THE IMPERIAL ISLAMIC CITY:

A MAP OF 19th CENTURY SHAHJAHANABAD

Introduction: A 19th Century Map of Shahjahanabad

Delhi the capital city of India and one of the most important urban centres of South Asia, is mostly referred to as New Delhi. In reality, however, New Delhi is a rather young extension of much older settlements, Of these, Old Delhi or Shahjahanabad is the most obvious and impressive example (FONSECA 1971). Old Delhi or Shahjahanabad is just as its colonial extension and just as its name indicates, a planned city. Founded and created by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (1592- 1666), it was supposed to serve as his capital city. Unlike its modern successor, however, which is the political and administrative centre of a predominantly Hindu state, Shahjahanabad served as one of several capitals of a Muslim state and ruler. The question is whether and to what degree Shah Jahan's creation reflects this specific role of his capital. Thiis includes the broader question as to which degree the cities of Mughal India in pre-European times correspond to the general model of the city of the Islamic World. Such a question, however, leads one step further to the more general problem of the variational breadth and depth of the phenomenon of the "Islamic City".

Without going into details of this predominantly academic question, it must suffice to say that it is a well-known fact that the "typical" city of the lslarnic World is supposed to have a certain set of criteria which are considered to be a prerequisite of any city of the Islamic World. This widespread and generally acknowledged pattern has been, repeatedly, described in the form of models. One of the most common descriptive models of the "Islamic city" in German geography is that of DETTMANN (1969). It is reproduced here since it shows remarkable resemblences to our specific case Shahjahanabad.

The main purpose of the following discussion, however, is to present and to discuss the potential of early hand-drawn cadastrial surveys and to evaluate their evidence for historic, social and economic reconstructions of cities and urban societies of the Middle East and South Asia. In this context, it is to be noted that the map presented here is a manuscript map of Shahjahanabad of which only one hand-drawn copy is known. located in the map section of the India Office Library in london, it very obviously has been known for a number of years. Accord-

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ing to S .. GOlE (1989) this map "has been published several times, but no complete translation of it is known". This may also be the reason why - according to another quotation by GOlE (ibid., p.177) - "no date has been given to it, except that it is certainly before 1858, when so much of Delhi was destroyed by the British .. " The only more detailed analysis of this map so far has been given by PETRUCCIOLl-TERRANOVA (1984).

The importance of this map for the reconstruction of Old Delhi lies in its so far unknown details of information as well as in its almost ideal presentation of all which is considered to be part of the city of the Islamic World (cf. fig. 1). These considerations provided the reasons why the map has been redrawn since 1989 with the aim of - at the same time - an interpretive reconstruction. For its proper and adequate evaluation it should be noted that cartographers and historic geographers had to deal with altogether six shortcomings of the original plan:

(1) No authorship or indications as to its origin are known. This includes the question of whether its author is European (British) or an Indian cartographer.

(2)Equally mysterious is the purpose of the map. Due to its contents and the versatility of its entries and topics no pre-eminent intention of this cartographic survey can be recognized.

(3)A small portion of the original map is missing and could not be reconstructed. A key of symbols and a scale are also missing.

(4)A special problem of this map - as probably that of so many others - is its colouring: an overall system is not recognizable. Besides the very obvious use of "speaking" colours for parks or gardens (green) or water (blue), the rest remains open to question. A great variety of colours has been used for the built-up areas, however, with systematic application of speclflc colours to certain quarters or wards. In this context, the use of water-colours has been applied very generously and without care.

(5)Even more obscure are the origins of the inscriptions. The map contains more than 500 text inscriptions. Many of them are just topographical descriptions such as bagh, kucheh, madrasah or masjid. Only a few are very obviously connected with names, whose identification will hopefully serve as a means of dating this map

beyond our present knowledge (= between 1847 and 1858). In this context, however, the question is whether the inscriptions were originally applied with the drawing of the map or whether they were added later.

In regard to the Islamic character of Old Delhl/-Shahjahanabad it may suffice to say that approximately 70% of the religious buildings, which could be identified from the map, are of Islamic origin or function, while the rest is more or less evenly split between Hindu and Sikh institutions. Religious buildings have often, but by no means constantly been emphasized by either symbols or simplified drawings.

(6)A final remark as to the uncertainties of this map refers to the problem of when and how this map came to Europe. Again, we have to state that nothing is known.

It is before the background of all these irnponderabilia that the attempt of the "reconstruction" of this map and its interpretation should be regarded. As rnentioned before, an interpretive reconstruction has been the main goal. So far, the following goals have been achieved:

(1) Situation and topography have been entirely redrawn with meticulous preservation of the original. This applies not only for all aspects of the formal features, but likewise for all details of the figurative drawings.

(2)The colouring of the map has been completely changed with altogether 16 colours and/or signatures for the following items: large sandstone buildings (Red Fort, Great Mosques etc.) - city walls/bulwarksbuilt-up areas - gardens and parks - canals/river/-tanks/ wells - streets and places - open spaces/wastelands - border of wards - stairs - arcades - gates - small mosques - Hindu temples etc.

(3)The identification of the inscriptions has been completed. Its transcription and transliteration from Urdu is under way. So far, approx. 150 entries have not been properly identified and are subject to further investigation. In such cases where proper names or other historic evidence occurs, a historian is engaged in its exact identification and clarification. Onlly then will it also be possible to specify the date and origin of the written entries.

With these shortcomings and with the preliminary character of the present status of the

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reconstructive work in mind, the following remarks will go into more detail of the historic and geographic potential of such a cadastrial survey of 19th century Shahjahanabad.

Shahjahanabad in the 19th Century: A Cartographic and Historical-Geographical Analysis

Emperor Shah Jahan had a passion for building and had already developed an intense interest in architecture in his early years. From his predecessors he had inherited the two major cities of Lahore and Agra and during the first decade of his reign he spent considerable time and effort in rebuilding parts of the palaces in both cities. Under Shah Jahan, Mughal architecture reached its zenith, with the Taj Mahal as the outstanding symbol for that period. (cf. Koch 1991)

By the twelfth year of his reign (1637) he had decided to build a new capital. Several sites were considered and discarded before he finally decided on the location of Delhi. The reasons for this decision were both political and religious. For centuries Delhi had been the natural capital for the different rulers of North India, because of its strategic position. It lay in the fertile plains of the Doab protected by a ring of hills and controlled the main access-route to the Ganges. This area had seen a long succession of different imperial cities dating as far back as to the legendary Indraprastha. The site for the new capital was on the right bank of the Yamuna south of Salimgarh, the small island-fort, which had been built next to the river crossing in the mid sixteenth century.

From the earliest time of Muslim rule in India Delhi had been one of the religious centres. In the seventeenth century it was a major place for pilgrimages, and this religious tradition also influenced Shah Jahan's choice of Delhi. Some of the prominent shrines and also the Kalan Masjid (built by the prime minister of Ferozshah around the 1380ies) were incorprated into the new city. Also some of the previously existing long-distance roads, like the one to Lahore, or smaller local roads became part of the new city's street system. But by and large Shahjahanabad was a planned city. It was intended to be an imperial city expressing the power and grandeur of the Mughal court. The "Red Fort" was the first complex of buildings to be constructed. It was located at the north-eastern corner of the city right on the bank of the Yamuna, the

reby making full use of the river as a natural defence. In addition the riverside palaces got the refreshing cool air from the east. The fort-palace took ten years to complete, and was actually a city within the city. On the 19th of April 1648, the auspicious day selected by the royal astrologers, Shah Jahan and the royal procession entered the new city for the first time.

The urban infrastructure was laid out in a rather formal, geometriC pattern and shows traces of both Persian and Hindu traditions of town-planning and architecture. The Persian influence largely accounts for the formalism and symmetry of the palaces, gardens and major bazaars (Noe 1986, p.239). Undoubtedly Shah Jahan was very well aware of the lay-out of the imperial Isfahan of Shah Abbas. He had sent envoys to the court in Isfahan seeking military support when he was still a rebel prince, and kept contact to the Persian empire throughout his reign.

The designed infrastructure of Shahjahanabad comprised the fort, the Friday-mosque and the other major mosques including the corresponding waqf properties with hospitals, serails and hammams, the two main boulevards and the bazaars around the friday-mosque, the elaborate system of waterchannels, some of the major gardens, and the surrounding city-wall. The arrangement of these planned elements was to a certain degree influenced by the area's morphology precluding perfect symmetry. The rest of the city was left to individual development. Over time, sections of land surrounding the fort were allocated to important members of the court for their palaces and mansions. The dependents of the nobles built in turn their residences around these mansions, which were the nuclei for the development of the mohallah-system.

The city grew rapidly and estimates of the city's population range from 150.000 to almost 500.000 by the end of Shah Jahan's reign. Aurangzeb spent most of his reign on the move in the Deccan and his influence on the urban morphology of Shahjahanabad was very limited. In the following decades the city was the seat of almost powerless Mughal kings, who saw their city being ransacked by different invaders several times. During the second half of the seventeenth century trade and population declined, and the building activity was reduced keeping the basic map of the city almost unchanged.

From 1803 to 18571Delhi came under the control of the East India Company. The city was

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taken over by the British after the defeat of the Marathas in 1803 at the battle of Patparganj. It was now virtually ruled by the British Resident, living in a former Mughal palace near Kashmiri Gate" The Mughal royal family had to resign themselves to the position of British "Pensioners". Though the Company referred to the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah as the "King of Delhi", it was quite evident that his empire was actually limited to the area whithin the walls of his palace. As in other Indian states the British retained the former rulers as instruments to carry out British policy and to reduce popular resistance. And the Resident in Delhi played hils part, scrupulously adhering to court ritual while at the same time creating an alternative centre of power (Gupta 1993, p. 36). The Revolt of 1857 brought this farce to a radical end. During the first phase of British colonial rule in Delhi from 1803 to 1857 the city was still very much a Mugl1al city. Some transformations occured, but they were far less dramatic than those which followed after the British had recaptured the city. The mid-nineteenth century map of pre-mutiny Delhi is therefore an indespensable source for reconstructing the morphology of Shah Jahan's imperial capital.

Watersystem and Canals:

The hot and dry climate of Delhi made it necessary to develop an elaborate hydraulic system in order to ensure a constant, yearround supply of water. Therefore a large canal was built branching off from the Yamuna many miles north of Delhi. The first section of this canal had been built in the 14th century inspired by the sunan Firuz Shah Tughluq. In 1561 it was repaired and improved.

When S.hah Jahan decided to build his new capital at Delhi he gave the order to restore the Firoz Shah Canal and to extend it to the new city .. The canal ran through the outskirts of the city watering gardens and fields. It entered the city by the Kabuli Gate in the NorthWest and then split into two branches. One branch flowed down the middlle of Chandni Chowk, the other passed through the gardens north of Chandni Chowk and then entered the fort-palace near the Shah Bur], Water flowed in a marble channel through all the royal buildings on the eastern wall. Other channels provided water for the gardens, streets and houses inside the fort.

Besides the canal there were in and around

Shahjahanabad several! wells, springs, stepwells and tanks. They had to provide the drinking water during the time the canal ran dry, as in the late eighteenth century when the city was lacking a sufficiently organized administration.

The main canal was repaired by the British and reopened in 1821 providing potable water to the city dwellers again. In 1846 a large tank was constructed between the palace and' Khas Bazaar. Linked to the main canal the Eillenborough Tank (or popularly known as 'Lal Oiggi') was to serve as a reservoir for drinking water. Robert's Report of 1847 counts for 678 wells within the city, though more than 500 were - due to other sources - pronounced to be brackish (Gupta 1981, p .. 19).

Irrigated gardens as features of climatological control and as recreation areas were an important urban element with a long tradition in India. And for the pious Muslim the garden served as a reminder of the Ouranic paradise. The Mughal gardens were laid out

Gardens:

MODEL OF ISLAMIC CITY (FROM DETTMANN)

II1II Great Mosque B!lm Bazar

1:·:·:-:·:.:-1 Residential Quarter ea. Castle

rL:JT"+l Muslim/Christian ~ Cemetarv

Minor Center

@ {With Mosque, Local Bazar, Hamarn etc.l

X Rural Markets

~ Walls and Fortifications

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according to the Persian "chahar bagh" concept, but were less rigid because of the fusion of different indo-islamic traditions and Hindu craftsmanship.

Several of the gardens of Shahjahanabad were actually in the vicinity of the city outside the city walls. The most notable of these gardens built in the 1650s were Shah Jahan's Tis Hazari Bagh just outside Kabuli Gate, Raushan Ara Begum's garden near Lahori Gate, Nawab Sirhindi Begum's garden in the same area, and Nawab Akbarabadi Begum's Shalimar Bagh six miles beyond Lahori Gate, which resembled the Shalimar Baghs in Lahore and Kashmir.

Many large courtyard residences (havelis) in the city also had enclosed gardens. But the most beautiful and with almost fifty acres by far largest garden was the Sahlbabad, built by Jahanara Begum north of Chandni Chowk in 1650.

Thanas / Wards / Mahalia'S:

The social, political and legal characteristics of Islam that created "Islamic cities" all over the Islamic world (cf. Abu-Luqhod 1987) also influenced the development of Shahjahanabad to a certain degree. And during the first decades of the nineteenth century the British more or less kept the Mughal system of administering the city. From the Kotwali in Chandni Chowk the Kotwal and his twelve thanadars policed the city, controlled the markets and bazaars and collected taxes and duties, as in former times with the only difference, that now the Kotwal was acting under the supervision of a British official. The city was divided into 12 thanas (wards) each in the charge of a thanadar. Each thana was again subdivided into several mohallas (neighbourhoods) under the responsibility of mohal'ladars. The thanadars maintained upto-date statistics including tax lists and information on the population residing in their respective thana. According to Robert's Report on the Census of Delhi in 1845-46 the city had a population of 137.977 living in 576 mohallas. 52% of the total population were Hindus, and about 48% were Muslims. Less than 0.3% were Christians.

The reason why such a large number of people could live together in this compact area was that urban society was a hi,ghly regulated one. "It was a hierarchy of Chinese boxes, ranging from the city wall to the curtained private quarters of the house." (Gupta 1993, p. 30).

SHAHJAHANABAD / DELHI AROUND 1850

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SHAHJAHANABAD I DELHI AROUND 1650. DETAIL OF THE PALACE

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The city was formally entered through one of the city gates. The main thoroughfares, the secondary roads, and the bazaars were public space. The next formal entry-point was at the mohalla entrance. The neighbourhoods were sealed off from each other and could only be entered by passing through one of the gates. The gates were controlled by chowkidars who were paid by the mohalla community. The lanes and alleys within the mohalla were therefore semi-private space. The mohallas were fairly homogenous religious and/or ethnic quarters sometimes known by the name of a prominent person whose mansion had been built there. Others were known by the vocation and/or the ethnic origin of its residents (the Lane of the Candlemakers, the Quarter of the Fishermen or the Tanners etc.)

Streets, Bazaars and Chowks:

The main axes of the city were the two major boulevards connecting the fort to the city gates. The larger and more important one was Chandni Chowk running from the Lahori Gate of the fort to the Fahtepuri Masjid. From there the road sidestepped to the north before continuing to the Lahori Gate of the city. The road was laid out between two focal points of the city creating an imperial axis comparable to the Chahar Bagh at Isfahan. Chandni Chowk was forty yards wide and contained more than 1.500 shops of a uniform design. Each shop occupied one room under one section of a long arcade. One branch of the main canal with trees on both sides flowed through the centre of the street. Two squares divided Chandni Chowk into three sections. The first section from the fort to the rectangular square was the favourite bazaar for the members of the imperial household. To the south of the square was the Kotwali the seat of the city's magistrate and police. The second, octagonal square established a cross axis to the north, where a large serail was constructed exclusively for privileged merchants. A large hammam was also added to the complex.

The second boulevard was Faiz Bazaar running north-south from the Akbarabadi Gate of the fort to the Delhi Gate of the city. This bazaar had more than 800 shops of a similar design as on Chandni Chowk. The square (chowk) at the northern end of Faiz Bazaar was 160 yards long and about 60 yards wide and had a pool and fountains in the centre. To the west of this square Nawab Akbarabadi

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Begum built a beautiful mosque and next to it a large seraiL Opposite the mosque and serail on the eastern side of the square a hammam was constructed.

In addition to the two main boulevards another important bazaar was laid out between the fort-palace and the Friday mosque. The Khas Bazaar was also divided into two parts by another chowk. It was a popular bazaar crowded with healers, storytellers, astrologers and dancing girls. Every Friday the royal procession attending the Friday prayer had to pass through this bazaar.

Besides these three main bazaars several others existed all over the city. Along secondary roads specialized bazaars developedin close association with workshops or kharkanas. Several mohallas also had local bazaars or markets serving the needs of the neighbourhood.

Fort-Palace:

The fort-palace was a self-contained urban unit, laid out with a rigid geometrical regularity and symmetry (fig. 3). Just as Shahjahanabad was divided into imperial (fort-palace) and common space (city) the fort was similarly divided. Its axes were precisely aligned with the cardinal points of the compass with the public audience hall (Diwan-i-Am) as the functional centre. West of it was the common space, open to the public. Here were the bazaars, the imperial kharkanas, the stables, the offices, residential houses and the two gateways to the city, Lahori Gate and Akbarabadi Gate.

An architectural innovation in India was the covered bazaar between the Lahori Gate and the square in front of the Naqqar Khanna. It had 32 shops on either side and a smail,. open octagonal chowk in the centre for the admission of light and air. The members of the imperial household residing in the palace came here to shop and stroll shaded from the sun.

Special permission was needed to go beyond the west side of the Diwan-i-Am. North of 'it were the palace gardens which again were laid out according to the classical Persian "char bagh" concept. lEast of lit was the private palace area with the private marble apartments alonq the riverfront. South of the Diwan-i-Am was the most private area of the fort, the harem covering a large portion of the fort's area.

The great public vista that leads from the La-

hare Gate of the fort through the covered bazaar and the Naqquar Khana to the Diwan-iAm is an essential element of the over-all design. In the city this central axis continued into the wide boulevard of Chandni Chowk to the Fathepuri Masjid and even beyond to the Idg.ah outside the city wall. The layout of this axis corresponds - with slight deviation - with the general orientation of the mosques (quibla).

Mosques:

The religious infrastructure of Shahjahanabad contains hundreds of mosques and temples, shrines and khangahs, religious endowments, ghats etc. (cf. Malik 1993). It is an interesting feature of this mid-nineteenth century map, that most information on religious institutions of Hindus, Sikhs or Jains seems to be missing, whereas almost all of the mosques are shown, the prominent ones even in beautiful detail.

Shahjahanabad was built around the twin foci of the fort-palace and the Jama Masjid. Errected on a hillock about 500 yards southwest of the fort well above the surrounding city it is one of the largest mosques on the subcontinent. The foundations of the Jama Masjid were laid in 1650. The mosque proper is on the top of a massive sandstone terrace situated in a system of radiating axes. The courtyards of the mosque is reached on three sides, east, north and south by three broad flight of steps. The eastern gate, facing the fort-palace was the main gate or the "royal entrance". A madrasa and a hospital were built together with the Jama Masjid and the mosque was richly endowed by Shah Jahan. Unfortunately no detailed information on the original waqf properties is available. Today the Jama Masjid is part of the "Composite Jama Masjid Wakf". This waqf comprises of 79 mosques, agricultural land in the vicinity of Delhi, 27 shops, 42 residential units, '4 godwons (warehouses) and 2 garages. In 1987-88 the income of the waqf was about 62.066 Rs.

Besides the main mosque of the city there were several other important mosques buillt by prominent members of the royal court. All but one of these "secondary" mosques were located in the two main boulevards of the city. Second in rank to the Jama Masjid was the Fathepuri Masjid built by Nawab Fathpuri Begum at the western end of Chandni Chowk in 1650. It is built of the same red sandstone which was used for the fort-palace and the

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Friday mosque. This mosque was also richly endowed with waqf properties. Behind the mosque to the west was a large serail which was part of this waqt, The courtyard of the mosque is surrounded by a series of single and double storeyed buildings. A madrasa, shops, workshops and residential apartments occupied these buildings, which were also part of the "Fathepuri Wakf". Today the "Fathepuri Wakf" comprises one madrasa, a secondary school, a public library, 6 additional mosques, 97 shops, several warehouses, and more than 300 rooms and apartments. The annual income of this waqf is about 200.000 Rs.

The mohalla or neighbourhood mosques were the third group of mosques. Concerning their importance they were at the bottom of the hierarchy and were scattered all over the city. They served the people in their immediate vicinity and were built by prominent or wealthy residents of the respective mohalla or by guilds of merchants or artisans. All of the smaller mosques received their income through religious endowments. All together the city had 261 mosques and 188 temples in 1846.

Havelis:

Some of the members of the imperial household lived in buildings in the northern part of the fort-palace. Others built large mansions (havelis) after the model of the imperial design of the "Red Fort". Encircled by a high wall these minitowns had gardens, private rooms for the owner's family, baths, stables, warehouses and separate quarters for servants, artisans and craftsmen working at the karkhanas which were also part of the complex.

Concluding Remarks: Cartography and "Islamic Cities"

In order to sum up a few final remarks must be made in regard to the historical as well as typological value of this map: There is no doubt about the fact that this plan represents historical Delhi/Shahjahanabad as it existed until the middle of the 19th century and, due to political as well as socio-economlc lethargy, remained probably more or less unchanged also in the latter parts of the 18th century.

Since 1850/57, however, dramatic changes have taken place. First, the clearing and removal of urban fabric by the British as a

result of the so called Delhi Mutiny. Large tracts of lands, esp. around the fort, were destroyed for military purposes, i.e. to create a glacis or shooting range. Second, within the fort more than 70% of the original architecture was destroyed and - after the "Mutiny" - replaced by barracks. Third, towards the end of the 1860s large portions of the northern wards were destroyed and replaced by railway installations. All this means that the historical manuscript map that has been "re-discovered" and redrawn, is a unique and an extremely valuable historical source not only for the reconstruction of traditional Shahjahanabad/Old Delhi, but also for that of its social and economic organization and functions.

In the remaining sections of Old Delhi, which have not been affected by demolition traditional urban morphology seems to have been preserved more or less intact. This is especially true for the street pattern as well as the internal differentiation of mohalla and wards. In terms of building material and the vertical morphology of the old city, however, changes are sometimes dramatic (cf. KRAFFT 1993).

A final remark must be devoted to the typological aspect of Shahjahanabad, as reflected in the traditional map and its reconstruction: centrally located Jama Masjid; bazaars/ chowks; ethnical/religious homogenous neighbourhoods (mohallas); palace and walls; even the endurance of waqf-properties and waqf-created urban forms - all these seem to point very definitely to the existence of an "Islamic City". This impression becomes even more dominant if we compare form and shape of Shahjahanabad with the model of the "Islamic city".

Without going into further details it must be noted, however, that purely formal aspects may hardly be sufficient to prove the existence or non-existence of "Islam" in urban culture (for more details: cf. EHLERS 1990). Even if we include typical Islamic institutions such as "waqf", the question remains. Very obviously, the traditional Indian city with a Hindu population also possesses religious endowments. It, too, knows urban quarters and neighbourhoods (cf. EHLERSKRAFFT 1993). And even more important it shares these qualities and characteristics with cities of other culture areas and historical times as well.

The question is and remains: To what degree can we speak of Delhi/Shahjahanabad as an "Islamic City"? Further analysis and critical

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interpretation of the historical manuscript map together with related historical sources may g,ive further answers!

However, it can now already be established that the planned elements of the city also show consideration of the importance of religion for the Mughal empire. Shah Jahan, more orthodox than his predecessors and also less tolerant towards other religious groups, bestowed the religious institutions in the city with both spatial and functional central importance. The orientation of the city's central axis, the layout of the urban ceremonial space and the arrangement of the royal processional routes to the Friday mosque or to the Idgah also form part of a distinct spatial concept. The gradual growth of the unplanned part of the city took place according to the fundaments of the building regulations as stipulated by Islamic Law. In this respect it seems justified for us to speak of Shahjahanabad as one example of the Imperial Islamic City.

E. Ehlers and Th. Krafft

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* Revised version of the paper presented at the conference in Rome. The work on the map of Shahjahanabad has meanwhile been completed. The map together with an accompanying (explanatory) volume was published in 1993 (EHLERS-KRAFFT)

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