Bangladesh - In a Perpetual Whirlpool of Medieval Politics - Bangladesh

Monitor

by R. Upadhyay

Bangladesh is apparently destined to the legacy of its undemocratic and authoritarian

traditions and therefore facing the challenge of governance and political chaos since its
birth. It's politically ambitious elite in army, bureaucracy, judiciary, militarised political
parties and pseudo-liberals while carrying forward such medieval legacy of intrigue-laden
political history kept the people hostage to the political Islamists within a couple of years
of its liberation from the socio-economic hegemony of Pakistan. Assassination of its two
presidents, numerous coup attempts, fifteen-year army-rule, Islamisation of constitution,
emerging as terrorist state, boycott of general elections by a multi-alliance group of
parties and declaration of emergency - all within 35 years of its existence are enough
proof to suggest that its ruling elite is not ready to allow democracy to strike deep roots
in the country.

By and large the Muslim masses of this region unlike their co-religionists of northern
India were an integral part of Bengali society under a unique common bond of ethno-
linguistic Bengali nationalism, a concept based on a strong socio-cultural foundation of
Sanskritisation. But gradual transition from united Bengal via East Bengal in 1905 and
East Pakistan in 1947 to Bangladesh in 1971 was not only the change of nomenclature
but it also indicated how the politic transformation of this country was made Bengali
nationalism a myth. One can understand the emergence of Bangladesh out of the assertive
ethno-linguistic movement of Bengali society but its march towards Islamisation within a
couple of years of liberation was an indication that it failed to get freedom from the
bondage of the political Islamists.

Historically, the defeat of Sirajuddaula, the Muslim ruler of Bengal in the battle of
Plassey in 1757 at the hands of the British was not only a great shock to the Political
Islamists of entire Indian sub-continent but it also had far reaching implications on the
socio-cultural make up of the Bengali society. While the Hindu zamindars, who were the
main land holders had no problem with the British as it was only a change of their
masters, the feudal Muslims gradually came under the influence of the Wahabi
movement in Saudi Arabia and the Political Islamists of northern India. Except some
Muslim elite, who drew their lineage from the pre-British Muslim ruling class, the larger
majority of the followers of Islam in Bengal were subservient to the Bengali Hindu
Zamindars. Since ethno-linguistic identity of Bengali society irrespective of religion was
the binding force for the communal harmony, even the fall of Sirajuddaula regime hardly
disturbed the Hindu-Muslim relations. Hindu Zamindars continued to maintain their
socio-economic supremacy over the illiterate Muslim peasantry.

The post-mutiny era emerged as an era of renaissance both for the Hindus and the
Muslims. The Bengali Hindu elite, without showing any aversion to the British sponsored
modern education launched an intellectual movement in the name of Bengali nationalism
with a view to keep both the Hindus and Muslims of Bengal united. But contrary to it the
political Islamists of north India launched Deoband and Aligarh movements to
consolidate the Muslims of entire sub-continent as a collective politico-communal group
with the avowed political objective to restore the lost Islamic power. The movements had
also an objective to save the Muslims from the danger of their subjugation by the Hindus.
After the formation of Indian National Congress in 1885 these movements had an impact
over both the Hindus and Muslims of entire sub-continent including Bengal.

In1905 the British colonial Government with a view to disturb the religious and ethno-
linguistic make up of Bengali society divided the province of Bengal between Hindu-
majority West Bengal and the Muslim-majority East Bengal. The Muslim peasantry was
given to understand that the partition would free them from the socio-economic
hegemony of the Hindu Zamindars . Similarly the Muslims Zamindars were also happy to
see their large number of Hindu competitors away from the region and therefore they
sowed the seed of communal separatism among their co-religionists. Although, the
Hindus launched an aggressive agitation against this partition on the principles of Bengali
nationalism and compelled the British to annul it in 1911, the Muslims maintained an
indifferent attitude towards it. In stead the Muslim political elite of Bengal joined hands
with their co-religionists of northern India and took a leading part in formation of All
India Muslim League in Dhaka, the present capital of Bangladesh in 1906.

During freedom movement the leadership of Muslim society in Bengal was prominently
in the hand of the Muslims of outside descents like Nabab Suharabarthy and Kwaja
Nazimuddin. While Suharwarthy, whose lineage was from the ruling class Muslim of
medieval era had his influence in West Bengal, Nazimmuddin, who belonged to the
Nabab family of Dhaka that had migrated to this region from Kahmir had his influence
over the Muslim peasantry of East Bengal. None of them had any emotional attachment
with the ethno-linguistic sentiments of the people. In stead of Bengali, their family
members had Persian and Urdu as spoken languages. The third Muslim leader Fazlul Haq
though belonged to the indigenous family of East Bengal and had a very good influence
in Bengali peasantry but his politics too remained under the subjugation of the Muslim
League, the representative body of the Muslim Indians.

Mass support of the Muslims of Bengal to Pakistan movement, Hindu-Muslim riots on

the eve of partition in 1947 and large scale migration of Hindu refugees from East Bengal
to the contiguous Indian territory in States of West Bengal, Tripura, Assam and Bihar
were the victory of the political Islamists.

With the emergence of Pakistan in 1947, East Pakistan gradually came under the socio-
economic hegemony of political Islamists, who pursued the steady growth of radical
Islam in the region. The Muslims even preferred to call themselves Musalman than
Bengali. They gradually lost their century-old emotional bond either with the Hindus or
with the concept of Bengali nationalism. For them the word Bengali denoted Hindu
Bengali. The locality with prominence of Hindu population they called 'Bengalipada'
(Bengali locality) whereas the locality with prominence of Muslim population was
known as 'Musalmanpada' (Bengal : Rethinking History -Edited by Shekhar
Bandopadhyay, Manohar, 2001). With the irrelevance of Bengali nationalism the Bengali
identity of the Muslims became subservient to the Muslim identity, which was based on
the socio-cultural foundation of Arbisation. This transformation of identity from Bengali
Muslims to Muslim Bengalese was the outcome of the lust for Ashrafised status within
Muslim society. This social phenomenon was based on the foundation of exaggerated
importance to the Arabian origin of medieval rulers. The communal self-conscious
attitude of the Muslim elite of Bengal as well as their socio-political and cultural
character too was responsible for infusing this among the Muslim masses. Although, it
was a common phenomenon of the native Muslims in South Asian countries, for the
Muslims of Bengal it was uncommon till their politico-communal integration during
Pakistan movement. This change therefore split the soul of Bengali nationalism into
Bengali Hindu nationalism and Muslim Bengali nationalism.

After their communal victory in 1947 the non-Bengali-political Islamists of West

Pakistan started treating East Pakistan as their colony. But gradually, the Muslim masses
realised their mischievous communal game and launched a movement for their liberation
from the socio-economic deprivation. They tried to revive their old bond of Bengali
nationalism by raising a slogan of 'Joy Bangla'. Government of India with full support of
its people extended helping hand to the movement. Thus, Bangladesh was conceived in
exile on March 25, 1971 and born after a painful struggle of nine months on December
16 causing three million deaths, unaccountable number of rapes and huge economic
ruins.

The people of India hailed the liberation of Bangladesh. Bangladesh too adopted a
constitution in 1972 that was based on the principles of democracy, secularism and
Bengali nationalism. But ironically, within three years when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
(Mujib), the father of the nation traveled to Pakistan in 1974 and attended Islamic
conference there, the believers of Bengali nationalism were stunned in to silence. Not
fully satisfied with diluting the constitutional commitment of Bengali nationalism, Mujib
himself prepared a ground for eroding the concept of democracy by an ordinance in
January 1975 for transformation of multi-party parliamentary system to one party
presidential system in the country. Fifteen years of Military rule following the
assassination of Mujib in August 15, 1975 was an era for a gradual restoration of political
Islam in the country. The civilianised political parties namely Bangladesh Nationalist
Party (BNP) and Jaatiya Party (JP) founded by the Military dictators namely Major
General Ziaur Rahman and General H. M. Ershad respectively amended the constitution
for Islamisation of Bangladesh. While Ziaur Rahman replaced the word 'Bengali' with
Bangladeshi, incorporated a new article for absolute faith in the Almighty Allah and
omitted the word 'secularism' as well as 'freedom of religion' from the constitution, H. M.
Ershad further amended the constitution in 1988 and declared Islam as state religion of
the republic. Thus, by 1990 erosion of all the basic principles of the constitution was
complete in Bangladesh. Islamisation and protracted demographic invasion on India
became the state policy of this country.

The nation was freed from the 15-year army rule by a joint movement of the two political
groups namely 14-party-alliance led by Awami League (AL) of Sheikh Hasina, daughter
of Mujib and 4-party alliance led by Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of Begum
Khalida Zia, the widow of army general Zia. They fought elections under the supervision
of Neutral Caretaker Governments (NCG), brought back the multi-party parliamentary
system but their 16 years civilian rule too failed to fulfill the aspiration of the people.
None of them ever talked of restoring genuine democracy in the country with secularism
as its prominent ingredient. In fact both of them joined hands with different radical
Islamist forces in various elections and helped the country in its transformation from
secular democracy to Islamisation.

The privileged section of Muslim political elite, the communal forces, the collaborators
of Pakistan army and disaffected elements within the freedom-fighter repatriates who
were marginalised for a couple of years after liberation of Bangladesh gradually
regrouped and took a front seat in the country's politics. Unfortunately, the middle class
Muslim Bengalese, who were in the forefront of liberation war re-started flirting with
their pre-liberation enemies and not only ignored the contribution of Indian army, without
which liberation of their country was a remote possibility but also became an ally of
Pakistan for creating socio-political and economic disorder in India. In stead of taking
care of the interests of neighbouring India, which surrounds it with over 96 percent
porous border (4053 km with India and 193 km with Burma) and 280km of shores with
Bay of Bengal, it is giving shelter to the terrorist outfits from northeast as well as from
Pakistan. The emerging trend of autocratic political culture, the outcome of the long years
of civil-Military-bureaucratic rule completely diluted the concept of democracy,
secularism and Bengali nationalism, which was the ideology behind the liberation war.

Bangladesh had an abnormal growth in the figure of its Voters' list from 35.2 million in
1973 to 38.36 million in 1979, 47.81 in 1986, 49.81 million in 1988 and 62.18 million in
1991. But the fall in voters' number from 62.18 million in 1996 to 56.70 million in 1996
was equally amazing (Rites of Passage by Sanjoy Hazarika, page 219), when Awami
League led alliance of Sheikh Hasina had ousted Begum Khalida Zia of the BNP from
power. Increase in number of voters, when Begum Zia led alliance won the election and
decrease when her arch rival Sheikh Hasina came to power put a question mark not only
against the genuineness of the electoral statistics but also against the democratic
credibility of the country's leaders.

Sheikh Hasina might be patting her back for her victory in postponement of election. She
may claim to be a defender of democracy. But her recent alignment with extremist
Islamist group with a deal to radicalise the country with more powers in the hands of
Islamic clerics if she comes to power - has shocked the liberal elements. Her agreement
with extreme Islamist group has completely negated the secular promise made by her
father Mujib, when he had adopted the constitution in 1972.

Whatever may be the outcome of the present statte of emergency in the country, the
history of coups, counter coups, militarisation of politics and political influence of radical
Islamists in Bangladesh suggest that democracy is yet to strike its root in this country due
to undemocratic tradition of the Muslim politics in the region. With democracy being
subservient to political Islam and distrust and hostility among the three politically
ambitious powerful elite wings - military, political and Islamist, the situation would never
allow its people to live in peace.

It is now anybody's guess that how far Bangladesh under fifteen years of dictatorial rule
and subsequently by the alliances of the parties founded by the military dictators,
communal collaborators of Pakistan and of so called liberals could develop with a
democratic country.

(The views expressed are his own E-mail: ramashray@rediffmail.com)