Lifestyle Leisure Bib

LEISURE AND LIFESTYLE
A Review and Annotated Bibliography

A. J. Veal
Online Bibliography No. 8

School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, University of Technology Sydney,
2000
at: www.business.uts.edu.au/lst/research/reserach_papers.html and
www.leisuresource.net
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
a. Spelling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
b. History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
c. Structure of the Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2. Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
a. Weberian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
b. Sub-cultural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
c. Psychological . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
d. Market Research - Psychographics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
e. Spatial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
f. Leisure Styles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
g. Socialist Lifestyles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
h. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
3. Defining Lifestyle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
a. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
b. Activities/behaviour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
c. Values and Attitudes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
d. Individuals Versus Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
e. Group Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
f. Coherence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
g. Recognisability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
h. Choice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
i. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Leisure and Lifestyle - A. J. Veal - Online Bibliography 8, School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, UTS i
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18-100
Appendix 1: Definitions of Lifestyle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Appendix 2: Literature Groupings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Arts/Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Consumer Culture/Consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Community Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
The Elderly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
The Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
General Market Segmentation Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Holidays/Vacations/Tourism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Leisure Styles/Recreational Groupings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Living Rooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Overviews/Discussions/Methodology of Market Segmentation/Psychographics . . . . 106
Politics of Lifestyle Concern/Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Socialist Lifestyle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Social/Sociological Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
Spatial Aspects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Special Groups/Sub-cultures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
VALS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Leisure and Lifestyle - A. J. Veal - Online Bibliography 8, School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, UTS ii
Preface
The process of compiling this bibliography started in the early 1980s when I was required to teach a
course on 'Lifestyle and Leisure' as part of the MA in Leisure and Recreation Studies at the then
Polytechnic of North London. As the time drew close to prepare the course I was disappointed to find
that I had far more preparatory more work to do than I had originally anticipated, since the impressive
pile of readings which I had collected over the months proved singularly unhelpful in defining or
operationalising the term 'lifestyle'. Often authors, even those who used the term in the titles of their
books, reports or articles, failed to define the term or, if they did, defined it without any reference to its
theoretical context or previous usage.
When the course was, mercifully, over I prepared and delivered a paper to the International
Sociological Association Congress in Delhi, entitled 'Lifestyle - concept or buzzword?' (Veal, 1986) in
which I compared the use of the term by sociologists and other academics with its use in commerce,
where, during the 1980s, 'lifestyle' was discovered to be a suitable 'buzzword' for selling products as
diverse as clothes, health foods, real estate and condoms. The implication was that many academic
writers made similar superficial use of the term 'lifestyle'.
Not being trained as a sociologist, I was some way into my task of researching the concept before
I traced the use of the term back to Weber and the relationship between status groups and lifestyles - my
excuse for this being that none of the literature I first read had acknowledged this connection. This led
me to prepare another paper, for the Leisure Studies Association 1988 international conference, entitled
'Leisure, lifestyle and status - a pluralist framework for analysis' (Veal, 1989), in which I suggested that
the Weberian concept of status, status groups and lifestyle provided a useful framework for leisure
studies as an alternative to the then fashionable class-based analysis. The subsequent publication of the
paper in Leisure Studies attracted highly critical commentaries from Marxist and feminist colleagues
(Critcher, 1989; Scraton and Talbot, 1989), and I was given the right of reply (Veal, 1989a).
Meanwhile I continued to accumulate literature on lifestyle and an earlier version of this
bibliography was included in a publication of Research Committee 13 of the International Sociological
Association (Filipcova et al., 1990). An extended and annotated version of that bibliography, together
with a commentary, was published through the Centre for Leisure and Tourism Studies at the Kuring-gai
College of Advanced Education (later part of UTS), in 1992. That version is now out of print - hence
the decision to make this internet-based version available. In the meantime a shortened version of the
review and bibliography (but not annotated) has appeared in Leisure Studies (Veal, 1993).
As the length of the bibliography - some 400 items - and the recent provenance of much of the
material in it indicates, lifestyle remains popular with the academic community both as a topic of serious
enquiry and as a buzzword. This review is one element of a modest personal program of research into
the topic which, it is hoped, will make a constructive contribution to the field.
The bulk of the work in preparing this document was undertaken during a sabbatical period in the
second half of 1990. I am particularly grateful to the Institute of Sport and Recreation Planning and
Management at Loughborough University, England, for providing me with the opportunity to spend a
substantial, uninterrupted period of time in July/August 1990, delving into the University library. I would
also like to acknowledge the extensive help of the Inter-Library Loans section of the George Muir Library
of the University of Technology, Sydney.
No systematic attempt has been made to update the bibliography since its initial publication, but it
is hoped that this will be accomplished in the not too distant future.
A. J. Veal
Sydney, April 2000
Leisure and Lifestyle - A. J. Veal - Online Bibliography 8, School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, UTS iii
1. Introduction
This introduction discusses the question of alternative spellings of the term lifestyles and the
history of the use of the term and outlines the structure of the review.
a. Spelling
Three spellings of lifestyle are used in the literature, the three forms perhaps reflecting stages in
the emergence of the concept itself. Firstly it is seen as two words: life style. Secondly it is
presented in hyphenated form: life-style. Thirdly it is presented as one word: lifestyle. The Oxford
English Dictionary uses the hyphenated form. The single word format is generally used in this
document, but in the abstracts in the bibliography the formats used by the respective authors are
adhered to. The use of the single word lifestyle reflects a belief that it has emerged as a fully-
fledged concept worthy of its own word. Eventually, since English is a living language, the
dictionary compilers will no doubt follow.
A further variation is style of life, which occurs in a number of works, particularly those
translated into English from other languages. Similarly way of life is often used to mean the same
as lifestyle. Culture and subculture are terms closely related to lifestyle, the differences being
discussed later in this review. In the field of market research lifestyle is generally linked to
psychographics, a survey and analytical approach which focuses on values, attitudes and 'market
segmentation'.
b. History
The Oxford English Dictionary claims that the earliest use of the term 'life-style' was by Alfred
Adler, the psychologist, who used it in 1929 to 'denote a person's basic character as established
early in childhood which governs his reactions and behaviour'. The dictionary also refers to use
of the term by George Orwell in 1946 and Marshall McLuhan in 1947, but these uses appear to
be only in passing, not involving an analytical or definitional stance. Georg Simmel used the term
in Philosophie de Geldes, published in German in 1900, but not available in English translation
until the 1960s, and Max Weber used the term in Economy and Society in 1922, but again this
was not available in English until later (1946). Ansbacher (1967) traces the use of the term in
French and German literature back to the eighteenth and even sixteenth centuries.
In the post-World War II era, lifestyle came to be used in American research on
suburbanisation in the 1950s and 1960s (Bell, 1958, 1968; Marshall, 1973). In relation to leisure
the earliest users of the term were probably Havighurst (1959; Havighurst & Feigenbaum, 1959),
in his research on the elderly, and Wilensky (1970) in his research on 'organization man'. During
the 1970s and 1980s lifestyle, in its various forms, emerged as a major theme in a number of
areas, including market research and leisure studies.
c. Structure of the Review

In Section 2 of the review a variety of approaches to the use of the concept of lifestyle is
examined. These are:
a. Weberian
b. Sub-cultural
c. Psychological
d. Market research - psychographics
e. Leisure/tourism styles
Leisure and Lifestyle - A. J. Veal - Online Bibliography 8, School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, UTS 1
f. Spatial
g. Socialist lifestyles
h. Other
In Section 3 an analysis of the term lifestyle is presented, leading to a suggested definition.

The review is not intended to be exhaustive; the 400 items in the bibliography provide much
food for further thought. In Appendix 2 some classification of the literature is offered as an aid
to users of the bibliography; again this is indicative rather than exhaustive.
2. Approaches
The literature contains a variety of apparently totally independent approaches to the concept of
lifestyle, arising from different disciplines and research traditions. The major approaches are
outlined here.
a. Weberian
In a chapter of his book Economy and Society, entitled 'Class, status and party', Max Weber
argued that divisions in society arise not only from class, which is based on economic
relationships; but also from status, which is based on honour. A status group is distinguished by
the honour accorded to it by the rest of society, but also by its particular style of life (Weber,
1948: 187). The style of life adopted by a status group serves to mark the boundaries of the group
and to reinforce the honour system which underpins the group’s status. The examples Weber
gave to illustrate the phenomenon included certain ethnic groups, hereditary groups and groups
within caste systems. These were generally somewhat exceptional groups within contemporary
society or were historically and geographically specific. Some doubt might therefore be expressed
as to whether the concept of status group applies to society as a whole - that is whether everyone
in contemporary western society might be seen as being a member of a statue group as well as
a member of a class.
It has been argued that Weber's conception of lifestyle is not independent of class but is
merely one manifestation of class membership (Clarke, 1989). Bourdieu's work in Distinction
(1984) could be said to reflect this idea; Bourdieu demonstrates how infinite variations in cultural
capital, leisure and taste (lifestyle) reflect the infinite variation in the economic capital and power
of classes and class fractions throughout society. It has however been argued that in modern
conditions lifestyle can be seen as at least partly independent of class (Veal, 1989, 1989a).
Researchers in the area of 'status politics' and the 'politics of lifestyle concern', argue that some
political struggle is concerned with non-economic issues, particularly moral issues. Concern for
such issues and the desire to resist or institute change in relation to them arise from people's
identification with a style of life rather than from their membership of a class (Gusfield, 1962,
1963; Lorentzen, 1980; Page and Clelland, 1978; Staggenborg, 1987; Zurcher et al., 1971).
Attempts to operationalise the Weberian concept of lifestyle for research purposes reveal a gap
in Weber's formulation. While Weber outlined the function of lifestyle and while he gave
illustrative examples of status groups, he did not define lifestyle as such. Roberts' own examples
and those of the 'politics of lifestyle concern' school suggest that lifestyle includes religious
practices, moral values, style of dress, sexual behaviour, and the drinking or non-drinking of
alcohol. While this list is suggestive, it does not constitute a comprehensive definition.
Scheys (1986), in a unique contribution to the lifestyle literature, extends the Weberian
concept in arguing that lifestyle is in essence a system of sets of symbols, or symbolic
acts/behaviours associated with different prestige groups in society. The systems of values which
are the criteria for Judging what and who is and is not prestigious are determined by those in
society who wield 'cultural power'. Therefore lifestyle, in Scheys' view, is not just a matter of
patterns of behaviour reflecting other social processes but is the very mechanism through which
differential power is wielded in society.
b. Sub-cultural
The literature on sub-cultures has not been thoroughly reviewed for this study, so any conclusions
drawn must be seen as particularly tentative. Insofar as culture and sub-culture involve shared
values and a shared way of life, they have much in common with some definitions of lifestyle.
Implicit in the idea of sub-culture is that there is a mainstream culture of which most members
of a given society are part, but that certain groups within that mainstream or parent culture
develop variations of the culture, sufficiently different from the parent to merit separate
recognition and study. Studies of sub-cultures have therefore tended to concentrate on marginal,
exceptional, disadvantaged or deviant groups in society, for example surfers (Irwin, 1973;
Pearson, 1974, 1981) bikeboys and hippies (Willie, 1978), particular youth groups (Jenkins,
1982) or ethnic minorities (Pryce, 1979; Willie, 1972). This contrasts with most lifestyle studies
which tend to be concerned with variations in the way of life of majority groups. But this could
be seen merely as a difference in research approach rather than a difference in substance.
Another feature of sub-cultural studies is that generally they are concerned with internal
group dynamics, as well as external relations between the group and the rest of society. Most
conceptions of lifestyle, while not precluding the idea of internal group interaction as part of the
process of lifestyle formation, do not see this as a necessary feature of lifestyle, a point discussed
in chapter 3.
Finally it might be said that most sub-cultural studies are richer in theory and explanation
than most lifestyle studies. Most involve in-depth research, including participant observation,
whereas moat lifestyle research is questionnaire based.
Some lifestyle researchers might look askance at sub-cultural research because typical
studies deal only with single small, non-mainstream groups, and because of the often radical
theoretical/ ideological approaches of the researchers. Similarly sub-cultural researchers would
look askance at many 'market segmentation' and lifestyle studies, because of their shallow data
and either their atheoretical nature or their implicit theoretical/ideological conservatism.
However, those interested in lifestyle and subcultural research as tools in leisure analysis, can see
that the two research traditions are complementary.
c. Psychological
Alfred Adler developed a definition of lifestyle out of his experience as a psychological therapist
in the 1920s. He argued that each individual develops a view of the world in the first four or five
years of life.
Unlike the Freudian view of the individual torn by conflict between the conscious and the
sub-conscious, Adler's view is of the individual as a coherent 'whole person'; the set of values and
guiding principles which provide the framework for that wholeness he termed the person's 'style
of life' (1929). The principle has been applied by followers of Adler in the areas of sexual
therapy, the treatment of schizophrenia and family therapy (Ansbacher, 1967). Being values-
based it has links with some of the market research/psychographic approaches discussed below.
As with Weber, Adler defines the role of lifestyle without providing very much evidence of
its actual constitution. It is not clear what a typical set of values or principles looks like and how
different sets of values of different people vary. The question of measurement is left unresolved.
Similarly the way values interact with and affect behaviour is not made explicit in the literature.
In an alternative psychological approach, Reynolds and Darden (1974) and Earl (1983) relate
lifestyle to George Kelly's 'Personal Construct Theory', which is based on the proposition that
individuals develop a system of 'constructions' against which all actions are Judged and
evaluated. This provides a framework for the individual development of a coherent lifestyle.
This, and the social-psychological approach of the Rapoports (1975), are discussed further in
Chapter 3, particularly in the context of 'coherence'.
d. Market Research - Psychographics
The market research literature on lifestyle - or psychographics - is substantial (see Appendix 2).
The interest in lifestyle among market researchers arose in the 1960a, from a desire for a better
basis for market 'segmentation' than the occupation based socio-economic groups or classes
which had been used hitherto. It was observed that there was as much variation in buying
behaviour within social class groups, as there was between them and it was suspected that some
distinctive consumer groups might straddle traditional social class boundaries. The result was a
series of attempts to segment people on the basis of values, either instead of or in addition to
socioeconomic and demographic variables. Typically people were asked to indicate the extent
of their agreement with as many as 300 value statements, and were grouped on the basis of their
responses, using such statistical procedures as factor analysis. Once established, the groups were
examined in terms of their distinctive behaviour patterns, particularly consumption behaviour,
but also, in some studies, leisure behaviour.
Wells (1974) provides a series of papers on the development and use of psychographics in
market research. The most well-known study resulted in the VALS (Values, Attitudes and Life
Styles) typology of nine American lifestyle groups (Mitchell, 1981). While the system was used
commercially in the market research world, it has its origins in academic enquiry with Weberian
and Adlerian antecedents. Other systems include the Australian Age lifestyle studies (The Age,
1976, 1982), 'Outlook', a British system (Baker and Fletcher, 1987) and PRIZM, another
American system (Hawkins et al. 1989).
In recent years the value of such systems as market research tools has been questioned
(O'Brien and Ford, 1988; Yuspeh, 1984), either because they are too general and are not capable
of assisting the marketer of an individual product or because they turn out to be no more effective
than more traditional and more easily measured, variables.
While Weber and Adler appear to offer theory without measurement, the market research
approach appears to offer the opposite: measurement without theory. The approach could
however be seen as complementary to the Adlerian approach, since both are based on values.
Adler's concept was developed as a tool for therapy, in which a person's lifestyle would be
uncovered during the therapy process. It is therefore not clear how the sets of values uncovered
by the market researchers, using large-scale survey techniques, relate to the sets of values which
might emerge from an Adlerian therapy session. Insofar as they are similar, the market research
studies go some of the way to meeting one of the deficiencies in the Adlerian approach, in that
they make explicit, empirically, the link between certain sets of values and certain patterns of
behaviour, including consumption patterns and leisure activity. The links are however empirical
and are not theoretically explained - that is there is no basis for explaining why such patterns
emerge. If the psychographic groups could be shown to have meaning in terms of social status
then a similar link could be established with Weberian theory; but while many of the groups
imply status in the use of such terms as 'achievers' or 'strugglers', this dimension does not appear
to have been explored theoretically.
e. Spatial
Spatial approaches to lifestyle take two forms. The first arises from the post-Second World War
interest in the process of suburbanisation, particularly in America. A number of researchers
explored the proposition that suburban living would give rise to a new lifestyle which was neither
urban nor rural in nature (Bell, 1958, 1968; Donaldson, 1969; Marshall, 1973; Moore, 1963). In
such studies little progress was made in refining the lifestyle concept, which seemed to focus
empirically on the phenomenon of 'neighbouring'. Since the studies generally concluded that
suburban lifestyles were not new, but tended to be a reflection of the socio-demographic profile
of those groups who lived in suburbia, this research has now faded from the scene.
The second type of spatial lifestyle research is sometimes referred to as 'geo-demographics'
and is based on computer analysis of small-area census data. Data on the characteristics of
residential areas are subject to statistical procedures such as factor analysis to produce residential
area 'types'. While these tend to reflect the housing, socio-economic and demographic data upon
which they are based, it is also believed that residents of the various area types will have
distinctive leisure and consumption patterns - or lifestyles. Implicit in this approach is the
proposition that lifestyle consists of some sort of amalgam of: housing conditions, socio-
economic and demographic factors and leisure and consumption behaviour and may be locally
distinct.
The most well known geo-demographic system in Britain is ACORN, which stands for A
Classification Of Residential Neighbourhoods. The relationship between ACORN and leisure
behaviour has been investigated in a number of studies (Bickmore et al., 1980; Jenkins et al.,
1989; Nevill and Jenkins, 1986; Shaw, 1984; Williams et al., 1988). A similar system developed
in Britain and also used in Australia is called MOSAIC (Webber, 1991). In the same way that the
values-based market research/psychographic systems have come under attack for failing to
perform, in their own terms, any better than traditional variables, doubts have similarly been
raised about the relative merits of such systems as ACORN (Veal, 1991).
Geo-demographic methods suffer from the same problems as other quantitative methods of
lifestyle analysis, particularly in their lack of theoretical underpinning. This is not to say that
there is no theoretical explanation of the spatial patterns observed, but simply that those who
have developed the systems have not been interested in seeking such explanations. However, in
a recent paper, Zukin (1990) develops a theoretical perspective on the 'spatial embeddedness' of
consumption patterns.
f. Leisure Styles
'Leisure styles' research is based on the idea that, as Roberts (1978) puts it: 'Individuals do not
so much engage in ad hoc miscellanies of activities as develop broader systems of leisure
behaviour consisting of a number of interdependent elements ..' (p 37).
Even in the 1960a studies of the US Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission
(ORRRC) participation data were subjected to factor analysis to see whether participation in the
resultant groupings of activities could be predicted better in the regression models than
individual activities (Proctor, 1960) and this has been followed by many other experiments (see
Appendix 2). But, as Kelly (1989) points out, the results of this approach have been
disappointing in statistical terms.
The lack of theoretical underpinning and the lack of adequate data is more apparent in this
approach than in most others. The underlying proposition is that certain activities might 'go
together' - that is that a person who engages in one activity in a group will be likely to engage in
other activities in the same group; this will be evidenced by correlations in participation data, and
these correlations can be subjected to factor or cluster analysis to produce statistically based
groups. However, while factor and cluster analysis will inevitably produce groupings, the validity
of such groupings is often suspect and their meanings are not always clear. In particular it is not
clear whether the groups are of complementary activities or substitutable activities; in fact much
of the leisure styles research is unable to answer such a question because it is based on a narrow
range of activities, often outdoor recreation activities only. When a wider range of activities is
included, as Kelly points out, the analysis can be confounded by such 'core' activities as watching
television or socialising with friends and family, which most people engage in, and which are
therefore significantly correlated with most of the minority activities.
Despite its limitations, leisure styles research nevertheless often throws up some intriguing
empirical patterns which demand explanation and can lead to more theoretically informed and
explanatory research.
g. Socialist Lifestyles
The collapse of the socialist regimes of eastern Europe may well see the end of this particular
genre of lifestyle research, particularly in the western literature. A special issue of the journal
Leisure and Society was devoted to the 'socialist lifestyle' in 1972 (Filipcova, 1972) and
numerous papers have appeared since (see Appendix 2, and in particular Filipcova, Glyptis and
Tokarski, 1990).
In the West lifestyles emerge through the market system and market researchers gather and
analyse mountains of data in an attempt to chart and plot the resultant patterns, while radical
sociologists seek explanations in the machinations of advertising and marketing controlled by
'capital' and the 'ruling class'. In the socialist countries of the east the problem was what sort of
lifestyle to develop as material conditions improved and working hours were reduced. Under the
communist system lifestyles would not Just 'happen', they would be planned - and the decadent
tendencies of the west would be avoided, thus demonstrating the superiority of the planned
socialist systems over market capitalism. As Filipcova put it: 'Peaceful co-existence of these
systems [socialist and Western capitalist] takes the form not just of an economic competition, but
also of a confrontation of direction of development in lifestyles' (Filipcova, 1972: 6).
However, in view of the paucity of guidance in Marxist theory on Just how life should be
led under socialism or communism, the question of what actually constitutes a socialist lifestyle
and how it should be brought about once a socialist economic system is established was the
subject of much debate, a debate which inevitably involved the question of the role of leisure in
such lifestyles.
It is ironic that the collapse of the communist regimes appears to have been brought about
as much as anything by their failure to deliver to their citizens the possibility of emulating the
materialist lifestyles of the west.
h. Other
Most of the lifestyle literature which addresses the concept of lifestyle, as opposed to merely
using the term as a 'buzzword', can be classified under one or more of the seven approaches listed
above. There are however certain individual items which are worth highlighting and certain
groupings of studies to which attention should be drawn.
Among the groupings of studies there are some which deal with particular social groups or
phenomena, although they may draw on a variety of theoretical approaches. These include the
following (see Appendix 2 for list of references on each topic):
C studies of the elderly which focus particularly on how workers cope with retirement;
C studies of communes as 'alternative' lifestyles (special groups/sub-cultures in appendix 2);
C studies focussing on women;
C studies focussing on youth, and particularly youth sub-cultures;
C studies of the family;
C studies of holiday-makers/tourists which, like 'leisure styles', group people on the basis of
one aspect of their lifestyle;
C studies of living rooms, which show how style varies in this very personal aspect of people's
lives.
Other theoretical/methodological approaches include the following.
C 'Community studies' - only two studies of this type have been included in the bibliography,
The Levittowners (Gans, 1969) and Crestwood Heights (Seeley et al., 1956) but there are
many others which could have been added. While such studies rarely use the term lifestyle,
they are nevertheless lifestyle studies and would merit more detailed study using a lifestyle
perspective.
C Consumer culture: One area which overlaps with lifestyle research and which is sometimes
supportive of the lifestyle concept and sometimes critical of it is the newly emerging studies
of consumer culture and consumption. Sociologists such as Featherstone (1987, 1990),
McCracken (1988), Saunders (1988) and Warde (1990) focus on consumer behaviour as a
central activity of contemporary social life. The interactions between individuals as
consumers, and advertisers, marketers and cultural 'producers' are key processes through
which lifestyles are formed. Also influential in this context is the work of Simmel (1976;
Mommaas, 1990) who draws a distinction between the culture of society as a whole and
how it is produced, and culture, or lifestyle, as lived and perceived by individuals.
C A great deal of clinical research exists which uses the term lifestyle, but only one or two
examples are included in the bibliography (Long, 1988; Manton, 1989; Jorgensen and
Newlon, 1988). In these studies 'lifestyle' variables generally refer to such phenomena as
smoking and drinking habits which have a deleterious effect on health.
3. Defining Lifestyle
a. Introduction
Perhaps the most notable feature of the literature on lifestyle is the lack of consensus on the
meaning of the term. Over thirty definitions of lifestyle offered in the literature are set out in
Appendix 1. These definitions arise from a number of disciplinary schools of thought where
various concepts of lifestyle occupy a clear position, as discussed in chapter 2, but they also come
from contemporary writing both within traditional disciplines and in leisure studies and other
inter-disciplinary areas, where the concept has not been thought through in a rigorous manner.
Sobel observes:
'The use of circumvention, while rarely explicit, is nevertheless the predominant approach
to lifestyle in the sociological literature. This explains why researchers typically define
lifestyle as a mode of living, a seemingly innocuous tautology, and then proceed directly to
an eclectic and/or ad hoc set of measures. (Sober, 1981: 16).
A number of concepts and issues arise from these definitions, and are discussed below under the
following headings:
• Activities/Behaviour
• Values and Attitudes
• Groups vs Individuals
• Group Interaction
• Coherence of Activities/lifestyles
• Recognisability
• Choice.
Each of these must be considered in arriving at a satisfactory definition of lifestyle. In discussing

them an attempt is made to evolve a definition of lifestyle which is precise, unique, in being
distinct from any other concept, and efficient, in including only those elements necessary for a
precise definition.
The result of this exercise is a definition which is 'leaner' than most presented in the literature:
Lifestyle is the pattern of individual and social behaviour characteristic of an individual or

a group.
In the following pages the process by which this definition evolved from analysis of the literature
is outlined.
b. Activities/Behaviour
There seems to be no doubt that lifestyle involves activities: including consumption patterns,
leisure activities and what might be called domestic practices. The latter can include styles of
cooking/eating, child-rearing practices, home decorating/furnishing style, and activities to do
with personal relationships and kinship.
But what of work? Domestic work, including home maintenance and childcare, are part of
'domestic practices'. But paid work or occupation should also be included since, for example,
someone engaged in a Job which involves them in extensive travel and evening and weekend
working has such a markedly different pattern of daily activity from the individual who works
from nine to five in the same office or factory for five days a week, that it would be perverse to
ignore such a dimension when comparing their lifestyles.
Lifestyle can then, at this stage, be said to comprise consumption patterns, leisure activities,
domestic practices and paid work activity.
c. Values and Attitudes

Another group of variables included in some definitions is values and attitudes. In the market
research literature lifestyle analysis is often seen as synonymous with psychographics, which is
based primarily on the measurement of values and attitudes (Wells, 1974). For example, the
famous 'VALS' typology is based on individuals' responses to over 300 value statements
(Mitchell, 1985). Such models assume a causal relationship between values and attitudes on one
hand and behaviour on the other. Generally the models used assume that values and attitudes
influence purchasing/consumption behaviour. If this assumption is correct, as seems likely, then
it is likely that leisure activities and domestic practices are also influenced by such values and
attitudes. Thus values and attitudes can be said to influence activity patterns. Since we have
suggested that lifestyle is primarily a matter of activities or behaviour, it follows that values and
attitudes are also influences on lifestyle but not necessarily part of lifestyle. So categories
produced by psychographics may be said to represent groups who are likely to share similar
lifestyles because they have similar sets of values; but the shared lifestyles are not the same as
the values, they result from the values in some way.
d. Individuals versus Groups

Can an individual have a unique lifestyle or is this a contradiction in terms? A number of
definitions indicate that lifestyle is a group phenomenon. This however, would seem to be an
empirical rather than a definitional matter. While many lifestyles may arise and be developed by
group processes and some individuals may adopt a lifestyle as a result of affiliation with, or in
order to affiliate with, a certain group, it is surely also possible for an individual to develop a
unique lifestyle. If nothing eke, this proposition would seem to be acceptable semantically, in
that, while style is often a group phenomenon, it is also an individual matter - for instance an
artist may be referred to as having a 'unique style'.
But the idea of an individual lifestyle has a respectable basis in psychological research,
particularly in the work of Adler (1929), who placed at the centre of his analysis the idea that
individuals develop, very early in life, a framework and set of guidelines for action, which he
termed lifestyle. The nature of this individual 'lifestyle' and how individuals relate to it and how
it mediates their relationship with their environment then becomes the basis of Adler's psycho-
therapy. In reviewing Adler's work, Ansbacher (1967) suggests that the term lifestyle can be used
in three ways. Firstly it can be used in relation to the individual, as in Adler's work. Secondly it
can be used in relation to a group, where a lifestyle can emerge through the process of group
dynamics; the examples given by Ansbacher are the family and couples, but this usage would
also apply to certain small-scale sub-cultural groups (Pearson, 1981; Willis, 1978). Thirdly
lifestyle can be used as a 'generic term' which itself includes three kinds of use: firstly a Weberian
usage referring to class, occupational, status and cultural groups; secondly referring to 'more
abstract categories of individuals in everyday life' (examples given are the study of 'educated
women' by Ginzberg et al. (1966) and the study of the 'workingman's wife' by Rainwater et al.
(1959)); and thirdly referring to 'the mentally disturbed or problem cases'. It is difficult to see
how this final category differs from the first, except that the studies referred to in Ansbacher's
review appear to find common patterns in the individual lifestyles of compulsive neurotics or
potential suicides or schizophrenics, thus making it a group rather than an individual
phenomenon.
To some extent the issue of group versus individual analysis depends on the detail with
which lifestyles are classified, which is in part influenced by the disciplinary framework of the
researcher. Ultimately, it could be argued, every individual 'e lifestyle is unique. Williams and
Wirth (1968), for example, give a lifestyle type name to every one of the 160 plus subjects in
their study of elderly lifestyles. However, even in that study, those with certain features in
common are grouped for the purpose of social analysis. In the literature some analyses involve
large groupings, for instance when reference is made to a 'middle class lifestyle'; but on other
occasions more detail is involved, as for example in delineating the various lifestyles of working
class youth in a single suburb (Jenkins, 1982). It would seem unwise therefore to attempts to
establish a single, immutable 'system' of lifestyles in a given society.
Lifestyles practised by single individuals are unlikely to be the stuff of sociology or market
research, although they are of interest to psychologists; but the existence of such individual
lifestyles, the processes by which they are formed, and how they affect social relationships should
be of sociological and marketing interest.
Any definition of lifestyle should therefore not exclude the possibility of individual as well
as group analysis
e. Group Interaction
Is it necessary for individuals with common lifestyles to have direct social contact? Given the
pervasiveness of modern communication media, the answer to this question must be no.
For example a young person living in a small, isolated community, might adopt a 'punk'
lifestyle on the basis of information gleaned from television, newspapers and magazines and have
no direct contact with other punks. In less extreme cases involving less distinctive lifestyles, it
is possible to conceive of people developing lifestyles which are unique in their own social circle
because they wish to be different from their contemporaries rather than to conform - but which,
as a result of their economic and social situation and the influence of the media, in fact have
sufficient characteristics in common with others in the wider community as to form a lifestyle
group. Some members of such a group may have social contact and may reinforce the various
elements of the lifestyle in a social situation, but others may adopt the lifestyle at a distance
without any personal contact with those with the same lifestyle.
It follows then that individuals sharing a common lifestyle do not necessarily have any social
contact, although many will. Where group interaction is a fundamental feature of a particular
lifestyle we could accept that that particular group is a sub-culture. While all sub-cultural groups
have a distinctive lifestyle, not all lifestyles result from the complex processes which are intrinsic
to sub-cultures (Willis, 1978; Pearson, 1981, 1981a; Irwin, 1973; Fischer, 1982).
Group interaction is not therefore a necessary feature of lifestyle.
f. Coherence
Does a lifestyle have to consist of activities or behaviours which 'make sense', 'go together', are
'compatible' or 'sympathetic'? A number of definitions imply this.
There is a certain amount of theoretical work which suggests that it is the search for
coherence and compatibility in various aspects of their lives which is the key 'life task' for
individuals. Adler's (1929) conception of lifestyle already referred to, involves individuals'
'drives, emotions, cultural experiences' being subordinated to their 'organisation', which is
equated with 'style of life'. Reynolds and Darden (1974) and Earl (1983) relate lifestyle to George
Kelly's Personal Construct Theory which involves individuals developing a system of
'constructions' against which all actions are Judged and evaluated and 'in which incompatibilities
and inconsistencies have been minimised'. Bell argues that culture is expressed through 'style of
life' and is: 'a continual process of sustaining an identity through the coherence gained by a
consistent aesthetic point of view,..' (p 36). McCracken (1988) refers to the 'Diderot Effect' - 'a
force which encourages the individual to maintain a cultural consistency in his/her complement
of consumer goods' (p 123). Glasser (1973) and the Rapoports (1975) argued that individuals are
motivated by the search for a meaningful, coherent identity, which determines their choice of
leisure activity. The 'style' part of the word lifestyle also implies that some sort of coherence of
approach is involved (Gombrich, 1968).
Despite this range of arguments for the existence of such coherence there is remarkably little
discussion in the lifestyle literature of what, in theory, constitutes coherence. There has been a
great deal of empirical investigation of lifestyles and 'leisure styles' (which are discussed below)
producing groupings of activities and attitudes but no discussion of how or why the particular
sets of activities and attitudes presented are coherent.
In art coherence is a matter of aesthetics. Aesthetics no doubt has a part to play in lifestyle
formation insofar as it involves such phenomena as the way people dress or decorate or furnish
their houses (Davis, 1974; Junker, 1955; Laumann & House, 1970) and their taste in cultural
phenomena such as film, television or paintings (Bourdieu, 1984). But the salience of this to
different people or groups presumably varies. In Bourdieu's scheme of things coherent sets of
taste are an aspect of an individual's 'cultural capital' and 'habitue', which depends on what class
a person is born into and their education and occupation. While some individuals, consciously
or subconsciously, may achieve and maintain a set of stylistically coherent practices, others may
not, either because of lack of socialisation or education or because their personality or values do
not require it of them.
But coherence can be practical as well as aesthetic. Thus a coherent lifestyle may be one
which is not psychologically or physically stressful -that involves 'optimal arousal' in the
psychologists' terms. Psychological stress could of course be related to aesthetics, but it can also
be related to such aspects as economic factors, time-budgeting or relationships.
While various theoretical perspectives suggest that people seek coherence in their lives, the
extent to which they succeed in achieving coherence is not clear. Does the typical individual
achieve coherence or is the norm an unsatisfied search for coherence?
There could be lifestyles which are characterised by their constituent activities not being
coherent. Such internally incompatible lifestyles are likely to arise for individuals who feel that
they have something to hide from their associates - for example the secret alcoholic or other drug
addict or the 'closet' homosexual - but they can also arise in more mundane situations, for
instance a single parent trying to pursue a demanding career with inadequate resources or
support. Linder's 'harried leisure class' (1970) would perhaps indicate such a situation. It might
be argued that such lifestyles are not sustainable in the long term, because of the stresses they
place on the individual. But some individuals may be better at handling stress than others, and
in fact may sustain such internally incompatible lifestyles for many years, perhaps for much
longer than others who sustain less stressful lifestyles but adopt or drop them for a variety of
reasons.
It seems then that there may be three types of lifestyle consisting of sets of activities and
practices which:
a. 'fit together' as a result of some guiding set of coherent moral or aesthetic principles;
b. 'fit together' but only from force of circumstance (such as age, income, household/family
situation, geography);
c. do not 'fit together'.
We may conclude therefore that although coherence, in the sense of compatibility, is likely to be
a key variable in analysing lifestyle, it is not a necessary component of the definition of lifestyle,
since some lifestyles may lack coherence.
g. Recognisability
Is it a lifestyle if no-one recognises it as such - either those sharing the supposed lifestyle or those
not sharing it? It is perhaps notable that among the dozens of lifestyle groups identified in the
literature, there are relatively few which the general public would recognise by name. The names
of certain sub-cultural groups have entered the general language - for example, surges, hippies,
punks, Sloane Rangers (UK), Preppies (US); a few marketing group acronyms and terms have
entered the language in recent years - Yuppies, DINKS, empty nesters, etc; and certain class-
based groupings are generally recognised - the hard hat, the socialite, the executive, the
international Jet-set or the smart set; and geographically labeled groupings, such as 'the North
Shore set' or 'Westies' (Sydney) or 'Hampstead types' or 'Eastenders' (London), are common. In
addition what might be called lifestyle adjectives are often applied to people or groups of people -
trendy, rough, swinger, flashy, up-market. Generally these terms are w ed to describe 'other
people' and not 'ordinary people like w '. Most people would probably not see themselves as part
of a 'lifestyle group'.
The question of how people perceive the lifestyles of others - some of which are actual or
potential positive or negative lifestyle models for themselves - has not generally been addressed
in the literature. Much empirical lifestyle research aimed at identifying lifestyle groups is based
on systematic data collection exercises, consisting of hundreds of data items - on attitudes,
activities, opinions, socio-demographic characteristics, purchasing behaviour, and so on. The
information which people have about others in the community can generally only be a fraction
of this mountain of data which the researchers deem necessary to specify lifestyles. Insofar as
individuals are making Judgements and assessments of the lifestyles of others, they are doing it
on the basis of more limited and less systematic information than is used by the lifestyle
researchers.
No doubt people's perceptions of others' lifestyles are partial, superficial and often
inaccurate. How is the information gained? Some is gained from everyday social interaction - we
see the cars other people drive, we see their houses (from the outside and occasionally from the
inside), we see them shopping, we see how they dress, we see their behaviour towards others and
towards themselves, in the street, on the beach, etc. We see the facilities which we know some
people use, but which we may or may not use - churches, cinemas, sports facilities, casinos,
brothels, etc. Then the media give us a worldwide view - also no doubt partial, superficial and
often inaccurate - of how others live, from the poor of the third world to the 'Lifestyles of the
Rich and Famous'. While the information on any one individual or group may be limited, the
overall quantity of information coming at us about lifestyles in general is enormous.
How is it organised? Is everyone Judged and evaluated and placed on a scale with our own
position carefully plotted? This seems unlikely and illustrates why some theoretical ideas
emanating from earlier times do not mesh with the world as we see it today. For example, Weber
argued that society could be viewed as organised into status groups, differentiated by the honour
and prestige accorded to them, and that lifestyle was the outward sign of membership of such
groups. Such a reliance on honour and prestige now seems outmoded. A single metric of honour
and prestige hardly seems to be the basis of social structure which it once was. How do the Pope,
Nick Jagger, the President of the United States and Rupert Murdoch rank in honour and prestige?
Or for that matter, a local footballer, the mayor, the radio DJ, the head school teacher or the local
minister? There is no consensus. This is why some researchers have argued that Weber's thesis
should be modified to bring lifestyle to the fore. 'The politics of lifestyle concern' (Gusfield,
1963; Zurcher, 1971; Veal, 1989) argues that it is not the prestige and honour attached to a
lifestyle which people care about and which motivates them to action but the lifestyle itself - their
lifestyle. However, people may not become aware of their lifestyle, or the common cause which
they have with others who share their lifestyle, until it comes under threat. And even then, what
they perceive may be only a part of the picture. These issues are discussed in more detail below.
This discussion has led us from the question of how we perceive others' lifestyles to how we
perceive our own. While, as discussed below, lifestyle may be an important aspect of people's
lives, the clarity with which people perceive their own lifestyles probably varies enormously.
While people may be engaged in an exercise in coherent lifestyle building how many would be
able to provide an account of the process? How many have a clear picture of the lifestyle they
lead, the lifestyle they aim to lead, the lifestyles they compare themselves with and emulate and
reject?
Thus it can be concluded that, while recognisability may be a feature of some lifestyles, is
not a necessary part of the definition of lifestyle. Researchers may need to sort and label lifestyles
into recognisable categories, but the extent to which people themselves engage in such practices
is not known
h. Choice
Do people choose their lifestyles? This is the most complex issue to be discussed here, since the
idea of choice is such an ideologically contested notion. Some would argue that a 'choice' based
view of human behaviour is misleading since, firstly the idea of choice in contemporary capitalist
society is illusory, and secondly certain groups are in any case excluded from exercising choice.
The first argument is that the constraints on choice under capitalism are more salient than
the areas of freedom and that therefore, to talk of choice as the basis of social behaviour is
misleading. Insofar as lifestyle is concerned with consumption (and it is only partly so) it would
be argued that, for instance, in the modern supermarket it is not the 15,000 products on offer
which are of interest to the social analyst but the untold numbers of products which food and
household production organisations have not made available because they produce for profit and
not for need. Similar comments would be made about the range of choice in shoe shops, clothing
shops, furniture shops, and in the entertainment media. Ordinary people, it is argued, do not make
the key decisions; these are made by élites. The range of choice which consumers do enjoy, it
is argued, is essentially trivial; in so far as consumers perceive the choices they make as real,
they are suffering from false consciousness and have been duped into pursuing 'false needs'. Such
a view was advanced by members of the Frankfurt School of sociology, including Adorno,
Horkheimer and Marcuse (Rojek, 1985, pp 113-120) and aspects of it are supported by
contemporary critical writers such as Clarke and Critcher (1985, p 100) and Aronowitz (1974).
Such a thesis can of course be countered, with arguments about consumer sovereignty and
the many failures of corporate marketing, and with the argument that, even if they were able to
do so, firms would be foolish to go to the effort and expense of creating new or 'false' needs or
demands when so many needs and demands patently exist already, and so on. To argue that all
the key decisions are made by unaccountable elites and that therefore ordinary people have no
meaningful scope for choice in their lives is to underestimate the importance of the combined
effects of decisions made by millions of ordinary people - to buy this product or that, to migrate
or not, to have more or less babies, to marry younger or older or not at all, and so on (Bell, 1968).
The argument is partly ideological and partly a reflection of the 'structure/agency' debate in
social theory - that is the extent to which human behaviour is determined by external forces and
the extent to which people exercise free will (Rojok, 1989). The 'structure' argument tends to
concentrate on social and economic forces which constrain the individual and whole classes. The
'agency) perspective concentrates on individual decision-making. It would seem that the study
of lifestyle requires a combination of these approaches. Clearly the consequences of the social,
economic and political forces in society cannot be ignored. Individuals are constrained by these
forces in a fundamental way. But they are also constrained by more personal factors, such as
personal relationships, family commitments, and health. However, when all these constraining
factors have been noted and taken into account most individuals are still left with a 'space' or
'spaces' within which they make choices. How 'free' these choices are and what guides and
influences them is a matter for research. These individual choices in turn impact on the
immediate personal environment and, when aggregated with the decisions of millions of others,
also impact on the broader social, economic and political environment. The 'agency' theorists
have provided perspectives on the broad social, economic and political forces. Some sociologists,
social psychologists and many leisure researchers have given attention to individual in their
immediate social setting. And psychologists have dealt with the inner decision-making space.
Lifestyle research needs to encompass all these levels of analysis.
Whether the choices available to people are seen as 'real' or 'contrived' by capitalist elites,
the idea that lifestyle results from at least some degree of choice is still valid. If some non-market
social decision-making system was found to make 'correct' decisions about what should be
available in supermarkets, in shoe shops, clothing shops, furniture shops and in the media,
consumers or citizens, even if they had been involved in collective decision-making about what
should be produced, would still go through the same process of choosing food, shoes, clothes and
entertainment to suit themselves - assuming, that is, that under the new system, a choice of
products was available. How people exercise such choices, whether constrained by capitalist or
other modes of production and distribution, is therefore of interest. It is of interest whether the
aim is to use the results to work within the system - through the marketing process - or to
understand the workings of the system for critical purposes.
The second argument against accepting the 'choice' view of human behaviour and lifestyle
is that certain groups in contemporary society are excluded from the choice process due to lack
of economic resources or power. Again such an argument does not invalidate the line of analysis.
To argue that some groups have less choice than others does not lead to the conclusion that the
choices exercised by the majority should not be studies. In addition it is not true to say that
people who have limited choice have no choice - the issue is that they would like to have more
choice.
Ruiz (1990) points out that in societies where subsistence is the main preoccupation - for
example many pre-industrial and third world agrarian communities - the idea of lifestyle arising
from choice is inappropriate; even the term 'lifestyle' is perhaps inappropriate and should be
replaced by 'way of life' - basically the members of such communities do have identical ways of
life imposed on them by circumstances. The poor within affluent societies could be said to exist
in such a situation and it could be said that political, economic and welfare policies are often
aimed at shifting people along the continuum illustrated in Figure 1. There is a continuum of
greater or lesser choice rather than a dichotomy.
Lack of choice may not be due only to poverty but also to lack of power. For instance, it is
argued that women lack freedom of choice because they lack power (Rojek, 1985, p 99). In this
case, in Figure 1, the poverty affluence dimension should be replaced by a powerlessness-
powerful continuum.
Figure 1: The poverty/Affluence - Way of life/lifestyle continuum
It can be concluded therefore that, in western societies, lifestyle involves choice, although the
degree of freedom of choice varies from individual to individual, from group to group and from
time to time. But this issue concerns the way in which lifestyles are formed rather than the nature
of lifestyles themselves; people have lifestyles (or ways of life) whether they have been
developed in the context of wide or limited choice. The question of choice need not therefore
form part of the definition of lifestyle.
i. Conclusion
As a result of this review of the issues surrounding the definition of lifestyle, a definition as put
forward at the beginning of this chapter has been developed which, it is believed, gives the
concept a clear, operationalisable and theoretically useful identity:
Lifestyle is the pattern of individual and social behaviour characteristic of an

individual or a group.
'Behaviour' includes activities involved in -relationships with partners, family, relatives, friends,
neighbours and colleagues, consumption behaviour, leisure, work (paid or unpaid) and civic and
religious activity.
Although patterns of behaviour are linked to values and to socio-demographic
characteristics, may involve coherence and recognisability and are formed through a process of
wide or limited choice, such factors are matters for theoretical and empirical investigation and
do not form part of the proposed definition.
This definition is more economical than most of those found in the literature; it is not however
fundamentally different, in that it, in effect, isolates the fundamental aspect at the core of most
definitions. It does however differ from the Adlerian concept of lifestyle as a psychological
outlook on life determined at an early age. While the definition does not prelude the idea of such
a psychological outlook existing and being influential in forming a person's lifestyle, it precludes
such an outlook actually being a person's lifestyle.
The challenge to the researcher is firstly to unravel the processes by which lifestyles are
formed and sustained and the processes by which people adopt lifestyles. Secondly there is the
question of the meaning of lifestyle to the individual. Thirdly there are questions related to
lifestyle as a social variable involved in structures and relationships in society. Fourthly there are
questions concerning the usefulness of the concept of lifestyle in such applied areas as marketing
and public policy.
References (for all other references - see bibliography)
Aronowitz, S. (1974) False Promises, New York: McGraw-Hill.

Clarke, J. and Critcher, C. (1985) The Devil Makes Work, London: Macmillan
Bibliography
Ackerman, J. S. (1963) Style. In J. S. Ackerman & R. Carpenter (eds) Art and Archaeology,
Englewood Cliffs, N.J. : Prentice Hall, pp. 164-186.
A discussion of the concept of style as applied to art. Argues that style is 'a means of establishing
relationships among individual works of art' in the same way that anthropologists use the term
'to designate a complex of behaviour patterns within a society' (p. 165). Discusses ideas such as
stability and change, the 'language' of style - conventions etc - , the relationships between artists
and powerful groups in society and their role in influencing and sustaining style, and theories
about the growth and decline of styles (arguing against deterministic theories). Concludes that:
'A style, then, may be thought of as a class of related solutions to a problem - or
responses to a challenge - that may be said to begin whenever artists begin to pursue
a problem or react to a challenge that differs significantly from those posed by the
prevailing style or styles' (p. 193).
Adler, A. (1929) Problems of Neurosis: A Book of Case Histories, Harper Torchbook (1964
edn), ed. P. Mairet, New York: Harper and Row.
The OED identifies this as the first use of the word life-style. Adler uses the term in relation to
his theories about the 'whole person', as opposed to the Freudian idea of the self being divided
into conscious and sub-conscious elements in conflict. While the format 'style of life' is used in
the quotations below, there is also a chapter entitled 'The Neurotic Life Style'.
'The style of life is founded in the first four or five years of childhood. This period
closes with the full development of the ego and the consequent fixation of its attitude
to life. From this time onward the questions put by life are dictated not by the truth of
relations in themselves, but by certain automated attitudes, which we call the style of
the individual' (p. 7).
The editor says, in summary of Adler's views:

'The unit to be studied is the individual person and his way of living. All the general
similarities we can observe among people, such as drives, emotions, cultural
experiences, must be understood as subordinated to the individual's organisation, his
style of life, life-plan' (p. xi).
Adler, K. A. (1958) Life style in schizophrenia. Journal of Individual Psychology, 14, 68-72.
Adler, K. A. (1967) Life style, gender role, and the symptom of homo-sexuality', Journal
of Individual Psychology, 23, pp. 67-78.
Argues that homosexuality is determined as part of the Adlerian 'life style' formation in the early
stage of life and is reinforced as a person's life style develops through childhood and puberty.
Reports cases based on this theory in which homosexual behaviour tendencies were replaced with
heterosexual behaviour.
Age, The (1976) The Age Lifestyle Study, Melbourne: D Syme and Co.
Age, The (1982) The Age Lifestyle Study for the Eighties, Melbourne: D Syme and Co.
A market segmentation study of the Melbourne adult population (sample 1,844), covering: media
usage and interest; shopping behaviour; leisure activities and interests; work patterns and
satisfactions; general happiness and satisfaction; opinions, attitudes and beliefs; demographic
characteristics. Factor and multiple classification analysis was used to produce 15 lifestyle
groups, the behaviour of the groups being contrasted in terms of holiday taking, entertainment,
drinking patterns, purchasing behaviour, finance, etc. The groups are:
- Male 1: The Experience Seeker - Female 1: Independent Ms.
- Male 2: Young Free Active - Female 2: Frivolous Miss
- Male 3: Average Successful Dad - Female 3: Career Mother
- Male 4: Family Struggler - Female 4: Family Coordinator
- Male 5: Urbane Sophisticate - Female 5: Pessimistic Houswife
- Male 6: Aussie chauvinist - Female 6: Sophisticated Woman
- Male 7: Older Traditionalist - Female 7: Doting Grandmother
- Female 8: Older Matron.
Aidala, A. A. (1989) Communes and changing family norms: marriage and lifestyle choice
among former members of communal groups. Journal of Family Issues, Vol.10, pp.
311-338.
Reports on a follow-up survey of former commune members (first survey: 1974-76; follow-up
survey: 1984/86). Whereas some explanations of commune membership had seen it as a 'life
stage' phenomenon, the follow-up survey indicates that a higher than average proportion of
respondents remained unmarried and sentiment in favour of alternative life styles remained
strong.
Anderes, S. and Fortier, A. (1987) A case study of an altered lifestyle. Journal of Leisur-
ability, Vol 14, No 3, Summer, pp. 13-14.
A brief piece describing the change in leisure patterns and attitudes of a mentally and physically
disabled person upon moving from institutional to community based living.
Anderson W. T. and Golden L. L (1984) Lifestyle and psychographics. In T. C. Kinnear

(ed) Advances in Consumer Research XI, Provo, Utah: Association for Consumer Research,
pp. 405-411.
Andreasen A. R. and Belk R. W. (1980) Predictors of attendance at the performing arts.

Journal of Consumer Research, Vol.7, Sept. pp. 112-120.
Based on a survey of 1700 individuals in southern states of the USA, a Q-factor analysis
(classifies individuals rather than variables) of 50 leisure life-style questions produced six
groups:
- Passive Homebody (n = 295) - Culture Patron (n = 295)
- Active Sports Enthusiast (n = 285) - Active Homebody (n = 190)
- Inner-directed Self-Sufficient (n = 216) - Socially Active (n = 210).
Using R-factor analysis (activities etc as variables, people as cases) on 43 leisure activity, interest
and opinion questions produced six 'life-style dimensions':
- Traditionalism - Hedonism/optimism
- Defeatism - Self-Confidence/Opinion Leadership
- Urbanism - Outdoorsiness.
Attendance at arts events was then correlated with the lifestyle variables and demographic and
individual attitude variables.
Ansbacher H. (1967) Life style: a historical and systematic review. Journal of Individual
Psychology, 23(2) 191-212.
Traces the use of the term life style from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but particularly
from Weber and Adler. Examines the evolution of the term in Adler's work, from initial terms
such as guiding image, guiding line, life plan, life line, total life attitude and total personality.
Variation in the use of the term life style - for example, 'style of living' - reflected a desire to
avoid reifying the term. Notes that Weber:
'.. was concerned with collective life styles and the concept was of only minor
importance in his writings, whereas Adler .. was concerned with individual life styles
as the most central concept in his system, they both built their theories on essentially
the same methodological foundations, the same basic assumptions' (p 196).
Thus both were concerned with understanding purposeful human action in terms of its subjective
meaning to the actor. Argues that life style can be used in three different ways, according to who
is the actor:
'This may be an individual; or a group, where the members bear a psychological
relationship to each other, and which has stability over time; or a class or category,
where the members have only the property in common on the basis of which they are
classified' (p 200).
The first he terms individual life style, the second group life style and the third generic life style.
Three common properties of different conceptions of life style are identified:
1. Unifying Aspect - the most important aspect - life style involves internal consistency
affecting a person's behaviour.
2. Unique and Creative Aspects - while styles may have similarities they are essentially unique;
insofar as the individual's development of style involves spontaneous and unique behaviour
it involves choice and:
'.. choice is a function of preferences, values, and goals which are the basis for
hopes for the future. In this way, style .. is likely to be associated with a forward-
oriented, purposive, value psychology rather than with a causalistic, reductionist
psychology' (p 205).
3. Operational, Functional and Constancy Aspects - life style is seen to have a function in
guiding/organizing the individual's behaviour; it is a relatively constant phenomenon: a
person develops a particular life style from childhood in Adler's conception, and this
provides a continuing, constant framework for behaviour.
Points out parallels to life style in clinical psychology, where the clinician seeks to understand
the whole person; in literature, especially biography; and in the 'mode-of-being' and 'mode-
of-existence' concept of existential psychology. Believes that the increasing acceptance and use
of the life style concept reflects growing acceptance of a Weberian and Adlerian view of
humankind:
That is, an organismic, holistic and purposive conception seems to be gaining over a
mechanistic, elementaristic and strictly deterministic conception. Man is increasingly
understood as a self-consistent and self-directed unity whose central theme is reflected in
all his actions, as forward oriented, purposive, determined by his own values rather than
physiological factors, and in interaction with his environment' (p 209).
Arnold N. D (l974) Confrontation between life styles. Leisure Today: Selected Readings,
Washington, DC: Amer. Alliance for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, pp. 3l-32.
A discussion of the effects of industrialisation and postindustrial trends on third world countries
and their interaction with the advanced industrial countries and their culture. No definition of
lifestyle is given.
Atlas J. (1984) Beyond demographics: how Madison Avenue knows who you are and what
you want. Atlantic Monthly, 254(Oct.), 49-58.
A history of the development of VALS (see Mitchell, 1985) and its current use and development.
Australian Council for Health, Physical Education and Recreation (1986) Lifestyle 2000:
Dynamics of Change: Proceedings for Recreation, proceedings of Recreation Section of 16th
National Biennial Conference, Jan. Launceston, Tasmania, Parkside, South Australia:
ACHPER.
Contains nine papers, but none of them explicitly addresses the concept of lifestyle.
Baker K. and Fletcher R. (1987) Outlook - a generalised lifestyle system. Admap, March,
pp. 23-28.
Notes that generalised lifestyle typologies have lost favour in the marketing world in favour of
systems geared to the requirements of particular products, but argues that this may be premature.
A lifestyle typology - 'Outlook' - is presented, based on the British Marketing Research
Bureau's (BMRB) Target Group Index (TGI - 24,000 interviews per annum). From 192
attitudinal scales in TGI, 38 are chosen which discriminate particularly in relation to newspaper
readership. These are subject to cluster analysis to produce six groups: Trendies (15% of sample);
Pleasure Seekers (15%); The Indifferent (18%); Working Class Puritans (15%); Sociable
Spenders (14%); Moralists (16%).The ability of these groupings to discriminate between product
purchasers/ non-purchasers is shown to be effective and superior to social class.
Barber B. (1958) Social Stratification, New York: Harcourt Brace.

Quoted by Taylor and Ford (1981) as defining lifestyle as follows:
'A 'style of life' is a closely interwoven set of activities and possessions that are
correlated with and become symbolic of membership in a social class' (p 138).
Beatty S. E. et al. (1985) Alternative measurement approaches to consumer values: the List
of Values and the Rokeach Value Survey. Psychology and Marketing, 2(3), 181-200.
Describes the use of a new values measurement system - the List of Values (LOV) - as compared
with an existing system - the Rokeach Value Survey (RVS). Such values measurement systems
are intended to be used in market segmentation; relationships between LOV assessed value
positions and media and leisure preferences are presented and LOV is found to discriminate
significantly.
Becker B. W. (1976) Perceived similarities among recreational activities. Journal of Leisure

Research, 8(2), 112-122.
Uses Non-metric Multidimensional Scaling to analyse respondents' perceptions of the similarities
between activities as a contribution to the question of substitutability between activities.
Bell D. (1976) The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, London: Heinemann.

Argues that, in the modern era, 'modernist culture' has replaced religion as the basis for the
'legitimation of social behaviour'. There was:
' .. a shift in emphasis from 'character', which is the unity of moral codes and
disciplined purpose, to an emphasis on 'personality', which is the enhancement of self
through the compulsive search for individual differentiation. In brief, not work but 'life
style' became the source of satisfaction and criterion for desirable behavior in the
society. Yet paradoxically, the life style that became the image of the free self was not
that of the businessman, expressing himself through his 'dynamic drive', but that of the
artist defying the conventions of the society' (p xxiv).
And this is one of the 'cultural contradictions' of capitalism. Bell also puts forward a definition
of culture which links it with 'style of life':
'Culture, for a society, a group, or a person, is a continual process of sustaining an
identity through the coherence gained by a consistent aesthetic point of view, a moral
conception of self, and a style of life which exhibits those conceptions in the objects
that adorn one's home and oneself and the taste which expresses those points of view.
Culture is thus the realm of sensibility, of emotion and moral temper, and of the
intelligence, which seeks to order these feelings'. (p 36)
Bell explores the relationship between what he calls 'discretionary social behaviour', and
traditional 'standard variables', such as class, age and education:
'.. it is increasingly evident that for a significant proportion of the population the
relation of social position to cultural style - particularly if one thinks in such gross
dimensions as working class, middle class, and upper class - no longer holds. The
question of who will use drugs, engage in orgies and wife-swapping, become an open
homosexual, use obscenity as a political style, or enjoy 'happenings' and underground
movies is not easily related to the 'standard variables' of sociological discourse... The
more idiosyncratic aspects of personal experience and life history - personality
attributes, or somatic body-type constitution, positive or negative experience with
parents, experience with peers - become increasingly more important than patterned
social attributes in shaping a person's life-style. As the traditional social class structure
dissolves, more and more individuals want to be identified not by their occupational
base (in the Marxist sense), but by their cultural tastes and life-styles'. (p 38)
Bell W. (1958) Social choice, life styles and suburban residence. In W. Dobriner (ed.) The
Suburban Community, New York: Putman, pp. 225-247.
Suggests that life styles in advanced industrial societies can be classified as familial, careerist or
consumerist, the latter being concerned with 'having a good time'. Studies of suburbia had
suggested that movement to the suburbs was motivated by desire for upward social mobility,
associated with careerism, and with familism. Surveys in Chicago suggest that it is familism
which is the main motivation, especially concern for a suitable environment for raising children.
Supports the idea of a relationship between life style and neighbour-hood type/location:
'The fact that a residence area is expressive of its population's styles of life, and can be
instrumental in its achievement, of course, is not restricted to suburban residences, but
is true of any neighbourhood in a metropolitan area' (p 230).
Bell W. (1968) The city, the suburb and a theory of social choice. In S. Greer et al. (eds) The
New Urbanization, New York: St Martins Press, pp. 132-168.
Repeats the familism/careerist/consumerist thesis outlined in Bell (1958), but develops the 'social
choice' dimension further. Develops an argument that such phenomena as urbanization and
suburbanisation can be seen as partly resulting from choices made by individuals about how and
where to lead their lives.
'... at one level we have the decisions of leaders or managers of large-scale
organizations .. Changes in transportation and communication, sewerage systems, water
supply, power, industry and commerce, finance, the role of government at all levels,
economic growth and distribution, education, leisure and entertainment facilities, to
mention but a few relevant items, are both consequences of decision-making of some
particular persons and organizations and consequential for alternative choices open to
others at any given time... On another level we have the sum total of the decisions of
millions of individuals making their way through their own small worlds' (p 161).
Within these constraints individuals make decisions to pursue certain visions of the future; one
such decision is the decision to migrate from one country to another, from country to city or from
city centre to suburb .. to pursue what is perceived as a more desirable life style.
Benjamin C. (1989) Slicing the consumer segments. Marketing, May, 64-65.

Reports on market research conducted by the Roy Morgan Research centre for Ogilvy and
Mather's Futures Division, based on regular surveys of 1000 Australian adults, which results in
ten market segments:
1. Basic needs - traditional views, satisfied with life, passive activities, retired people.
2. A fairer deal - dissatisfied with life, low income earners.
3. Family life - Conventional - 'middle Australia', under 50.
4. Family life - Traditional - 'middle Australia', 50 and over.
5. Look at me - young, unmarried, excitement seeking, apolitical.
6. Something better - well-educated, responsible jobs, above average earnings, individualistic,
support free enterprise.
7. Real conservatism - hold conservative political beliefs and traditional religious beliefs,
observers rather than active.
8. Young optimism - student generation, idealistic.
9. Visible achievement - successful people over 30, conservative politically, active, affluent.
10. Socially aware - professional and middle management, community-minded and socially
active.
Bensman J. and Vidich A. (1987) Emerging life styles and the new classes. Part III of
American Society, The Welfare State and Beyond Revised, Massachusetts: Bergin and
Garvey, pp. 119-157 (Previously published as The New American Society, Chicago:
Quadrangle Books, 1971; see also Feldman and Thielbar, 1972, op. cit., pp. 129-150).
Distinction is made between 'authentic' and 'spurious' life styles:
'In our term, an 'authentic' life-style is one that exists as part of the 'natural' and
'inevitable' environment of the individual. The individual without reflection assumes
that he has been destined for the way of life which in fact is his. .. He takes his way of
life for granted and acts it out without self-consciousness, defensiveness or irony ..
[however] .. present American life-styles are self-conscious creations which permeate
almost all aspects of American life ..' (pp. 121-122).
The decline of traditional American life styles, whether aristocratic, upper class, or 'Babbitry',
reinforced by European migration, is noted. The new, post World War II, middle class generation
is creating new life styles, having rejected parents' values. As a 'college' generation, it is
suggested that the cultured life and values of the university had a major influence in shaping new
life styles. Notes emphasis on conscious choice as a value, but the lack of a basis upon which to
base choice. The emerging life styles of various class groups - upper, upper middle, lower
middle, working and sub-working classes - are discussed.
Bernard M. (1983) Leisure-rich and Leisure-poor: The Place of Leisure in the Life-styles of
Young Adults, PhD thesis, University of Keele, Stoke-on-Trent, Staffs, England.
See Bernard, 1984 and 1987 for summaries of content.
Bernard, M. (1984) Leisure-rich and leisure-poor: the leisure patterns of young adults.
Leisure Studies, 3(3), 343-361.
A study of 200 young people (100 married couples) aged 20 to 30 in the English Midlands in
which data on leisure participation, frequency of participation, company, location and satisfaction
were cluster analysed to form six leisure activity types along a 'leisure-rich/leisure-poor'
continuum:
1. Satisfied, passive, cultured
2. Dissatisfied, active, cultured
3. Very dissatisfied, inactive, restricted
4. Very satisfied, passive, restricted
5. Dissatisfied, passive, practical
6. Satisfied, passive.
Bernard M. (1988) Leisure-rich and leisure-poor: leisure lifestyles among young adults.
Leisure Sciences, 10(2), 131-149.
Extends the work reported in Bernard, 1984. Uses the six groups to analyse perceptions of free
time/ leisure time availability, awareness and use of leisure facilities and constraints on
participation.
Bernard Y. (1989) Youth, leisure and lifestyles in Amsterdam: the changing perspectives
of the 1980s. In A. Tomlinson (ed) Youth Cultures and the Domain of Leisure, Vol.4 of
'Leisure, Labour and Lifestyles: International Comparisons', LSA conference papers,
Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association, pp. 42-62.
A generalised overview of youth phenomena, events, policy, behaviour, etc. since the 1960s.
Does not specifically address/define the concept of lifestyle.
Bernay E. K. (1971) Creative advertising through life style analysis. In C. King and D
Tigert (eds) Attitude Research Reaches New Heights, Chicago: American Marketing Assn.
Bickmore D, Shaw M. G. and Tulloch T. (l980) Lifestyles on maps. Geographical Magazine,

52(11), 763-769.
A demonstration of the use of ACORN (See Shaw, 1984), survey data and mapping techniques
to show the spatial distribution of lifestyles in the London area, as exemplified by unemployment
rates, distribution of unskilled workers, journey to work mode, and drinking habits.
Bielschki, M. D. and Pearce, K. (1997) I don't want a lifestyle, I want a life: the effect of
role negotiations on the leisure of lesbian mothers. Journal of Leisure Research, 29(1), 113-
131.
(See Horne, 1990)
Bishop D W. (l970) Stability of the factor structure of leisure behaviour. Journal of Leisure
Research, 2(3), l60-l70.
This study has assumed a classic status; it was based on reported participation in 25 leisure
activities in four US mid-west communities. Factor analysis of the participation data produces
three factors common to all three communities: Active-Diversionary denotes participation in
physically active sporting pursuits, the Potency factor is associated with rugged outdoor activities'
and the Status factor is associated with more cerebral activities - reading, concert-going etc.
Possible implications of the factors and research possibilities for further investigation are
discussed.
Bosserman P. (l983) Cultural values and new life-styles. In Problems of Culture and
Cultural Values in the Contemporary World, Paris: UNESCO, pp. 23-35.
Reviews and comments on a wide range of material from diverse sources. Traces the changing
sociological use of the lifestyle concept in relation to: social structure/status as discussed by
writers from Weber to Daniel Bell and Bensman and Vidich (qv); the idea of life-style as 'a
pattern of consumption involving preferences, taste and values' (MacCannell); and 'emerging
culture and alternative life-styles' (Michaelson and Zablocki and Kanter). Examines 'typologies
of life-styles', based on urban/sub-urban differences and Bell's 'Familism/Careerism/
Consumership' typolgy and a typology developed by Izeki (qv). Summarises Izecki's findings as:
'- Life-style is a pattern of consumption ..Life-style is less and less associated with
occupational roles or economic positions .. We are going through a transition period
brought on by rapid social changes ..'
Notes the 'lack of value coherence' in society, leading to a search for meaningful lifestyles and
a response in 'emerging life-styles which cluster around the idea of communalism'.
Bosserman P. (l983a) Youth life-styles in post-industrial society. In European Leisure and

Recreation Association, Leisure Research, proceedings of a Workshop Meeting in Vaxjo,
Sweden, May, Zurich: ELRA, pp. 249-276.
Defines lifestyle as a 'pattern of consumption involving preferences, taste, and values'. Observes
that social and economic change have facilitated choice and flexibility in the construction of
lifestyles and that youth (18-30), especially the 1960s cohort, have been in the forefront of
experimentation. Accepts the 'postindustrial' thesis and sees youth as the group devising new
lifestyles to cope with the demands of a postindustrial society. Draws on Etzioni and
Yankelovich to attempt to describe the nature of the new lifestyles emerging. Despite the
individualist, self-fulfilment values associated with the new lifestyles, the paper argues that they
can be described as 'communalist' - emphasising the commitment to new forms of personal
relationships, new spiritual experiments and concern for the environment.
Bourdieu P. (l980) A diagram of social position and life-style. Media, Culture and Society,
2, 255-259.
Presentation of a complex, two colour, diagram which draws together the results of numerous
data sources, to classify occupational groups ('class fractions') according to their possession of
economic and cultural capital and their class 'trajectory', and to indicate typical characteristic
aspects of lifestyle, including leisure activities and tastes in cultural activities, food and drink.
Also in Bourdieu, 1984.
Bourdieu P. (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, London:

Routledge and Kegan Paul.
A major work which combines theory and extensive empirical analysis. The Introduction outlines
the basic thesis: extrapolating from the world of art to other areas of culture, such as food,
clothing and furnishings, discusses the differences between 'cultured' taste and popular taste. The
former requires extensive learning through the education system and the family. The person with
cultured taste must be aware of historical references; value is attached to form - style - over
function and to symbolic references. By contrast popular taste is based on immediate sensory
gratification and references to reality. The possession of skills and knowledge in the taste 'game'
is linked to social stratification:
'Culture also has its titles of nobility - awarded by the educational system - and its
pedigrees, measured by seniority in admission to the nobility. The definition of cultural
nobility is the stake in a struggle which has gone on unceasingly from the seventeenth
century to the present day, between groups differing in their ideas of culture and of the
legitimate relation to culture and to works of art, and therefore differing in the
conditions of acquisition of which these dispositions are the product' (p 2).
The study draws on a survey of 1200 people in Paris, Lille and a small provincial town, carried
out in 1963 and 1966-67, as well as secondary use of numerous other survey and official data
sources. Analyses are performed dividing the sample into classes (working, middle and upper,
based on education), 'class fractions' (based on occupation) and level of cultural capital (based
on father's occupation). Rather than participation however, the dependent variable is invariably
some measure of preference, taste or attitude: for example preferences in types of music,
identification of film actors and directors and preferences for subjects for photographs. Stresses
the need for empirical evidence to be set in a theoretical context (see for example pp. 18-22,
509), and argues against the use of traditional statistical analysis, which treats variables as
isolated, independent phenomena (pp. 101-105). As a result of the analysis:
'Two basic facts were thus established: on the one hand, the very close relationship
linking cultural practices to educational capital (measured by qualifications) and,
secondarily, to social origin (measured by father's occupation); and, on the other hand,
the fact that, at equivalent levels of educational capital, the weight of social origin in
the practice- and preference-explaining system increases as one moves away from the
most legitimate areas of culture'. (p 13)
A detailed diagram indicating the relationship between economic capital/class position and
cultural capital and practice/preferences is given on pp. 128-129 (as in Bourdieu, 1980).
'Habitus' is the term used to describe the set of values/dispositions of a group or class
fraction which results from 'objectively classifiable conditions of existence' and in turn
determines their distinctive life-style (pp. 169-171). Part III of the book, 'Class Tastes and
Life-Styles', examines in detail, using numerous data sources, the tastes, practices, values and
activities - life--styles - of occupational groups or 'class fractions'.
It is impossible to do justice to this massive work in a brief summary such as this. In
addition to the physical size of the book (over 600 pages), the complexity of the argument and
the literary style defy brief summary. While the book is purportedly about 'taste', it is also, from
the point of view of this review, quintessentially about the concept of lifestyle and the
relationship of lifestyle to the analysis of social structure and change.
Breit M. (1969) Explorations in Leisure Types, Honours thesis, Psychology Dept., City
College New York.
Quoted by Duncan (1978) as identifying three groups on the basis of factor analysis of
preferences of working adults:
1. Action-oriented type - predominantly male with high education,
2. Social-intellectually oriented type - predominantly female with lower education,
3. Social-entertainment oriented type - males and females with median level education.
Brettschneider W. D (1990) Adolescents, Leisure, Sport and Lifestyle. Paper to the

Association International de Sport et Education Physique conference Moving Towards
Excellence, Loughborough University, England, July (Author: Univ. Paderhorn,
Germany).
Reports on a study of 4000 German 13-21 year olds in which data on gender, age, sport and body
concept, personality, relationship with parents, pastime preferences, views on health issues and
general political and social orientations were factor and cluster analysed to produce five life style
groups, which demonstrate the role of sport in lifestyle definition:
1. The 'no-sports' group - interested in computers, music, etc, no anxiety about body image or
social relationships (5% of sample).
2. Group for whom a specific sport is instrumental in image promotion, display of masculine
virility - main relationships with peers, not adults (4%).
3. Group with negative body concept, indifferent health, concerns about image (17%).
4. Group into fun, health-orientated hedonism - accept image of sport/health but without the
hard work; very image and style conscious (13%).
5. 'Normal adolescent biography' group - generally balanced outlook on everything, no
problems with body image, relationships etc.
Bryant C. D (1990) Deviant leisure and clandestine lifestyle: cockfighting in the US as a

socially disvalued sport. Paper to the International Sociological Association XIIth World
Congress of Sociology, Madrid, July (Author: Virginia Pol. Inst. and State Univ, USA).
Bushman F. A. (1982) Systematic life styles for new product segmentation. Journal of the
Academy of Marketing Science, Fall, pp. 377-394.
Burns T. (l973) Leisure in industrial society. In M. A. Smith, S. Parker and C. S. Smith

(eds) Leisure and Society in Britain, London: Allen Lane, pp. 40-55.
Refers to the work of Alberoni who, adapting Veblen, suggests that the replacement of localised
status systems by national systems means that the working class have not just political, economic
and religious elites to look to for values etc, but also the 'divi' - 'personages who are the object
of imitation,, admiration and collective attachment .. the protagonists of the mass media who
suggest ways of behaviour and influence popular values without making decisions about them'
(p 48) (cf. Glasser and Bell). They promulgate and/or provide models for 'styles of life'. This
brings 'style of life' to the forefront of social analysis. Relates the idea also to work of Crozier,
Touraine, Goffman.
Burton T. L. (l97l) Recreation Types. Ch 8 of Experiments in Recreation Research, London:

Allen and Unwin, pp. 185-209.
An early example of the use of factor analysis to group leisure activities. 'Cluster analysis.
Involving manual linkages based on a correlation matrix, produced 14 groups from 71 activities
(n=1000) and 8 groups from 40 more popular activities. Factor analysis of the same 71 activities
produced 8 groups of activities and 5 groups from the 40 more popular activities. Some interpret-
ation of the meanings of the groups is given, but many of the groups are somewhat heterogenous
and they are not stable across the various analyses.
Burton T. L. (ed) (1981) Third Canadian Congress on Leisure Research, Edmonton, Alberta:
University of Alberta.
See papers by Ellis; Kelly; Ouillet; Petrie and Milton.
Butler K. N. (l974) The influence of technology and industrialization on life style. Leisure
Today: Selected Readings, Washington, DC: Amer. Alliance for Health, Physical Education
and Recreation, pp. 25-26.
Does not specifically define/discuss the concept of life style. Argues that technology is promoting
fantasy ('the ability to see radically different life styles') and festivity. Implications are discussed.
Bynner J. and Ashford S. (1990) Teenage careers and leisure lives: an analysis of lifestyles.
Paper to the International Sociological Assoc. XIIth World Congress of Sociology, Madrid,
July (Authors: City University, UK).
Reports on part of the UK '16-19 Initiative' study, involving surveys of young people in their last
year of compulsory schooling and two years later (n=3500 total). While the paper discusses the
concept of lifestyle, the results relate largely to 'leisure styles' based on factor analysis of leisure
participation patterns. Three leisure styles are identified:
- Youth culture leisure style (embracing drinking, smoking, going to pubs and parties)
- Sports leisure style (watching, participating)
- Youth club leisure style (involvement in youth organisations, often associated with church
attendance).
These styles are then correlated with information on leisure time companions, TV preferences
and values and attitudes.
Campbell C. (1987) The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism, Oxford:
Basil Blackwell.
Carp F. (1975) Lifestyle and location within the city. The Gerontologist, 32(1), 68-72.
An investigation into the extent to which the city provides a desirable living environment for the
elderly. For a sample of 1000 elderly residents in and around San Antonio, 'life-style' variables
were related to distance respondents lived from the city centre. Life-style variables included time
unaccounted for (in a 7-day diary), time spent 'just sitting', amount of free time claimed,
constrained leisure activities, trips outside the home, and data on social networks. It was found
that, generally, the more urban the environment the better the quality of life-style.
Chaney D. (1987) Review of Rojek's 'Capitalism and Leisure Theory' and Clarke and
Critcher's 'The Devil Makes Work'. The Sociological Review, 35(1), 200-202.
Concludes: 'If we are to get anywhere in disentangling the cultural significance of different forms
of leisure .. we will have to work on the constitution of Life-worlds and Life-styles ..'.
Chase D. and Cheek N. H. Jr. (1979) Activity preferences and participation: conclusions
from a factor analytic study. Journal of Leisure Research, 11(2), 91-101.
Sets out to relate outdoor recreation preferences to actual participation, in the belief that this can
help providers who wish to base provision plans on surveys of people's preferences. The unit of
analysis was the household (n = 586), combining the participation (at least once in last 12
months) and preferences (most desired three activities) of all household members. When
participation and preference were correlated for 17 individual activities, r varied between 0.31
and 0.61, but high values of r were obtained for only a few activities. When activities were
grouped using factor analysis and participation and preference for the groups were correlated, r
varied between 0.12 and 0.62. Nevertheless it is concluded that grouping is a valid and helpful
procedure for use in planning provision.
Chase D. et al. (1980) Factor invariance of nonwork activities. Journal of Leisure Research,
12(1), 55-68.
Conducts factor analysis of particpation in leisure activities for males and females, for split
samples and for two surveys conducted in two years (1975 and 1976) and it is concluded that the
factors thrown up are not stable, throwing some doubt on the substantive validity of groupings
produced from factor analysis.
Clarke T, Schumacher P. C. and Stacey N. (1980) Future lifestyles - a symposium. Journal

of the Royal Society, July, pp. 467-479.
General discussions of social trends and possible future implications. None of the three speakers
attempts to define lifestyle or address it as a concept.
Cock P. (l979) Alternative Australia: Communities of the Future? Melbourne: Quartet

Books.
A history and analysis of urban and rural alternative communities in Australia, which were/ are
attempts to create alternative lifestyles.
Cosmas S. C. (1976) The advantages and disadvantages of the profile approach to

analyzing life style data. In B. B. Anderson (ed) Advances in Consumer Research III,
Chicago: Assn for Consumer Research, pp. 501-503.
The 'profile approach' involves identifying life style variables which best distinguish between
members of a focus group (eg purchasers of a product or an age group) and the rest of the
population, and presenting scores of the two groups on those variables. Argues the need to take
account of absolute as well as relative sizes of scores - eg if 36% of the study group 'often have
a cocktail before dinner', while only 20% of the rest of the population do so, it is still notable that
64% of the study group do not often have a cocktail before dinner.
Cosmas S. C. (1982) Lifestyle and consumption patterns. Journal of Consumer Research,

8 (March), 453-455.
Relates seven life-style groups based on Q-factor analysis of responses to 250 Attitude/
Interest/Opinion items, to seven 'product groups' based on Q-factor analysis of information on
use of 179 products (n=1800). Previous research had tended to concentrate on single products
rather than the whole range of products used/purchased. The lifestyle groups were:
Traditionalists, Frustrated, Life Expansionists, Mobiles, Sophisticates, Actives and Immediate
Gratifiers. The product groups were: Personal Care, Shelf-stocker, Cooking and Baking,
Self-indulgent, Social, Children's and Personal Appearance. Although there was a clear pattern
of relationships between the life-style groups and the product groups, they were not as
pronounced as might have been expected.
Cox B. D. et al. (1987) The Health and Lifestyle Survey, London: Health Promotion
Research Trust.
Preliminary report of a survey of 9000 British adults. Primarily concerned with health. Includes
a section on leisure participation, particularly physical recreation related to health factors. No
definition of lifestyle is presented.
Critcher C. (1989) A communication in response to: 'Leisure and status: a pluralist

framework for analysis'. Leisure Studies, 8(2), 159-162.
A comment on Veal (1989). Argues against the value of lifestyle as a framework for the analysis
of leisure and insists on the primacy of class.
Crocker S. (1985) VALS Classification System User's Manual, Menlo Park: SRI Inter-
national.
Darden W. R. and Darden D. D (l976) A study of vacation life-styles. Proceedings of the 7th
Annual Travel Research Assoc. Conference, Travel Research Association, Salt Lake City,
pp. 231-236.
Uses cluster analysis of Likert responses to attitude statements from 335 residents of Southeast
USA, to form five groups:
1. Budgeters (28%) 2. Adventurers (24%) 3. Homebodies (20%)
4. Vacationers (7%) 5. Moderates (21%).
The five groups are compared in terms of their response to attitude statements, their demographic
characteristics and their vacation behaviour; in each case it is found that the groups show marked
differences on some dimensions while showing no differences on others.
Darden W. R. and Reynolds F. D. (1974) Backward profiling of male innovators. Journal

of Marketing Research, 11, Feb., 79-85.
A marketing study of the characteristics of male 'innovators' in the area of male 'grooming'
products, home care and clothing - ie. men who are adventurous, fashionable, etc. On the basis
of a battery of questions the inovators are divided into four groups:
- Suburban swingers
- Established isolates (or House-husbands)
- Suburban conservatives
- Established suburbanites (or Permanent nesters).
Das S. T. (1986) Life Style: Indian Tribes (Locational Practice), Delhi: Gian Publishing
House.
Davis J. A. (1955) Living Rooms as Symbols of Status: A Study in Social Judgement, PhD
dissertation, Harvard University.
Dembey E. (1974) Psychographics and from whence it came. In W. D. Wells, op. cit., pp.
11-30.
An historical review of the origins of psychographic market research from the point of view of
a practising marketer. Considers the nature and usefulness of life style variables as part of the
psychographic market research package.
Deutsch D. (1967) Group therapy with married couples: the birth pangs of a new family
life style in marriage. Individual Psychologist, 4, pp. 56-62.
Deutsch D. (1967a) Family therapy and family lifestyle. Journal of Individual Psychology,
23(2), 217-223.
In the context of family therapy (as opposed to individual therapy), argues that the family can be
seen to have an Adlerian life style in the same way as an individual.
'As the individual's life style begins early in childhood, the development of a family life
style is apparent in the early stages of a marriage .. marriage partners choose one
another as complements of each other's individual life styles. The early stages of
marriage serve as a basis for either a continuation of the partners' original life styles or
a break from them. The formation of a new life style is very often stormy and a reason
for many marital conflicts and disharmonies' (p. 219).
Cases are discussed in which family problems are addressed in therapy using the life style idea.
Dichter E. (1986) Whose lifestyle is it anyway? Psychology and Marketing, 3(3), 151-163.
Discusses various approaches to market research and warns against over simple classification
systems.
Ditton R, Goodale T. and Johnson P. (1975) A cluster analysis of activity frequency, and
environmental variables in identifying water-based recreation types. Journal of Leisure
Research, 7(2), pp. 282-295.
A study designed to group activities in order to simplify the task of planners and marketers. Two
sub-samples of 250 from a larger sample of over 2000 were used to analyse participation in eight
water-based recreation activities using cluster analysis. Addition of environment variables
(location of activity) produced a different set of clusters, suggesting that commitment to a site
is as important a variable as commitment to an activity.
Dobriyanov V. (1990) Models and indicators of way of life and of quality of life. In
Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op cit., pp. 1-19.
Outline of theoretical basis for the study of the way of life in Bulgaria. Draws attention to the
Marxian idea that there is a dialectical relationship between the ways of life of individuals and
the social structure of society as a whole. Posits that way of life must be assessed in terms of four
'basic spheres of life activity':
1. Labour activity,
2. Political and public activity,
3. Cultural and communicative activity,
4. Everyday life and reproductive activity.
Introduces the concept of 'social activeness', that is the extent of practical and conscious
involvement. Way of life can therefore be assessed by various indicators of activeness in the four
spheres. To this must be added an assessment of the quality or condition of life, but this must be
assessed both subjectively and by objective criteria.
Donaldson S. (1969) Life styles: conformity, neighboring and hyper-activity. Ch.7 of The
Suburban Myth, New York: Univ. of Columbia Press, pp. 102-116.
A general discussion of whether the popular stereotype of the suburbs as areas which breed
conformity and homogeneity is merited.
Douglas S. P. and Urban C. D. (1977) Life-style analysis to profile women in international

markets. Journal of Marketing, 41, 46-54.
Presents findings of market research on women in US, France and Britain. Life-style research
based on attitude statements reveals a number of dimensions in common:
- Home Factor (whether or not home-orientated);
- Social Factor (degree of satisfaction etc with activities outside the home);
- Frustration Factor (success or failure in coping with dominant role model);
- Innovation Factor (degree of interest in innovation);
- Intellectual Factor (US and GB only: interests in a variety of intellectual pursuits);
- Role Factor (France only: traditional perceptions of male and female roles).
Relationships between these exploratory findings and purchasing behaviour are discussed.
Douglas T. (1985) New doubts hit ACORN's data. Marketing Week, May 31, p. 20.
Outlines a problem with the use of ACORN (see Shaw, 1984) in the matching of postcodes (used
for mail marketing campaigns) with census enumeration areas (on which ACORN is based).
Duncan D. (1978) Leisure types: factor analysis of leisure profiles. Journal of Leisure
Research, 10, 113-125.
Uses 'Q' type factor analysis, which uses persons as variables and activities as cases. Analyses
undertaken with various sub-samples from a main sample of nearly 1000 respondents. Various
groupings of the 23 indoor and outdoor activities are presented.
Durantaye, M. de la (1988) Towards multi-disciplinary research on leisure and life styles:

an holistic approach. Paper to the World Leisure and Recreation Association congress, Free
Time, Leisure and Society, Lake Louise, Canada, May, (Author: Universite du Quebec a
Trois Rivieres).
Earl P. E. (1983) The Economic Imagination: Towards a Behavioural Analysis of Choice,

Brighton, UK: Wheatsheaf.
In the context of a critique of the assumptions of mainstream economics, links the concept of
lifestyle to George Kelly's personal construct theory. Kelly's theory suggests that people evolve
individual systems of 'constructs' against which they assess possible behaviour, buying choices,
etc: anticipated results of any proposed action must be compatible with the 'view of the world'
created by the constructs:
'Kelly .. reports that the patients he encountered who kept 'getting into trouble' ..
confidently plunged themselves into all sorts of activities thinking that they would be
able to cope with them. The typical person, however, feels her ability to anticipate
events is rather more limited. Consequently she does not engage in a 'buckshot' search
for answers and instead confines her attention to particular areas about which she
believes she can theorise adequately. When she finds evidence at odds with the
theories she will attempt as far as possible not to make major revisions in her view of
the world. This resistance to changes in her view of the world also helps to ensure that,
outwardly, her behaviour seems to conform to a fairly regular broad pattern. This
pattern of choices and activities we call the person's lifestyle. It is a pattern determined
by her personality, by the way she thinks about the world. That is to say, patterns of
choice are determined by patterns of thought' (p 128/9).
It is argued that lifestyles persist as a result of a search for 'synergy' - the individual attempts to
minimise the likelihood of unanticipated things happening and to make decisions in as
economical a way as possible. This suggests the need for an interlocking set of complementary
'theories' about the world.
Earl P. E. (l986) Lifestyle Economics: Consumer Behaviour in a Turbulent World, Brighton:

Wheatsheaf.
From the point of view of this review, this volume does not add to Earl's previous (1983) work.
Edmondson B. (1987) Lifestyle roulette. The American Demographer, 9, p. 24.

A brief news piece on personnel and developmental changes in the main US lifestyle market
research consultancy groups - the Yankelovich based groups and VALS (SRI International).
VALS was originally developed for social research purposes, but most of its clients have been
marketers; it is being further developed to become a 'better predictor of consumer behavior' and
to cover European countries. The Yankelovich annual Lifestyle Monitor survey is seen as an
'early predictor of social change' because people's attitudes change in advance of their behaviour.
Edwards p. K. (1981) Race, residence and leisure style: some policy implications. Leisure
Sciences, 4(2), 95-112.
The term 'leisure style' is used, without discussion, to cover various measures of household
involvement in leisure activity and activity preferences and constraints. The discussion of ethnic
differences is couched in terms of the various indices used rather than in terms of some overall
concept of 'leisure style'.
Elgin D. S. and Mitchell A. (1977) Voluntary simplicity: life-style of the future. The
Futurist, August, pp. 200-209 and 254-261.
An outline of various approaches to simpler, more environmentally responsible, less stressful
approaches to living. The implications for leisure are somewhat meagre since such a lifestyle
involves a considerable amount of, possibly enjoyable, work in and around the home. Linked to
VALS typology analysis (Mitchell).
Ellis J. B. (1983) The future of leisure and lifestyles. In T. L. Burton (ed) op. cit., pp.
131-138.
Does not address the concept of lifestyle as such. Discusses labour force and demographic trends
in Canada and implications for the 'leisure services delivery system'.
Entwistle H. (l981) Work, leisure and lifestyles' in B. Simon and W. Taylor (eds) Education
in the Eighties: The Central Issues, London: Batsford, pp. 38-54.
A discussion of the effects of technology on work and the demand for labour and the implications
for education and education for leisure. Defines life-styles as '.. a package of essentially
sympathetic activities, at work, at play, domestically, politically and culturally' (p 50). Argues
for the centrality of work in people's lives, and that work does not take place in a cultural
vacuum; that a traditional liberal educational curriculum still has a role to play in post-industrial
society.
Featherstone M. (1987) Lifestyle and consumer culture. In E. Meyer (ed) Everyday Life,
Leisure and Culture, conference proceedings, Centre for Leisure Studies, Tilburg
University, pp. 343-354 (Also in Theory, Culture and Society, 4(1), 55-70).
'While the term [lifestyle] has a more restricted sociological meaning in reference to the
distinctive style of life of specific status groups, .. within contemporary consumer
culture it connotes individuality, self-expression, and a stylistic self-consciousness.
One's body, clothes, speech, leisure pastimes, eating and drinking preferences, home,
car, choice of holidays, etc. are to be regarded as indicators of the individuality of taste
and sense of style of the owner/ consumer' (p 343).
Argues that, 'the new conception of lifestyle can best be understood in relation to the habitus of
the new petite-bourgeoisie' responsible for 'symbol production' and the 'images and information
celebrating style and lifestyles'. Discusses the new consumer culture with its focus on the
consumption of signs rather than use-values. Reference to Baudrillard, Bourdieu and Simmel,
in relation to the production of taste and lifestyles by particular groups.
Featherstone M. (1990) Perspectives on consumer culture. Sociology, 24(1), 5-22.

Discusses three perspectives on consumer culture:
1. The 'production of consumption' perspective - based on Horkheimer and Adorno, Marcuse,
etc, sees the 'over production' of commodities and increasing commodification of everyday
life under advanced capitalism as leading to manipulation and control of people by capitalist
forces - advertising etc. The perspective fails to explain the variety of responses which
people have to these forces.
2. The 'modes of consumption' perspective - based particularly on the work of Bourdieu, but
also Douglas and Isherwood and Hirsch, examines the ways in which commodities are used
in an increasing variety of ways to signify status and mediate social relationships. Suggests
a growing multiplicity of lifestyles which become increasingly difficult to 'read'.
3. The 'consuming dreams, images and pleasure' perspective focusses on the 'excesses' of
contemporary affluence, relating it to past uses of excess resources in the form of the
'carnivalesque' - suggests that this type of atmosphere is increasingly characterising aspects
of everyday life, resulting in a controlled breakdown in the 'rules' of behaviour and increased
opportunity to experiment with lifestyle and experiences.
Featherstone M. and Hepworth M. (1983) The mid-lifestyle of 'George and Lynne': notes
on a popular strip. Theory Culture and Society, 1(3), 83-92.
Contrasts various strip cartoons of couples published in British newspapers, in particular 'George
and Lynne', who are presented as 'young', affluent and sophisticated, illustrating a 'consumer
culture ideal'.
Featherstone M. and Hepworth M. (1988) Ageing and leisure lifestyles. Paper to the Leisure
Studies Association conference: Leisure, Labour and Lifestyles: International Comparisons,
Brighton, Sussex.
Discussion of the ageing process in relation to:
1. the life course
2. body images and cultural images
3. images of the consumer lifestyle
4. the social structuring of choice and taste
5. dependence, independence, and style in old age.
(From conference abstracts).
Feist-Fite (l985) A linkage theory: linking characteristics of age and affluence to the
concept of nutrition and to the phenomenon of lifestyle and leisure management. World
Leisure and Recreation, 27(l), 45-58.
A generalised discussion of the relationships between age, affluence, nutrition, lifestyle choices
and leisure.
Feldman S. D. and Thielbar G. W. (eds) (1972) Lifestyles: Diversity in American Society,

Boston: Little Brown and Co.
A collection of papers dealing with the questions of whether there is an American life style,
upper, middle and lower class life styles, geographic dimensions, sex roles, ethnic life styles and
deviant life styles. Five characteristics of life style are presented by the editors:
1. Life style is a group phenomenon.
2. Life style pervades many aspects of life.
3. Life style implies a central life interest.
4. Life styles differ according to sociologically relevant variables.
5. American life styles are a reflection of American culture and society.
The papers themselves tend not to use the term lifestyle as such.
See Mills; Bensman and Vidich; Willie.
Felson M. (1976) The differentiation of material life styles: 1925-1966. Social Indicators
Research, 3, 397-421.
Reviews and reanalyses data from 1920s, 1930s and 1940s studies which indicate that social
status can be read off from 'material life style' as exhibited by the contents and style of living
rooms. Research in 1966 in Detroit suggests that this is no longer the case; there is a greater
plurality of styles etc, which are weaker in terms of 'factor loadings' and no longer relate to a
single dimensional hierarchical notion of status.
Ferreira A. J. (1967) Family myth and family life style. Journal of Individual Psychology,
23, 224-225.
A response to Deutsch's (1967) paper on family life style, comparing the latter with Ferreira's
research on 'family myth' and Hess and Handel's 'family theme'. Concludes that family myth is
concerned with families' internal relations, and as such covers only part of family life style and
family theme, which include external relations also.
Filipcova B. (ed) (1972) Special issue on socialist life style. Society and Leisure, No. 3.
See papers by Filipcova; Sicinski; Vecemik; Linhart and Rosko; Sulc; Hronsky; Tikhomirov et
al.
Filipcova B. (1986) Way of life, leisure and cultural change. Paper to the XIth World
Congress of Sociology, New Delhi, Aug. 18-23.
A discussion of the ways in which socialism in Czeckoslovakia is bringing about changes in the
way of life of the people.
Filipcova B. (1990) Leisure - life styles - social egality. Paper to the International
Sociological Association XIIth World Congress, Madrid, July.
Filipcova B. (1990a) Way of life and social change. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op
cit., pp. 20-36.
A discussion of the development of Czechoslovak society under socialism and attempts to bring
more equality into social as well as economic life.
Filipcova B., Filipec J. and Jaroszewski T. (l972) Diverging ways of life. Society and Leisure,
3(1), 9-34.
Argues that socialist societies are better able to harness the benefits of technological progress to
facilitate lifestyles that satisfy and develop human needs than are capitalist societies where
lifestyles are determined by products offered by a system governed by profit and the desire to
maintain the status quo. Argues that in the developed communist society individual choice of
lifestyle will blend harmoniously to produce and be facilitated by a productive and human social
system.
Filipcova B, Glyptis S. and Tokarski W. (eds) (1990) Life Styles: Theories, Concepts,
Methods and Results of Life Style Research in International Perspective, Research Committee
13 of the International Sociological Association, Prague: Institute for Philosophy and
Sociology, Czech-oslovak Academy of Sciences, 2 Volumes.
See papers by: Dobriyanov; Filipcova; Glyptis; Hahn; Kelly; Koch-Weser; Levykin and
Chervyakov; Manz; Ruiz; Staikov; Ganzeboom; Kawale; Peterson and Ryan; Roberts, Dench and
Brodie; Scardigli; Sufin; Veal.
Fischer C. S. (1982) To Dwell Among Friends. Chicago: Chicago University Press.

A study designed to explore the differences between urban, suburban, small town and rural
communities in terms of social interaction. Uses the concept 'subculture' rather than lifestyle:
'I suggest defining a subculture as a large set of people - thousands or more - who:
- share a common, defining trait, usually nationality, religion, occupation, or specific
stage in the life cycle, but also perhaps a hobby, disability, sexual preference, ideology,
or other distinctive feature;
- tend to associate with others sharing that trait;
- adhere to a set of values and norms that are distinct from those of the larger society;
- patronize institutions (clubs, newspapers, stores, etc.) identified with their distinctive
trait; and
- have a common way of life' (p. 195).
Explores sub-cultural patterns of samples of people in four types of California community.

Concludes that urban residence fosters and enables involvement in the subcultures of choice
(leisure, political or interest based), rather than of circumstance (workplace or neighbourhood).
Fleming S. (1988) Asian lifestyles and sports participation. In A. Tomlinson (ed) Youth
Culture and the Domain of Leisure, Vol.4 of: 'Leisure, Labour and Lifestyles: International
Comparisons. LSA conference papers, Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Assn, pp. 82-98.
Review of literature on Asian (Indian sub-continent) lifestyle/ attitudes etc. and how they
generally limit participation in sport by young people from Asian communities in UK.
Frank R. E. and Greenberg M. G. (1979) Interest based segments of TV audiences. Journal

of Advertising Research, 19, 43-54.
See Greenberg and Frank, 1983.
Frank R. E. and Strain C. E. (1972) A segmentation research design using consumer panel
data. Journal of Marketing Research, 9, Nov., pp. 385-390.
An example of a market segmentation study using (151) Attitude, Interest and Opinion (AIO)
statements. Produces five groups:
S Young Independents - Old High Achievers
S Middle of the Road - Young Dependents
S Old Low Achievers.
Furth T, Gunt D. and Lyttkens L. (1986) Values, life-styles and the future. Swedish future
studies in the late 1980s. Society and Leisure, 9(2), 279-289.
Describes the work of the Swedish Secretariat for Future Studies in monitoring and forecasting
social trends in Sweden; does not address the question of life-style as such.
Gans H. J. (1969) The Levittowners: Ways of Life and Politics in a New Suburban
Community., New York: Vintage Books.
Classic study of way of life in a new suburb. Generally counteracts the various myths about
suburbia being bland, boring, etc. Tends to deal with leisure of the residents en masse rather than
identifying groups - ie, from the point of view of this review, the suburban Levittowners are one
lifestyle group.
Gans H. J. (1974) Popular Culture and High Culture. New York: Basic Books.
Analyses the 'mass culture critique' of modern society, which is generally negative and treats
popular culture as a block. Gans argues that this is too sweeping, that there is a diversity of
cultures in American society, which he calls taste cultures. The groups which adhere to a
particular taste culture he calls a taste public. These concepts emerge as very similar to lifestyle
and lifestyle groups.
'Homogeneous societies offer little cultural diversity; they generally develop only a
single concept of beauty, one style of art (often religious), and one way of home
furnishing. American society, with its pervasive division of labor and heterogeneity,
includes varieties of art ranging from the latest rock hit to electronic chamber music,
and most important, an equally large number of aesthetic standards to determine the
choices people make from the available content. The choices are not made randomly.
Research into consumer behavior and leisure indicates that choices are related ... These
relationships between choices exist because the choices are based on similar values and
aesthetic standards ... I call this idea aesthetic pluralism ' (pp. 68-69).
Five taste cultures and publics are defined and their nature discussed in turn, based on a variety
of secondary sources:
S High culture
S Upper-middle culture
S Lower-middle culture
S Low culture
S Quasi-folk culture.
Ganzeboom H. B. G. (1990) Cultural and economic dimensions of lifestyle. In Filipcova,

Glyptis and Tokarski, op. cit. pp. 185-241.
Tests the ideas of Bourdieu (1984) and Sobel (1981). Argues that Bourdieu's propositions have
not been adequately tested empirically and that they have been too deterministically interpreted
by Bourdieu. Relates the latter's ideas to an earlier tradition which pursued Weber's theories in
the context of stratification research. Uses data from a survey in Utrecht to examine the
relationships lifestyle indicators, along economic, cultural and life cycle dimensions and also in
relation to characteristics of people within the individual's social network (as confirmation of
ideas concerning relationships within status groups). Uses Sobel's 'mimic' (multiple inputs,
multiple outputs) analysis approach. The basic Bourdieu propositions are confirmed.
Gattas J. T. et al. (l986) 'Leisure-styles and life-styles : a preliminary conceptualisation. In

World Leisure and Recreation Association, Leisure Research through Multi-disciplinary and
International Exchange and Cooperation, Symposium papers, Twannberg, Switzerland, Nov.
7-l2, l98l, Ottawa : WLRA, pp. 57-7l.
See Gattas et al., 1986a, for revised version.
Gattas J. T. et al. (1986a) Leisure and life-styles: towards a research agenda. Society and
Leisure, 9(2), 529-539.
'Life-style is a sociological concept, plucked from Weberian origins to convey the idea
of certain statuses acting as bases for entire ways of life... Leisure researchers have
rarely doubted that spare-time activities are parts of such broader patterns'.
The paper begins from the premise that the concept of life-style has potential which has not yet
been tapped. The concept requires attention to: time, social relations and patterns of
consumption. Five elements of a research agenda are put forward: firstly a plea for variety in
methodology; secondly a recognition that theoretical as well as empirical research is needed;
thirdly a suggestion that research should focus on groups of people rather than on activities;
fourthly in-depth, small scale empirical research is advocated as opposed to large-scale survey
work; fifthly longitudinal research is advocated.
Gilbert A. R. (1960) The concept of life style: its background and its psychological
significance. Jahrb. Psychol. Psychother. Med. Anthropol., 7, 97-106.
Ginzberg E. et al. (l966) Life Styles of Educated Women, New York: Columbia University
Press (Ch. 10: 'Lifestyles. pp. 144-165).
A study of 311 US women with degrees. Life style is defined as follows:
'By 'life style' we refer to that orientation to self, others, and society, that each
individual develops and follows, that is, his value orientation' (p 145).
On the basis of expresses attitudes respondents are classified as:

- Individualistic (52%) - striving for autonomy
- Influential (10%) - major drive is to influence people and events
- Supportive (29%) - basic orientation to help and service to others
- Communal (9%) - time and energy toward improving the community.
Qualitative portraits of individuals in each group are given and the groups are compared on the
basis of role (worker, homemaker, combination) and source of work gratification.
Ginzberg E. (1967) The choice of the term 'life style' by one research group. Journal of
Individual Psychology, 23, 213-216.
Traces the emergence of the concept of life style in the work of Columbia University
'Conservation of Human Resources Project' (see esp. Ginzberg et al. (1966)).
Glasser R. (l973) Leisure and the search for a satisfying identity. In M. A. Smith, S. Parker
and C. S. Smith (eds) Leisure and Society in Britain, London: Allen Lane, pp. 56-68.
Argues that in contemporary society the vacuum left by religion is being filled by marketers who
present, through advertising images of the ideal consumer and media and sport folk heroes - the
'synthetic aristocracy' - on which people, searching for an identity, base their lifestyles, but such
images are based only on the desire of business to make profits.
Glyptis S. (1979) Countryside Users: Site Use and Life Style, PhD thesis, University of Hull.
The gist of the thesis is reported in the various papers by Glyptis summarised below.
Glyptis S. (l98l) Leisure life-styles. Regional Studies, l5(5), 3ll-326.

Draws on Glyptis, 1979. For definition of life-style see Glyptis 1988. Then:
'Recognising that leisure is a matter for personal definition, the present study takes
leisure life-style to refer to those elements of his life-style which the individual (as
opposed to the researcher or the provider) perceives as leisure' (p. 314).
Questionnaire and diary data on participation in 37 activities by 400 persons were subject to
'association analysis' ( a form of cluster analysis) to produce life-style groupings. A six-fold
division of life-style groups is examined in detail in terms of activity packages and social class.
Glyptis S. (1984) Leisure life styles: gateway or cul-de-sac? In J. Long and R. Hecock (eds)
Leisure, Tourism and Social Change, papers from the International Geographical Union/
Leisure Studies Association conference, Edinburgh University, Jan 1983, Edinburgh:
Centre for Leisure Research, pp. 189-204.
Life style: 'Put simply, it concerns types of people with similar patterns of behaviour'. Outlines
previous approaches to lifestyle and leisure style analysis, mainly consisting of factor and cluster
analysis of participation patterns. Reports on analysis of countryside visitors as reported in
Glyptis, 1981.
Glyptis S. (1988) Lifestyles under the microscope: the behaviour of individuals and
households. Paper to the World Leisure and Recreation Association World Congress, 'Free
Time, Culture and Society'. Lake Louise, Canada, May, (Author: Loughborough Univ.,
UK).
Defines lifestyle as 'the total package of activities that make up an individual's day-to-day life'.
Portrays the results of a UK three-day time-budget diary study, indicating, diagrammatically, the
sequence of leisure and non-leisure activities in and outside of the home. Conveys individual
differences in terms of fragmentation of time, flexibility/ spontaneity, variety, constraints, etc.
Glyptis S. (1990) Lifestyles and leisure patterns - methodological approaches. In Filipcova,

Glyptis and Tokarski, op cit., pp. 37-67.
Reviews various approaches to lifestyle and leisure style research and their advantages and
disadvantages. Reports on work as described in Glyptis (1988) above and on work of McInnes
(1989).
Goffman E. (1959) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, New York: Anchor Books.
A study of 'human behavior in social situations and the way we appear to others'. The metaphor
of the theatre is used to indicate the idea that, in social situations, people put on a 'performance',
or play a 'role' and this has rules and so on, and the image of the actor conveyed may or may not
be true to the 'back stage' characteristics of the actor. The analysis is mostly applied to the work
situation, but, with slight modification, can also be related to the roles people play in portraying
a lifestyle.
'A status, a position, a social place is not a material thing, to be possessed and then
displayed; it is a pattern of appropriate conduct, coherent, embellished, and well
articulated' (p 75).
Gombrich E. H. (1968) Style. International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, Vol.15,

New York: Free Press, pp. 352-361.
A discussion of the phenomenon of 'style', mainly in the context of art and architecture. Style is
defined as:
' .. any distinctive, and therefore recognizable, way in which an act is performed or an
artefact made or ought to be performed and made'.
Style, it is argued, exists only when the actor has a choice between alternatives. Quotes Ullman:
'The pivot of the whole theory of expressiveness is the concept of choice. There can be
no question of style unless the speaker or writer has the possibility of choosing between
alternative forms of expression'.
Discusses also the ascription of style - the role of the observer/ commentator in determining style
- and also the question of the extent to which style can be analysed/broken down into its
elements, and the extent to which it is a matter of 'spirit'.
Green E. and Woodward D. (1988) Leisure, lifestyles and women's work: an examination
of the implications of recent labour market changes for women's leisure. Paper to the
Leisure Studies Association conference: Leisure, Labour and Lifestyle: International
Comparisons, Brighton, UK, June/July, (Authors: Sheffield Polytechnic).
A wide-ranging review of issues affecting women's work and leisure. Does not explicitly
address/define the concept of leisure.
Greenberg M. G. and Frank R. E. (1983) Leisure lifestyles: segmentation by interests,

needs, demographics, and television viewing. American Behavioral Scientist, 26(4), 439-459
(Special Issue on 'Patterns of Cultural Choice'.
A US sample of 2476 people aged 13 and over was asked to rate their degree of interest in 139
leisure activities on a 4-point scale and to rate the importance of 59 'needs' as underlying reasons
for the interests. The interest data and the needs data were separately subjected to factor analysis,
the former producing 18 groupings (subsequently grouped into 14) and the latter 9, as set out
below.
The relationships between individuals' scores on the two factor groupings are examined and
their relationships with demographic, socio-economic and television viewing data. It is argued
that the taxonomy has been invented rather than discovered and that other taxonomies might be
devised for other purposes.
Interest Groups Needs Groups
Adult Male Concentration: Socially stimulating
Mechanics and outdoor life Status enhancement
Money and nature's products Unique/creative accomplishment
Family and community centred Escape from problems
Family ties Understanding others
Adult Female Concentration: Greater self-acceptance
Elderly concerns Escape from boredom
Arts and cultural activities Intellectual stimulation and growth
Home and community centred Mixed:
Family integrated activities News and information
Youth Concentration: Detached
Comp. sports and science/eng. Cosmopolitan self-enrichment
Athletic and social activities Highly diversified
Indoor games and social activities
Gregor A. S. (1978) Life Styles: An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons.
A textbook introduction to anthropology. Life style is equated with way of life and though the
term is used throughout the book, its definition is not presented as problematical.
Gregory S. (l982) Women among others: another view. Leisure Studies, l(l), 47-52.
Suggests that women's fragmented life styles, involving work in the home, child-care, part-time
work, movement in and out of the paid work force, etc., could be seen as a model for the future
for men and women, rather than in negative terms.
Gruenberg B. (1983) The social location of leisure styles. American Behavioral Scientist,
26(4), 493-508 (Special Issue on 'Patterns of Cultural Choice').
A quantitative, empirical study, based on a US metropolitan resident sample of 1244. Factor
analysis of participation in 18 free-time activities produced six activity groups:
S Culture consumption - Homebody activity
S Fun and games - Informal interaction
S Organizational activity - Outdoor activity.
Scores on the factors are then related to socio-demographic variables by regression analysis and
the significant patterns of association discussed.
Gudykunst W. B. et al.. (1981) Dimensions of leisure activities: a factor analytic study in

New England. Journal of Leisure Research, 13(1), 28-42.
Factor analysis of participation in 20 activities, including not only whether or not respondents
participated but how often and the importance attached to the activity. Some consistency was
found in factors identified using different measures and different samples.
Gunter B. G. and Gunter N. C. (l980) Leisure styles: a conceptual framework for modern
leisure. Sociological Quarterly, 2l, 3l6-374.
Presents four 'styles' of leisure, arising from a two-dimensional socio-psychological analysis, as
shown below (adapted). The implication is that the four leisure styles correspond to four
lifestyles (undefined), but it is also suggested that people may move from predominantly one
form of leisure to another at different stages of life.
Engagement III Institutional Leisure I Pure Leisure
a. W ork a. Creative outlets
b. Family b. Hobbies
c. Religion c. Holidays, vacations
d. Social movements
Involvement
dimension
IV Alienated Leisure II Anomic Leisure
a. W ork structure (under-employed) a. Alienated youth
b. Religion b. Unemployed
c. Family restrictions c. 'Empty nest' women
d. Community responsibilities d. Disengaged retirees
Disengagement d. Role overload
Constrained: Free:
Minimum choice/Maximum structure Maximum choice/ Minimum structure
Time/choice/structure dimension
Gusfield J. R. (1962) Status conflicts and the changing ideologies of the American
temperance movement. In D. J. Pittman and C. R. Snyder (eds) Society, Culture and
Drinking, New York: Wiley, pp. 101-120.
An historical overview of the development of the temperance movement in the US in its various
forms, and its role in relation to class and status definition. Whereas at one time support for the
temperance movement was an aspect of middle-class rectitude, this is no longer the case. 'In its
contemporary form, the temperance movement is embedded in the struggle between old and new
segments of the middle classes to enunciate the dominant life styles in America' (p 115).
Gusfield J. R. (1963) Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance
Movement, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.
The book length version of Gusfield, 1962. Argues that class conflict has been comparatively less
important in American history than conflict related to religion, morality and culture. The study
is based around the Weberian notion of status group:
'Precisely because drinking and non-drinking have been ways to identify members of
a subculture, drinking and abstinence became symbols of social status, identifying
social levels of the society whose styles of life separated them culturally'.(p 4)
When temperance was in the ascendancy (eg during the Prohibition era) it was a matter of
imposing a way of life on the rest of the community; at other times (eg today), the movement
attempts to defend a way of life against encroachment from competing status groups.
Hahn T. (1990) Theoretical positions on the dialectics of the scientific technological

revolution and the life style under socialism. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op cit., pp.
68-89.
A theoretical discussion on the basis of social development under socialism.
Hamilton-Smith E. (1989) Life styles - patterns and trends. Paper to the University of
Melbourne Household Research Unit 1989 Summer School, (Author: Phillip Institute of
Technology, Melbourne).
Outlines the origins of the concept from Weber and anthropological/ community studies, placing
particular emphasis on the work of the Rapoports (1975). Develops a model with lifestyle at its
centre and three circles of influence: first job, family/household and leisure; second work
sub-cultures, leisure sub-cultures, covert sub-cultural influences and sub-cultures of family
origin; thirdly class, gender and age/generation. Discusses these influences in turn, setting the
discussion within the wider context of social/economic structures.
Hannerz U. (1969) Soulside, New York: Columbia University Press.

Referred to by Jenkins (1982) as defining lifestyle.
Hantrais L. (l985) Leisure lifestyles and the synchronisation of family schedules. World
Leisure and Recreation, 27(2), l8-24.
Compares trends in women's involvement in the paid workforce in France and Britain and
strategies in place to accommodate leisure etc needs of various members of the family.
Harris J. C. (1974) Life Style and Purchasing Patterns of Adolescents, Masters Thesis, Univ.
of California, Davis.
Harvey, D. (1990) The urbanization of capital. Chapter 1 of: The Urban Experience,
Oxford: Basil Blackwell, pp. 17-58.
This essay presents a Marxist interpretation of the historical development of 'urban processes',
with particular reference to the United States. The 1960s saw the emergence of 'the Keynesian
city' - that is cities growing on the basis of capitalist investment made possible by economic
growth induced by government spending.
'The Keynesian city put much greater emphasis on the spatial division of consumption
relative to the spatial division of labour. Demand-side urbanization depended on the
mass mobilization of the spirit of consumer sovereignty. Surpluses [of capitalists] were,
in effect, widely though unevenly distributed, and the choice of how to spend them was
increasingly left to the individual. ... New kinds of communities could be constructed,
packaged and sold in a society where who you were depended less and less on class
position and more and more on how you spent money in the market. Living spaces were
made to represent status, position, and prestige. Social competition with respect to life-
style and command over social space and its significations became an important aspect
of access to life chances. Fierce struggles over distribution, consumption rights, and
control over social space ensued. Once largely confined to the upper layers of the
bourgeoisie, such struggles now became part of urban life for the mass of the
population. It was largely through such struggles and the competition they engendered
that demand-led urbanization was organized to capitalistic ends'. (p. 40)
Havighurst R. J. (1959) Life styles of middle-aged people. Vita Humana, 2, pp. 25-34.
See Havighurst and Feigenbaum, 1959.
Havighurst R. J. and Feigenbaum K. (l959) Leisure and life style. American Journal of
Sociology, 64, Jan, pp. 396-405 (also in J. F. Murphy (ed) (1974) Concepts of Leisure:
Philosophical Implications, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice Hall, pp. ll7-l28).
One of the earliest studies using the lifestyle concept in leisure research. Classifies 230 Kansas
City residents aged 40-70 years, on the basis of the number and range of leisure activities
undertaken and other social roles, into:
A. Community-centred B. Home-centred high
C. Home-centred medium D. Low level.
Each group and its characteristic patterns of activity is discussed in turn.
Havighurst R. J. and de Vries A. (1969) Life styles and free time activities of retired men.
Human Development, Vol.12, pp. 34-54.
A study involving samples of teachers and steelworkers of retirement age from Vienna, Bonn,
the Rhur, Nijmegen, Milan, Warsaw, Chicago and London. Life-style is defined as:
' .. a way of distributing one's time, energy and ego-involvement among the various
possible activities of life. Defined more carefully, a life-style is a syndrome of
role-activities with a dominant central theme which is behaviorally visible, a syndrome
which is representative of a group of persons'.
Life-style is contrasted with a 'pattern of behaviour', which is:
'a coherent combination of types and intensity of activity in one or another area of life,
a pattern which has psychological face validity and which occurs in a number of
people'.
By informal appraisal of interview transcripts, respondents were placed in one of seven life-style
categories:
a. Continued interest and involvement in the worker role
b. Engagement in family roles
c. Engagement in personal-social activities
d. Engagement in clubs, church, civic-political activities
e. New leisure-time role created for oneself
f. General slowing down and reduction of tempo
g. Solitary, role-less activity.
Teachers and steelworkers are compared, with a larger proportion of the latter being in category
f. Patterns of free-time activity were similarly classified into seven groups:
I Challenging new experience
II Instrumental service
III Expressive pleasure
IV Mildly active time filling
V Ordinary routines expanded to fill the day and week
VI Apathetic
VII Literally has no free time.
Teachers are generally more active than steelworkers. Similar analyses are presented for activity
in formal associations and involvement in informal social relations. In general the steelworkers
had not 'disengaged' more than the teachers, except in relation to work.
Hawes D. K. (1977) Psychographics are meaningful .. not merely interesting. Journal of

Travel Research, 15(Spring), 1-7.
Reports on part of an Activity-Interest-Opinion US study using the attitude statements that relate
to travel, including factor analysis and correlation of factor groupings with expenditure on leisure
and travel. Marketing implications are discussed.
Hawkins D. I, Best R. J. and Coney K. A. (1989) Lifestyle. Chapter 11 of Consumer

Behavior: Implications for Market Strategy. 4th Edn., Homewood, Ill.: BPI/Irwin), 392-431.
A textbook review of lifestyle and marketing. Lifestyle is defined, after Anderson and Golden,
as 'how one lives'. Initial focus is on 'self-concept' and its measurement. Outlines psychographics
as the 'primary way that lifestyle has been made operationally useful to marketing managers' (p
402). Outlines the Mehrotra and Wells groups and pays considerable attention to VALS and its
use. Also outlines the PRIZM system, developed by CLARITAS, a census derived 'geo-lifestyle'
grouping also including consumer data. The PRIZM groups in USA are:
Towns and gowns 38% Young influentials 26%
Blue-blood estates 11% Bohemian mix 9%
Small town downtown 7% Money and brains 5%
Single-city blues 4%
Further breakdowns are also available, into 40 sub-groups.
Hearne J. (1979) What makes the consumer tick?. Ch. 3 of Marketing for Managers, 2nd
Edn., Melbourne: Edward Arnold Australia), 46-49 and 142-145.
Chapter 3 introduces the idea of consumer behaviour models and the wide range available to the
marketer. Classifies the models as:
- Cultural - Social
- Economic/Marshallian - Psychological/Freudian
- Hierarchy of needs (Maslow) - Learning models (Pavlov, Howard, Seth)
- Lifestyle - Primary/secondary processes
- Environmental/contextual.
In pages 142-145 describes the origins and outcomes of The Age lifestyle study (qv).
Hebden J. J and Pickering J. F. (1974) Patterns of acquisition of consumer goods. Oxford

Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, 36, 67-92.
Uses data on ownership of consumer durables to examine whether there is an order of priority
in the acquisition of different consumer durables among different social class groups. Significant
order or priority patterns are found in relation to leisure goods and some others, indicating that:
'While discretion is undoubtedly still exercised in respect of the timing of the purchase
and, presumably, in the choice between replacing an existing item or adding a new unit
to the existing stock, the order in which new goods are acquired is not at the discretion
of the individual but is apparently constrained by social mores or other influences that
largely standardize the patterns of acquisition' (p 92).
Hendee J. C, Gale R. P. and Catton W. R. (1971) A typology of outdoor recreation activity

preferences. Journal of Environmental Education, 3(1), 28-34.
An exercise in producing groups of activities on the basis of recreationists' stated preferences
rather than observed behaviour. Based on self-completion questionnaires from 2400 outdoor
recreationists, produces five 'conceptually linked groups of activities':
1. Appreciative-symbolic (appreciation of environment)
2. Extractive-symbolic (hunting, fishing)
3. Passive free-play (relaxing, sunbathing, etc)
4. Sociable learning (visiting, nature study, etc)
5. Active-expressive (swimming, motor cycling, games).
It is noted that preferences for the different groups changes with age and education.
Hendry L. and Raymond M. (1983) Youth unemployment, leisure and life-styles: some
educational considerations. Scottish Educational Review, 15(May), 28-40.
The paper is concerned with the transition from school to unemployment and the reactions of
young people to their unemployed situation. Data from a Scottish survey provides information
on the attitudes of unemployed youth to leisure. Life-style as such is not operationalised.
Hendry L, McCrae J. and Schucksmith J. (1989) Understanding young people's leisure and
lifestyles: the value of stage models. In W. Murphy (ed.) Children, Schooling and Education
for Leisure. Conference papers 36, Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association, 88-105.
Wide-ranging review of theories of adolescent development and their relationship to leisure, but
does not address lifestyle directly.
Hendry L. B, Shucksmith J. and Love J. G. (1989) Young People's Leisure and Lifestyles:
Report of Phase 1, 1985-1989. Research Report No.11, Edinburgh: Scottish Sports Council.
Initial report of a large-scale longitudinal study. The report includes discussions and definitions
of lifestyle, a wide range of data on behaviour, characteristics and attitudes, and discussion of the
concept of lifestyle in its conclusions but lifestyle itself is not formally operationalised.
Hirsch P. M. (1976) The meaning of life-style: sociological and marketing perspectives. In

B. B. Anderson (ed) Advances in Consumer Research III. Chicago: Assn for Consumer
Research), 499-500.
Reports briefly on a study which related marijuana use to 'lifestyle' variables - ie. attitude to the
Vietnam war and ownership of protest records - the latter was found to be most highly correlated
with marijuana use.
Hochschild A. R. (1976) Cummunal life styles for the old. In C. S. Harton and B. Manard
(eds) Aging in America. New York: Alfred, 367-384 (previously published in Society, 10(5),
1973).
Describes the leisure activities and social networks of the 43 residents of a small apartment block
in San Francisco Bay. Suggests that this type of community can provide a viable social life which
compensates for loss of previous life roles of the retired.
Holbrook M. B. (1980) Representing patterns of association among leisure activities: a

comparison of two techniques. Journal of Leisure Research, 12(3), 242-256.
Argues that two techniques - Factor-Pattern Plotting (FPP) and Multi-dimensionally Scaled
Correlations (MSC) - may overcome some of the limitations particularly in the presentation and
interpretation of traditional factor analysis and mult-dimensional scaling. Re-works Duncan's
(1978) data and presents visual patterns of the resulting groupings.
Holman R. (1984) A values and life styles perspective on human behavior. In R. E. Pitts and
A. G. Woodside (eds) Personal Values and Consumer Psychology. Lexington, Mass.:
Lexington Books.
An introduction to the VALS typology (see Mitchell, 1985).
Horne J. (1990) I don't want a 'lifestyle', I want a life! A critique of the concept of lifestyle
in recent leisure studies. Paper to the International Sociological Association XIIth World
Congress on Sociology, Madrid, July.
Reviews the use of life-style in advertising, market research and consumer culture and argues that
the result is an unstable set of statistical correlations with no substantive or theoretical
under-pinning. Reviews the use of life-style in social policy/medical studies, where the
individuals' 'life-style' is seen as the 'cause' of social problems, ill health, etc - a rightist 'blame
the victim' approach. Notes attempts of Featherstone, Turner and Lash and Urry to develop a
sociology of post-modern consumer culture which recognises the significance of 'surfaces, style
and image' in contemporary life. While critical of much use of the term in sociology and leisure
studies, argues that the concept may have use in sociological analysis where it is:
' .. viewed critically as the product of symbolic struggles and power relations, and not
merely market research constructs .. [and] .. where it links with the language of
'bography', 'subculture' and 'structure' of the cultural studies tradition..'.
Hornik J. and Schlinger M. J. (1981) Allocation of time to the mass media. Journal of
Consumer Research, 7(March), 343-355.
Analysis of time spent in television watching, radio listening and newspaper and magazine
reading, based on US sample of 3500. Lifestyle was measured by means of over 300 AIO
(Attitudes, Interests and Opinions) statements, subject to (R) factor analysis; separate analyses
for males and females produced 36 and 37 dimensions (which are listed in the paper). Regression
analysis was performed relating media time use to demographic and lifestyle variables. It was
found that lifestyle variables accounted for between 4% (female radio listening) and 19% (male
magazine reading) of variance (R2) and that demographics and lifestyle variables together
accounted for between 5% (female radio) and 21% (male newspapers) of variance.
Hronsky F. (l972) On the relationship between the socialist way of life and the standard of
living. Society and Leisure, 3, 99-ll7.
Quotes a speech to the 14th Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia:
'Rising material consumption is not an end in itself, it is rather to be seen as a mere
starting point to enriching life in general, developing the creative abilities of the people,
to stimulating those aspects and elements that tend to strengthen .. the socialist way of
life'.
The paper is concerned with outlining the factors which need to be taken into account in studying
the socialist 'style of life'. Ten elements of the socialist style of life are identified:
'1. A high degree of harmony between individual and social interests.
2. A balance between the activities of man as a creator and user of values.
3. A balance between the level of needs and the ways of satisfying them.
4. Adequacy of life forms to objective material and social conditions.
5. An all-round development of the human personality and the full utilisation of man's
abilities and his full application (self-realisation).
6. A high degree of rationality in human activities and of ethical value in life attitudes.
7. A high level of culture and cultivation of people and their value-orientations.
8. Communal spirit, a high level of commitment and collectivism.
9. Humanisation of interpersonal relationships.
10. Inner order of the way of life and of life securities'.
Hughes M. and Peterson R. A. (1983) Isolating cultural choice patterns in the US

population. American Behavioral Scientist, 26, 459-478.
Using the same data set as Marsden et al.. (1982), participation in sport, arts and other active
leisure pastimes, and attitudes to various leisure activities were factor analysed to produce nine
groupings. These were further analysed using a cluster technique to form and 8 groups:
Arts Actives Arts and Anti-Arts Stimulus Seekers
Sports Actives Outdoor Actives Inactives
Homemakers Culturally Alienated Unclustered.
Membership in these groups is then related to demographic variables.
Hunt J. G. and Hunt L. L (1987) Here to play: from families to life-styles. Journal of Family
Issues, 8 (4), 440-443.
A brief discussion of the consequences for the family and society of changing life-styles. Argues
that families are collective, whereas life-styles are individuated; families are given while
life-styles are chosen; families are trans-generational while life-styles are cohort-specific;
families are gendered while life-styles are genderless; families are work while life-styles are play.
Hustad T. P. and Pessemier E. A. (1974) The development and application of psycho-

graphic life style and associated activity and attitude measures. In Wells, op. cit., 33-70.
A review of early uses of psychographics and lifestyle research by marketers and market
researchers. Notes the difference between demographic and life style/activity/attitude measures
and between general attitude and personality measurements and more product, brand-specific or
purchase-behaviour measures and their respective uses in relation to different types of product,
and suggest a hierarchy of 'evaluative forces' used by consumers and related to enuring versus
transient activities. Because of misconceptions, they prefer to use 'Activity and Attitude' research
rather than life style. They review the uses of Activity and Attitude research and some of the
methodological problems faced.
Hutchinson C. (l975) The Crisis of Lifestyles. London: Conservation Society.
IBIS Deloitte Pty Ltd (1987) Market Segmentation Study. Rport to Tourism Tasmania, IBIS
Deloitte: Melbourne.
Outlines the VALS typology - application of VALS to the Australian adult population - and the
propensity of each segment to take interstate holidays.
Needs Driven Outer Directed
- Survivors (10% of popn/4% take interstate holidays) - Emulators (11/14)
- Sustainers (11/4) - Achievers (16/24)
- Belongers (30/23)
Inner Directed
- I Am Me (7/12)
- Experientials (4/7)
- Societally Conscious (9/11).
Irwin J. (l973) Surfing: the natural history of an urban scene. Urban Life and Culture, 2,
l3l-l60.
Discusses the idea of a 'scene' which 'varies from a set of patterns surrounding a particular
component, to a total life style which embraces most facets of the actors' lives'. The major
dimensions of the phenomenon are:
1. It is explicitly recognised as a life style by a large group of people (in contrast for example,
some subcultures may be recognised only by sociologists).
2. Participation .. is voluntary.
3. It is a non-instrumental system. 'The source of cohesion .. is the shared meaning world or
the shared patterns of the scene and not goal attainment and other attendant social system
problems'.
4. Commitment is highly variable - 'for some it is a permanent way of life; for others, it is a
passing fad.
5. 'The scene supplies its members with an important identity. Persons who surf think of
themselves and are referred to as surfers'.
Describes the main features of the original 'scene' in California - the activity itself, the beach life,
the board, etc. Then plots the growth in popularity in the late 50s and 60s and the problems of
'authen-ticity' which this gave rise to, and subsequent corruption and decline.
Izeki T. (1975) Life-style Types and Consumer Choice Patterns in Japan. unpublished
manuscript.
Quoted by Bosserman (1983) as developing a seven-fold typology of:
- Open-minded innovators (13%) - Established conservatives (12%)
- Steadfast conformists (29%) - Young pleasure-seekers (13%)
- Close-mided retreaters (12%) - Apathetics indifferents (8%)
- Anti-establishment malcontents (13%).
Bosserman summarises Izeki's interpretation of life-style as involving:

'A. Patterns of daily life which the actor voluntarily and deliberately places and develops
daily, weekly, monthly, yearly and throughout his life:
(i) in solving some tasks and functional prerequisites for survival and development,
(ii) motivated and controlled by his own need-dispositions,
(iii) guided by his values, beliefs, life goal and life design,
(iv) selecting and utilizing the resources, facilities and opportunities which culture and
society supply,
(v) limited or circumscribed by the wider cultural framework.
B. (It) is not a passive way of life that is involuntarily and automatically learned and
formed.
C. (It) is an organized whole covering household budget, housing and clothing habits, time
allocation to such psychological factors as central life interests, expectations and
aspirations, worries and concern.
D. (It) can be described and measured by a manageable number of carefully chosen
variables'.
Bosserman concludes: 'The sheer magnitude of Izeki's efforts is admirable. The concept of
life-style in his hands came to represent a new order of stratification combining class, status and
cultural variables'.
Jenkins C. et al. (1989) Making waves: the structure of the catchment area of a leisure pool.
In D. Botterill (ed) Leisure Participation and Experience: Models and Case Studies.
Conference Papers 37, Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association, 137-168.
A pilot study based on an interview survey of users of a Birmingham pool. Examines attendance
patterns in relation to distance travelled and ACORN groups and finds that the latter explains
variations in attendance over and above distance.
Jenkins R. (1982) Life-styles. Chapter 4 of, Lads, Citizens and Ordinary Kids: Youth
Life-styles in Belfast. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul), 41-51.
Deliberately adopts the term life-style to distance himself from the 'subcultural tradition. In order
to place more emphasis on practice than meaning, and to focus on the generality of youth rather
than the deviant or bizarre. Defines life-style as:
' .. observable patterns of social practices distinguishing groups of people who may be
said, on the grounds of shared language and ethnicity, for example, to belong to the
same cultural group'. (p 41)
Argues that there are life-style differences both between and within classes and that 'the life-style
model may be a strategic concept in analysing the manner in which class distinctions are actively
produced and reproduced in practice' (p 41).
Divides the youth of a working class protestant Belfast neighbourhood into:
- 'lads' ('hard', male, associated with the flute band, pubs, clubs, bookies, and the Youth
Centre, criminal records, denims, leather jackets, tatoos)
- the ordinary 'kids' (boys and girls, less identity than the lads, networked on the Youth
Centre, no criminal records, fashionable clothes) and
- the 'citizens' (boys and girls, associated with the church and associated youth organisations,
'respectable', upwardly mobile, marry later, sober but up to date clothes).
The rest of the book uses these three life-style groups as the basis for analysis, mainly of
employment.
Jobes, P. C. (1984) Old timers and new mobile lifestyles. Annals of Tourism Research,
11(2), 181-198.
Discussion and analysis based on in-depth interviews and observation of retired people who have
elected to live permanently, or for most of the time, in recreational vehicles/mobile homes.
Argues that the 'disengagement' theory of ageing does not apply to this group.
Johnson, S. K. (1971) Leisure and lifestyle. Chapter 7 of Idle Haven: Community Building
Among the Working-class Retired. Berkeley, CA: Univ. of California Press), 138-161.
Does not use the term lifestyle as such in the chapter. Analysis of the leisure behaviour patterns
of elderly retired people living in a mobile-home park.
Jones H. (1983) the Application of Small-area Statistics to Leisure. Paper to a Leisure

Economics Group/ Leisure Studies Association seminar, typescript 10 pp, London: Sports
Council.
A summary of the work reported in Shaw, 1984.
Jorgensen J. A. and Newlon B. J. (1988) Life-style themes of unwed, pregnant adolescents

who chose to keep their babies. Individual Psychology, 44(4), 466-471.
Journal of Japanese Trade and Industry (1988) Changing Lifestyles. Special Issue, May 1,
(Tokyo: Japan Economic Foundation).
See Kusaka, 1988.
Junker, B. H. (1955) Room Compositions and Life Styles: A Sociological Study in Living
Rooms in Contemporary Dwellings. PhD dissertation, University of Chicago.
Kahle L. R. (ed.) (1983) Social Values and Social Change: Adaptation to Life in America.
New York: Praeger.
A report of an American survey of values which forms the basis of subsequent papers (see below)
which question the efficacy of VALS as opposed to the LOV (the List Of Values) system
developed here, in distinguishing life style/value groups. The key values measured, based on
Rokeach, are:
- Sense of accomplishment - Being well-respected
- Fun-enjoyment-excitement - Security
- Self-respect - Warm relationships with others
- Self-fulfilment - Sense of belonging.
Kahle L. R. (1984) The values segmentation debate continues. Marketing News, 18(14) 2
(Letter to Editor).
A comment on Yuspeh (1984), arguing that VALS is suspect because it is not possible to see in
detail how respondents are classified but points out that the methodology of other systems, such
as the Rokeach value Survey and the author's own List of Values, is in the public domain.
Kahle L. R. (1986) The nine nations of North America and the value basis of geographic
segmentation. Journal of Marketing, 50(April), 37-47.
Uses the List of Values (LOV) system (see Kahle, 1983) to examine geographical variation in
values across America. Geographical variation was found, but not relating to conventional census
areas rather than to Gareau's 'nine nations'.
Kahle L. R, Beatty S. E. and Homer P. (1986) Alternative measurement approaches to

consumer values: the List of Values (LOV) and Values and Life Style (VALS). Journal of
Consumer Research, 13(Dec), 405-409.
ests the LOV (Kahle, 1983) method of classifying consumers with the VALS (Mitchell, 1983)
methodology using a sample of college students, and finds LOV distinctly superior.
Kaplan M. (l979) Leisure, Lifestyle and Lifespan: Perspectives for Gerontology. Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders.
An extensive study of aging and the role and meaning of leisure for the elderly. Discusses
definitions of lifestyle, but analysis is not related to a specific view of the concept.
Kawale K. (1990) Leisure and lifestyle of prostitutes in India. In Filipcova, Glyptis and
Tokarski, op. cit. pp. 242-255.
Results of interviews with 50 prostitutes from two different caste groups. Includes information
on their life situation, relationships with and attitudes towards customers, family and economic
situation and leisure patterns.
Kelly J. R. (l975) Life styles and leisure choices. The Family Coordinator, April, l85-l90.
Lifestyle is not defined, but leisure style is defined as follows: in the decision to participate or
not in leisure activities, since 'time, finances, and personal resources are limited, priorities are
limited, priorities must be determined. The regularities of those priorities might be termed a
person's 'leisure style'' (p 187). Data from two empirical studies is presented, using the
unconditional/ oordinated/complementary typology as a basis for determining 'leisure style'. It
is concluded that leisure choices are affected by personal situation, environment and opportunity
and that resultant leisure styles change with the life cycle.
Kelly J. R. (l978) Leisure styles and choices in three environments. Pacific Sociological
Review, 2l(2), l87-207.
Report of a study of three US communities and their leisure choices and discussion of similarities
and differences. Leisure style consists of respondents' rankings of activities which are most
important to them and reasons for selection.
Kelly J. R. (l98l) Leisure stereotypes: the state of the artifact. In Burton op. cit. pp. l4l-l56.
See Kelly, 1983 for summary of content.
Kelly J. R. (1983) Leisure styles: a hidden core. Leisure Sciences, 5(4), 321-338.
Reviews much of the research done to date on factor analysis to produce leisure activity groups
or 'leisure styles'. Summarises the factors identified by Bishop (1970), Witt (1971), McKechnie
(1974), Proctor (1962) and Kelly (1980). This study, from a national US sample, produces, from
33 activities, twelve groups, of which the three main ones are: Sports, Drinking and Cultural
events. It is found that there is little correlation between factor scores and background variables
such as age, sex, occupation, education, even though contingency tables do show some clear
patterns. It is concluded that all age and socio-economic groups engage in certain 'core' activities
- eg socialising, home based leisure - which may vary in form, but which confound any attempt
to define clear activity types or styles.
Kelly J. R. (1987) Peoria Winter: Styles and Resources in Later Life. Boston: Lexington
Books, D. C. Heath.
On the basis of in-depth face to face interviews and 400 telephone interviews with 120 elderly
people , three 'Life-course Types' are presented and nine 'Coping-Style Types':
Life-Course Types
1. Straight Arrow (40%) 2. Turning Point (23%) 3. Zigzag (37%)
Coping-Style Types
1. Balanced Investors (40%) - no major single preoccupation
2. Family-Focused (19%) 3. Work-Centred (3% 4. Leisure-Centred (3%)
5. Faithful Members (4%) (com. and organizations) 6. Self-Sufficient (12%)
7. Accepting Adaptors (12%) 8. Resistant Rebels (2%) 9. Diffuse Dabblers (3%).
These typologies are used to structure the book, in which the lives of the elderly people are
analysed in terms of their success and satisfactions, using case-study examples.
Kelly J. R. (1989) Leisure behaviors and styles: social, economic, and cultural factors. In
E. L. Jackson and T. L. Burton (eds) Understanding Leisure and Recreation: Mapping the
Past, Charting the Future. College Station, Pennsylvania: Venture), 89-112.
Reviews various 'models of explanation' in leisure analysis and finds them wanting, namely
Social Determination Models, and Economic and Opportunity Models. Argues that leisure is both
'existential' and 'social' and that research/theory should reflect this dialectic. Concludes that life
styles - 'the ethnicity of leisure' - can achieve this, although past attempts at devising leisure
typologies have not done so. Focusses on 'leisure styles' as a basis for further research.
Kelly J. R. (1990) Leisure behaviors and styles - social, economic, and cultural factors. In
Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski op. cit.), 90-109
See Kelly, 1989.
Kephart W. M. (1976) Extraordinary Groups: The Sociology of Unconventional Life-styles.

New York: St Martins Press.
A study of seven US sects/communities: The Old Order Amish, The Oneida Community, The
Father Divine Movement, The Shakers, The Mormons, The Hutterites, The Modern Communes.
Each treated as a fairly self-contained descriptive piece.
Kinnear T. C. and Taylor J. R. (1976) Psychographics: some selected findings. Journal of
Marketing Research, 13(Nov.), 422-425.
Addresses a number of points raised by Wells (1975). Presents data from psychographic studies
related to beer drinking and gas/petrol buying. They present data to suggest that the relationships
between purchasing behaviour and attitudes is reliable but that the results of cluster and factor
analysis groupings are unstable and unreliable.
Kline F. G. (1971) Media time budgeting as a function of demographics and life style.
Journalism Quarterly, 48, 211-221.
Life style is determined using a variety of measures, including a measure of personal alienation,
local/cosmopolitan residential location, time spent on various activities, family interaction and
organizational membership. 'Path analysis' is used to relate these and demographic etc variables
to time spent per week with various media. It is found that the life style variables were directly
and indirectly related to media use.
Koch-Weser E. (l984) Leisure styles and occupational milieu: an empirical analysis. In M.

Romer (ed) Le Temps Libre et le Loisir, papers of the World Congress on Leisure Research,
WLRA, Paris: Association pour la Diffusion de la Recherche sur l'Action Culturelle,
III.4.l-III.4.5.
Koch-Weser E. (1990) A framework for the quantitative study of leisure styles. Paper to
the International Sociological Association XIIth World Congress of Sociology, Madrid, July
(Author: Univ. Roma, Italy).
Koch-Weser E. (1990a) A challenge for social research and cultural policy planning. In
Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op. cit. pp. 110-127.
An analysis of the role of television, and demographic trends (smaller families, ageing
population) in leisure and discusses research strategies.
Kusaka K. (1988) Lifestyle and consumer culture. Journal of Japanese Trade and Industry,
May 1, (Tokyo: Japan Economic Foundation), 10-13.
An informal discussion of ways in which Japan is seeking to improve the quality of life of its
citizens, the relative attraction of gadgets, housing space, work and leisure, and how this relates
to US values and aspirations.
Larkin R. W. (1979) Suburban Youth in Cultural Crisis. Oxford: Univ. Press, (Ch.3: 'Jocks,
Grinds, Freaks, Greasers, Bobos, Rah-rahs, Hard Guys, Nerds and Others: the social
structure of Utopia High'), 67-94.
An ethnographic account of sub-cultural groups in an American High school.
Lastovicka J. L. (1982) On the validation of lifestyle traits: a review and illustration.

Journal of Marketing Research, 19, Feb., 126-138.
Outlines the theoretical idea that lifestyle patterns and purchasing decisions are related to
underlying 'traits' (eg. compulsiveness, fashion-consciousness) and examines the extent to which
14 psychographic/lifestyle studies have identified common traits and tested their reliability and
validity. Over 100 dimensions/traits were identified by the 14 studies but generally there had
been a poor record of validity testing. An illustrative study using data from a sample of Canadian
women, demonstrates that when rigorous testing is applied less faith can be placed in the lifestyle
categories/traits initially identified. Argues the need for better underlying theory.
Lastovicka J. L, Murray J. P, Joachimsthaler E. A, Bhalla G. and Scheurich J. (1987) A

lifestyle typology to model young male drinking and driving. Journal of Consumer
Research, 14, Sept, 257-263.
Typology of young male drinker drivers consisting of four segments: Good timer, Well adjusted,
Nerd, Problem kid.
Lastovicka J. L, Murray J. P. and Joachimsthaler E. A. (1990) Evaluating the measurement

validity of lifestyle typologies with qualitative measures and multiplicative factoring.
Journal of Marketi ng Research, 27, Feb., 11-23.
Data collected from 100 18-24 year old US males to test the drinking driving (DD) typology
developed by Lastovicka et al. (1987), plus the VALS lifestyle typology (see Mitchell (1985).
Qualitative and quantitative methods were used to cross-check the validity of the typologies, in
the light of suspicions that lifestyle typologies may be computer creations only and not reflections
of genuine groupings. It was found that the DD typology stood up better than the VALS typology
for this group. A very technical paper.
Laumann E. O. and House J. S. (1970) Living room styles and social attributes: the
patterning of material artifacts in a modern urban community. In E. O. Laumann et al.
(eds) The Logic of Social Hierarchies. Chicago: Markham, 189-203.
Study based on interviews with 900 Detroit men, and observation of the contents of their living
rooms. The study's theoretical base relates to the work of Goffman. Uses 'smallest space' analysis
to relate data on the presence or absence of 53 living room items to modern versus traditional
tastes and social status. Consludes that there are significant differences in styles of living room
decoration, which can be meaningfully related to social status and other areas of behaviour and
attitudes.
Laventure R. (1990) Active lifestyles - from school to community. Paper to the Association
International de Sport et Education Physique conference Moving Towards Excellence,
Loughborough University, England, July (Author: City of Coventry).
See Sports Council Research Unit (North West), 1985, 1985a.
Lazarowich M. (nd) Lifestyles and Lifecycle as a Basis in Cultural Attract-ion Programming.

typescript, University of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada.
Report of a survey of 500 Toronto residents with regard to visits to the Ontario Science Center.
Respondents were grouped into Multiple and Occasional visitors, and Non-return, Potential and
No-interest visitors. Each group is examined in relation to demographics, length of residence,
language, sources of information, other leisure activities and reasons for visiting OSC. It was
found that non-visitors had different lifstyles from visitors, which was not recognised in current
OSC marketing.
Lazer W. (1971) Life style concepts and marketing. In R. L. Day and T. E. Ness (eds)
Marketing Models: Behavioral Science Applications. Scranton: Intext, 122-131 (originally
in S. Grayson (ed) Toward Scientific Marketing. Chicago: American Marketing Assn.,
1963), 140-151).
Defines lifestyle as 'the distinctive or characteristic mode of living, in its aggregative and
broadest sense, of a whole society or segment thereof' (p 122). A discussion piece celebrating the
USA's materialist culture and lifestyle of abundance and the role of advertising in it.
Lee L. C. (1976) An exploration of the role of family life style on selected behavior
variables. In B. B. Anderson (ed) Advances in Consumer Research III. Chicago: Assn. for
Consumer Research, 506-507.
Data on time use was collected from samples of 184 and 134 couples from two cities and factor
analysed, producing three factors: Career orientation, Pleasure orientation and Home orientation.
The value of these groupings is explored by correlation with ownership of durables and level of
debt, but R. squareds of less than 0.1 resulted.
Leisure Today: Selected Readings (l974), Nov/Dec, Washington DC: American Alliance for
Health, Physical Education and Recreation.
Special Issue: 'The Concept of Life Styles' - See Arnold; Butler; Miller; Murphy; Orthner.
Levy S. J. (1967) Symbolism and life style. In P. R. Cateora and L. Richardson (eds)
Readings in Marketing: The Qualitative and Quantitative Areas. New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts), 196-205 (and in S. A. Greysen (ed) Toward Scientific Marketing. Chicago:
American Marketing Assn. 1963, pp. 140-150).
An introductory piece which outlines the importance of symbolism in people's lives, and how
symbols link with value systems, self-image and life style:
'In expressing their values, in describing the kinds of roles they play in life and how
they think those roles should be fulfilled, people reveal both real and ideal life styles
... To grasp these life styles and how they are exemplified in individual lives requires
an orientation to configurations, to patterns of ideas, feelings and actions' (pp.
198-199).
The aim is to link such understanding to the marketing task:
'By studying these configurations of life style, by observing how people put together
those ways of living they think appropriate .. we can find out how they use products
most meaningfully for themselves' (p 204).
Levykin I. and Chervyakov V. (1990) Sociology of mode of life: in search of the lost
integrity. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op. cit. pp. 128-142.
A complex discussion of the role of sociology in analysing ways of life in the Soviet Union under
conditions of perestroika.
Liebersohn H. (1977) Life style. In Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought. London:

Fontana/Collins, p. 349.
Gives two definitions of life style:
'(1) In psychoanalytical theory, an Adlerian term for a child's method, modified
continuously throughout its life, of coping with feelings of inadequacy and of
attaining superiority and status.
(2) In popular usage, all the observable characteristics of a person, eg his manner of
dress, way of speaking, personal appearance, domestic habits, and choice of
friends, which serve to indicate his value system and attitudes towards himself and
his environment. These characteristics serve as a social signal to others, who react
accordingly with feelings of trust, admiration, liking, etc., or the opposite'.
Linhart J. and Roska R. (l972) Differentiation among certain life style aspects in
Czechoslovakia. Society and Leisure, 3, l39-l57.
Examination of problems of defining and studying life styles in Czechoslovakia, illustrated with
data from time-budget diaries in 1961 and 1967.
London M, Crandall R. and Fizgibbons D. (1977) The psychological structure of leisure:

activities, needs, people. Journal of Leisure Research, 9(4), 252-263.
Reports results of analysis of three sets of data collected from 83 college students, relating to:
participation in activities, needs/satisfactions obtained from activities, and personal
characteristics. It is argued that groupings of activities should be based on similarities in
perceived need-satisfying properties rather than simply on participation. The three sets of data
were separately factor analysed, producing the following activity and need groups:
Activities Needs
Sports Feedback
Cultural-passive Liking
Productive-intellectual Positive interpersonal involvement
Inter-correlation of the activity, needs and personal dimensions demonstrated that it was possible
to differentiate individuals on the basis of their perceptions of leisure activities as well as their
participation in activities.
Long J. D. et al. (1988) Relationships of locus of control to life style habits. Journal of
Clinical Psychology, 44, 209-214.
Lorentzen, L. J. (l980) Evangelical life style concerns expressed in political action.

Sociological Analysis, 4l(2), l44-l54.
A study in the 'politics of lifestyle concern' genre (see also Gusfield, 1963; Zurcher et al., 1971;
Page and Clelland, 1978), which is related to Weber's conception of status and lifestyle. In this
formulation the preservation and protection of lifestyle becomes the overriding concern rather
than status as such:
'That a dominant life style is accorded greater prestige, and thus higher status, cannot
be denied. That placement in the status hierarchy also influences the power of a given
group is apparent. However, in the social realm, life style is the exogenous variable,
with prestige, status, and power dependent thereupon. To focus on status is theoretically
to put the cart before the horse and expect locomotion. Thus, life style concern is the
motivating factor, and preservation and protection of a life style are the goals of
non-economic political movements' (p 147).
Definitions of concepts are as in Zurcher et al. (1971). The theory is illustrated by a case study
of the contest for the 1978 Virginia Democratic Senate nomination, in which usually politically
uninvolved evangelical groups put forward a candidate who gained considerable support in a
short space of time. It is shown that the campaign was concerned with protecting a socially and
morally conservative way of life from an increasingly secular and liberal world, thus linking the
idea of life style to political action.
Lowenthal M, Thurner M. and Chiriboga D. (1976) Four Stages of Life. San Francisco:
Josey Bass.
From Taylor and Ford: survey based on level of activity and 'role scope', results in four lifestyle
types: Complex, Focussed, Diffuse and Simplistic.
Lowyck, E., Van Langenhove, L. and Bollaert, L. 1992, 'Typologies of tourist roles. In P.
Johnson and B. Thomas (eds) Choice and Demand in Tourism. Mansell, London, 13-32.
Reviews six tourist market segmentation studies termed 'life style typologies'.
Maas H. S. and Kuyper J. A. (1977) From Thirty to Seventy. San Francisco: Josey Bass.
From Taylor and Ford: Data on 'Interaction, involvement, satisfaction and perception of change
in 12 'arenas'of daily living' from 150 elderly people produces 10 groups: Male: Family-centred,
Hobbyist, Remotely sociable, Unwell-disengaged; Female: Husband centred, Uncentred mothers,
Visiting mothers, Work-centred, Disabled-disengaging, Group-centred.
MacCannell D. (1976) The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. London: Macmillan.
The book is concerned with the phenomenon of tourism in the modern/ post-industrial world, but
at a number of points comments on the concept of life-style. For example:
'.. new forms of organization are emerging from a broadly based framework of leisure
activities: T-groups, new political involvements, communal living arrangements,
organized 'dropping out', etc. 'Life-style', a generic term for specific combinations of
work and leisure, is replacing 'occupation' as the basis of social relation-ship formation,
social status and social action' (p 6).
In discussing the relationships between cultural production and social groups, MacCannell states:
'In industrial society, refinement of a 'life-style' occurs through a process of emulating
elites, or at least of keeping up with the Joneses. This requires designated leaders, so
followers can know whom to obey, .. [However], the modern world is composed of
movements and life-styles that exhibit neither 'leadership' nor 'organization' in the sense
that these terms are now used by sociologists. World views and life-styles emerge from
and dissolve into cultural productions. .. As cultural productions provide a base for the
modern community, they give rise to a modern form of alienation of individuals
interested only in the model or the life-style, not in the life it represents'. (pp. 31-2)
Madden M. (1979) Lifestyles of Library Users and Nonusers. Graduate School of Library
Science, Occ. Pap. 137, University of Illinois, Urbana, Champaign, Ill.
Uses data from the 'Leo Burnett Co. Lifestyle Study', 1973 (n=8000) to examine Nonusers,
Moderate Users and Heavy users of libraries. Demographic and socio-economic variables are
examined along with responses to a range of social and political attitude questions/ statements.
Madden M. (1979a) Library user/nonuser lifestyles. American Libraries, Feb., 78-81.

Summary of Madden, 1979.
Maddox G. C. (1966) Persistence of lifestyle among the elderly. In Proceedings of the 7th
International Congress of Gerontology, 6.
Major M. J. (1983) Ecotopia: bellweather region offers look at future life styles. Marketing
News, 17, September 6, 6-7.
Focusses on the western coastal strip of America, named 'Ecotopia' by Joel Garreau in 'The Nine
Nations of North America'. The region is said to have a particular lifestyle, involving
environmental awareness, 'experience' rather than consumption, demands for job satisfaction,
up-market trends in many areas of consumption, etc. Question arises as to the extent to which the
lifestyle attributes of this region are a bellweather for the rest of USA. Article consists of a series
of interviews with marketers and market researchers in the region.
Manton K. G. (1989) Life style risk factors. Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, No. 503, 72-88.
Concerned with causes of death in older people. Lifestyle is not addressed in the paper; the only
'life style risk factor' identifiable appears to be smoking.
Manz G. (1990) Modes of living and lifestyles. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op. cit.
pp. 143-155.
A theoretical discussion of the nature and meaning of lifestyle or 'mode of living' in a socialist
(East German) context. States that lifestyles vary between occupational and other groups, and
preferred lifestyles are also affected by individual personality. Sets the idea of lifestyle in the
context of satisfaction of needs, from basic needs to necessary needs and luxury needs, but does
not resolve the issue of individual versus communal/socialist aspirations.
Marsden P. V. et al. (1982) American regional cultures and differences in leisure time
activities. Social Forces, 60, 1023-1049.
The study establishes that, even holding other socio-demographic factors constant, the South
differs from the rest of the USA in its leisure participation patterns. Using a national survey of
3000 adults concerned mainly with arts participation, 40 activities are cluster analysed in to nine
groups: outdoor activities; social activities; cultural life; arts participation; music listening;
homemaking crafts; country and western; popular music; religious music. The analysis is based
on these groups.
Marshall H. (1973) Suburban life style: a contribution to the debate. In L. H. Masotti and
J. K. Hadden (eds) The Urbanization of the Suburbs, (Urban Affairs Annual Reviews Vol.7),
Beverly Hills: Sage), 123-148.
Notes that in studies comparing suburban and urban ways of life two 'definitional strategies' are
adopted vis a vis life style. The 'specific' strategy assesses differences on the basis of one or more
specific, 'sociologically relevant' aspects of behaviour. The 'inclusive' strategy examines a set of
activities which are presumed to go together, although one or more activity may be dominant.
Notes that suburban life styles may be differentiated from the urban due to social structure (eg.
more commuting resulting in less interaction, simpler institutional structures); selective migration
of people with certain (conservative) tastes and attitudes; demographic/life cycle and class factors
(middle class, young families). Reviews literature exploring these themes. Concludes that there
is some doubt as to whether a distinctive suburban life style exists when other factors are held
constant.
Martin L. G. (1986) Students' life-style classifications: key to improved literacy programs.
Lifelong Learning, 10(1), 12-24.
See Martin, 1987.
Martin L. G. (1987) Life-style classifications of adult high school non-completers. Adult

Education Quarterly, 38(1), 32-45.
Based on 79 lengthy interviews with US adult high school non-completers, covering childhood,
schooling, employment, family background and attitudes. Analysis was based on 12-20 page
biographical case histories of each subject. This produced six life-style groups:
Entrepreneurs Superiors
Regulars Suppliants
Marginals Underclass.
Shows that those groups with 'the ability to pursue education, for various reasons appeared
unwilling, and those that appeared to be willing were for various reasons unable to attend school'
(p 43).
Matthews E. and Tiederman D. V. (l964) Attitudes toward career and marriage and the
development of life style in young women. Journal of Counselling Psychology, ll(4), 375-384.
Life style is measured by choice of courses in high school and 'life plan' intentions (re marriage,
career, family). Study used a sample of 1200 US high school females. Examines relationships
between 18 attitude statements and the life style variables. Themes such as perception of male
attitudes towards women's careers and intelligence, attitudes towards homemaking, dating and
marriage and feminine roles are discussed.
McCall S. (1976) Analytical projections of life style identification in consumer behavior.

American Marketing Association Proceedings. Chicago: American Marketing Assn, 354-359.
McCord W, Friedberg H. J. and Harwood E. (1969) Life Styles in the Black Ghetto. New
York: Norton.
A study of American urban blacks in the context of the 1960s race riots. Based on interviews
during and after many of the riots and particularly, systematic interviewing in Houston and Watts.
The variety of black people's reactions to oppression - 'internal colonialism' - are classified into
'seven life styles - or, rather, seven types of people':
1. The Stoic - further divided into: the Religious Stoic, the Cultist Stoic, the Cool Stoic and the
Passive Stoic.
2. The Defeated - often exemplified in alcoholism, drug addiction, psychosis, suicide.
3. The Exploiter - engaged in legitimate and/or illegitimate business in the ghetto.
4. The Achiever - 'seeks to better his own lot in life but may have little concern for the
collective condition' (p. 77).
5. The Rebel Without a Cause - rejects existing society but often expresses rebellion apparently
aimlessly, eg. through crime/delinquency.
6. The Activist - committed to reforming the system to transform the position of black people.
7. The Revolutionary - 'has rebelled militantly against American society and hopes to effect
a total change' in the black way of life (p. 77).
A 'portrait' of each of these groups (except the Achiever) is presented. The final chapter,
'Collective Styles of Life', while arguing that 'new collective styles of life, new avenues of
expression' have been opened up for urban African-Americans (p. 258), concentrates primarily
on political movements and different forms of and types of involvement in riots.
McCracken G. (1988) Culture and Consumption: New Approaches to the Symbolic Character
of Consumer Goods and Activities, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
In chapter 8, 'Diderot Unities and the Diderot Effect: Neglected Cultural Aspects of
Consumption', notes that the lifestyle concept has failed to live up to what was promised for it:
'As it is presently conducted, the consumer study of lifestyle is almost purely empirical.
We observe that there are bundles of attitudes, activities, consumer goods, and family
patterns, and we are prepared to label and describe these bundles as styles of life. But
we have no systematic way of understanding why the contents of these bundles go
together because we have no theory of the nature of unity and no sense of the Diderot
principle that appears to protect them' (p 123).
The 'Diderot effect' is the process by which people maintain consistency in their lifestyles; it is
'a force that encourages the individual to maintain a cultural consistency in his/her complement
of consumer goods' (p 123). Does not discuss how such a unity is formed, but mainly discusses
ways in which single non-conforming acquisitions (impulse buys or gifts) can lead to a need for
complementary change in everything else.
McInnes H. A. (1989) Lifestyles and Leisure Participation. PhD Thesis, Loughborough

University of Technology, UK.
'...'life style' is defined as the aggregate pattern of day-to-day activities which make up
an individual's way of life. As such, it is taken to include all types of activity regardless
of their nature, including both work and leisure, personal hygiene and chores' (p 19).
The study analyses questionnaire and time-budget data from 450 respondents. Cluster analysis
is used to analyse activity groupings, then the social characteristics of cluster group members and
the time-space patterns of behaviour of sample members of the groups are examined. No fixed
lifestyle groupings emerge, but the diversity of individual lifestyle patterns is explored. (See also
McInnes, 1990; Glyptis, 1988).
McInnes H. (1990) Lifestyles and sports participation. Paper to the Association

International de Sport et Education Physique conference Moving Towards Excellence,
Loughborough University, England, July (Author: Sports Council, London).
Summary of aspects of McInnes, 1989.
McKechnie G. (1972) A Study of Environmental Lifestyles, PhD dissertation, Institute of

Personality Assessment and Research, University of California, Berkeley.
McKechnie G. (1974) The psychological structure of leisure: past behavior. Journal of

Leisure Research, 6, 27-45.
A sample of 433 California residents gave information on past participation in 120 leisure
activities which, when factor analysed, produced seven groups; mechanics, crafts, intellectual,
slow living, neighbour-hood sports, glamour sports, fast-living. Individual scores on these factors
were then correlated with scores relating to personality and attitudes to the environment and
significant correlations discussed. Activity clusters are presented plotted on a 'spherical' diagram,
indicating similarities and differences in the groups.
McPherson B. (l982) Leisure life-styles and physical activity in later years of the life-cycle.
Recreation Research Review (Canada), 9(4), 5-l5.
Reviews international evidence on declining participation in sport and physical recreation with
age. Does not address the lifestyle concept as such.
Mehrotra S. (1976) Segmentation analysis - a tool for measuring life styles. In B. B

Anderson (ed) Advances in Consumer Research III, Chicago: Assn. for Consumer
Research), 504-505.
See Mehrotra and Wells, 1976.
Mehrotra S. and Wells W. D. (1977) Psychographics and consumer behavior: theory and
recent empirical findings. In A. G. Woodside et al. (eds) Consumer and Industrial Buying
Behavior. New York: North Holland/Elsevier, pp. 49-65.
Outlines four case-studies of psychographics based studies and their application to marketing.
An AIO study produced the following groups:
Female segments Male segments
- Thelma - old-fashioned trad (25%) - Herman - retiring homebody (26%)
- Mildred - militant mother (20%) - Scott - successful professional (21%)
- Candice - chic suburbanite (20%) - Fred - frustrated factory worker (19%)
- Cathy - contented housewife (18%) - Dale - devoted family man (17%)
- Eleanor - elegant socialite (17%) - Ben - self-made businessman (17%)
The drink-buying, cosmetics, rock music and newspaper and magazine preferences of the various
'characters' are used to illustrate the discriminatory power of the groupings. And reliability and
validity issues are discussed.
Mertens F. and Wimmers M. (1987) Life-style of older people: improvement or threat to

their health?' Ageing and Society, 7, 329-343.
Results of longitudinal study of 455 Dutch elderly people, interviewed twice a year over five
years. Data was collected on Subjective health, Personal well-being, Amount of worrying,
Loneliness, Dependency- independency, Activities of daily living, and Recreational and leisure
activities. High or low personal well-being was used as the dependent, life-style variable in
discriminant analysis - 'Thus we operationalised life-style as a happy or unhappy way of living'.
A predictive power of between 62 and 74% was achieved using various data sets from the various
interview phases.
Michaels P. W. (1972) Life style and magazine exposure. B. W. and H. Becker (eds)
Dynamic Marketing in a Changing World, conference proceedings, Chicago: American
Marketing Assn.), 324-331.
25 lifestyle groups were obtained from the factor analysis of 300 Activity, Interest and Opinion
statements (based on Wells and Tigert), submitted to 1000 US male heads of household and
related to data on amount and kind of magazine readership.
Michelson W. (1971) Some like it hot: social participation and environmental use as a
function of the season. American Journal of Sociology, 76(6), 1072-1083.
A study to examine the extent to which people's day to day behaviour is affected by season, as
an input to architectural design.
' .. studies have graphically demonstrated that the occupants of different areas of cities
exhibit markedly different activity patterns and interpersonal relations. These
variations, which reflect differential weighting of roles, each of which has activity and
interaction components, are often called 'life-styles'' (p 1075).
Life-style is assessed on the basis of local, home/family/neighbourhood based activities,

assuming Bell's 'familism' model was most appropriate to the areas studied. 170 married women
with children in Toronto were interviewed in February and again in June. It was found that more
activities suffered a decline in summer than vice versa and that the close environment is less
important in summer than in winter.
Miedema S. (1989) Lifestyles of working class youth: leisure and delinquency. In A.

Tomlinson (ed) Youth Culture and the Domain of Leisure. Vol. 4 of 'Leisure, Labour and
Lifestyles: International Comparisons', LSA Conference Papers, Eastbourne: Leisure
Studies Assn., 1-19.
'Lifestyle refers to the distinctive style of specific status or position groups and not to
a post-modern consumer or leisure culture'.
Reports on in-depth interviews with 70 young Dutch people, on how they structure and give
meaning to their lives and environments, including 'delinquent' behaviour. Five 'types' emerge:
1. Respectable working class youth
2. Traditional working class boys with restricted forms of leisure delinquency (no girls)
3. Marginal working class youth
4. New marginal youth in search of a new identity
5. Nihilistic marginal boys (no girls).
Characteristics, attitudes, behaviour and explanations of each group are outlined.
Miller N. P. (l974) Leisure life-styles in the university setting. Leisure Today Selected
Readings. Washington DC: Amer. Alliance for Health, Physical Education and Recreation,
20-2l.
Discussion of changes in student leisure patterns and likely effects on society in future. No
definition of lifestyle.
Miller P. J. and Sjoberg G. (l973) Urban middle-class life styles in transition. Journal of
Applied Behavioural Sciences, 9, l44-l6l.
Recognising that the term life style has often been used by sociologists as a 'catch-all phrase for
diverse social phenomena', the following working definition is offered:
' .. the nature and interrelationships of certain basic activities - leisure, work, and
kinship-friendship - that actors carry out within a particular ecological setting. A life
style of a group denotes a crucial link between individuals and the broader social order
and affects the manner in which persons adjust to sociocultural change and attain
meaning in life'.
On the basis of 90 in-depth interviews in Austin, Texas, focussing on attitudes towards
kinship-friendship, work and leisure, middle class life styles are classified as follows:
Mills C. Wright (1977) The status panic. In Feldman and Thielbar op. cit., 129-143
(originally published in C. Wright Mills White Collar: The American Middle Class, New
York: OUP, 1956).
Focusses on the status and status aspirations of white collar workers in the USA in the 1950s.
Discusses the various ways in which white collar workers claim prestige vis-a-vis blue collar
workers and other white collar workers. Includes discussion of dress, day to day contact with
employers/management, the relative prestige of different employers (eg class of store), education
level and training, the prestige of mental vs manual work, race and 'nativity' (US born vs
immigrant), and access to social organisations. Points out how status models, which were
previously localised - old, wealthy families etc - are now projected via the media at national level
- Hollywood etc. Suggests that minute gradations of status have fragmented white collar workers
as a mass status group. Constant striving for better status alienates the worker from their current
work/position. Place of residence confirms real current status; leisure activity can enable people
to escape from current status, to 'live out their dreams' - since this can only be done periodically
- eg at weekends or on the annual holiday - we can speak of 'status cycles', facilitated by the
'machinery of amusement'. 'Socially, status cycles blur the reality of class and prestige differences
by offering respite from them. Talk of the 'status fluidity of American life' often refers merely to
status cycles, even though socially these cycles of higher display and holiday gratification do not
modify the long-run reality of more fixed positions' (p 142).
Mitchell A. (1981) Proximities of the VALS Types. Menlo Park, CA: SRI International.
Mitchell A. (l985) The Nine American Lifestyles, New York: Collier Macmillan.
The most well-known American study of lifestyles - VALS (Values, Attitudes and Lifestyles),
presents nine lifestyles in four groups as follows:
Need-Driven Groups Outer-Directed Groups
Survivor lifestyle Belonger lifestyle
Sustainer lifestyle Emulator lifestyle
Achiever lifestyle
Inner-Directed Groups
I-Am-Me lifestyle Combined Outer- and Inner-Directed Group
Experiential lifestyle Integrated lifestyle
Societally Conscious lifestyle
Based on a 1980 mail survey of 1600 respondents, involving over 800 questions. The book gives
full details of the values and socio-economic situation of each group, but leisure does not feature.
Discusses the dynamics of the system and alternative ways by which individuals and the
generations might move from one lifestyle group to another. Presents results of a follow-up study
relating the typology to France, Italy, Sweden, UK and West Germany. More details of VALS
can be found at the SRI International web-site:
http://future.sri.com/VALS/VALSindex.shtml
Mitchell A. and MacNulty C. (l98l) Changing values and life-styles. Long Range Planning,
l4(2), 37-4l.
Summary of basics of material produced in Mitchell, 1985.
Mobily K. E. (1987) Leisure, lifestyle, and life span. In R. D. MacNeil and M. L. Teague
(eds) Ageing and Leisure: Vitality in Later Life. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall), 155-180.
A philosophical, 'committed', piece on the value of leisure at various stages in the life-span. Does
not define or use the term lifestyle.
Mommaas H. (1990) Leisure, culture and lifestyle: Veblen, Weber and Simmel revisited.
Paper to the International Sociological Association XIIth Congress of Sociology, Madrid,
July, 24 pp. (Author: Tilburg Univ., Netherlands).
A detailed review of the contributions of Veblen, Weber and Simmel to the analysis of the
concept of lifestyle, with a concluding proposition that Elias and Bourdieu are the contemporary
proponents of this work.
Veblen did not use the term 'lifestyle', but did use the term 'scheme of life'. He 'developed his
doctrine of "conspicuous consumption" as part of an analysis of the way in which certain habits,
tastes and patterns of consumption function as part of a class-based culture of emulation and
reputability, in the end conditioned by pecuniary strength, but enacted in the cultural domain of
prestige and esteem' (p.7).
Weber's distinction between class and status group, and the latter's basis in social honour and
lifestyle are outlined, and it is concluded that Weber's formulation implies that 'people don't have
"a" lifestyle. Because we normally have a multiplicity of social identities - eg. the black, old,
bourgeois, women - referring to us equally having a position in different systems of social
stratification, organised around different definitions of (dis)honour, we also can have a
multiplicity of lifestyles' (p.12).
Simmel gives lifestyle 'its more modern meaning. Instead of the aristocratic connotations given
to it by Veblen and Weber, linking the concept to forms of social closure, Simmel puts it right
into the middle of modern cultural life, relating the concept to the quest for individuality in a
rationalized world' (p.12).
The paper concludes with a number of questions concerning the role and definition of class in
analysis of postmodern society.
Mommaas H. and Poel H. van der (1988) Economy, politics and lifestyle: an essay on the
restructuring of urban leisure. In P. Bramham et al. (eds) Leisure and Urban Processes:
Critical Studies of Leisure Policy in Western European Cities. London: Methuen, 254-276.
Discusses changes in city structure in Holland in the 1970s and 1980s in relation to changing and
emerging lifestyles and changing conceptions of and approaches to leisure policy. Notes that in
the past, when leisure as a whole, as opposed to sport, the srts, etc., was considered by public
agencies it was in a moral/welfare perspective, especially in relation to youth. More recently
leisure has come to be associated with the emergence of a new economic base and a new
hedonistic role for the city centre. Inner city gentrification by a new 'yuppy' economic elite
reflects the new style of leisure-based urban centre.
Moore D. G. (1963) Life styles in mobile suburbia. In S. A. Greysen (ed) Toward Scientific
Marketing. Chicago: American Marketing Assn.), 151-163.
Moorhouse H. (1983) American automobiles and workers' dreams. Sociological Review, 31,
403-426.
Reviews and critique's Chinoy's classic 1950s study Automobile Workers and the American
Dream. Argues that Chinoy and other sociologists have been too concerned with the idea of work
centrality and that the 'American Dream' is as much if not more about consumption than it is
about work achievement and satisfaction. The role of the car in the American culture, especially
phenomena such as the 'hot-rodder' are used to illustrate the thesis. Argues that workers' sense
of identity etc. is constructed through consumption and non-work activities and that there is a
need for a 'sophisticated sociology of consumption'.
Moorhouse H. F. (1989) Models of work, models of leisure. In C. Rojek (ed) Leisure for
Leisure. London: Macmillan, 15-35.
Following a critique of existing theoretical models of leisure, concludes that understanding would
best be achieved by adopting the Weberian concept of lifestyle as the basis for future research
in the area.
Morganovsky M. A. (1986) Cost- versus convenience-orientated consumers: demographic,

lifestyle, and value perspectives. Psychology and Marketing, 3(1), 35-46.
Compares consumers who are cost-conscious with those who are more concerned with time-
saving and convenience, on the basis of demographic characteristics and stated values and
lifestyle as measured by a version of the VALS typlogy. It is found that the lifestyle variable is
less successful at distinguishing between the two types of consumer than the other types of
measure.
Murata S. and Iseki T. (1974) A New Approach to Market Segmentation. Japan: Dentsu
Advertising.
Quoted by Wells and Cosmas (1977) as producing profiles of the following Japanese life-style
segments (See also Izeki, 1975):
- Life Expansion Type (16%) - Passive and Spiritless Type (15%)
- Frugal and Diligent Type (14%) - Spendthrift and Pleasure-seeking Type (13%)
- Peaceful and Stable Type (14%) - Aimless and Indifferent Type (14%)
- Self-indulgent Isolationist Type (14%)
Murphy J. F. (l974) Leisure determinants of life style. Leisure Today: Selected Readings.
Washington DC: American Alliance for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, 9-ll.
'Life style is based upon such factors as an individual's personality, cultural heritage,
family and mode of living, education, income and occupation. A person's life style is
a pattern of individual behaviour; knowing how an individual with an identified life
style behaves in one area of his life provides a strong indication of what he might do
in other segments of his life.'
Reviews studies which have illustrated patterning of leisure activities and relationships between
patterns and factors such as personality; discusses family influences on life style, and activity
based life styles; concludes that leisure providers must relate to the needs of life style groups.
Murphy J. F. (1975) Leisure and life-styles: subcultural expressions. Ch.6 of: Recreation
and Leisure Services: A Humanistic Perspective. Dubuque, Iowa: Wm C. Brown, 101-121.
Reviews Feldman and Thielbar, Hronsky's definitions of life-style and Sessom's division of
Americans into consumer-collectors and counterculture. Speaks of the main stream, dominant
cultures and marginal subcultures of low income blacks, retired, etc. who are not catered for by
mainstream leisure provision. Reviews youth, student and counterculture values and life-styles
and compares working class, lower middle-class and upper middle-class life-styles and the needs
of minority groups. Generally relates the discussion to public sector leisure service providers'
perspectives.
Murphy J. F. (1980) Leisure and life style. Chapter 5 of Concepts of Leisure. Second Edn,
Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall), 109-133.
Life style is defined as: ' .. a synthesizing perspective, an important emerging
sociopsychological indicator for delineating the nature of human behavior in general, which is
partly expressed through leisure interests and tastes' (p 109).
Reviews Feldman and Thielbar, and the Rapoports, the idea of social groups involved in leisure,
the idea of 'social circles' (Burdge, Kadushin), varieties of family leisure relationships (Orthner,
Larson), the idea of leisure and personal development (Newman and Newman), and popular and
high culture and taste cultures (Gans).
Murray C, Maguire M. and Ashton D. (1988) Youth lifestyles, employment and the labour
market: concepts in need of clarification. British Journal of Education and Work, 2(2),
28-49.
The first half of the paper only is relevant; reviews qualitative youth studies by Jenkins (1983)
and Coffield et al. (1986) and attempt to show how young people faced with a difficult and
complex post-school environment are engaged in lifestyle formation as coping strategies - rather
than just being 'employed'/'unemployed'.
'.. with regard to social class effects, style of life itself may be a more realistic measure
of class position than occupation, with workers tending to define themselves merely as
'consumers' rather than 'producers'. Consequently, a consumer class consciousness
arises with the individual being socialised into a particular style of life consonant with
what he perceives as his consumer status rather than class position' (p 28).
Myers J. H. and Gutman J. (1974) Life style: the essence of social class. In Wells op. cit.,
235-256.
Includes an extensive review of research on social class status in the USA and argues that life
style is the distinguishing feature of different social class groups. Presents data correlating social
class, income and life style data. Though significant, no correlation is higher than 0.25, but rather
than reject the hypothesis, the authors state that 'none of the correlations is as high as might be
desired in order to clearly support the contention that life style is the 'essence' of social class'.
Nevill A. M. and Jenkins C. (1986) Social area influences on sports centre use, an
investigation of the ACORN method of social area classification. In J. A. Mangan and R.
B. Small (eds) Sports, Culture, Society, Proceedings of the VIII Commonwealth and Inter-
national Conference on Sport, Physical Education, Dance, Recreation and Health. London:
Spon.
See also Jenkins et al., 1989 and Williams et al., 1988.
New Society (nd-1976?) Leisure and Lifestyles. New Society Social Studies Reader, London.
Does not address the issues of lifestyle as such. A collections of articles on leisure topics over
the previous couple of years, including articles on car outings, sun-tanning, holidays, football
hooliganism, 'streaking', underwear, life in conurbations and on new housing estates, and the role
of working men's clubs.
Newman O. (l976) Leisure and life-style. The Ontario Psychologist, 8(2), 28-34.
A discussion of the changing role of leisure and its relationship with work. Generally adopts the
views of Burns (1967).
Noe F. P. (l974) Leisure life styles and social class: a trend analysis 1900-1960. Sociology
and Social Research, 58, 286-293.
A content analysis of references to leisure in four magazines associated with different classes,
over a 60 year period. 'Leisure life style' is not defined. Kaplan's classification of leisure activities
into art, sport, mobility, immobility, games, association and sociability, is used to classify
references. Significant and consistent differences in the types and styles of reference to activities
are found in the different magazines. It is concluded that 'Leisure is apparently a stable indicator
of social class, not only acknowledged in cross-sectional studies, but seemingly over a longer
time period'.
Noe F. P. (1980) Qualitative determinants of recreation opportunities. In T. L. Goodale and

P. A. Witt (eds) Recreation and Leisure: Issues in an Era of Change. Sate College, PA:
Venture, 315-325.
Argues that leisure activity is the means through which status groups are created amd maintained
and that these groups may be more relevant than traditional occupational groupings, both to
participants and to leisure service providers. Discusses the processes by which this might happen.
'In evaluating recreational activities from an organizational perspective, there is the
possibility that in fact recreation molds social class and status distinctions among
individuals rather than the reverse' (p 323).
O'Brien S. and Ford R. (1988) Can we at last say goodbye to social class? An examination
of the usefulness and stability of some alternative methods of measurement. Journal of the
Market Research Society, 30(3), 289-332.
Uses data (n = 1400) from North West England and the rest of Britain to examine the
effectiveness of (primarily) Lifestage, Lifestyle and Social Class in discriminating between
groups on the basis of 20 ownership, activity and attitude variables. On the basis of a number of
comparisons, concludes that social class and lifestage are superior to lifestyle measures and that
social class still has a role to play for certain purposes. However, the stability of the measures
was tested by re- interviewing part of the sample 10 months later. It was found that 40% of
respondents apparently changed social class between to two surveys, mostly due to errors in
coding; in addition, because of apparent changes in responses to attitude questions, as many as
25% of respondents were expected to change lifestyle group. Conclusion is that questioning and
coding re social class needs more attention and that meanwhile lifestage is the best approach at
present.
O'Connell A. N. (l974) Determinants of Women's Life Styles and Sense of Identity;

Personality, Attitudes, Significant Others & Demographic Characteristics. PhD dissertation,
Rutgers University.
See O'Connell, 1976 and 1980.
O'Connell A. N. (l976) The relationship between life style and identity synthesis and
re-synthesis in Traditional, Neotraditional and Nontraditional women. Journal of
Personality, 44(4), 675-688.
Tests the hypothesis that women's formation of an independent personal identity is delayed until
after marriage and child-rearing, during which time identity is a reflection of the family, but that
this is related to life style. For 'traditional' and 'neo-traditional' life styles (see below), the
hypothesis is supported by the data, but for women with non-traditional life styles identity is
formed during adolescence.
O'Connell A. N. (l980) Correlates of life style: personality, role concept, attitudes,

influences and choices. Human Relations, 33(8), 599-60l.
Life style is determined on the basis of the 'Inventory of Women's Lifestyles' (Ginzberg et al.,
1966), which classifies women into three groups: Traditional (leaves workforce after birth of first
child), Neo-traditional (returns to workforce after period of childcare), and Nontraditional
(combines childcare and career). Presents data on 87 middle-class, college-graduated women
aged 30-58 years.
'The study indicates that there are very clear relationships among life style, personality,
role concept, attitudes, the influence of significant others, and personal and professional
choices. The most meaningful of these relationships seems to be the influence of
parents' life style on the daughter's life style' (p 598).
Olszewska A. and Roberts K. (eds) (1989) Leisure and Lifestyle: A Comparative Analysis of
Free Time. London: Sage.
A varied collection of papers from contributors in a number of countries. A definition of lifestyle
is not attempted; the papers adopt a variety of approaches to describing leisure in their particular
countries.
Orthner D. K. (l974) Leisure styles and family styles: the need for integration. Leisure
Today Selected Readings, Washington DC: American Alliance for Health, Physical
Education and Recreation, l5-l6.
A broad discussion of leisure in the family setting.
Ouellet G. (l98l) Determinants psychologiques due style de vie de loisir. In Burton op. cit.,
999-l023.
Based on a survey of 380 respondents in Quebec, classifies 59 leisure activities into 11 categories
and then, using participation data, factor analysis was used to derive two main groupings:
Physical/social and Manual/intellectual. Data was also collected on personal characteristics,
levels of satisfaction with various aspects of life, aspects of leisure considered to be important,
leisure roles and characteristics of leisure activities. Discriminant analysis is used to examine
linkages between these variables and the leisure participation groups. The subjective variables
serve to confirm the groupings based on participation.
Page A. L. and Clelland D. A. (1978) The Kanawha County textbook controversy: a study
of the politics of life style concern. Social Forces, 57(1), 265-281.
Discusses a minor tradition in political analysis known as 'status politics' - political movements/
action related to concerns of Weberian status groups rather than economic interest groups - and
suggests that it be termed 'the politics of life style concern'.
'We believe that the politics of life style concern is the master concept which should be
applied to all struggles involving noneconomic belief systems. Such struggles are not
always reducible to economic conflict but are central to everyday politics for the simple
reason that humans are symbolic animals who organize the world in symbolic terms.
A style of life can be maintained or propagated only to the extent that its adherents
exercise some control over the means of socialization and social intercourse. Life style
concern is most clearly evident when fading majorities come to recognize the eclipse
of their way of life through loss of such control. But rising minorities also engage in
these struggles for cultural protection and dominance' (p 267).
The paper describes and analyses a controversy over school textbook selection in a US
community, where 'cultural fundamentalists' (conservative, white, protestant) objected to the
'liberal' content of textbooks, particularly on religious/moral matters.
'Cultural fundamentalism was once the dominant life style in the United States. Its
strength has been eroded by such master trends as urban heterogeneity,
consumer-orientated affluence, and the pervasive drive of rationalization in all spheres
of life. These trends and others have given rise to a multiplicity of competing status
groups. The control of schools is now primarily in the hands of these other status
groups and that is what the fight in Kanawha County is all about... The central concern
of status group members is the viability of their way of life. It is, therefore, no accident
that the politics of life style concern should so often center on the school system, one
of the major means of production of ways of living' (p 276).
Pais J. M. (1988) Leisure, lifestyles and social structures. Paper to the World Leisure and
Recreation Association congress: Free Time, Culture and Society, Lake Louise, Canada,
(Author: Uni versity of Lisbon) (summary version printed in World Leisure and Recreation,
31(1), 1989, 25-26).
A summary of research based on interviews with 2000 Portuguese young people, indicating the
importance of the peer group in socialisation of young people, although groups of friends are
formed in the context of school, family and community, the more traditonally accepted
socialising institutions.
Pearson K. (1981) Surfing Subcultures of Australia and New Zealand. St Lucia, Qld:
University of Queensland Press.
An historical and sociological account of two styles of involvement with surfing, the organised
surf life-saving movement and un-organised board riders. Discusses the idea of sub-cultures and
how the concept applied particularly to the rise of the board riders, in opposition to the more
conservative style of the surf life-saving activity (see also Irwin re US experience).
Pearson K. (1981a) Subcultures and sport. In J. W. Loy, G. S. Kenyon & B. D. McPherson

(eds) Sport, Culture and Society: A Reader in the Sociology of Sport. Philadelphia: Lea and
Febiger, 131 -156.
Discusses the meanings of subculture and analyses the subcultures of surf life-saving and surf
board riding: two contrasting subcultures within the same sport.
Perreault W. , Darden D. K. and Darden W. R. (l977) A socio-psychographic classification

of vacation life styles. Journal of Leisure Research, 9(3), 208-224.
See Darden and Darden, 1976.
Peterson R. A. (1983) Patterns of cultural choice. American Behavioral Scientist, 26, 422-438
(Editorial article in special issue on Patterns of Cultural Choice - see also Greenberg and Frank;
Gruenberg; Sobel)
Argues that 'Patterns of Cultural Choice' is a better term to cover research on the 'plurality of
distinct patterns of money and time use which people may choose to some degree', than lifestyle,
which has connotations of status/prestige (Weber) and class (subsequent research) which are
potential areas for research rather than intrinsic to the definition of the field. Reviews in general
terms the types of research which have been used to study patterns of cultural choice, including
types of data (subjective, money, time, activity), methods of data reduction, dimensions of
patterns and correlates of pattern membership. Introduces the other articles in the Special Issue.
Peterson R. A. and Ryan J. (1990) The locus of sport hunting and fishing in four taste
cultures: a lesson in accounting for taste. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op cit.,
256-276.
Using data from a US survey of 1067 people, the paper shows that, whereas conventional
analyses of the relationships between hunter/ fishers and demographic, activity and attitude
variables revealed little or no difference between hunter/fishers and other groups, when the group
was sub-divided into four 'taste groups' (the 4 out of 22 psychographic groups which included
hunting/fishing), substantively significant differences were found. Suggests therefore that 'pattern
of choice' analysis (basically psychographics) be used to distinguish differences in style of
participation in activities.
Petrie M. B. and Milton B. G. (l98l) Arts, leisure and social structure in Canada: the
multivariate analysis of predictors of leisure activity style. In Burton op. cit., l59- l86.
A definition of life style is offered as follows:
'Life style strata are consumption classes as opposed to the strictly production basis of
social classes. Generally speaking a life style consists of discernible patterns of
activities and their accompanying value orientations, that mesh together to form a
projected way of life. Life style is thus based on role emphasis which embodies two
elements: (a) a set of behaviours which must be performed to satisfy a role; and (b)
emphasis within an institutional sphere of spheres of life. "leisure style", then, refers
to a subset of life style, referring to role emphasis within the "private sphere" ... The
analysis [in this study] is further restricted to the concept of 'leisure activity style' in that
only the behavioral component is reported on' (p 160).
Factor analysis of activity data from a survey of 12,000 Canadians resulted in 13 'leisure activity
styles':
1. Readers 2. Home-bound respectable video
3. Joiners 4. Hi-brows
5. Home-bound light radio 6. Popular music
7. Sports fans 8. Authentic expressive
9. Active jocks 10. Escapists
11. Busybodies 12. Social event consumers
13. Needlepoint and romance
Respondents' scores on each of these styles/factors were subject multivariate analysis with
background socio-economic etc. variables.
Plummer J. T. (1971) Life style patterns and commercial bank credit card usage. Journal
of Marketing, 35(April), 35-42.
Uses Leo Burnett Activities-Interests-Opinions lifestyle research (see Plummer, 1974) to examine
the difference between car users and nonusers. The paper gives details of a considerable number
of the 300 attitudes statements utilized in the basic research.
Plummer J. T. (1972) Life style patterns: a new construct for mass communications
research. Journal of Broadcasting, Vol.16, Fall-Winter,pp. 79-89.
Outlines the basic Leo Burnett approach to Activities-Interests-Opinions life style research,
which is based on responses to 300 attitude statements (see Plummer, 1974) and, drawing on a
number of surveys, gives examples of how the results can be applied in relation to television.
Shows, for example, how TV show preferences correlate to lifestyle values.
Plummer J. T. (1974) The concept and application of life style segmentation. Journal of
Marketing, 38(1), 33-37 (and in J. H. Westing and G. Albaum (eds) Modern Marketing
Thought. Ne w York: Macmillan, 197*, 382-389).
'The basic premise of life style research is that the more you know and understand
about your customers the more effectively you can communicate and market to them'
(p 383).
Presents a table of 'life style dimensions. Incorporating the basic psychographic AIO (Activities,
Interests, Opinions) elements as below. Discusses how lifestyle is used in market segmentation
and the advantages it offers to marketers.
Activities Interests Opinions Demographics

Work Family Themselves Age
Hobbies Home Social issues Education
Social events Job Politics Income
Vacation Community Business Occupation
Entertainment Recreation Economics Family size
Club membership Fashion Education Dwelling
Community Food Products Geography
Shopping Media Future City size
Sports Achievements Culture Stage in life cycle
Plummer J. T. (1974a) Application of life style research to the creation of advertising

campaigns. In Wells op. cit., 159-169.
An outline of the use of lifestyle-Activity/Interest/Opinion market research by the Leo Burnet
agency, with brief case studies, including one of the 'heavy beer drinker'.
Poel H. van der (1988) Leisure, labour and differentiation of lifestyles. Paper to the Leisure
Studies Association conference: Leisure, Labour and Lifestyle: International Comparisons,
Brighton, UK, June/July.
Discusses the ideas of Lasch and Urry and Offe concerning the 'end of organized capitalism. In
particular the idea that labour is less important in 'the differentiation of daily lifepaths'. Concludes
that we are entering a phase of 'reorganizing capitalism'. Rejects the idea that lifestyle is just an
agglomeration of 'social determinants' or 'factors' and also the idea of lifestyle as merely another
term for observed sub-cultures or ways-of-life. Neither is the process of 'individualisation' an
adequate basis for lifestyle since individualisation does not appear to add anything to class
analysis. Relates lifestyle to the process of commodification, particularly of time, but the
argument is not clear here. Refers to other papers (Mommaas and van der Poel, 1989) where
leisure is related not to labour but to 'core social systems from which people derive the
necessities or necessary income for their living', and draws out the implications for the study of
lifestyle in reorganizing capitalism.
'Lifestyles are social constructs... a set of rules people use to interpret and give direction
to social practices, and not a simple reflection of their material circumstances or social
position or a set of social habits' (p 33).
Porter J. N. Jr (1967) Consumption patterns of professors and businessmen: a pilot study

of conspicuous consumption and status. Sociological Inquiry, 37, (Spring)), 255-265.
Veblen's view that people (including academics)with status 'disequilibration' (lack of correspond-
ence between different status attributes) will resort to conspicuous consumption to raise their
apparent status, is tested in relation to academics, whose salaries are lower than their prestige
status. Comparing professors' (n=121) and businessmen' (n=54) expenditure and friendship
patterns, it was found that professors did not resort to conspicuous consumption, but instead
tended to choose other academics as friends, so reducing status disparity.
Proctor C. (l962) Dependence of recreation participation on background characteristics.
Appendix A of Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission, National Recreation
Survey, Study Report l9. Washington DC: ORRRC, 77-94.
A pioneering study which sought to group recreation activities based on reported participation
patterns. Data on participation in 15 outdoor recreation activities from the US 1960 National
Recreation Survey (n=3600) was subjected to factor analysis and produced four activity groups:
I. Backwoods (camping, fishing, hunting, etc)
II. Boat cultures (boating, water skiing)
III. Country Club/Picnic Ground (Sail, swim, cycling, picnic, etc)
IV. Passive pursuits (driving, walking, sightseeing, etc).
Factor scores were then related to background variables using multiple regression and the
influence of various variables, such as income, age, region, on the different activity groups is
discussed.
Pryce K. (1979) Endless Pressure: A Study of West Indian Life-styles in Bristol. Harmonds-
worth, Middx.: Penguin.
An ethnographic, participant observation study of the West Indian migrant community in Bristol.
Two 'life-orientations' are identified: the stable law-abiding orientation (those in paid jobs) and
the expressive-disreputable orientation (those who 'hustle'). The stable law-abiding orientation
includes three life-style groups: Saints, Proletarian Respectables, and Mainliners; the expressive-
disreputable orientation includes: Hustlers, Teenyboppers and In-betweeners. The ways of life
and attitudes of the various groups are described in some detail. A 'Life-style Map' outlines the
relationship between the two orientations and the six groups, the basic working/non-working
divide being determined by attitudes towards, and reflecting accomodation to, the 'shit work' and
'slave labour' available to West Indians.
Przeclawski K. (1989) Tourism and transformations in the style of living. In D. Botterill

(ed.) Leisure Participation and Experience: Models and Case Studies. Conference papers 37,
Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association, 36-42.
Discusses the implications of different lifestyles leading to demand for different types of tourism
and therefore differing influences on the host community; also the idea that different forms of
tourism can influence people's subsequent lifestyle. Six lifestyle categories are presented:
1. Hedonistic - pursuing an easy and enjoyable life
2. Domineering - seeking domination over others
3. Biological - focussed on long and healthy life
4. Perfectionist - aimed at self-improvement
5. Creative - aspiring to leave achievements for others
6. Altruistic - focussed on granting help to other people.
The corresponding patterns of tourism are:

1. Travelling for pleasure
2. Exploitative tourism - aimed at the exploitation of the population of the visited regions
3. Travelling for leisure and health-improvement
4. Travelling for education and studies
5. Creative tourism
6. Task tourism - aimed to give help to the population of the visited areas.
Rainwater L, Coleman R. P. and Handel G. (1959) Workingman's Wife: Her Personality,
World and Life Style. New York: Macfadden Books.
Does not use the term life style as an analytical category, but nevertheless covers all aspects of
what has come to be included in life style studies, including values, activities, consumption, etc.
Based on 200 in-depth interviews and 200 questionnaire based interviews conducted in four
communities. Includes largely qualitative material on day to day activities, values, attitudes to
the family, and aesthetics as applied to purchasing behaviour. Findings are related to marketing
issues.
Rapoport A. (1977) Human Aspects of Urban Form. Oxford: Pergamon.

Chapter 5, 'The city in terms of social, cultural and territorial variables', discusses the relationship
between urban structure and social groups, neighbours, ghettoes, etc.
Rapoport R. and Rapoport R. N. (l975) Leisure and the Family Life Cycle. London:
The words life style are used frequently throughout the book; the chapter on the elderly is entitled
'Life styles for later years'; and in many ways the 'total' approach to analysis of leisure in the
context of people's lives as a whole is a 'lifestyle' approach, but the concept is not defined in the
book and it is not used as an analytical framework. Its meaning is assumed.
Reynolds F. and Darden W. (1974) Construing life style and psychographics. In Wells, op.
cit., 73-95.
The paper relates the idea of life style to George Kelly's Personal Construct Theory. The theory
states that people order their lives according to a system of developing, dichotomous, evaluative
'constructs' against which all actions are assessed.
'By use of the term 'construction system', Kelly implies the grouping of elements in
which incompatibilities and inconsistencies have been minimized. The elements are the
personal constructs, the 'transparent paterns' a person creates and lays over the events
of his environment. They enable a person to chart a course of behavior - to live a 'style'
of life. In essence, then, we view a person's life style to be the construction system that
he characteristically evolves for himself' (p 83).
When two or more individuals have similar construct systems then they can be seen as forming
a life style group. Psychographics is seen as 'the systematic operationalization of life style' (p 85),
and more specifically (following Hustad and Pessemier) as:
' .. the systematic use of relevant activity, interest, and opinion constructs to
quantitatively explore and explain the communicating, purchasing and consumer
hehaviors of persons for brands, products, and clusters of products' (p 85).
The 'repertory grid' is advocated as a technique for exploring life style structures.
Reynolds F. D. and Wells W. D. (1977) Consumer Behavior. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Quoted by Schutz as containing details of Needham, Harper Lifestyle Surveys.
Rice B. (1988) The selling of lifestyles. Psychology Today, 22, 46-50.

A popular summary of the emergence of psychographics in marketing, mentioning various
American commercial lifestyle systems, focussing particularly on VALS, its basis and its uses.
Riche M. F. (1989) Psychographics for the 1990s. American Demographer, 11( July), 24-26.
Reports on an up-dating of the VALS typology. The new system contains 8 groups as follows:
Based on a survey stressing underlying values rather than attitudes towards consumer goods etc.,
the new system is considered to be easier to understand and to be more useful in having a fairly
even distribution of numbers in the main groups, compared with the concentrations in two groups
in VALS 1.
Riesman D. (1961) The Lonely Crowd. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
In discussing 'consumership', argues that critics of mass media may be missing an aspect which
releases rather than suppresses autonomy in the individual:
'Surely the great mass-media artists, including the directors, writers, and others behind
the scenes who 'create' and promote the artists, amake an important contribution to
autonomy. The entertainers, in their media, out of their media, and in the never-never
land between, exert a constant pressure on the accepted peer-groups and suggest new
modes of escape from them. The sharpest critics of American movies are likely to
forget this too easily. In their concentration on the indubitable failures of quality in
Hollywood movies, they sometimes miss the point that the movies have multiplied the
choices in styles of life and leisure available to millions' (p 291).
Rigby A. (l974) Alternative Realities: A Study of Communes and Their Members. London:
A study of communes in Britain, including aspects of the youth culture and the underground,
self-actualizing, mutual support, activist, practical, therapeutic and religious communes. Is
concerned with the relationship between society and communes and discusses the question of
whether the commune movement is capable of achieving social change in mainstream society:
' .. the communitarians' non-recognition of the social norms, values and life styles that
are treated as legitimate in the taken-for-granted routines of everyday life, and the
production of counter-definitions, can be viewed as potentially revolutionary, in so far
as by such actions they cause people to question the taken-for-granted nature of their
lives and to consider and develop alternative forms of individual, social and economic
life' (p 301).
But to fulfil the potential they alternatives offered must have an audience, must challenge central
themes of mainstream society and must be seen to meet people's basic needs.
Ritchie J. R. B. (1975) On the derivation of leisure activity types: a perceptual mapping

approach. Journal of Leisure Research, 3(1), 128-140.
Groups 12 activities on the basis of 200 respondents' perceptions of the similarity/differences
between pairs of activities, using semantic-differential style measures. Best discriminators were
active/passive, individual/group, simple/difficult to perform and involving/time-filling. On the
basis of these dimensions, activities were grouped into active sports, relaxing entertainment,
social interaction, achievement-orientated hobbies and shopping. These groups are then
compared with previous intuitive and empirical groupings.
Roberts K. (l978) Contemporary Society and the Growth of Leisure, London: Longmans.
Argues that leisure research must consider leisure activity in a broader context:
'Individuals do not so much engage in ad hoc miscellanies of activities as develop
broader systems of leisure behaviour consisting of a number of interdependent
elements, and specific leisure interests are often only explicable in the context of the
wider life-styles to which they contribute' (p 37).
'The educational, family, neighbourhood and occupational differences that lie behind
the blanket label of social class interact to produce contrasting life-styles, and the
explanation of these contrasts lies in the processes of interaction rather than any single
independent variable or work-based factors alone' (p 116).
Argues that modern leisure has a certain autonomy from occupationally based class structures:
'In contemporary pluralist societies 'man at leisure' is subject to heterogeneous
influences and opportunities within which the effects that in isolation would follow
from work can be managed and assimilated into life-styles to which individuals are
independently committed' (p 121).
Despite the importance of life-style as a concept in the book it is never specifically defined.
Roberts K. (l978a) Leisure and lifestyle under welfare capitalism. Society and Leisure, l(2),
229-250.
A discussion of the corporatist/Marxist view of society versus a pluralist view, and their
implications for understanding/explaining leisure. Does not address/define the concept of
lifestyle.
Roberts K, Dench S. and Brodie D. (1990) Leisure-styles and the rest of life. In Filipcova,
Glyptis and Tokarski, op. cit., 277-301.
A study based on a survey of 4000 UK indoor sports centre users; uses same 'leisure-style'
typology as in Roberts and Chambers (1985) based on range of leisure activities and frequency
of participation. Concludes that leisure-style arises from genuine, relatively free, personal choice,
and is largely unaffected by other social roles, such as age, sex, occupation. Admits sample may
be atypical because consisting entirely of sports participants.
Roberts K, Noble M. and Duggan J. (l982) Youth unemployment - an old problem or a new
life-style?. Leisure Studies, l(2), l7l-l8l.
Does not address the concept of life-style as such, but, on the basis of interviews with 550 16-20
year-olds in high unemployment areas of four English cities, establishes that many young people
experience a, partly self-imposed, 'sub-employed life-style', which involves frequent moves in
and out of the labour market.
Roberts S. D, Scammon D. L. and Schouten J. W. (1988) The fortunate few: production as

consumption. In M. J. Houston (ed.) Advances in Consumer Research: Volume 25. Chicago:
Association for Consumer Research), 430-435.
An exploration of the idea that some occupations involve people to such an extent that the
barriers between production and consumption break down. Case studies of a disc jockey, a horse
trainer, a potter and a surgeon. It is concluded that:
'Perhaps the one thing that most obviously distinguishes the informants from those who
engage in production for consumption is the way in which their jobs are central to and
even definitional of an entire way of life'.
Rojek C. (l985) Capitalism and Leisure Theory. London: Tavistock.

States that 'one of Weber's most durable legacies to the sociology of leisure is the concept of
lifestyle' (p 73). Provides a brief summary of Weber's conception and its application to
contemporary society.
Romsa G. H. (l973) A method of deriving outdoor recreational activity packages. Journal

of Leisure Research, 5(4), 34-36.
Analysis data on participation in 26 outdoor recreation activities by 800 Quebec residents.
Cluster analysis resulted in 8 groups and participation in these groups was related to various
socio-economic variables and significant relationships found.
Ruiz J. I. (1990) Life styles and daily leisure - (Vitoria's Case). In Filipcova, Glyptis and
Tokarski, op. cit., 156-169.
On the basis of Tonnies' distinction between community and societal ways of life and Redfield's
distinction between ruralism and urbanism, argues that in modern society homogeneous ways of
life are no longer imposed on all members of a community; life styles result from individual
choice and life style groups are statistical aggregates the members of which may have no social
contact. Distinguishes between the culturalist school (Dumazedier, Bourdieu, Samuels,
Mommaas, Featherstone), the structuralist school (Mitchell, Calvi, Sobel) and the Marketing-ist
school (Geer, Yankelovich, Catelat, Vulpian), and favours the first. Defines life style as:
'.. the personal way in which each individual organizes his/her daily life, that is, the
original individualized way, not only of the personal particularities to do with the
individual's beliefs, values, or norms of daily behaviour, but of the way in which each
person lives the norms of the group, class or global society to which he/she belongs' (p
158).
On the basis of a survey of 1000 residents of Vitoria (capital of a Basque province in Spain),
using factor and cluster analysis, 14 life styles are identified, structured particularly around the
two dimensions: Domestic/extra-domestic and Individualistic/socializing:
1. Domestic family-centred leisure 2. Extra-domestic family-centred leisure
- The household player - The second home
- The TV watcher - The holiday-maker
- The TV addict
3. Non-participative social leisure 4. Participative social leisure
- The politically conscious - The responsible citizen
- The intellectual - The sports spectator
- The refined - The association member
- The bingo-goer - The family socialiser
- The socialiser
Sandys J. and Leaker D. (1987) The impact of integrated employment on leisure lifestyles.
Journal of Leisurability, 14(3), 19-23.
Description of a Canadian program to integrate intellectually handicapped into work situations.
Notes the changed lifestyle of participants, in terms of increased social and leisure activity.
Saunders P. (1988) The sociology of consumption: a new research agenda. In P. Otnes (ed.)
The Sociology of Consumption: An Anthology. New Jersey: Humanities Press International,
141-156.
Argues that consumption has increased in importance relative to production and that therefore
a 'sociology of consumption' is valid, in contrast to sociological perspectives based on producer
relationships. Because of state involvement in provision of services and the growing importance
of leisure, more people find that economically, politically and culturally, their 'relationship to the
means of consumption may well be more significant than [their] relationship to the means of
production'. Relates this to Gorz' ideas on freedom from work. Argues for redistribution of
income for consumers to spend as they see fit, rather than the provision of state services. Lifestyle
is not mentioned, but insofar as lifestyle is partly about patterns of consumption, the 'sociology
of consumption' argues the importance of lifestyle formation in social analysis. (see Warde, 1990
for critique).
Scardigli V. (1990) Consumption, leisure and lifestyle in Western Europe. In Filipcova,

Glyptis and Tokarski, op. cit., 302-322.
Discusses trends in incomes and expenditure patterns, particularly on leisure, during the
post-1950 period, in France and the other countries of the EEC.
Scheys, M. (l986) The power of life style. Paper to the XIth World Congress of Sociology,
New Delhi, Aug l8-22 (Author: Free University of Brussels); also in Society and Leisure,
10(2), 249-266.
Argues that life style is not just a reflection of other aspects of life but is at the core of the
exercise and distribution of power within society. Life style consists of a system of symbols, or
symbolic acts/behaviours associated with different prestige groups in society. These symbols are
judged/evaluated by others in social interaction. They are evaluated according to ideas about what
is desirable, important, valuable, beautiful, just, good, etc. Such matters are determined by those
with cultural power (a power which is 'superimposed on economic and legal power and defines
the interaction context where economic and legal power can be acquired'). Those with cultural
power are those whose life style 'articulates with conceptions concerning the desirable, the
important, the valuable ..' etc. Thus life style 'creates a moral or social community between the
actors..'. Life style therefore creates rather than reflects the distribution of prestige and power in
society.
Schmitz-Scherzer R. et al. (1974) Notes on a factor analysis comparative study of the

structure of leisure activities in four different samples. Journal of Leisure Research, 6(1),
77-83.
A technical piece reporting the results of analysis of four sets of data from Holland and Germany
(n = 800, 1000, 222, 222). The list of activities factor analysed is rather limited and the results
explain relatively low amounts of variance. The activity groups' substantive nature is not
discussed.
Schutz H. G, Baird P. C. and Hawke G. R. (l979) Lifestyles and Consumer Behaviour of

Older Americans. New York: Praeger.
An extensive review of the literature and consideration of the definition of lifestyle and its
measurement, but the empirical results are not very revealing.
' .. lifestyle is the orientation to self, others, and society that each individual develops
and follows. Such an orientation reflects the values and cognitive style of the
individual. Such an orientation is derived from personal beliefs based on cultural
context and the psycho-social milieu related to the stages of the individual's life. These
elements shape the preference system that guides the individual in the formation of
goals and and in the exercise of choice. Thus the behavior of the individual involved
in obtaining and social goods and services, including the decision processes that
precede and determine these acts, are not random, but rest upon a limited number of
distinct values that give meaning and direction to his or her life and influence choices
among alternatives' (p 4).
The following components of lifestyle were arrived at to guide the design of the empirical study:
Psychological nature Role-related behavior
- self-concept and ego ideals - primary relationships
- cognitive style - reference groups
- values and goals - group affiliation
- traits and types - work-leisure-consumption
- self-rated health - education
- life satisfaction - demographic
- demographics
Cultural environment
- material
- normative
- psychological
'With these components in mind, a framework for the measurement of lifestyle was
developed that was based on the use of time through role involvement. Lifestyle as
reflected in the use of time was categorized into seven roles: worker, homemaker,
parent, spouse, friend, community worker, and leisure-time user. Within this concept
three major dimensions were considered:
Quantity of time in roles

- Hierarchy of roles
- Configuration of roles
Affective aspect of roles
- How individual perceives roles
- How individual would like to spend time in roles
- How satisfied individual is with time spent in roles
Value of roles
Interactive aspect of roles
- Solitary or group orientation in roles
- Informal or formal orientation in roles
- Provincial or cosmopolitan orientation in roles
-Reference group' (p 25-26).
The results of the 300 interviews related to the lifestyle aspect are reported somewhat briefly. In
general the relationship between satisfactions with various life domains and demographic
variables are weak.
Scraton S. and Talbot M. (1989) A response to 'Leisure, lifestyle and status: a pluralist
framework for analysis'. Leisure Studies, 8(2), 155-158.
A comment on Veal (1989), criticising the article for failing to recognise the contribution of
feminist research in leisure, for adopting a simplistic view of Marxist arguments, and condoning
atheoretical and sexist market-research, consumerist models.
Seeley J. R, Sim R. A. and Loosely E. W. (1956) Crestwood Heights: A Study of the Culture
of Suburban Life. New York: Basic Books.
A comprehensive study of a Canadian middle class suburb. Does not address the concept of
lifestyle as such, but in a way the whole study is about lifestyle. Chapter 10 on 'The Club', is of
particular interest, illustrating how status groups are formed through the ostensible medium of
leisure.
'Prestige depends more on wealth than lineage, and it is still highly approved behavior
in Crestwood Heights to have amassed that wealth oneself .. Since profound secrecy
must surround the actual amount of income, other ways must be found to proclaim
one's financial potency and hence one's claim to social status. Membership in exclusive
or expensive clubs is a convenient and effective means of proclamation. .. Occupation,
also a highly important determinant of status, is not sufficient in itself to assure
prestige' (p 295).
The mechanisms by which status is conferred and achieved via golf and other clubs is analysed
in some detail, both for adults and for children.
Segnit S. and Broadbent S. (1973) Life style research. European Research, 1(1& 2.
Sessoms H. D. (l980) Lifestyles and lifecycles: a recreation programming approach. Ch l4
of T. L. Goodale and P. A. Witt (eds) Recreation and Leisure: Issues in an Era of Change.
State College, PA: Venture Publishing, l78-l96.
'Essentially, lifestyle is a mode of expression .. the behaviors and attitudes that
characterise one's existence .. the way one lives'.
Discusses the need to change the basis of organization and delivery of public leisure services to
be more responsive to the varying demands of different life style and life cycle groups.
Discussion focusses largely on implications for life cycle rather than life style groups.
Settle R. B, Alreck P. L. and Glasheen J. W. (1978) Individual time orientation and

consumer life style. In H. K. Hunt (ed) Advances in Consumer Research; Volume 5.
Chicago: Assn. for Consumer Research, 315-319.
Relates the results of a 'time orientation test' (relates to focus (past-present-future), activity, and
tenacity) to AIO (Activity Interest Opinion) lifestyle measures from a sample of 600 adults; time
orientation is found to discriminate among lifestyle types.
Shaull R. (1970) The search for a new style of life. In S. E. Deutsch and J. Howard (eds)
Where It's At, Radical Perspectives in Sociology. New York: Harper and Row, 518-532.
A discussion of the desire for 1960s radicals to create new styles of life, particularly as regards
power and economic relations; even suggests that 'a significant number of people are deliberately
choosing a revolutionary style of life'.
Shaw M. (l984) Sport and Leisure Participation and Life-styles in Different Residential
Neighbourhoods: An Exploration of the ACORN Classification. London: Sports
Council/SSRC.
ACORN stands for A Classification of Residential Neighbourhoods, a form of social area
analysis which classifies areas into 11 groups, on the basis of 40 census variables. Areas include:
A. Areas of Modern Family Housing for Manual Workers, D. Poor Quality Older Terraced
Neighbourhoods, E. Rural Areas, H. Low Status Multi-Occupied and Immigrant Areas, J. High
Status Suburbs, K. Resort and Retirement Areas. A commercial market survey was used to
examine whether the ACORN group of a person's residential area was related to leisure
participation. Marked correlations were found between ACORN group and a range of leisure
activities. (See Bickmore, 1980 and Jones, 1983).
Shih D. (1986) VALS as a tool of tourism marketing research: the Pennsylvania experience.
Journal of Travel Research, Spring, 2-11.
A postal survey of 1600 US residents were classified into VALS groups and asked about
important vacation destination selection criteria and their rating of Pennsylvania as a destination.
Differences among the main VALS groups are examined and found to be meaningful and useful
to the tourist marketer.
Sicinski A. (l972) Prospects of changes in the life style in Poland. Society and Leisure, 3,
57-78.
Discusses the relationship between the material standard of living and life style, and future
possibilities for Poland.
Sicinski A. and Wemegah M. (eds) (1983) Alternative Ways of Life in Contemporary Europe.
Tokyo: United Nations University.
An edited collection of papers on the 'alternative movement' in various countries of Europe,
covering theatre and music groups, 'hippies', communes, etc.
Simmel, G. (l976) The style of life (l) and (2). In P. Lawrence, Georg Simmel: Sociologist and
European. London: Nelson, l73-222.
First published in Philosophie des Geldes in 1900, but not available in English translation until
the 1960s and 1970s, this analysis is concerned with the effects of capitalism on the way of life
of individuals. Makes a distinction between objective culture (the sum total of human cultural
achievement) and subjective culture (that part of culture which any one individual can grasp).
Given the role of money and the complex division of labour under capitalism the gap between
objective and subjective culture increases; compared with simpler agrarian or craft economies,
the individual consumer has little knowledge of the myriad processes which are involved in the
production of the many products, services and artefacts which impinge on everyday life.
Knowledge of the objective culture and the extent to which individuals are influenced by it
varies, and 'A community's entire style of life depends on the relationship between objectified
culture and subjective culture' (p 201).
Draws attention to the 'multiplicity of styles encountered in the visible objects of daily life, from
architecture to the design of books, from sculpture to horticulture and furnishings, with their
juxtaposition of Renaissance and Orientalism, Baroque and Empire, Pre-Raphaelitism and
utilitarian realism' (p 212). Then instead of style being something with which the individual or
community is involved, it becomes objective, 'out there'.
'Differentiation of styles makes individual style, and thus style in general, something
objective, whose validity is independent of the individual and his subjective interests,
influences, likes and dislikes. The breakdown of all the visual elements of our cultural
life into a multiplicity of styles destroys the original relationship to them, in which
subject and object were still as one. It leaves us facing a world of expressive
possibilities that have evolved in accordance with their own norms, as forms for giving
utterance to life' (p 213).
Discusses the role of style in class relationships in the context of fashion.

'All fashion is essentially class fashion, that is to say, it always indicates a social class
which uses similarity of appearance to assert both its own inner unity and its outward
difference from other classes. Once the lower classes, aspiring to emulate the upper
classes, adopt a fashion, the upper classes abandon it and create a new fashion' (p 211).
In modern society the rate of change in fashion has increased and the source of new fashion
initiatives has moved to the middle classes. 'Restless individuals and classes clamouring for
variety discover, in fashion, the vehicle of change and contrast, a pace to match their own mental
dynamism'. But its speed of change and widespread nature means that fashion appears now to
'have its own independent impetus as an objective force evolving under its own energies' so that
it 'comes to depend less on the individual, the individual less on fashion, they develop like
separate evolutionary universes' (p 211).
Sobel M. E. (1981) Lifestyle and Social Structure: Concepts, Definitions, Analyses. New
York: Academic Press.
A major study - the only single-author book entirely devoted to the concept of lifestyle. Begins
with an extensive review and analysis of the literature on lifestyle, from Marx (who is deemed
to be, ultimately, concerned about lifestyle), Weber (qv) and Veblen onwards. concludes that the
treatment of the concept in the literature is generally inadequate:
'The use of circumvention, while rarely explicit, is nevertheless the predominant
approach to lifestyles in the sociological literature. This explains why researchers
typically define lifestyles as a mode of living, a seemingly innocuous tautology, and
then proceed directly to an eclectic and/or ad hoc set of measures' (p 16).
Reviews the use and definition of the word 'style', as a precursor to developing an adequate
definition of lifestyle. In particular the question of 'stylistic unity' is discussed. Lifestyle is
defined as 'sets of expressive, observable behaviors defined over individuals' (p 31). On the basis
of an historical review it is concluded that the key 'expressive and observable behavior' which
typifies American lifestyles is consumption. Further it is argued that lifestyles are learned from
social reference groups and these tend to be status groups which structure society.
Empirical analysis is undertaken involving secondary analysis of US national consumer

expenditure data. Expenditure on 18 consumer items is correlated with 15 socio-economic/
geographical variables. In addition the expenditure items are subjected to factor analysis to
explore the question of stylistic unity. The presentation of the results is extremely technical and
difficult to follow. The results are somewhat mundane after the promise of the theoretical
discussion, including such findings as that family size is a better differentiator of expenditure
patterns than marital status and that income and occupational status are better than education, but
education is related to the question of stylistic unity.
Sobel M. E. (1983) Lifestyle expenditures in contemporary America: relations between

stratification and culture. American Behavioral Scientist, 26(4), 521-533 (Special Issue on
'Patterns of Cultural Choice').
A summary of key aspects of Sobel, 1981.
Society (1972) Special issue: new life styles for Americans. 9(4).
Articles on youth culture, 'post-1984' America, the American marriage, home-ownership, singles
and the Jesus Movement.
Sports Council Research Unit (North West) (1985) Active Life Styles: Coventry City Council:
Phase 1 Monitoring Report - Establishing the Project. London: The Sports Council.
An action project designed to extend and enhance the leisure experiences of young people. The
concept of lifestyle as such is not addressed in the report. See also Laventure, 1990.
Sports Council Research Unit (North West) (1985a) Active Life Styles: Coventry City
Council: Interim Report on the Results of the Pupils' Leisure Survey. London: The Sports
Council. See previous item.
Staggenborg S. (1987) Lifestyle preference and social movement recruitment. Social Science
Quarterly, 68, 779-797.
A study in the 'status politics/politics of life-style concern' tradition. Uses in-depth interview data
with members of pro and anti abortion movements, to show that involvement in such a life-style
movement is related not only to identification with the cause as a symbol of a preferred lifestyle,
but also depends on involvement with or links with existing networks - eg churches, student
organisations, women's movement. Thus such movements do not arise spontaneously from
nothing but arise from existing life-style supporting organisations and structures.
Staikov Z. (1990) Concepts, theories and methods of studying lifestyle. In Filipcova, Glyptis
and Tokarski, op. cit., 170-184.
Discusses a concept referred to in Bulgaria as 'additional labour'; does not appear to discuss the
concept of lifestyle.
Stamler J. (l978) Lifestyles, major risk factors, proof and public policy. Circulation:
Journal of the American Heart Association, 58(l), 3-l9.
Stewart A, Prandy K. and Blackburn R. M. (1980) Social Stratificaton and Occupations.

London: Macmillan.
Referred to by Jenkins (1982) as defining lifestyle.
Stone G. P. (1962) Drinking styles and status arrangements. In D. J. Pittman and C. R.

Snyder (eds) Society, Culture and Drinking Patterns. New York: John Wiley, 121-140.
Interview based (n=220) examination of drinking and club membership patterns in a small US
town, showing between-class differences, but also differences between status groups within-
classes, especially the middle class 'localites' and 'cosmopolites' (recently moved from the city).
The interviews showed how frequently people made class or status judgements/assignments
about other people in terms of drinking habits and the type of drinking establishment
(tavern/club, which club) used. Drinking styles classified as 'expressive' (accompanied by
behaviour offensive to others) or 'impressive' (designed to impress others with its correctness
etc).
Strauss A. (1970) Life styles and urban space. In H. Proshansky et al (eds) Environmental
Psychology. New York: Holt, Rinehart Winston, 303-312.
Reviews some of the literature on the ways of life of urban communities. Discusses ways in
which certain areas or streets in cities adopt certain roles (economic, entertainment, ethnic
centres) and therefore attract certain groups of people. Does not address the concept of lifestyle
as such.
Sue R. (1986) Modes de vie et changement social: contribution a une approche conceptuelle
et methologique. Society and Leisure, 9(2), 239-256. (Ways of life and social change: a
contribution to a conceptual and methodological approach).
Discusses the difference between the French terms 'style de vie' and 'mode de vie' and prefers to
use the latter. Argues in favour of time budget diaries as the basis of lifestyle research and
believes that sociologists 'should develop new categorizations for free time, based on lifestyle
typologies'. (Based on English Abstract)
Sufin Z. (1990) Way of life in a situation of regress. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski, op
cit., 323-346.
An outline of the economic and social problems of Poland in the 1980s. The decline in the
material standard of living resulted in the development of a 'parallel' economy to solve economic
problems and a more 'privatised' pattern of social behaviour.
Sulc O. (l972) A contribution to the methodology of forecasting life styles. Society and
Leisure, 3, l59-l76.
Outlines a conceptual model of leisure forecasting linked to a comprehensive 'socialist way of
life' conception as practised in Czechoslovakia at the time. Elements include: development of
consumption, changes in the character of work, educational developments, demographic change,
trends towards socio-economic equality, leisure behaviour, housing and family and social life.
Tallman I. and Morgner R. (1970) Life style differences among urban and suburban
blue-collar families. Social Forces, 48, 334-348.
'We view life-style as a broad rubric under which a number of behavioral activities and
orientations can be included, each of which requires a distinctive investment of the
individual's resources of time, energy, affect or money... We used the following
behaviors and orientations as our indicators of life-style: (a) local intimacy, (b) social
participation in voluntary organizations, (c) church participation, (d) family
organization, (e) subjective class identification, (f) mobility orientation, and (g)
political orientation' (p 337).
Report on results of interviews with 50 urban and 50 suburban blue-collar couples. Shows a great
deal of difference between the two samples on the life-style variables, although the 'residence'
effect is not totally independent. They conclude: 'Our data strongly suggest that an adequate
typology of communities can make a major contribution in explaining the development of
divergent life-styles'. Includes a useful review of previous studies of the suburban/urban life-style
issue.
Tatham R. L. and Dornoff R. J. (l97l) Market segmentation for outdoor recreation. Journal
of Leisure Research, 3(l), 5-l6.
A cluster analysis of participation data in 20 outdoor recreation activities from 640 heads of
households. Ten clusters were identified and related to socio-economic characteristics. It is
concluded that clear market segments with different needs and characteristics exist within the
outdoor recreation market.
Taylor R. and Ford G. (1981) Lifestyle and ageing. Three traditions in lifestyle research.
Ageing and Society, 1, 329-345.
A detailed discussion of the lifestyle concept. Discusses the relationship between lifestyle and
class; reviews studies on Lifestyle as Structure (Lowenthal et al., 1976), Lifestyle as Content
(Maas and Kuyper, 1977) and Lifestyle as Meaning (Williams and Wirths, 1965). The question
is posed:
'.. are we to consider lifestyle simply as a useful means of 'partitioning' or descriptively
reducing a wide range of independently variable observables, or are we prepared to go
beyond them and say that the types have an existential reality, and even that they are
real objects of orientation for social actors?' (p 340)
They are attracted to the latter view and the possibility that lifestyle may provide coherence/
predictability in people's lives and consequently the ability to cope with stress/change etc. From
the literature, 10 'vignettes' of elderly lifestyles were devised, with a view of testing them in the
field:
Taking life easy Gregarious Solitary Spouse centred Invalid
Altruist Hobbyist Family centred Work centred Full life.
Only early results from the fieldwork are reported, suggesting 'strongly differentiated responses'
to the vignettes.
Teel J. E, Bearden W. O. and Durand R. M. (1979) Psychographics of radio and television

audiences. Journal of Advertising Research, 19, 53-56.
Thomas T. C. and Crocker S. (1981) Value and Lifestyles - the New Psycho-graphics. Menlo
Park, Calif.: Stanford Research Institute.
Tigert D. J. (1971) A research project in creative advertising through life style analysis. In
C.W. King & D. J. Tigert (eds) Attitude Research Reaches New Heights. Chicago: American
Marketing Assn, 223-227.
Tigert D. J. (1974) Life style analysis and media selection. In Wells, op.cit., 173-201.
Concerns the use of life style data to select media for advertising purposes. Extensive data are
presnted on the way life style attitude statements discriminate between magazine readers,
particularly Playboy, and different types of television program.
Tikhomirov N, Gordon L. and Klopov E. (l972) Studies in the way of life of the working
people and some problems of social planning. Society and Leisure, 3, 35-56.
Outlines the Soviet approach to the achievement of the socialist way of life, which involves
social planning at the regional, local and indust-rial level. Describes, using empirical data,
especially from time-budget studies, some of the inequalities and other problems which this
process is designed to overcome. These include the continuing inequal-ities of women in the
'non-productive' sphere, the problem of facil-itating adult education, and the possible negative
effects on other cultural activities of excessive television watching. Refers to multi-variate
analysis designed to identify groups with a balanced, ideal way of life.
Toffler A. (1970) A diversity of life styles. Ch.14 of Future Shock. London: Pan, 276-293.
Observes the proliferation of sets of conflicting values in American society:
'Faced with colliding value systems, confronted with a blinding array of new consumer
goods, services, educational, occupational and recreational options, the people of the
future are driven to make choices in a new way. They begin to 'consume' life styles the
way people of earlier, less choice-choked time consumed ordinary products'. (p 278).
'How we choose a life style, and what it means to us, therefore, looms as one of the
central issues of the psychology of tomorrow. For the selection of a life style, whether
consciously done or not, powerfully shapes the individual's future. It does this by
imposing order, a set of principles or criteria on the choices he makes in his daily life...
While the society bombards the individual with a swirling, seemingly patternless set
of alternatives, the selections made are anything but random. The consumer comes
armed with a pre-established set of tastes and preferences. Moreover, no choice is
wholly independent. Each is conditioned by those made earlier. In short, there is a
certain consistency, an attempt at personal style, in all our actions - whether consciously
recognised'. (p 279)
Suggests that media and cult heroes have something to do with establishing styles and role
models, but these are adapted, developed and promulgated by members of 'sub-cults'. Argues that
life style is becoming increasingly important to people; it is an expression of underlying values
and involves commitment and is 'a crucial strategy in our private war against the crowding
pressures of over-choice' (p 286). When people are 'between life styles', because of change in
circum-stances etc., stress is experienced until a new, satisfactory life style has been evolved.
Sees the opportunity to create new life styles from a wide range of components as one of the
triumphs and exhilarations of the emerging post-industrial society. But recognises that the
proliferation of values and life styles threatens social cohesion - and is an aspect of 'future shock'.
Tokarski W. (l984) Interrelationships between leisure and life styles. WLRA Journal, 26(l,
Jan), 9-l3.
Argues that in order to understand contemporary leisure it is necessary to research the meanings
attached to leisure activities by people, to recognise that leisure is multi-functional, and to study
groups of activities which relate to life style. Reports on a German study of 360 working men,
46 leisure activities and 24 possible meanings. Factor analysis produced 10 groups of activities
and six dimensions of meaning:
Activity Groups
Resting (dozing, idling, relaxing)
Enjoying nature (hiking, going for walk, sightseeing, etc.)
Being productive, do-it-yourself activities (gardening etc)
Being together with the family (discussing, watching TV)
Educational, cultural, political and social engagement
Legal or illegal work in leisure time
Doing housework, cooking, etc. Listening to radio, music
Sports Pleasures
Meanings Happiness, satisfaction
Activity, efficiency Self-confidence
Subordination, accommodation Activities by using individual interests
Constraints, fear, refusal
Relationships between these two taxonomies are examined.

A plea is made for more sophisticated life style research.
Tokarski W. (l985) Editorial: lifestyles. World Leisure and Recreation, 27(2), 5.

A summary of some of the conclusions from the sessions on lifestyle at the WLRA Marly-le-Roi,
France, 1984 conference. These included the view that there was a need for 'common indicators'
to assist comparative research;, more agreement on concepts as related to theory; inclusion of
psychological aspects, individuals' goals, the question of individual/family interaction, and the
geographer's concept of 'life space'; the need for a multiplicity of approaches; a hierarchical
relationship between 'way of life' and 'life-style; and a need to consider economic factors.
Tokarski W. (1987) Leisure and life-styles of the elderly: outline of a research programme.
European Journal of Education, 22( 3/4), 327-333.
Defines life-style as being primarily concerned with leisure, but also with attitudes, motivations,
etc., and is defined as:
'- the objective and subjective connection of factors affecting the person, the
environment, and social and cultural structures;
- the spatial, temporal and social organisation of these factors, including their social
evaluation with regard to the fulfilment of tasks and the achievement of aims;
- the conditions of their origin and their change'.
Reports preliminary results of a study of continuity and discontinuity in life-styles of elderly

people in Germany. Life-style is operationalised by measuring:
Personal: demographic structure; socio-economic structure; personality structure; values and
attitudes; circumstances/events.
Environmental: ecological structure; work situation; social relations; temporal structure.
General social and cultural: historical structure; political and economic structure.
For a sample of 180 men, correlations are reported between data on these structural variables and
leisure activity and are generally found to be significant.
Tokarski W. (1988) Life style course in old age: on the continuity and discontinuity of
leisure life styles of the elderly. Paper to the World Leisure and Recreation Association
World Congress, Lake Louise, Canada, May, (summary version: 'Continuity and
discontinuity of leisure lifestyles in old age: results of a re-analysis. World Leisure and
Recreation, 31(1), 1989, 27-28).
Uses data from the Bonn Longitudinal Study (1965-80, n=200) to explore continuity/change in
leisure life styles at five yearly intervals. Variables used to investigate life style included a wide
range of socio-economic, demographic, situational and attitudinal variables. Uses the technique
of 'graphic semiology' to analyse the data. Diagrammatic representation of results showing life
style groups are presented. Conclusions are that life style groups are not clearly demarcated, that
they are unstable over time, there is a reduction in the variety of life styles with increasing age,
and continuity rather than discontinuity seems apparent.
Tokarski W. and Uttits P. (l984) Leisure life styles: some more differentiations from a
sociological point of view. In M. Romer (ed.) Le Temps Libre et le Loisir, papers from World
Congress of Leisure Research, 24-28 Sept, Paris: Assn pour la Diffusion de la Recherche
sur l'Action Culturelle, III.4.59-62.
Touraine A. (l974) The Post Industrial Society. London: Wildwood House.

Touraine's preferred term for the 'post-industrial' society is the 'programmed' society. In the
programmed society increasing areas of social and cultural life are programmed in to the central
capitalist enterprise: everything is made to fit and function in the required manner. Thus 'The
production process imposes a life-style that matches its objectives and its power system' (p 7).
Draws attention to the effects of mass society on leisure, leading to a mono-culture and 'styles
of conduct increasingly engineered from the top of society' (p 197). Discusses the effects of mass
media on working class culture and power relations in society.
Towle J. G. and Martin C. R. Jr (1976) The elderly consumer: one segment or many? In
B.B. Anderson (ed) Advances in Consumer Research III. Chicago: Association for
Consumer Research, 463-4 68.
Data consisting of 13 demographic variables, 20 psychographic personality trait and attitude
items and 10 'buying style' items, for 200 elderly people were subject to cluster analysis to
produce six segments for the 'elderly consumer':
1. Saver/planner (buys unknown brands): frank, candid, self-assured, confident (25%)

2. Brand loyalist (does not buy for approval of friends): brave, courageous, reserved,
conventional, insecure, not stubborn (8%)
3. Information seeker (persuasable): kind, sincere (10%)
4. Economy shopper (not brand-loyal): not brave, not dominating, not egocentric, not frank,
candid, funny, witty (11%)
5. Laggard (not persuasable): not witty, not kind, not reserved, liberal (11%)
6. Conspicuous consumer: stubborn, egotistical, dominating (35%).
Townsend B. and Riche M. F. (1987) Two paychecks and seven lifestyles. The American
Demographer, 9(August), 24-29.
Reports briefly on a study of two-income earning households in the USA, based on the '1986
Current Population Survey'. Divided into Full-nesters, Crowded Nesters, New Parents, Young
Families, Honeymooners and Just-A-Couples.
Tulloch J. and Healy C. (l982) Changing lifestyles: a wellness approach. Occupational

Health Nursing, June, l3-45.
Quote Ardell as defining lifestyle as 'all those behaviors over which we do have control,
including those actions which affect our health risks'. A review of health related phenomena
which affect 'wellness' - stress, nutrition, fitness, etc., and the role of the nursing profession in
promoting lifestyles which will improve 'wellness'.
Tyrrell R. (1988) Leisure and lifestyles in the mass middle class society. Paper to the
Leisure Studies Association conference: Leisure, Labour and Lifestyle: International
Comparisons, Brighton, UK, June/July (Author: Henley Centre for Forecasting, London).
Produces statistics to indicate the extent to which British society is now dominated by a mass
middle group of relatively affluent people and how their values and attitudes towards
consumption and leisure activity are changing.
Veal A. J. (l979) Countryside Recreation in England and Wales in l973, Working Paper 66,
Birmingham: Centre for Urban and Regional Studies, University of Birmingham.
Uses data from a national survey do group activities on the basis of a manual analysis of the
correlation matrix derived from participation/ non-participation data.
Veal A. J. (1986) Lifestyle - concept or buzzword? Paper presented to the International

Sociological Association World Congress, New Delhi, August.
Pre-cursor to this report. A preliminary review of the literature, which suggests that, sociologists
are guilty of using the term 'lifestyle' as a 'buzzword' rather than an analytical concept, in the
same way that the commercial world uses the word to sell everything from health foods to
condoms.
Veal A. J. (1988) Leisure, lifestyle and status: a pluralistic framework for analysis. Paper
to the Leisure Studies Association conference, Brighton, UK, June/July (and in Leisure
Studies, 8(2), 1989, 141-154 - see also Critcher, 1989; Scraton and Talbot, 1989; Veal, 1989).
Argues that Weber's concepts of status and lifestyle provide the basis for a research agenda for
leisure studies with a pluralist perspective, as opposed to the class basis of the neo-Marxist
perspective. Notes that lifestyle can be linked to broader social structure via the 'politics of
lifestyle concern' (see Page and Clelland, 1978; Lorentzen, 1980; Zurcher et al., 1971).
Veal A. J. (1989) Leisure, lifestyle and status - a response. Leisure Studies, 8(3), 213-218.
A response to the criticisms of Critcher (1989) and Scraton and Talbot (1989), reasserting that
lifestyle can provide a useful framework for analysis independent of class.
Veal A. J. (1990) Leisure and lifestyle: a bibliography. In Filipcova, Glyptis and Tokarski,
op. cit., 348-365.
Predecessor to this publication.
Veal A. J. (1991) Leisure, lifestyle and neighbourhood. Paper to the World Leisure and
Recreation Association Congress: Leisure and Tourism: Social and Environmental Change,
Sydney, July 16-19 .
Compares 'ACORN' and other variables, such as age, socio-economic group and life-cycle in
terms of their relationships with leisure participation, using British General Household Survey
data. Concludes that ACORN is not as effective a predictor as the more traditional variables.
Veal, A. J. (1993) The concept of lifestyle: a review. Leisure Studies, 12(4), 233-252.
A summary version of this report.
Veblen T. (1970) The Theory of the Leisure Class. London: Allen and Unwin (originally
published 1899).
Analysis of the behaviour of wealthy elites in capitalist society. Leisure is seen as a form of
'conspicuous consumption' which demonstrates the possession of wealth. Outlines the ways in
which standards of taste, dress, etc, reinforce the status of the 'leisure class'. While the analysis
concentrates on the elites, it also involves theories of motivation and behaviour about all strata
of society, particularly the mechanism of 'pecuniary emulation', which suggests a system of status
struggle spreading throughout society:
' .. the standard of decency in expenditure, as in other ends of emulation, is set by the
usage of those next above us in reputability; until, in this way, especially in any
community where class distinctions are somewhat vague, all canons of reputability and
decency, and all standards of consumption, are traced back by insensible gradations to
the usages and habits of thought of the highest social and pecuniary class - the wealthy
leisure class'. (p 81)
He argues that taste with regard to everyday artefacts varies from class to class:
'.. variation in matters of taste, from one class of society to another, is visible .. as
regards many .. kinds of consumable goods, as, for example, is the case with furniture,
houses, parks, and gardens. This diversity of views .. is not a constitutional difference
of endowments in the aesthetic respect, but rather a difference in the code of
reputability which specifies what objects properly lie within the scope of honorific
consumption for the class to which the critic belongs' (p 98).
Vecemik J. (l972) Problems of the conceptualization of a socialist lifestyle. Society and

Leisure, 3, ll7-l38.
Writing from Czechoslovakia in 1972, states that the socialist countries are addressing the task
of raising material living standards as a:
' .. basic task in the processes of the gradual subjugation of all key aspects of human life
to the self-control of socialist society. It creates the essential conditions for a more
profound moulding of life, for the formation of a socialist life style. .. The process of
moulding a socialist life style has still another important historical purpose that
objectively proceeds from the context of a divided world - it should create a polemic
alternative to the so-called 'consumer society'. Socialist society has the enormous
opportunity to utilize the large amount of evidence about the difficult problems which
the 'spontaneous' development of consumption and creation of a social consciousness
leads to in capitalist countries, to avoid them or to anticipate their solution and thus to
prove its supremacy in the basic purposive function of social development'.
Veltri J. J and Schiffman L. G. (1984) Fifteen years of consumer life style and value
research at AT&T. In R.E. Pitts and A.G. Woodside (eds) Personal Values and Consumer
Psychology. Lexington, Ma ss.: Lexington Books.
Venkatesh A. (1977) The Significance of the Women's Movement to Marketing: A Life Style
Analysis. PhD dissertation, School of Management, Syracuse University.
See Venkatesh, 1980, for summary.
Venkatesh A. (1980) Changing roles of women - a life-style analysis. Journal of Consumer

Research, 7 (Sept), 189-197.
A sample of 333 women was divided, on the basis of a scale derived from declared beliefs/
attitudes, into three groups: traditionalists, moderates and feminists. Life-style was determined
by factor analysis of responses to attitude statements considered relevant to the issue of
feminism/ marketing; factors related to views on sex stereotyping (in advertisement and toys),
self-confidence, fashion and personal appearance, television viewing, life simplification products,
leisure/work, innovative behaviour, opinion leadership and frozen foods. Significant, differences
in life-style attitudes were found between the three groups.
Villani K. E. (1975) Personality/lifestyle and television viewing behavior. Journal of

Marketing Research, 12, 432-439.
A study based on a sample of 955 US women head of households, covering lifestyle (214
statements), personality traits, demographics and viewing habits. Factor analysis produced 51
lifestyle factors and 13 personality factors/traits (all listed). Multiple regression of lifestyle,
personality and demographics scores against various TV program types gave low values of R2
(mostly less than 0.1) and various validity tests also proved disappointing.
Vitanyi I. (l984) New horizons in leisure and life style research. WLRA Journal, 26(l), 5-8.
Discusses life style in the context of Habermas' theory of social publicity. Presents data from
Hungarian research on the correlations between different types of leisure activity. Argues that life
style has a historical, dynamic dimension as well as current structure/ pattern dimensions.
Voges W. and Pongratz H. (1988) Retirement and lifestyles of older women. Ageing and
Society, 8, 63-84.
Discusses definitions of lifestyle in the literature and concludes that lifestyle is a combination of
'person-related traits' and 'context-related traits' and 'functions as a mediator between aspects of
social structure and individual resources'. Reports on in-depth interviews with 16 women who
had transferred to residential care facilities in Munich. Lifestyle, especially the question of
continuity, is analysed along certain dimensions:
- morphological (local, cosmopolitan)
- social (encapsulated, segregative, integrated, isolated)
- roles and activities ('mother' vs 'employee')
- leitmotive - 'plan of life'
- symbolic (symbols of self-esteem - esp. class/status related).
Walker A. J. (ed) (1987) Lifestyles and Libraries, Proceedings of the 24th Libraries
Association of Australia Conference, Darwin, 1986, Sydney: LAA.
No reference to lifestyle in the papers: a case of the word being used to provide a marketable title
for the conference.
Walsh K. T. et al (l985) The new-collar class. US News and World Report, Sept. l6, 59-65.
Outlines the characteristics of a new US consumer group, based on ideas of Ralph Whitehead
(Univ. of Massachusetts):
'Some 22 million strong, they are the young-to-middle-age adults who program
America's computers, manage its fast-food stores, type its letters, drive its trucks, teach
its children and find community in the gritty populist anthems of singer Bruce
Springsteen'.
Discusses the buying power, attitudes, etc. of the group.
Walters G. D. and White T. W. (1988) Society and lifestyle criminality. Federal Probation,
52, 52-55.
Warde A. (1990) Production, consumption and social change: reservations regarding Peter
Saunders' sociology of consumption. International Journal of Urban and Regional Studies,
14(2), 228-248.
Criticises Saunders (qv) for idealising the market mechanism and ignoring its faults, for
generalising from housing which has special properties, for ignoring inequalities in resources for
and access to consumption, and exaggerating the politics of consumption classes. Argues that
analysis of the variety of ways in which services might be delivered/obtained (including
self/domestic service as well as state and private) would provide a more fruitful direction of
enquiry.
Wearing B. (1989) Leisure, unpaid labour, lifestyles and the mental and general health of
suburban mothers, Sydney, Australia. Australian Journal of Sex, Marriage and the Family,
10(3), 118-132.
Reports on interviews with 30 middle class mothers with babies and their attitudes to leisure and
its relationship to general health. The question of defining lifestyle is referred to but a specific
definition is not adopted.
Weber M. (1948) Class, status and party. In H. H Gerth and C. W. Mills (eds, tran) From
Max Weber, New York: Oxford University Press), 180-195 (Originally published in 1922,
in German, in Economy and Society).
The first unequivocal sociological use of the term 'style of life'. In discussing the distribution of
power between groups in society, distinguishes between classes, which are defined on the basis
of economic power, and status groups (Lande - sometimes translated as 'estates') defined on the
basis of honour, reflected in distinctive styles of life.
'In contrast to classes, status groups are normally communities. They are, however,
often of an amorphous kind. In contrast to the purely economically determined 'class
situation' we wish to designate as 'status situation' every typical component of the life
fate of men that is determined by a specific, positive or negative, social estimation of
honor. This honor may be connected with any quality shared by a plurality, and, of
course, it can be knit to a class situation: class distinctions are linked in the most varied
ways with status distinctions. But status honor need not necessarily be linked with a
'class situation'. On the contrary, it normally stands in sharp opposition to the
pretensions of sheer property. ..In content, status honor is normally expressed by the
fact that above all else a specific style of life can be expected from all those who wish
to belong to the circle' (p 187).
' .. the market and its processes 'knows no personal distinctions': 'functional' interests
dominate it. It knows nothing of 'honor'. The status order means precisely the reverse,
viz.: stratification in terms of 'honor' and styles of life peculiar to status groups as such
(p. 192)... With some over-simplification, one might thus say that 'classes' are stratified
according to their relations to the production and acquisition of goods; whereas 'status
groups' are stratified according to the principles of their consumption of goods as
represented by special 'styles of life' (p 193).
Status groups hinder the 'rational' operation of the market system. The status group normally
restricts 'social' (that is non-economically instrumental) intercourse, effecting 'endogamous
closure'. 'Socially irrelevant imitation of another style of life', is contrasted with 'agreed-upon
communal action' to effect closure and so establish a status group. Gives examples of
neighbourhood communities as status groups, but also descendants of the Pilgrim fathers, etc.,
ethnic and religious groups and occupational groups. Status is generally developed through
'usurpation', but can acquire legal backing with time. Ethnic groups and caste systems are
discussed as exemplifying status groups. Traditionally status groups have acquired certain
'material monopolies', such as privilege of the wearing of special costumes or the bearing of
arms. It is suggested that the status system flourishes in periods of social stability, but during
unstable periods class comes to the fore.
Wells W. D. (1973) Seven questions about lifestyle and psychographics. In B.W. and H.
Becker (eds) Dynamic Marketing in a Changing World. Chicago: American Marketing Assn,
462-465. (also in R.J. Holloway & R.S. Hancock (eds) The Environment of Marketing
Management. 3rd edn., New York : John Wiley, 223-227).
Discusses a number of very practical issues concerning the usefulness of the lifestyle concept to
marketers.
Wells W. D. (ed.) (1974) Life Style and Psychographics, Chicago: American Marketing Assn.
See: Dembey; Hustad and Pessemier; Reynolds and Darden; Wind and Green; Plummer; Tigert;
Myers and Gutman; Wells.
Wells W. D. (1974a) Life style and psychographics: definitions, uses and problems. In
Wells, op. cit., 325-363.
A very general overview of the nature and uses of psychographic/life style research, its various
roles in marketing and technical problems.
Wells W. D. (1975) Psychographics: a critical review. Journal of Marketing Research, 12,

196-213.
A review of the use of psychographics/lifestyle research using 5 case studies, to show how
lifestyle variables are more discriminatory among consumers/non-consumers of products than
traditional demographics, and that more than one lifestyle factor can be related to purchase of a
particular product. Critical issues are then discussed, such as the reliability of dependent variables
used, construct validity andf predictive validity. Includes an extensive (148 item) bibliography.
Wells W. D. and Cosmas S. C. (1977) Lifestyles. In Selected Aspects of Consumer Behavior.

Washington DC: National Science Foundation, 299-316.
An overview of the development and use of life style research. Notes a number of problems,
including lack of consensus on definitions, the length of the questionnaires involved in
activity-opinion-interest studies and the technical problems which this gives rise to and the
problem of determining the number of segments in segmentation studies and the practical
implications which arise from large or small numbers of segments.
Wells W. D. and Tigert D. J. (1971) Activities, interests and opinions. Journal of Advertising
Research, 11(4), 27-35.
Wilensky H. L. (l970) Emerging leisure styles: a microscopic prediction about the fate of
the 'Organization Man'. Society and Leisure, 4(1), l49-l74.
Appears to use 'sub-culture' and 'style of life' interchangeably when offering the following
definition:
'When the values and beliefs learned in family, school, and work are reinforced by a
convergence of racial, ethnic or religious origin and locality, we have some chance of
locating a 'sub-culture' or 'style of life' - a pattern of behavior and attitude that persists
through more than one generation and coheres enough to cross-cut diverse spheres of
life' (p 149/150).
Presents data on US males in a variety of occupations to establish the lifestyle of the
'Organization Man', which is 'active, group-centered, conforming, and fluid - a
pseudo-community pattern, unguided by stable values'.
Williams E. A, Jenkins C. and Nevill A. M. (1988) Social area influences on leisure activity
- an exploration of the ACORN classification with reference to sport. Leisure Studies, 7(1),
81-94.
Explores the use of the ACORN system of social area analysis (see Shaw, 1984) to study
catchment areas of sports centres in Birmingham, UK. The catchment areas of various centres
are shown to vary markedly in terms of ACORN groupings. Surveys of young people in the area
shows that sports participation varies substantially according to the type of ACORN area in
which respondents live, indicating that ACORN may have potential for planning and
management/marketing. (See also Jenkins et al., 1989).
Williams R. H. (1963) Styles of life and successful aging. In R. H. Williams, C. Tibbitts and
W. Donahue (eds) Processes of Aging, Vol.1. New York: Atherton Press, 335-371.
Williams R. H. (1966) A concept of style of life induced from a study of aging. Journal of
Individual Psychology, 22, 100-103.
Outlines the emergence of the concept of style of life as used in the Kansas City Study of Adult
Life (see Williams and Wirths, 1965, below), and compares the concept used in that study withe
Adler's use of the term.
Williams R.H. and Wirths C.G. (1965) Lives Through the Years: Styles of Life and
Successful Aging. New York: Atherton Press.
From the Kansas City Study of Adult Life, involved detailed study of 168 elderly men and
women. Each of the 168 subjects is given a 'case history' name - eg Aging Busman's Holiday, Am
I Aging? Baby Sister, The Heavy Loser, Keeping Alive, Slow and Easy...(the ultimate in
individual lifestyle analysis). Classification into six styles of life was achieved by informal
examination of interview schedules, cross-validated by members of the research team. The six
groups were:
- World of Work
- Familism
- Living Alone
- Couplehood
- Easing Through Life with Minimal Involvement
- Living Fully.
Each group is illustrated by detailed descriptions of representative case-histories who are most
successful, less successful and least successful 'agers'. Success is based on assessment of
autonomy and dependency, persistence and precariousness. Each style 'has its own, and
somewhat different, prerequisites for success' (p 214). Seven factors are listed in order of priority
for successful aging:
1. Autonomy
2. Persistence
3. Clarity and saliency of style
4. Characteristic uses of action energy on the 'good' side
5. Flexibility
6. Life satisfaction
7. Keeping active.
The overall conclusion of the study is that:
' .. influencing the general situation so that persons can maintain their styles of life as
they grow older, yet at the same time cope with the process of disengagement, may be
more important and affect more people than direct intervention. This approach should
be developed in the earlier years of life so that persons become deeply entrenched in
autonomy, develop a clear style, use their action energy in optimal ways, and learn to
be flexible. Then, in old age, they will be much more likely to remain autonomous and
to follow the motto, 'To thine own style be true' (p 216).
Willie C. V. (1972) Life styles of black families: variations by social class. In Feldman and
Thielbar op. cit., 406-417.
Based on in-depth interviews with 200 families. Divides black families into: Middle class -
affluent conformists; Working class - innovative marginals; Lower class - struggling poor.
Describes work, family and leisure patterns and values. Provides an analysis based on Merton's
five kinds of adaptation of individuals to social organisations: conformity, innovation, ritualism,
retreatism and rebellion.
Willis P. (l978) Profane Culture. London: Routledge.

An ethnographic study of bikeboys and hippies. The bikeboys came primarily from the working
class and the hippies from the middle class; they developed life-styles in opposition to or as
alternatives to the dominant culture and it 'is possible to suggest that all other distinctive
life-styles lie somewhere between these two in terms of their class-cultural nature and location'
(p 8). In a theoretical appendix three modes of analysis of 'cultural relationships' are outlined:
1. The indexical - 'the degree to which external items are related to a social group in a general
quantitative sense. Including, for instance, houses, cars, pop music, television programs,
commodities of all kinds and natural landscapes.
2. The homological - 'how far, in their structure and content, particular items parallel and
reflect the structure, style, typical concerns, attitudes and feelings of the social group. .. It
is the continuous play between the group and a particular item which produces specific
styles, meanings, contents and forms of consciousness' (p 191).
3. The integral - explaining how the elements of a homology interact; how the homology
comes about.
Wind J. (1971) Life style analysis: a new approach. In F.C. Allwine (ed.) Proceedings of
American Marketing Association. Series No. 33, Chicago, A.M.A.
Wind J. and Green P. (1974) Some conceptual, measurement, and analytical problems of
life style research. In Wells, op. cit., 99-126.
A critical review of the conceptual and methodological aspects of life style research. Define life
style as 'the overall manner in which people live and spend time and money'. Note that life style
has been measured in five different ways:
1. Products and services consumed.
2. Activities, interests and opinions.
3. Value systems.
4. Personality traits.
5. Attitudes towards and benefits sought from various product classes.
A classification of life style characteristics is presented as shown in the diagram below (in
simplified form). The general lack of underlying theory and of attempts to test the validity of life
style constructs is noted.
Witt P. (1971) Factor structure of leisure behaviour for high school age youth in three
communities. Journal of Leisure Research, 3(2), 213-219.
Data on frequency of participation in 44 leisure activities from high school age youth in three
locationn (n= 584, 391, 544) was factor analysed to produce three groups of activities, which
were stable over the three communities. The groups were:
- Sports
- Adolescent-Social
- Outdoor-Nature
- Aesthetic-Sophisticate
Factor scores are correlated with socio-demographic data and the groups are compared with the
groups obtained by Bishop for adults.
Woodside A. G. and Pitts R. E. (1976) Effects of consumer life styles, demographics and
travel activities on foreign and domestic travel. Journal of Travel Research, 14(Winter),
13-15.
A brief account of a survey of 386 US males concerning travel behaviour and 56 'life-style
activities' (not explained). 'Life-style profiles' are presented of non-travellers, domestic travellers
and foreign travellers, which relate to typical leisure activities, income and family situation.
Wynne D. (1990) Leisure, lifestyles and the construction of social position. Leisure Studies,
9(1), 21-34. (also in S. Parker (ed) (1989) Work, Leisure and Lifestyles, Part 1. Conference
Papers 33, Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association, 95-111).
An ethnographic account which relates the leisure practices of residents of a northern England
housing estate to the ideas of Bourdieu and Featherstone on economic and cultural capital,
lifestyle and social position. Two (male) middle class groups are examined. The 'drinkers' did not
have full-time tertiary education, and had progressed to management positions: their domestic
and leisure tastes and practices are contrasted with those of the 'sporters' who had tertiary
education and professional jobs. The 'drinkers' lifestyle related more to economic capital whereas
the 'sporters' place more emphasis on cultural capital. Notes that the two groups contest the use
of the leisure spaces which they share. Concludes that 'leisure is becoming increasingly important
in the construction of social position', and that there is a 'need for an examination of leisure
practices, not as appendages to an existent lifestyle, but as part of the construction and
affirmation of social position'.
Wynne, D. (1998) Leisure, Lifestyle and the New Middle Class. London: Routledge.
A more extended treatment of Wynne, 1990.
Yankelovich D. (l979) Work, values and the New Breed. Ch. l of C. Kerr and J. M. Rosow
(eds) Work in America: The Decade Ahead. New York: Van Nostrand, 3-26.
Discusses the values and outlooks of the 'New Breed' of Americans and the consequences for the
job market, industry and the economy. The New Breed is characterised by:
S 'an ethic built around duty to oneself, in glaring contrast to the traditional ethic of obligation
to others';
S 'greater freedom for the individual, freedom to express impulses and desires that people have
been accustomed to suppress';
S increasing importance of leisure;
S the symbolic importance of the paid job;
S insistence that jobs become less depersonalized.
Yankelovich D. (1969) What new life styles mean to market planners. Ch. 3 of J.H. Westing
and G. Albaum (eds) Modern Marketing Thought. New York: Macmillan, 23-29 (and in
Marketing/Communications, June 1971, 38-45).
A paper aimed at marketers to alert them to the importance of being informed about changing
trends in lifestyles (no definition offered) but to warn them against accepting media perspectives
or leaping from predicted technological change to social change/response.
Yazuzawa M. (1982) Changes in lifestyle in Japan: pattern and structure of modern

consumption. In H. Baudet and H. van der Meulen (eds) Consumer Behaviour and
Economic Growth in the Modern Economy. London: Croom Helm, 181-205.
Traces changes in Japan from an isolated to an open, westernised, industrialised society from the
nineteenth century. Examines changing patterns of consumption of food, clothing, etc., but little
attention given to services.
Yu J-M (1980) The empirical development of a typology for describing leisure behavior.
Journal of Leisure Research, 12(3), 303-320.
Data from a US study of 644 respondents on participation in 15 activities over the previous
month. Factor analysis produced six factors; respondents were further classified acording to
whether they engaged in activities identified with each of the factors. This produced a 'typology'
of 17 activity groups, which were found to be significantly related to various socio-economic
variables.
Yuspeh S. (1984) Syndicated values/life styles segmentation schemes: use them as

descriptive tools, not to select targets. Marketing News, 18(May 25), 1, 12.
Argues that 'Syndicated segmentation schemes, particularly those based on values and lifestyles,
are too simple, too remote, too rigid and too unreliable'. States that in experience with numerous
studies segmentation criteria other than syndicated schemes (VALS etc) have invariably proved
more successful for specific products. Also points out that reduced versions of the values
questionnaires based on the syndicated 'parent' questionnaire may not reproduce the 'parent'
segments. A rebuttal from an SRI (VALS) executive is included, claiming that VALS is intended
to be only one tool in market research and not the sole basis for segmentation.
Zablocki B. and Kantor R. (l976) The differentiation of lifestyles. In A. Inkeles (ed) Annual
Review of Sociology, Palo Alto, Calif: Annual Reviews Inc.), 269-298.
Argue that the proliferation of life-styles suggests that life-style has achieved an independent
variable status, rather than being just an intervening variable between socio-economic status and
taste. Life-style is defined as follows:
'A life-style might be defined over a given collectivity to the extent that the members
are similar to one another and different from others both in the distribution of their
disposable incomes [consumption patterns] and the motivations that underlie such
distributions' (p 270).
A distinction is made between life-style and:
S culture/subculture - 'implies a degree of consensus with regard to meanings that is not
always approached by the sharers of a life-style',
S class - based on income and financial resources only - 'In a society differentiated only by
class, all individuals would strive after the same goods and services and be differentiated
only by the ability to obtain them',
S status group - distinguished by prestige - 'Thus we find not only characteristic amounts of
goods and services obtained for a given status group, but also a characteristic mix of these
goods and services .. [and a corresponding] degree of consensus in the prestige market
concerning the ordering of values associated with these tastes .. Thus we find that
consumption frequencies alone cannot distinguish between status-generated tastes and
life-style-generated tastes' (p 271).
Includes an extensive review of the literature in two sections, firstly relating to 'classic forms of
life-style differentiation' as determined by location in the economic system - property dominated,
occupation dominated and poverty dominated; and secondly relating to life-style as an
independent variable, covering new and alternative life-styles, using Etzioni's regression-
etherealization-community-collective behaviour typology as a framework and focussing on the
idea of societal loss of value coherence. Notes that much research has been content to describe
particular life-styles but little progress has been made on the processes by which life-styles
emerge, their role in social structure, etc. It is concluded that research on life-style may provide
a focus for the study of change and stability in western society as a whole.
Zukin S. (1990) Socio-spatial prototypes of a new organization of consumption: the role of

real cultural capital. Sociology, 24(1), 37-55.
Analyses the process of 'gentrification' of inner city neighbourhoods (the creation of an 'authentic'
lifestyle) and the creation on Disney World. Both are concerned with 'spatial embeddedness' of
consumption: new, specially created forms of consumption which have a specific location where
the production and consumption process take place. Suggests that this is a new, or increasingly
important, process which calls for the integration of economic and cultural analysis.
Zurcher L. A. et al. (1971) The antipornography campaign: a symbolic crusade. Social

Problems, 19(1), 217-238.
A study of two local anti-pornography campaigns in the US, using the 'status or lifestyle politics'
framework. As with Gusfield' research on the temperance movement, it is concluded that
pornography is seen by the campaigners as a symbolic threat to their life style.
'As did alcohol in temperance (Gusfield), pornography was believed by virtually all the
[anti-pornography campaigners] to be related causally to many kinds of social and
individual pathology, including crimes of sex and violence, general crimes, sexual
aberration, undue sexual arousal, self-abasement and self-abuse, juvenile delinquency,
school drop-out, marriage failure, drug addiction, venereal disease, and rejection of
religion .. [and to be a] .. threat to the very root of life style, the family' (p 224).
Appendix 1: Definitions of Lifestyle
'.. attitude to life. .. certain automated attitudes .. the individual's organisation .. life-plan'. (Adler,
1929, p. 7)
' .. a pattern of consumption involving preferences, taste, and values'. (Bosserman, 1983a)
A person's '.. pattern of choices and activities ..' (Earl, 1983, p. 129)
'.. a package of essentially sympathetic activities, at work, at play, domestically, politically and
culturally ..' (Entwistle, 1981, p. 50)
'While the term [lifestyle] has a more restricted sociological meaning in reference to the
distinctive style of life of specific status groups .. within contemporary consumer culture it
connotes individuality, self-expression, and stylistic self-consciousness. One's body, clothes,
speech, leisure pastimes, eating and drinking preferences, home, car, choice of holidays, etc. are
to be regarded as indicators of the individuality of taste and sense of style of the
owner/consumer'.
(Featherstone, 1987 p. 343)
'Life style is a group phenomenon..

Life style pervades many aspects of life..
Life style implies a central life interest..
Life styles differ according to sociologically relevant variables.. American life styles are a
reflection of American culture and society..' (Feldman and Thielbar, 1972 pp. 1-3)
'Life-style is a sociological concept, plucked from Weberian origins to convey the idea of certain
statuses acting as bases for entire ways of life .. ' (Gattas et al., 1986a, p. 529)
'By 'life style' we refer to that orientation to self, others, and society, that each individual develops
and follows, that is, his value orientation'. (Ginzberg et al., 1966, p. 145)
'Put simply it [life style] concerns types of people with similar patterns of behaviour'. (Glyptis,
1984, p. 191)
'.. the total package of activities that make up an individual's day-to-day life'. (Glyptis, 1988)
'.. a way of distributing one's time, energy and ego-involvement among the various possible
activities of life. Defined more carefully, a life-style is a syndrome of role-activities with a
dominant central theme which is behaviorally visible, a syndrome which is representative of a
group of persons'. (Havighurst and de Vries, 1969 p. 36)
'Patterns of daily life which the actor voluntarily and deliberately places and develops daily,
weekly, monthly, yearly and throughout his life ..' (Izeki, 1975, quoted by Bosserman, 1983)
' .. the distinctive or characteristic mode of living, in its aggregative and broadest sense, of a
whole society or segment thereof'. (Lazer, 1971, p. 122)
'In expressing their values, in describing the kinds of roles they play in life and how they think
those roles should be fulfilled, people reveal both real and ideal life styles ..' (Levy, 1967, p. 198)
''Life-style', a generic term for specific combinations of work and leisure ..' (MacCannell, 1976,
p. 6)
'Lifestyle refers to the distinctive style of specific status or position groups and not to a
post-modern consumer or leisure culture'. (Miedema, 1989)
' .. the nature and interrelationships of certain basic activities - leisure, work, and kinship-
friendship - that actors carry out within a particular ecological setting'. (Miller and Sjoberg, 1973)
'A person's life style is a pattern of individual behaviour ..' (Murphy, 1974a)
'Generally speaking a life style consists of discernible patterns of activities and their
accompanying value orientations, that mesh together to form a projected way of life'. (Petrie and
Milton, 1981)
'Lifestyles are social constructs .. a set of rules people use to interpret and give direction to social
practices, and not a simple reflection of their material circumstances or social position or a set
of social habits'. (van der Poel, 1988, p. 33)
' .. the personal way in which each individual organizes his/her daily life, that is, the original
individualized way, not only of the personal particularities to do with the individual's beliefs,
values, or norms of daily behaviour, but of the way in which each person lives the norms of the
group, class or global society to which he/she belongs'. (Ruiz, 1990, p. 158)
' .. a whole of symbols which the actors show in certain interaction contexts and which, through
the verification mechanisms that control the social interaction, acquire a prestige meaning in that
particular context'. (Scheys, 1986, p. 9)
' .. lifestyle is the orientation to self, others, and society that each individual develops and
follows'. (Schutz et al., 1979, p. 4)
'Esentially, lifestyle is a mode of expression .. the behaviors and attitudes that characterise one's
existence .. the way one lives'. (Sessoms, 1980)
'.. sets of expressive, observable behaviors defined over individuals ..' (Sobel, 1981, p. 31)
'.. a broad rubric under which a number of behavioral activities and orientations can be included,
each of which requires a distinctive investment of the individual's resources of time, energy,
affect or money'. (Tallman and Morgner, 1970, p. 337)
'.. the objective and subjective connection of factors affecting the person, the environment, and
social and cultural structures; the spatial, temporal, and social organisation of these factors,
including their social evaluation with regard to the fulfilment of tasks and the achievement of
aims; the conditions of their origin and their change'.(Tokarski, 1987)
' .. a combination of 'person-related traits' and 'context-related traits'' functioning as 'a mediator
between aspects of social structure and individual resources'. (Voges et al, 1988)
' .. a pattern of behavior and attitude that persists through more than one generation and coheres
enough to cross-cut diverse spheres of life'. (Wilensky, 1970, p. 150)
' .. the overall manner in which people live and spend time and money'. (Wind and Green, 1974)
'A life-style might be defined over a given collectivity to the extent that the members are similar
to one another and different from others both in the distribution of their disposable incomes and
the motivations that underlie such distributions'. (Zablocki and Kantor, 1976, p. 270)
Appendix 2: Literature Groupings
Arts/Media
Andreasen and Belk (1980) - performing arts attendance
Frank and Greenburg (1979) - TV audiences
Hornik and Schlinger (1981) - allocation of time to mass media
Kline (1971) - media time-budgeting
Michaels (1972) - magazine exposure
Petrie and Milton (1981) - arts in Canada
Plummer (1972) - TV audiences
Teel et al. (1979) - radio and TV audiences
Tigert (1974) - media selection for advertising
Consumer Culture/Consumption
Featherstone (1987, 1990)
Featherstone and Hepworth (1983)
Hebden and Pickering (1974)
Hughes and Peterson (1983)
Kusaka (1988)
McCracken (1988)
Moorhouse (1983)
Saunders (1988)
Scardigli (1990)
Veblen (1970)
Warde (1990)
Community Studies
Gans (1969)
Seeley et al. (1956)
The Elderly
Featherstone and Hepworth (1988)
Feiste-Fite (1985)
Havighurst (1974)
Havighurst and Feigenbaum (1959)
Maddox (1966)
McPherson (1982)
Mertens and Wimmers (1987)
Mobily (1987)
Havighurst and de Vries (1969)
Schutz et al. (1979)
Hochschild (1976)
Taylor and Ford (1981)
Jobes (1984)
Johnson (1971)
Kelly (1987)
Kaplan (1979)
Maas and Kuyper (1977)
Tokarski (1987, 1988)
Towle and Martin (1976)
Voges and Pongratz (1988)
Williams and Wirths (1965)
Williams (1963)
The Family
Deutsch (1967, 1967a)
Hunt and Hunt (1987)
Ferreira (1967)
Lee (1976)
Hantrais (1985)
Orthner (1974)
General Market Segmentation Studies

The Age (1976 and 1982) - 15 Australian lifestyle groups
Baker and Fletcher (1987) - six British groups
Benjamin (1989) - 10 Australian groups
Frank and strain (1972) - 5 US groups
Hawkins et al. (1989) - summary of PRIZM - 7 US groups
IBIS Deloitte (1987) - 8 Australian groups
Izeki (1975) - 7 Japanese groups
Lowenthal et al. (1976) - 4 US lifestyle types
Mehrotra and Wells (1977) - 10 US groups
Miller and Sjoberg (1973) - 4 US groups
Mitchell (1985) - VALS - 9 US groups
Murata and Iseki (1974) - 7 Japanese groups
Riche (1989) - updated VALS - 8 US groups
Townsend and Riche (1987) - 6 US groups
Holidays/Vacations/Tourism
Darden and Darden (1976)
IBIS Deloitte (1987)
Przeclawski (1989)
Shih (1986)
Perreault et al. (1977)
Woodside and Pitts (1976)
Leisure Styles/Recreational Groupings

Becker (1976)
Kelly (1975, 1978, 1981, 1983)
Bishop (1970)
London et al. (1977)
Breit (1969)
Burton (1971)
Chase and Cheek (1979)
Oullet (1981)
Chase et al. (1980)
Ditton et al. (1975)
Duncan (1978)
McInnes (1989, 1990)
Mckechnie (1974)
Proctor (1962)
Peterson and Ryan (1990)
Ritchie (1975)
Edwards (1981)
Romsa (1973)
Glyptis (1979, 1981, 1984, 1988, 1990)
Greenberg and Frank (1983)
Gruenberg (1983)
Gudykunst et al. (1981)
Gunter and Gunter (1980)
Hendee et al. (1971)
Holbrook (1980)
Ruiz (1990)
Scmitz-Scherzer et al. (1974)
Tatham and Dornoff ( 1971)
Veal (1979)
Wilensky (1970)
Witt (1971)
Yu (1980)
Living Rooms
Davis (1974)
Junker (1955)
Laumann and House (1970)
Overviews/Discussions/Methodology of Market Segmentation/Psychographics

Atlas (1984) - the development of VALS
Beatty et al. (1985) - List of Values vs Rokeach Value Survey
Cosmas (1976) - the profile approach
Cosmas (1982) - analysis of ranges of products
Dembey (1974) - history of psychographics
Edmonson (1987) - Yankelovich vs VALS
Hawkins et al. (1989) - textbook overview
Hustad and Pessemier (1974) - overview
Kahle et al. (1986) - compares LOV and VALS
Kinnear and Taylor (1976) - methodological exercise
Lastovicka (1982) - lifestyles and underlying traits
Lastovicka et al. (1990) - testing validity of typologies
Morganovsky (1986) - lifestyle vs demographics
Myers and Gutman (1974) - lifestyle and class
O'Brien and Ford (1988) - lifestyle vs class vs lifecycle
Plummer (1974) - outline of Activities-Interests-Opinions approach
Plummer (1974a) - outline of AIO, with case-studies
Settle et al. (1978) - time orientation and AIO
Wells (1973) - lifestyle and marketing
Wells (1974) - edited collection
Wells (1974a) - overview
Wells (1975) - overview
Wells and Cosmas (1977) - overview
Wells and Tigert (1971) - introduction to AIO
Wind and Green (1974) - overview/analysis
Yankelovich (1979) - the 'New Breed'
Yankelovich (1969) - general discussion
Yuspeh (1984) - critique of 'syndicated segmentation schemes)
Politics of Lifestyle Concern/Psychology

Gusfield (1962)
Adler A. (1929)
Gusfield (1963)
Adler K. (1958, 1967)
Lorentzen (1980)
Ansbacher (1967)
Page and Clelland (1978)
Deutsch (1967, 1967a)
Staggenborg (1987)
Earl (1983)
Veal (1988)
Ferreira (1967)
Zurcher et al. (1971)
Ginsberg et al. (1966)
O'Connell (1980)
Reynolds and Darden (1974)
Schutz et al. (1979)
Socialist Lifestyle
Dobriyanov (1990)
Linhart and Roska (1972)
Filipcova (1972, 1986, 1990, 1990a)
Manz (1990)
Filipcova et al. (1972)
Sicinski (1972)
Staikov (1990)
Hahn (1990)
Sufin (1990)
Hronsky (1972)
Sulc (1972)
Levykin and Chervyakov (1990)
Tikhomirov et al. (1972)
Vecemik (1972)
Social/Sociological Theory
Bell (1976)
Bosserman (1983)
Bourdieu (1980)
Bourdieu (1984)
Burns (1973)
Chaney (1987)
Critcher (1989)
Entwhistle (1981)
Felson (1976)
Gans (1974)
Ganzeboom (1990)
Gattas et al. (1986, 1986a)
Glasser (1973)
Goffman (1959)
Hamilton-Smith (1989)
Horne (1990)
Kelly (1983, 1989, 1990)
Koch-Weser (1984, 1990, 1990a)
MacCannell (1976)
Mills (1977)
Mommaas (1990)
Mommaas and van der Poel (1988)
Moorhouse (1989)
Murphy (1974, 1975, 1980)
Myers and Gutman (1974)
Newman (1976)
Noe (1974, 1980)
O'Brien and Ford (1988)
Peterson (1983)
Rapoport and Rapoport (1975)
Roberts et al. (1988)
Roberts (1978, 1978a)
Rojek (1985)
Ruiz (1990)
Scheys (1986)
Scraton and Talbot (1989)
Simmel (1976)
Sobel (1981, 1983)
Stone (1962)
Sue (1986)
Toffler (1970)
Tokarski (1984, 1985,)
Tokarski and Uttits (1984)
Touraine (1974)
van der Poel (1988)
Veal (1986, 1988, 1989)
Vitanyi (1984)
Weber (1948)
Wynne (1990)
Zablocki and Kantor (1976)
Spatial Aspects
Bell (1958) - suburbia
Bell (1968) - suburbia
Bickmore et al. (1980) - ACORN - social area analysis
Carp (1975) - city vs suburbia for the elderly
Donaldson (1969) - suburbia
Douglas (1985) - ACORN - social area analysis
Fischer (1982) - urban, suburban, small town and rural living
Jenkins et al. (1989) -ACORN
Jones (1983) - ACORN
Major (1983) - re Garreau's Nine Nations of North America
Marsden et al. (1982) - US South vs rest of US
Marshall (1973) - suburban lifestyle
Moore (1963) - suburbia
Nevill and Jenkins (1986) - ACORN
Rapoport (1977) - urban social life
Shaw (1984) - ACORN
Strauss (1970) - urbanism
Tallman and Morgner (1970) - urban/suburban blue-collar families
Williams et al. (1988) - ACORN
Zukin (1990) - spatial embeddedness of consumption
Special Groups/Sub-cultures
Aidala (1989) - communes
Cock (1979) - communes
Das (1986) - Indian tribes
Fleming (1988) - Asians in UK
Irwin (1973) - surfers
Kawale (1990) - prostitutes
Kephart (1976) - 7 US sects/communities
Lastovicka et al. (1987) - male drink-drivers
Madden (1979) - library users
Madden (1979a) - library users
Martin (1986) - adult education students
Martin (1987) - adult education students
McCord et al. (1969) - US black ghetto
Miller (1974) - students
Pearson (1981) - surfers
Pearson (1981a) - surfers
Porter (1967) - professors and businessmen
Pryce (1979) - West Indians in UK
Rigby (1974) - communes
Sandys and Laker (1987) - intellectually handicapped
Sicinski and Wemegah (1983) - alternative lifestyles in Europe
Walters and White (1988) - criminality
Willie (1972) - black families
Willis (1978) - bikeboys and hippies
Style
Ackerman (1963)
Bourdieu (1984)
Gombrich (1968)
VALS
Atlas (1984)
Mitchell and MacNulty (1981)
Crocker (1985)
Morganovsky (1986)
Edmonson (1987)
Rice (1988)
Elgin and Mitchell (1977)
Riche (1989)
Holman (1984)
Shih (1986)
Lastovicka et al. (1990)
Thomas and Crocker (1981)
Mitchell (1985)
Yuspeh (1984)
Women
Douglas and Urban (1977)
Matthews and Tiederman (1964)
Ginzberg et al. (1966)
O'Connell (1974, 1976, 1980)
Green and Woodward (1988)
Rainwater et al. (1959)
Gregory (1982)
Venkatesh (1977, 1980)
Jorgensen and Newlon (1988)
Voges and Pongratz (1988)
Kawale (1990)
Wearing (1989)
Youth
Bernard (1983, 1984, 1988)
Jorgensen and Newlon (1988)
Bernard (1989)
Larkin (1979)
Bosserman (1983a)
Laventure (1990)
Brettschneider (1990)
Miedema (1989)
Bynner and Ashford (1990)
Miller (1974)
Fleming (1988)
Murray et al. (1988)
Harris (1974)
Pais (1988)
Hendry et al. (1983, 1989, 1989)
Roberts et al. (1982)
Jenkins (1982)
Sports Council Research Unit (1985, 1985a)

Lifestyle Leisure Bib

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Lifestyle Leisure Bib

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

LEISURE AND LIFESTYLE

A Review and Annotated Bibliography

Online Bibliography No. 8

c. Structure of the Review

In Section 3 an analysis of the term lifestyle is presented, leading to a suggested definition.

Each of these must be considered in arriving at a satisfactory definition of lifestyle. In discussing

Lifestyle is the pattern of individual and social behaviour characteristic of an individual or

c. Values and Attitudes

d. Individuals versus Groups

Figure 1: The poverty/Affluence - Way of life/lifestyle continuum

Lifestyle is the pattern of individual and social behaviour characteristic of an

References (for all other references - see bibliography)

Aronowitz, S. (1974) False Promises, New York: McGraw-Hill.

The editor says, in summary of Adler's views:

Anderson W. T. and Golden L. L (1984) Lifestyle and psychographics. In T. C. Kinnear

Andreasen A. R. and Belk R. W. (1980) Predictors of attendance at the performing arts.

Barber B. (1958) Social Stratification, New York: Harcourt Brace.

Becker B. W. (1976) Perceived similarities among recreational activities. Journal of Leisure

Bell D. (1976) The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, London: Heinemann.

Benjamin C. (1989) Slicing the consumer segments. Marketing, May, 64-65.

Bickmore D, Shaw M. G. and Tulloch T. (l980) Lifestyles on maps. Geographical Magazine,

(See Horne, 1990)

Bosserman P. (l983a) Youth life-styles in post-industrial society. In European Leisure and

Bourdieu P. (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, London:

Brettschneider W. D (1990) Adolescents, Leisure, Sport and Lifestyle. Paper to the

Bryant C. D (1990) Deviant leisure and clandestine lifestyle: cockfighting in the US as a

Burns T. (l973) Leisure in industrial society. In M. A. Smith, S. Parker and C. S. Smith

Burton T. L. (l97l) Recreation Types. Ch 8 of Experiments in Recreation Research, London:

Clarke T, Schumacher P. C. and Stacey N. (1980) Future lifestyles - a symposium. Journal

Cock P. (l979) Alternative Australia: Communities of the Future? Melbourne: Quartet

Cosmas S. C. (1976) The advantages and disadvantages of the profile approach to

Cosmas S. C. (1982) Lifestyle and consumption patterns. Journal of Consumer Research,

Critcher C. (1989) A communication in response to: 'Leisure and status: a pluralist

Darden W. R. and Reynolds F. D. (1974) Backward profiling of male innovators. Journal

Douglas S. P. and Urban C. D. (1977) Life-style analysis to profile women in international

Durantaye, M. de la (1988) Towards multi-disciplinary research on leisure and life styles:

Earl P. E. (1983) The Economic Imagination: Towards a Behavioural Analysis of Choice,

Earl P. E. (l986) Lifestyle Economics: Consumer Behaviour in a Turbulent World, Brighton:

Edmondson B. (1987) Lifestyle roulette. The American Demographer, 9, p. 24.

Featherstone M. (1990) Perspectives on consumer culture. Sociology, 24(1), 5-22.

Feldman S. D. and Thielbar G. W. (eds) (1972) Lifestyles: Diversity in American Society,

Fischer C. S. (1982) To Dwell Among Friends. Chicago: Chicago University Press.

Explores sub-cultural patterns of samples of people in four types of California community.

Frank R. E. and Greenberg M. G. (1979) Interest based segments of TV audiences. Journal

Ganzeboom H. B. G. (1990) Cultural and economic dimensions of lifestyle. In Filipcova,

Gattas J. T. et al. (l986) 'Leisure-styles and life-styles : a preliminary conceptualisation. In

On the basis of expresses attitudes respondents are classified as:

Glyptis S. (l98l) Leisure life-styles. Regional Studies, l5(5), 3ll-326.

Glyptis S. (1990) Lifestyles and leisure patterns - methodological approaches. In Filipcova,

Gombrich E. H. (1968) Style. International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, Vol.15,

Greenberg M. G. and Frank R. E. (1983) Leisure lifestyles: segmentation by interests,

Gregor A. S. (1978) Life Styles: An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, New York:

Gudykunst W. B. et al.. (1981) Dimensions of leisure activities: a factor analytic study in

Hahn T. (1990) Theoretical positions on the dialectics of the scientific technological

Hannerz U. (1969) Soulside, New York: Columbia University Press.

See Havighurst and Feigenbaum, 1959.

Hawes D. K. (1977) Psychographics are meaningful .. not merely interesting. Journal of

Hawkins D. I, Best R. J. and Coney K. A. (1989) Lifestyle. Chapter 11 of Consumer

Hebden J. J and Pickering J. F. (1974) Patterns of acquisition of consumer goods. Oxford

Hendee J. C, Gale R. P. and Catton W. R. (1971) A typology of outdoor recreation activity

Hirsch P. M. (1976) The meaning of life-style: sociological and marketing perspectives. In

Holbrook M. B. (1980) Representing patterns of association among leisure activities: a

Hughes M. and Peterson R. A. (1983) Isolating cultural choice patterns in the US

Membership in these groups is then related to demographic variables.