistic operational environment for the full range of 27

air operations and to employ all participating units in their war roles and to identify weaknesses affecting mission accomplishment. With the overall deployment in mind, the exercise was structured in a manner which ensured that besides achieving the desired aim, maximum air support was made available to the Pakistan Army's major exercise, 'Zarb-e-Momin'. The exercise was conducted on a two-force concept. The AOC, NAC commanded Blueland Air Force (BAF) from his battle headquarters located at Chaklala, while the AOC, CAC commanded Foxland Air Force (FAF) from his battle headquarters at Sargodha. The exercise was conducted in three stages. Counter Air Operations (CAO) including DACT were designated as Stage-I, weapons delivery as Stage-II, and land support operations as Stage-III. The respective force commanders were given the freedom to plan and exercise their allocated assets in Stage-I and Stage-III of the exercise. Stage-II was controlled from the Command Operations Center (COC). The overall battle scenario was portrayed as that of Exercise Zarb-e-Momin and accordingly the air assets were divided to suit the requirements of the exercise. Exercise 'Zarb-e-Momin - 1989' provided a rare opportunity for the PAF to participate in a field exercise involving an Army field headquarters consisting of multiple corps. Active involvement of the PAF and the Pakistan Army formations in strategic and tactical planning was very productive in creating a mutual understanding of each other's capabilities, limitations, and concepts. 19

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CONCLUSION
The above debate on the Pak-India relations reflects the situation lingering on between the two countries even up till now in the 21st century. The normalization of relations between both the states have been seen off and on which indicate towards the fact that these states very often develop bitterness in their relations. The fact that many efforts have been made by the preceding presidents on the both sides but still it seems as if the people on both the side are not ready to accept each other as good neighbouring states and set an example for the whole world same as Europe did after the world war two. One can hope that the situation between both the countries that has led to nuclearlization of South Asia and a series of conflicts and disputes cools down and both move towards the path of harmony and goodwill for the further growth and development of the region.

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1)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_wars_and_conflicts http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir_Conflict http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insurgency_in_Jammu_and_Kashmir M. Siddiqi, India and SAARC nations, Delhi: Maxford Books, 2006, p.2.

2)

3)

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5) Times of India, November 14, 2005.

6)

http://www.pakdef.info/pids/paf/highmark2.html http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pakistan_Army

7)

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8) Hindustan Times, August 2, 2006. 9) Peoples Daily, March 5, 2009.

10)

Maqbool Ahmad Bhatty, Great power and South Asia: post Cold

War trends, Institute of Regional Studies, Islamabad 1996, p. 38. 11) J.N. Dixit, Anatomy of flawed inheritance: Indo-Pak relations

1970-1994, New Delhi, 1995, P. 196-197.

12)

Padmaja Murthy, the Gujral Doctrine and beyond, Strategic

Analysis, l23 (4), July 1999, p. 640. 13) The Nation, February 23, 1999.
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A. K. H. Morshed, Cooperation in the Maritime Zones among and

between the SAARC countries, BIIS Journal 20 (1), 1999, P. 7. 15) The Hindu, March 3, 2008 16) Dawn, April 30, 2010. 17) http://www.ipripak.org/factsheet/ff55.shtml/
18)

Riffat Hussain, Prospects for peace between India and Pakistan,

National Development and Security 9, Foundation for Research on

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International Environment, National Development and Security, Rawalpindi, spring 2000, p. 40.
19)

J.N. Dixit, Across borders: fifty years of Indias foreign policy, New

Delhi, 1998, P. 234.

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