European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 10, Number 2 (2009)

Urbanization, City Growth and Quality of Life in Pakistan

G.M. Arif1
Chief of Research and Dean, faculty of Development Studies
Pakistan Institute of Development Economics

Shahnaz Hamid
Senior Research Economist, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics
E-mail: shahnaz487@hotmail.com
Tel: 92-51-9248054; Fax: 92-51-9248065

Abstract
The unprecedented urban growth taking place in Pakistan reflects the hopes and aspirations
of millions of new urbanites. People generally move from economically depressed areas to
place that offer better opportunities. The study examines the trends in urbanization, city
growth and women’s share in rural to urban migration. A profile of migrant women and
their contribution in improving the quality of the life have also been examined through
quantitative and qualitative approaches. The finding of the study reveals that due to
decreasing dependency on agricultural sector, the rural population continued to shifting to
cities, leading to an increase in urbanization. It also reveals that Rural to urban growth
affects the level of urbanization.
In addition urban population is spread uneventfully between the four provinces;
Sindh is the most urbanized province while the least urbanizes province is NWFP. Further
more slum and marginal human settlements have spread in urban localities.
In the analysis, the role of migration in improving the quality of life has been
assessed by five indicators; female labour force participation, income differentials of
working migrants before and after migration, household consumption expenditures of
migrants compared with those of non-migrants, infant mortality, and child malnutrition.
Urban migration has made a difference in the lives of women and their families. The
analysis reveals that women are economically more active

Keywords: Urbanization, City growth, Migration, Migrant women, Quality of life.

Introduction
The rapid growth of cities is a common and persisting demographic phenomenon in most of the
developing countries including Pakistan. This growth has led to an increase in the degree of
urbanization. In Pakistan, for example, the proportion of total population living in urban areas,
commonly referred as the level of urbanization, has increased from only 17.4% in 1951 to about 32.5%
in 1998.2 Although within the Asia-Pacific region, based on both the level of urbanization and urban

1
This study was a joint project of UNFPA and PIDE; financed by UNFPA. The report was published by UNFPA in June
2007.
2 These figures of urban share are based on the administrative criterion of defining an areas ‘urban’, as used in the 1998
population census. A census is the only data source to determine the level of urbanization in Pakistan. The last census
was held in 1998, and the next one is likely to be held in 2008. How an areas is defined as ‘urban’ in the population
census has a huge remification for the level of urbanization. Defining what is urban is controversial in Pakistan (Haider
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growth, Pakistan is grouped with countries having moderate level of urbanization, it has the highest
share of population living in cities (urban areas) among the South Asian countries. It has also been
projected that about half of Pakistan’s population will be living in cities by the year 2030.
Both the natural increase (population growth) and net migration are the major contributory
factors to urban growth (ADB, 2006). As in other parts of the world, although the urban growth in
Pakistan is dominated by the natural increase, about one-fifth of this growth is attributed to internal
migration. In addition, there is concentration of urban population in the large cities. In 1998, seven
largest cities of the country (Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad, Rawalpindi, Multan, Hyderabad and
Gujranwala) had a population greater than 1 million, and more importantly, their share in the total
urban population increased from 40% in 1981 to 50% in 1998. Migration has played a major role in the
rapid growth of these large cities.
Poverty in Pakistan is largely a rural phenomenon, and lack of a stable source of income,
landlessness, skewed distribution of land, droughts and low human capital are the main causes of rural
poverty. More than half of the rural households in Pakistan are landless (Gazdar, 2006, Sohail, 2005;
World Bank, 2006). These households as well as small farmers are vulnerable to fluctuations in the
demand for labour, wage rates, and food prices. Rural-urban migration facilitates removal of excess
labour that cannot be absorbed in agriculture, and that out migration may help reduce pressure on the
land (Hussain, 2005). Thus, rural to urban migration has a very close association with economic
transformation and with the transfer of the country’s labour force from agriculture to non-agriculture
(Memon, 2006). Its contribution in the growth of cities is beyond any doubt.
However, limited attention has been paid to the presence of women in the migration stock and
their contribution in household well-being, although approximately half of the migrant population
consists of females. Data on the main reasons for migration by the direction of move indicates that
more than 70% of male migrants from rural to urban areas are economic migrants. Although the
corresponding percentage for female is only 17, it is a substantial proportion in the context of
prevailing cultural values in the country. In many poor migrant households women are the principal
wage earners.
The question is ‘has the female migration towards cities led to improvement in their quality of
life’? Migrants who move to urban areas are usually absorbed in the informal sector, live in urban
slums and work in low paid jobs. One common observation is that many poor families have moved to
large cities, where their female members work as domestic workers on very low wages. They live in
very poor conditions in slums. But, still it is argued that their conditions could be better than what they
have experienced in the countryside before moving to cities.
There is a dearth of information on the socio-economic condition of female migrants who opted
to leave rural areas and stay in cities either as a dependent household member or as an independent
economic worker. The overall objective of this study is to present an overview of the quality of life of
female migrants who have moved from countryside (rural areas) to large cities of Pakistan, by
combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. Specifically, the study will:
1. examine level of urbanization and urban growth, primarily using the population
censuses data;
2. assess the role of rural to urban migration in the growth of cities;
3. explore the share of female in different migratory streams, particularly rural-urban
migration;
4. prepare socio-economic profile of female migrants; and
5. present an overview of the quality of life of female migrants and their families.

and Haider, 2006), and it has been estimated that the administrative criterion as used in the 1998 census has depressed
the urban population by more than 6 percent (Arif, 2003).
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1. Methodology
This paper has used both the quantitative and qualitative approaches to accomplish the above-
mentioned objectives. First, using the data from different population censuses and information
available in the existing literature, the study has analyzed the trends in urbanization and urban growth.
Second, one major contribution of this study is to quantify the female share in rural-urban migration
and to make a distinction between economic and non-economic migrants. The latter category could
largely consist of women who moved out due to marriage to join their husbands already working in
cities or to accompany the whole family in the migration process. The economic female migrants could
move to cities independently or with their families.
Third, the 1998 census has a major flaw and does not contain information to analyze the rural-
urban direction of movement. No other specific migration survey has been carried out, although the
1998/99 Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (PIHS) and Labour Force Surveys have limited
information on the direction of movement. This study has utilized both the 2001 Pakistan Socio-
Economic Survey (PSES) and Pakistan Rural Household Survey (PRHS) carried out by the Pakistan
Institute of Development Economics to determine the share of female in rural-urban migration. Based
on data from these surveys, the profile of migrant women in cities has also been prepared. The PRHS is
a rural survey while the PSES is representative at the national level as well as for rural and urban areas.
Fourth, the quality of life of female migrants is examined in two ways. First, information on
income and consumption available from the PSES and PRHS as well as from other sources has been
used. Second, a brief fieldwork was organized in four large cities, Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad, and
Rawalpindi to get information directly from the migrant women. In total 50 migrant women are
interviewed in these cities. Finally, from these, six case studies of successful, semi-successful and non-
successful female migrants are prepared and reported in the study. There is no way to claim about the
representative ness of the qualitative work. It, however, provides information sufficient to understand
the dynamics of female migration.

2. Urbanization and City Growth

Pakistan’s urban population has been projected to be equal to its rural population by 2030, a time when
one out of every two people will be a city resident. Movement of people from rural to urban areas has
been playing a major role in the growth of cities as well as urbanization.
This migration is directly related to transformation of rural economy. The agriculture sector
contributed more than half of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1949-50, but it declined to 22 percent
of GDP in 2005-063. Over the same period, manufacturing share in GDP increased from 8 to 26
percent, and shares of services and trade sectors also increased from 25 to 51 percent. The share of
agriculture labour force has declined, from 65 percent in 1951 to 48 percent in 2003. Because of this
decreasing dependency on the agriculture sector, the rural population continued shifting to cities,
leading to increase in urbanization.
A close look at the five population censuses conducted post independence show that the
population of Pakistan doubled from about 34 million in 1951 to 84 million in 1981. The 1998 census
counted the population at about 132.5 million. The population growth rate during the 1981-98 period
declined significantly, i.e., 2.61% per annum compared to 3.06% between 1972 and 1981. This decline
was due to fertility transition in Pakistan, which began in the late 1980s and proceeded rapidly during
the last two decades.4

3
Government of Pakistan (GoP), Pakistan Economic Survey, 2005-06, Finance Division, Economic Adviser’s Wing,
Islamabad, 2006.
4 For more detail, see: Sathar, Zeba A., and John Casterline (1998), “The Onset of Fertility Transition in Pakistan”,
Population and Development Review 24(4):773-796; Feeney, Griffith and Iqbal Alam (2003) “New Estimates and
Projections of Population Growth in Pakistan”, Population and Development Review, Volume 29(3): 483-492.
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The average level of total fertility rate (TFR) was 6.9 children per woman for the 1984-87
period. It declined by nearly 2 children per woman for the 1988-2000 period. In 2003, TFR is
estimated 3.91 children per woman. The Government has set the target of reducing fertility to the
replacement level by 2020. Several economic and social changes in Pakistan, such as female education,
economic crisis of the 1990s, an increase in unemployment, a decline in real wages, increases in
poverty and inequality, and changes in social structures such as preference for nuclear families, are
considered to be the fundamental causes of decline in fertility and its proximate determinants.
The growth rates of rural and urban populations differ considerably due to different
demographic behaviours and rural to urban migration. The rural growth rate fluctuated substantially
between 1951 and 1998; it first increased from 1.8% for the 1951-61 period to 3.4% for the next
intercensal period, 1961-72. Since then it has continuously declined reaching 2.2% for the 1981-98
period. The average annual growth rate of urban population declined continuously from 4.9% for the
intercensal period of 1951-61 to 3.5% for the period of 1981-98. However, during this whole period
urban growth rate has been much higher than the corresponding rural growth rate, mainly because of
rural to urban migration.5
Urban growth was highest during the 1951-61 period, and then it steadily declined. There are
several explanations for these trends in the literature, including relocation of Muslim refugees from
India who moved to Pakistan at the time of partition and settled in rural areas of Punjab, and other
areas of the country mainly Sindh.6 The main source of attraction in Sindh was the city of Karachi,
which at that time was the capital of Pakistan, in addition to being the main seaport, airport, and a fast
growing commercial and industrial center. Large number of these refugees also moved to Hyderabad in
Sindh. A decline in the urban growth rate during the 1961-72 period is attributed to rapid decline in the
net in-migration rate to the urban areas since large-scale redistribution of refugees from rural to urban
areas had already taken place.7
The reasons for a further decline in urban growth during 1981-98 intercensal period include
relatively lower marital fertility in urban areas than in rural areas, decline in net in-migration rate to urban
centres due to deteriorating law and order situation, ethnic strife and sectarian tension in different urban
centres of the country, reduced capacity of manufacturing sector to absorb rural migrants, high
unemployment rate in urban areas and settlement of Afghan refugees in large cities. Moreover, interlinked
industrialization in some parts of the country has integrated rural population. One such system can be
found in Lahore and its surrounding districts, Gujranwala, Faisalabad, and Sheikhupura.8 Rural
population of these districts has easy access to urban centers through road network. This integration
may have depressed the rural/urban migration in some districts of the country.
Rural-urban growth, as discussed above, affects the share of population living in urban areas,
commonly known as the level or degree of urbanization. Figure 1 shows the levels of urbanization
based on the population censuses data except for the year 2005, which shows an estimated level.9 The
share of urban population increased from 17.4 percent in 1951 to 32.5 percent in 1998. The estimated
data for 2005 shows the level of urbanization as 35 percent, the UN also projects that half of the
population would be living in urban areas by the year 2030. It is worth noting that the level of

5 The concept of ‘urban growth’ is different from ‘urbanization’, which refers to the rise in the proportion of total
population living in urban areas; while urban growth refers to the increasing population living in urban areas. The two
are quite distinct; urbanization can take place over a range of urban population growth rates from high to low (Jones,
1991). Both urbanization and urban growth are also sensitive to the completeness of enumeration of rural and/or urban
population.
6
Abbasi, N. (1987), Urbanization in Pakistan, 1951-1981. Research Report No.152, Pakistan Institute of Development
Economics, Islamabad; Hasan, Arif, The Dawn, May 27, 2007 (Books and Authors).
7 Karim, Mehtab S. and Abu Nasar (2003), Migration Patterns and Differentials in Pakistan: Based on the Analysis of
1998 Census Data in Population of Pakistan: An Analysis of 1998 Population and Housing Census, A.R. Kemal, M.
Irfan and Naushin Mahmood (eds.), Islamabad. Pakistan Institute of Development Economics.
8 Ali, R. (2001), Urbanization: the changing face of Pakistan, Herald, 13-15 June, 2001.
9 United Nations (2005), “Urban Agglomerations”, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division,
United Nations.
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urbanization in Pakistan is highest among the South Asian countries. The levels of urbanization in East
and Southeast Asian countries, however, are in general higher than the levels in South Asian countries
including Pakistan.10

Figure 1: Trends in Urbanization,1951-2005

40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1951 1961 1972 1981 1998 2005-
estimated

Source: Population Censuses (Population Census Organization); UN (2005)

Any discussion on urbanization without examining the provincial differences will be

incomplete. Figure 2 presents data on urbanization levels in the four provinces. According to the 1998
Census, Sindh has been the most urbanized province with 49 percent of population living in urban
areas. NWFP is the least urbanized province with only 17 percent of total province population living in
urban areas. The shares of urban population in Punjab and Balochistan in 1998 were 31 and 23 percent
respectively. There is a visible narrowing down of the growth rate differentials among provinces,
although the urban population in Balochistan province and Islamabad has been increasing at higher
rates of 5.1 and 5.8 percent respectively.11
The four provinces show crucial differences in the nature of urbanization. More than 60 percent
of the population of urban Sindh lives in Karachi, and this concentration has increased over time.
Approximately three-quarters of the total urban population of Sindh are concentrated in just three
urban centers ; Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukker. The situation is different in Punjab where 22 percent
of the urban population lives in Lahore, the provincial capital, and half of the total provincial urban
population lives in five large cities. The capital of NWFP, Peshawar, has a population of approximately
one million (without counting the Afghan refugees), which is 33 percent of the urban provincial
population. The share of Quetta, the capital city of Balochistan, in the total urban provincial population
was 37 percent. However urban population was relatively more concentrated in Sindh mainly due to
Karachi.

10
Based on both, the levels of urbanization and urban growth, Skeldan (1997) has identified four main patterns in the
Asia-pacific region, which can be used not only to examine the patterns of urbanization and urban growth, but also to
examine migration and to consider the relationship among development, urbanization and migration. Countries with
high levels of urbanization, such as Singapore, Hong Kong (China) and Japan, are the most developed core economies
of North-East Asia. Countries with moderate levels of urbanization are the growing economies such as India, Pakistan
and Indonesia. Countries with low and very low levels of urbanization are among the poorest countries in the region.
Pakistan, as noted above, is grouped with countries having moderate levels of urbanization.
11
Arif, G.M. (2003), “Urbanization in Pakistan: Trends, Growth and Evaluation of the 1998 Census”, Population of
Pakistan: An Analysis of 1998 Population and Housing Census, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics/UNFPA,
Islamabad.
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Figure 2: Level of Urbanization by Province

60

50

40

30

20
10

0
NWFP Punjab Sindh Baluchistan

1981 -% urban 1998 - % urban

Source: 1981 and 1998 Population Censuses (Population Census Organization).

3. City Growth and Migration

There are three components of urban population growth:
i. Net natural increase (refers to excess of births over deaths in an area).
ii. Net rural-urban migration.
iii. Net reclassification (done either through the annexation of town Into urban area or the
transformation of formally rural area into Urban
The trend over time shows that for both intercensal periods, 1972-81 and 1981-98, urban areas
grew primarily because of natural increase (Figure 3). However, its role was more dominant in the
1970s than in the 1980s and 90s. It might be due to a decline in urban marital fertility rate, which
declined substantially from 8.1 in the mid-1970s to 5.7 in the early 1990s. The share of internal
migration in urban growth (20.1 percent) was similar for the two periods, 1972-81 and 1981-98.12 The
dominance of natural increase as a factor of growth is also found across the provinces, although the
contribution of internal migration was relatively higher in Sindh and Balochistan.

Figure 3: Share of Natutral Increase and Internal Migration in Urban Growth by Province, 1998.

100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Punjab Sindh NWFP Balouchistan

Natural increase Internal migration

Source: Arif (2003)

12
The share of reclassification, the third component, in urban growth was less important during the 1970s than its role in
the 1980s and 1990s. During the latter period, the contribution accounted by the reclassification was about 10 percent.
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Cities are remarkable organisms. At the heart of urbanization are these cities. Over the last few
decades, cities in both developing and developed countries have emerged as the major form of human
settlement. Some cities are growing much more rapidly because of rural-to-urban migration than
others. Cities in Pakistan vary considerably in size, and there is a concentration of urban population in
large cities. More than half of the total urban population of the country lived in 2005 in eight urban
agglomerations13: Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad, Rawalpindi, Multan, Hyderabad, Gujranwala, and
Peshawar. Between 2000 and 2005, these cities grew at the rate around 3 percent per annum, and it is
projected that this growth rate will continue for next eight to nine years. By 2015 the population of
Karachi will exceed 15 millions while Lahore and Faisalabad will cross eight million and three million
respectively.14.
Urban growth in Pakistan has not limited itself to these urban agglomerations. Medium and
small sized cities, which are many in number, have grown even at a higher rate. These cities are
significant sites of social and economic activity, often serving as centers of trade and destinations for
rural migrants. They are often the first places where the social urban transformation of individuals and
families occurs; by offering economic linkages between rural and urban environment. The global
projection is that small and medium cities will continue to absorb most of urban population around the
world well into the future. The same will be the case in Pakistan. Because of the rapid growth of cities
(small, medium and large), half of the total population of Pakistan is projected to live in urban areas by
2030.15
At least one in every three city dwellers in Pakistan lives in a slum. Many migrants who move
to cities in order to find jobs and have a better life, may not find jobs in the formal sector or any kind of
decent shelter with a minimum of basic amenities. Informal sector provides employment to most
migrants and they gravitate to squatter colonies where they build some kind of shelter for themselves.
As a result, slum and marginal human settlements have spread in most urban localities particularly in
urban agglomerations.
These settlements are generally characterized by the absence or severe lack of basic
infrastructure. In the Asia-pacific region, the urban population inhabiting such settlements ranges from
a low 15 percent in Singapore to over 50% in Bombay and Delhi. In Pakistan, in terms of the
proportion of urban population living in Katchi Abadis (informal settlements) varies between 35 and 50
percent. The growth of these ‘Abadis' in the two mega cities, Karachi and Lahore, has particularly been
massive. In the former, these Abadis increased from 212 in 1958 to more than 500 presently. In
Lahore, there are more than 300 Katchi Abadis, while in Faisalabad, at least 40 percent of population
lives in these Abadis.
Growth of cities is closely linked with migration, although, as discussed above, the contribution
of natural increase is in general higher than migration. The analysis of the 1998 population census data
reveals that about a quarter of the population of both Karachi and Lahore consists of migrants, whereas
in Multan, the migrants’ share in the total population is 19 percent. Sixty percent of Islamabad’s
population consists of migrants.
Sex ratios - number of males per hundred females – among non-migrant population are largely
stable (around 110) across the 10 major cities of the country, while they vary considerably among the
migrant population of these cities. In Karachi and Multan, migration appears to be relatively more male
dominant.16 In Faisalabad, Lahore and Gujranwala, sex ratios are relatively low. It suggests that female
migration is more common in cities in central Punjab – Lahore, Faisalabad and Gujranwala. In
Karachi, Islamabad, Peshawar and Multan, migration is relatively more male dominated.
13
Urban agglomerations include cities with 1 million or more inhabitants while mega cities are defined as those with
populations greater than 10 million. There are two mega cities in Pakistan; Karachi and Lahore with populations of
approximately 12 and 6 millions in 2005 respectively (see “Urban Agglomerations”. Department of Economic and
Social Affairs, Population Division, United Nations, 2005).
14
See, United Nations (2005).
15
See, United Nations (2005).
16
These figures are based on authors’ calculation from the 1998 census.
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Internal migration in Pakistan has been mainly rural to urban (39 percent) and rural to rural (36
percent). One-fifth of the total internal migrants move from one urban area to another. Movement from
urban to rural areas was only 6 percent of the total volume of migration.17 This stream is the least
quantitatively important among the four classifications identified, and is reflective of labour circulation
rather than migration.
Figure 4 shows that the proportion of female is lowest in rural to urban migration and highest in
rural to rural migration. The same pattern has been observed in India. In the rural-urban stream, the
share of female is 51 percent in Pakistan. It is worth noting that a relatively large fraction of rural-
urban migrants crosses provincial boundaries.18 The perception that ‘the urban migrant is invariably a
male’ is incorrect; females make up a considerable proportion of migrants.

Figure 4: Percentage share of female in migration by direction of move, 2001

70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Rural-rural Urban-rural Urban-urban Rural-urban

Source: Authors’ calculation from the PSES 2001 (see, Arif and Bilquees, 2006).

One relevant question is why women move to cities? Figure 5 presents data on gender
distribution of migrants for the four directions of move19. The reasons for the move were also analyzed,
with the majority of males (61 percent) citing economic reasons as the principal factor for migration. In
case of females, marriage and joining family are the most important reasons for moving from one place
to another. An analysis of main reasons for migration by analyzing the direction of migration indicates
that more than 70 percent of male migrants from rural to urban areas were economic migrants. This
proportion of economic migrants is higher than urban-urban flow, where more than 50 percent of male
migrants moved for non-economic reasons mainly to join family. Women who moved because of
economic reasons in rural-urban and urban-urban migration were 17 and 14 percent respectively. A
recent study has reported that 16 percent of women were labour migrants.20 The 2001 Pakistan Rural
Household Survey (PRHS) shows even higher percentage of women, 29 percent, who left the

17
The analysis presented in this part of the paper and onward is based on the Pakistan Socio-economic Survey (PSES)
2001 and Pakistan Rural Household Survey (PRHS) 2001, carried out by Pakistan Institute of Development Economics
(For detail on sample size, see Arif and Bilquees, 2006; World Bank, 2002).
18
For more detail, see: Irfan, M., Lionel Demery, and G. M. Arif (1983), Migration Pattern in Pakistan: Preliminary
Results, Studies in Population, Labour Force, and Migration Project Report No. 6. Islamabad. Pakistan Institute of
Development Economics.
19
If the migrant identified job transfer, finding a job, education or business as the main reason for migration, then such
migration is based on reasons which can be classified as economic reasons and the migrants as economic migrants. This
type of migration is viewed a an investment in human capital which entails both direct and indirect costs as well as the
expectation of returns in the form of increased earnings in the destination. Marriage, accompanying parents or return to
the origin can be classified as migration for non-economic reasons and the migrants as non-economic migrants (Khan
and Shahnaz, 2000).
20
Memon, Rashid (2006), “Determinants and Trends of International Migration in Pakistan”, International Labor
Migration in Pakistan, Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization, Japan.
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countryside to settle in urban areas for economic reasons. However, the high percentage from PRHS
may be used with caution because only small number of women was captured in this rural survey.
Although the possibility of independent movement of women to cities cannot be ruled out, it is
hard to establish it from household survey datasets. What can safely be said after looking at the data
closely is that women migrants are likely to move less independently, and move as ‘associational’
migrants (moving with families). This does not preclude ex-post participation in the labour market;
rather their labour force participation increases steeply after migration. Migrant women are active in
the labour market (see, case studies in section 5).

Figure 5: Percent Share of Migrants who Moved for Economic Resons by Gender

80

60

40 Female
Male
20

0
Rural- Urban- Urban- Rural-
Rural Urban Rural Urban

Source: Authors’ Calculation from PSES 2001 (see, Arif and Bilquees, 2006).

4. Profile of Migrant Women

Migrants are generally regarded to be younger and better educated. These two variables along with
economic status of migrants prior to migration from rural to urban areas have been discussed in this
section. Age-sex distribution of migrants by rural-urban direction of move is depicted in Figure 6. The
age curve for rural to urban migrants is in the shape of an inverted U. The coincidence of the timing of
marriage with entry into the labour market in individuals’ lifecycles generates a peak for the 10-25 age
groups in the age-mobility curve for both males and females, when migrants move from rural to urban
areas. More than a quarter of female migrants and one-fifth of male migrants were in 10-24 years age
group, presumably either to accompany parents, to find a job at a new urban destination or to join
husband in the case of females. Mean age of female migrants at the time of survey was 35.7 years,
which is three years greater that the mean age of male migrants. Mean age as reported by a recent study
was higher for both males and females.21

21
See, Memon (2006).
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Figure 6: Age Distribution of Rural-Urban Migrants by Gender

30
25
20
15
10
5
0
<5 5-9 10-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65+
Male Female
Source: Arif (2006).

Figures 7a and 7b show the educational background of male and female migrants. Compared to
less than one-third (31 percent) of male migrants, more than 65 percent of females rural-urban migrants
were illiterate. One-third (33 percent) of male migrants had at least 10 years of education, and 13
percent of female rural-urban migrants also had matriculation or higher level of education. The
fieldwork carried out in four major cities, Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad and Rawalpindi, shows that
migration of young girls to cities for education is on rise in central Punjab. This pattern of human-
capital flow – the young and the better educated to urban centres has been noted by various studies
conducted in different countries.22 While more than one-third (36 percent) of male migrants were
working in rural areas before moving to cities, 14 percent of females were also active economically.

Figure 7: Distribution (%) of Male Migrats by Education

33% 31%

14% 22%

Illiterate Primary Middle Matric

Source: Authors’ Calculation from PSES 2001 (see, Arif and Bilquees, 2006).

22
Irfan, M., Lionel Demery, and G. M. Arif (1983), Migration Pattern in Pakistan: Preliminary Results, Studies in
Population, Labour Force, and Migration Project Report No. 6. Islamabad. Pakistan Institute of Development
Economics.
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Figure 7b: Distribution (%) of Female Migrants by Education

13%

8%

13%
66%

Illiterate Primary Middle Matric

Source: Authors’ Calculation from PSES 2001 (see, Arif and Bilquees,2006)

An interesting piece of information is about the perceived economic status of migrants, 61

percent of women reported their pre-migration status as poor whereas 39 percent considered
themselves in the middle-level status. No female reported her status as rich prior to migration. In the
case of males, 47 percent perceived themselves of poor economic status earlier to migration and a
similar percentage considered themselves of middle-status. Only 5 percent of them considered their
status as rich. The picture that emerges from this brief profile of both male and female migrants is that
of a relatively young, better educated, less active in the rural labour market, primarily belonging to
poor and middle status families that moved to cities to improve their quality of life.

5. Quality of Life in the City

The role of migration in improving the quality of life has been assessed by five indicators:
I. Female labour force participation,
II. Income differentials of working migrants before and after migration,
III. Household consumption expenditures of migrants compared with those of non-migrants,
IV. Infant mortality, and
V. Child’s malnutrition.
Migration surely makes a difference in the lives of women and their families as cities provide
them employment opportunities. Consequently they are economically more active after migration - a
pattern observed in many developing countries including Pakistan.
However, the work of migrant men and women is structurally different. The usual principal
activity status of women is ‘domestic work’, which falls considerably after migration to the destination.
Similarly, the share of ‘unpaid family helpers’ among the migrant labour force gradually declines. For
example, compared to 53 percent of the non-migrant labour force, only 4 percent of the migrant labour
force is found in this category.23
Empirical evidence shows that migrant women work as own account workers, work in
household enterprises and also do wage employment. They set up businesses; although they are small
like fruit/ vegetable or flower vending. It is common among migrant women to combine productive
activities with domestic work. Therefore, through their labour market participation, migrant women in
cities have an opportunity to contribute to the family income.
Average income of working men and women also improves considerably after migration to
cities. Males reported an average difference of 1192 rupees in their monthly income after migration
(from 1418 to 2610 rupees), that is 1.84 times higher than their pre-migration average income. Women
were also able to increase their incomes after migration; it was 2.4 times more than their earning in
rural areas. However, women’s average income remained lower than men’s before and after migration,
23
Memon (2006).
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even though the gap was reduced. Before migration, women’s monthly income was 62 percent (a little
above half) of men’s income and after migration this ratio increased to 85 percent (more than 3
quarters).24 Income data reveals two important dimensions; firstly, migration contributes to improving
the earnings of both sexes, and secondly, gender differentials in incomes for urban areas are lower than
rural areas. This net improvement in earnings points towards betterment of quality of life.
Migration has been helpful for families to improve their consumption levels, particularly to
ensure food security. Utilizing the household survey consumption module, Arif (2006) has done an
analysis of the consumption pattern for migrant and non-migrant households. He classified per capita
monthly expenditures into food and non-food items. The non-food items consist of housing,
clothing,education, health, transport and recreation. Expenditures on consumer durables are not
included in the non-food expenditures.25 The difference in average expenditure for urban households is
presented in Figure 8. No real difference between non-migrant and internal migrant households could
be found in food or non-food per capita expenditure, although non-migrants in general have higher per
capita expenditure. It shows that migrants adjust to city life, improve their earnings and increase their
consumption level, as revealed by the case studies of migrant women.

Figure 8: Average Food and Non-food Expenditure of Urban Migrant and Non-migrant Households

1800
1600
1400
1200
1000 Migrants
800 Non-migrants
600
400
200
0
Food Non-food Total

Source: Arif (2006)

The analysis of infant mortality rate for children belonging tmigrant as well as non-migrant
households, controlling for rural and urban areas, shows that in urban areas infant mortality was
slightly lower in migrant households than in non-migrant households.26 But in rural areas, infant
mortality was higher in migrant households than in non-migrant households. It suggests that migration
towards cities improves access to health facilities that leads to child survival. Both sanitation facilities
and availability of clean drinking water, closely associated with child health, are also likely to
contribute to the survival of children belonging to migrant households. But migrants who move to rural
areas are usually poorest of the poor and do not have access to these facilities at their destination; thus
their movement has no impact on child mortality.
Similarly differentials in children’s malnutrition levels do not vary by migration status of the
households in urban areas, suggesting that children of migrant families have a nutritional status that is
close to the status of urban non-migrant households. It also shows an improvement in food
consumption of migrant households. As noted earlier, the role of women, particularly those active in
the labour market could play a significant role in food security. Empirical evidence from developing
countries shows that women are more likely than men to spend their incomes on household well-being.

24
All these data are based on PRHS 2001.
25
Arif, G.M. (2006); Internal Migration and Housheold Well-being: Myth or Reality, in Internal Labour Migration in
Pakistan, ed. Hisaya Oda, Institute of Developing Economies Japan External Trade Organization.
26
Arif (2006).
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6. Life in the City: Testimonial of Pakistani Women

The main objective of the study is to assess changes in the quality of life of migrant women. To
achieve this objective, in addition to quantitative, the qualitative approach has also been used. Brief
interviews of migrant women from the four biggest urban agglomerations; Faisalabad, Lahore,
Rawalpindi, and Karachi were conducted. The group of migrant women belonged to different age
groups and had varied occupations.
Quality of life in the brief interviews has been assessed in terms of food security, health,
wealth, housing, children’s education, women’s empowerment, and security. An effort has also been
made to assess how these women have integrated in their new environment. The main findings of the
qualitative research have been summarized below, followed by seven case studies of migrant women.
Women form a significant percentage in rural to urban migration. There are two types of
migrant women. Permanent migrant women moved to the city, established themselves, and no longer
desire to go back to village. The second type are those who come to city temporarily, e.g. female
students who come to big cities for higher education. After completing education they usually return to
their hometowns. These migrant women remain in close contact with their families, receive financial
support, and frequently visit their hometowns.
Evidence reveals economic crises, lack of work opportunity, domestic violence by husband
and/or his family, are some of the factors that motivate women to move to cities. The phenomenon of
women’s migration leads to increase in child labor, especially for the female child. Women who
migrate due to poverty prefer to do household work in the informal sector. They bring their daughters
with them, who help them at work. Earnings of women go to household consumption. Apart from
limited resources, sometimes the distance to school also encourages mothers to keep female children
with them during the working hours for safety reasons.
Evidence reveals that if the migrant women, at the time of coming to the city, have work and
accommodation, the children have a higher probability of getting education. If she comes to the city
without any work, and starts her new life in the slums, the children have a lower probability of getting
enrolled in school.
Migrant women who work usually own mobile phones. This not only helps them to keep
contact with their relatives, but they remain in touch with the labor market. The cell phones help them
to develop their social network.
Migrant women who move to city independently are either students or those whose husbands
are abusive, or are widowed and their in-laws do not like them to live with them. They are permanent
migrants. They build shelters, have jobs, and have no plans to go back to village.
The migrant women are happy to have jobs for themselves and for their children. In the city
they realize that they can feed their children, who no longer have to go to bed without food.
Overall migrant women are happy with their lives in cities. They have better job opportunities,
communication and health facilities, and if their children are enrolled in schools, the quality of
education is much better in than village. Moreover they feel economically empowered. There is no
restriction on their mobility, and they have decision making power.

Case Studies
6.1. Lifelong fight
Noor Fatima was speechless when her husband announced his plans to marry off their six-year old
daughter to a cousin. Fatima, a mother of four (two sons and two daughters) decided to put up a fight to
save her daughter, “I tried to make him understand that his plans were inhuman and that he had no
right to do this.” Fatima recalls arguing for days with her husband, a cobbler. Pressurized, the husband
threw Fatima and the daughter in question out of the house keeping the other children including a
three-month old son with him.

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Fatima remembers being out alone in the street with her little girl at ten o’clock at night. She
was helped by the people of the locality who provided them shelter and informed her family. After
living with her brother for a week Fatima returned to her home. Despite the efforts of the community
elders to dissuade him, the husband did not budge from his plans of marrying off the 6 year old child.
Fatima was scared, fearing that her husband might go ahead with his plans without her consent.
She knew that she had to act quickly and decided to leave the village and move to her sister’s place in
Lahore. Finding the opportunity one day when her husband left for the city, Fatima left the village with
her four kids to start a new life in Lahore.
It was a huge decision for an illiterate woman. Although she managed to save her daughter
from marriage, the challenge of feeding her children seemed bigger and harder. Fatima worked for the
next eight months as a vegetable collector, but low wages and long distance eventually made her quit.
Fatima then became a housemaid at a musician’s residence for 600 rupees a month (about 10 US $).
She moved at a friend’s house to be closer to her work place. She worked for the next 12 years at the
same place for the same salary. The hard work she put in to help her family survive started taking its
toll on her health. She was told at the hospital that she needed a throat surgery. Her employer helped
her pay for the medical bills.
Fatima realized that education and skills were vital for her family’s survival. Despite her
meager resources she enrolled her eldest son at school. A few years later an unfortunate fall from roof
made him mentally unstable. Her elder daughter never got a chance to go to school as she always
accompanied Fatima to work. The second daughter learnt Quran by heart and became a Hafiza. Even
though Fatima couldn’t afford to educate her daughters, she did encourage them to learn skills; one did
a beauty course and started working at a beauty salon, the other started sewing clothes after a stitching
course, “I encouraged my daughters to learn some skill and start earning for themselves and the
family,” says Fatima. The family’s finances improved further when Fatima’s younger son joined a toy
factory, at the age of 13 years, to work as a labourer.
As Fatima and her children started pooling in their earnings, they were able to buy a small
house in Lahore, ‘a proud and satisfying moment’ for Fatima and her children. The news of Fatima
owning a home in Lahore made her husband reappear in her life and beg for her forgiveness and
reunion. The children however flatly refused to accept their father back into their lives.
Happy and satisfied Fatima knows she made the right decision many years ago, ‘the hard work
paid off, my children, especially my daughters, helped me a lot in my struggle.” Fatima firmly believes
girls need good education and skills to become economically independent to “lead a life of their own
choice”.

6.2. Courageous mother

Life in Karachi had never been easy for the 43-year old illiterate widow, Parveen, and her seven
children – four girls and three boys. But it is much better than the life in a remote Punjab village in
district Rahim Yar Khan as it provides opportunities to earn.
“My father was a landless sharecropper and the income was insufficient to meet the needs of
our seven-member family, two brothers and three sisters and parents,” says Parveen. One of her
brothers went to Karachi for work, to supplement the family income, and saw that the city has more to
offer them than the village. When the family moved from village to Karachi, the brother rented a small
room, and Parveen’s father started working as fruit vendor. “It was exciting time for us,” says Parveen.
The father would get up early in the morning, buy fruit from the main market, and the children
would arrange the big basket with fruit. The father would carry it on his head and roam in the city to
sell fruit. “On some days father would sell everything and sometimes he came home with some
leftovers,” remembers Parveen. Both were happy occasions for the children; they would be happy for
the complete sellout and also to have some fruit if not sold.
Although Parveen’s father and brothers were working, it was clear more help was needed to run
the home. It was then Parveen and her mother decided to put in their share also. They started working
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as housemaids, bringing in a welcome increase to the family’s income. For two years Parveen, her
sister and mother worked in various homes.
The family decided to marry Parveen with her cousin, who was working as a labourer. After
marriage Parveen continued to work as housemaid. Though income was less, her marital life was good
and Parveen was happy. Things started falling apart when her husband became an addict, gave up
work, and started taking money from his wife. When she refused him money, the husband started
selling household items. Infuriated Parveen’s mother-in-law, ordered them to leave her home.
“Those were bad days, with seven children and an addict husband, life seemed utterly
“gloomy,” Parveen looks back to the dark days. Her husband died, leaving Parveen to take care of the
seven children without a house or money. Parveen and her children started working, knowing that they
were on their own. Today Parveen is working as a maid at five houses and earning 3000 rupees a
month (about 50 US $). She is honest and hard working, qualities appreciated by her employers, who,
Parveen says, have been nice to her.
Her big day was when she bought land to build a house for herself, “my employers helped me a
lot with the building of my modest home.” However personal tragedies continue to haunt Parveen. Her
mother-in-law forcibly married her eldest daughter to one of her cousins. The daughter has since given
birth to six children, with four of them dying shortly after birth, “the last two pregnancies have left my
daughter very weak.”
When Parveen looks back at her struggle she is bittersweet. She lost a loving husband to
addiction and a daughter to rapacious in-laws, but she was also able to survive on her own, worked day
in day out to keep the family united, and build a home. Today she is the proud owner of a refrigerator,
a television and a washing machine in her own house, “I had my share of painful moments, but I am a
satisfied with my progress.” says Parveen. She would be more than satisfied if one of her sons takes
keen interest in his studies.

6.3. Never giving up

When Zoya and her husband decided to settle in Pakistan she had no idea that her secure days as the
wife of a successful man were about to end. Everything about her life seemed ideal; a loving husband
and a house full of luxuries. There was one thing missing, a child. Even that did not seem to be a
problem initially and they decided to adopt a girl child. Her life turned upside down when her husband
announced that he was going for a second marriage.
This was not the first crisis in her life. Zoya’s life had been through many ups and downs
before marriage. She was born into a well-off rural family that had land and considerable farm income.
But the family lost that prosperity when the land was divided among her father and uncles. As the
family lost its income, its social relations also deteriorated.
Her father decided to sell his land and settle in Wazirabad where he opened a grocery shop. The
business failed and the family moved to Rawalpindi, where the father opened another grocery shop.
The same happened again, the business collapsed, which affected her father’s health badly.
“My father’s death was the first real crisis in my life, I was only 13 years old and we had no
source of income. My mother had the responsibility of running the home with three school-going
children,” Zoya remembers the sad days.
Her mother bought a sewing machine and started sewing clothes. Zoya also helped her mother
in stitching after the school hours, “we had less and less money and a time came when I had to leave
school.” After completing secondary education Zoya’s brother also started working as daily wage
earner. With almost everybody working in the family, the financial situation improved somewhat.
It was then a marriage proposal came for Zoya from an educated family based in Attock. The
proposal was accepted, those were the golden days. Her husband was well educated, caring and loving.
After a few years, the husband got a scholarship and they went abroad. Zoya also started some short
courses that later helped her a lot. They traveled a lot, and went to different countries.

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When her husband completed his PhD, he started job abroad. However when he got a good
offer from Pakistan, they decided to move back. They had a big house, respect, and all the comforts of
life but no child. Although they had adopted a girl, when the husband asked her for second marriage,
Zoya had no option but to allow him. When the husband had a son with his second wife, things started
getting worse for Zoya.
The second wife started to take control of the house, sidelining Zoya and her adopted daughter.
The husband, who had so far been good to Zoya, also changed. He was no longer caring and loving.
Zoya and her daughter became victims of the second wife’s whims. When Zoya asked for monthly
expenses from her husband, he did not pay any heed, “The home which was once mine became a
hellhole for me and my daughter, I lost all the respect.”
When life became unbearable for Zoya, she asked for divorce, which was readily granted. Zoya
deposited the money from the divorce settlement in the bank and started living with her brother, though
her sister-in-law did not appreciate her presence. After two years, her brother died of a heart attack.
Her sister-in-law was left with four children and no source of income. Zoya became a further burden
on her. Every day, they disputed on small things and things became difficult for them.
Zoya found a job at the university, where she has been working since 1999. She is enjoying her
responsibilities; she can drive and converse fluently in English. The short courses that she took in the
United States helped her in her current job.
Zoya wants to establish an Institute for girls, especially for those who cannot afford education.
“Education is must for girls. It gives them confidence and opportunities to become economically
independent,” says Zoya, as she fights out the challenges of life on her own. Today she is living with
one of her distant relative, paying them 2500 rupees for a room and 2000 rupees for food (about 75 US
$ in total).

6.4. Fighting back

Zahra is the unique new face of Pakistani woman. Faced with the challenge of bringing up three
children in the presence of a good for nothing husband, she is a determined woman working hard in a
big city like Karachi.
With the help of her mother, Zahra, who works in a medicine factory, is playing the role of a
breadwinner and a caring mother. “I am the king in my house and I have to do most of the work,” says
the mother of two sons and a daughter.
A long history of jobs before marriage has made Zahra confident to build her and her children’s
life after going through a traumatic marital experience. She fell in love with a married man. When she
looks back, Zahra concedes that it was a wrong decision that annoyed her family. None of her 11
brothers, sisters and parents attended her wedding ceremony.
Her family migrated to interior Sindh from India. After living in Sukkur city for many years,
the father decided to move the family to Karachi. Zahra, the eldest of the 12 children, was in eighth
grade when the family arrived in Karachi’s Landhi area.
Soon Zahra and the other children realized that they have to start working to support the needs
of the big family. Her first job was in a pamper-making factory, which she had to leave due to health
problems. The next job was in a biscuit factory as checker for 1500 rupees (about 25 US $) per month.
She then moved to a soap factory where her sister was already working. The two sisters worked there
for four years before being expelled for not having National Identity Cards.
Dutifully the sisters and brothers spent their money on the family, their joint savings helped to
buy a small piece of land, where they built a hut. Young and hard working Zahra grew into a confident
worker. When it came to making a decision about her life partner, she chose a person who was already
married.
The marriage soon ran into trouble when the husband lost his job and a day came when Zahra
was asked to go to her parents’ home. Over the next five years Zahra kept moving from her husband’s

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to her parents’ home and gave birth to three children. “Those were disturbing days, life seemed to lead
nowhere. With three children and a negligent husband, I felt lost.”
But Zahra could not live for long in despair. Her three children were her driving force to stop
despairing and start working. She knew she was capable of supporting herself and the children even
though it was not easy.
Zahra gets up early, prepares the children for school, takes them to their public school, and goes
to work at the medicine factory. Zahra’s mother picks up her grandchildren from school in the
afternoon. On the way back from work, Zahra takes the children back home, and gets down to
preparing dinner.
“It is tough,” says Zahra when asked about her daily routine. But she is also satisfied that she
has not abandoned her children when life was not treating her kindly. “I am running my home and I am
a confident woman today. It is better to work than to complain about miseries.”
The husband occasionally visits Zahra and the children but gives nothing to lessen his wife’s
burden. Zahra has understood this reality and is looking ahead positively, “I am working hard and
better days are not very far from us.”

6.5. Quest for freedom

When the father slapped 29-year-old Fozia for refusing the hand of her overbearing aunt’s son in
marriage, her trust in her family and life was shattered. “I never thought my father would react like
this, but he did,” says Fozia, whose quest for education and economic independence put her at warpath
with those cannot see women beyond their traditional family roles.
Fozia, eldest of five brothers and sisters, grew up in usual joint family system in a village near
Faisalabad (Punjab). The father hoped that the son would get good education and a better job, leading
to a respectable social standing for the family. It was not to be.
The son, impressed by the lifestyle of a rich relative, thought that studies did not lead to riches.
Fozia’s brother could not go beyond the secondary level. The day he announced to give up his studies,
their father was miserable. His dream was shattered.
The families of Fozia’s parents presented an interesting contrast, which affected her life. The
family of her father was educated and progressive, in contrast to her mother’s family, that was
conservative, less educated but relatively well-off.
Young Fozia was living happily in the joint family, concentrating on her studies and passed the
tenth grade. As if to make up for the failure of her son, the mother decided to send Fozia to city for
further studies. It was now the mother’s turn to see her daughter become a “perfect woman”.
Fozia was admitted to a city college, with home economics as her main subject. It seemed a
perfect start for the young woman full of ambition and energy. But the happy story had a flaw; her aunt
who was made her guardian in the city.
Though Fozia was living in the college’s hostel, her aunt made sure she was completely
dependent on her. She was not allowed to go shopping on her own and had to have her aunt’s
permission for everything she wanted to do. Fozia wanted to study music as one of the subjects, but she
was forced to opt for Urdu language while doing her bachelors.
The four-year stint at the college hostel was supposed to give Fozia confidence as a young
woman; instead under the shadow of her domineering aunt those crucial years were wasted.
After graduation Fozia became vice principal at a school in her hometown. Teaching children
gave her back the confidence she lost in the last four years. “It was the happiest time of my life. I felt
like a bird soaring in the limitless sky.”
The days of calm did not last long. Firstly the aunt opposed the idea of a young working
woman in the family. Secondly when a marriage proposal came for Fozia’s younger sister, her family
was in a dilemma; fearing social backlash for marrying the younger daughter ahead of the elder.
Fozia decided to go back to the same college for more studies, but this time made it clear that
her aunt would not be allowed to monitor her. She enjoyed her master’s studies in child development,

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happy to be a grown-up woman assured in herself who could live on her own. “I realized how
important it is for girls to have jobs. It gives them economic freedom, self-assurance and courage to
face life,” says Fozia.
Though Fozia was attaining new perspectives in life, her aunt was determined to see her in the
traditional role of a married woman. When the aunt offered to make Fozia her daughter-in-law, Fozia
knew she had to fight back. However her refusal to marry the aunt’s son made her an outcast in the
family. Her confidence was again shattered. She was made to feel guilty, as if she had committed a
crime.
This time Fozia turned towards religion. She wanted an answer to her actions as an educated
woman bold enough to make decisions about her life. Was she really a social outcast or did she have
the right to reject or accept someone as her life partner? “I found the answer in a Hadith that says
women have right to say yes or no in choosing their husbands without the consent of elders.”
Once more Fozia turned to education to get over another difficult period in her life. Nowadays
she is doing her PhD, besides a job and is again living in a hostel. Her family – parents, a sister and a
brother – have moved to the US, and she hopes to join them soon.
Today she has a good job in the city, though the hostel constraints are making her her uneasy.
Fozia also feels hampered by the negative social attitudes that cast doubts about young women living
on their own.

6.6. Life's not fair

No one knows the name of the old woman who teaches children Quran. Everybody calls her Ustani Ji
(Urdu for respected teacher). Though old, losing eyesight and suffering from kidney problems, Ustani
Ji still goes about the business of life to earn for herself. The children for whom she worked from dawn
till dusk have abandoned her. Today she is a bitter woman.
At the time of partition in 1947 Ustani Ji’s father, who was a small time trader, opted for
Pakistan as his country and started living in Hyderabad. But soon the father felt there were more
opportunities in Karachi. He felt that a big city like Karachi was not safe for his daughter, and Ustani Ji
was confined to home. She was not allowed to go anywhere without the father’s permission. Soon
Ustani Ji was married. This was the start of long embittered struggle for the young girl. After marriage
she started to living in Hyderabad, but came to know that her husband was a sick man, suffering from
some intestinal diseases.
The husband’s income was not enough to cover the home expenses and the money needed for
his treatment. After the permission of her mother-in-law, Ustani Ji started stitching of clothes. For the
next five years Ustani Ji worked hard, spent money on her husband’s treatment. Ustani Ji would take
her husband to the best doctor in Hyderabad for treatment, but there was no improvement.
It was then the family decided to move to Karachi. In Karachi the husband stared getting well,
and it led to a brief period of happiness for Ustani Ji. In Karachi she gave birth to a daughter and a son.
But soon tragedy struck, when her son was only a year old, the husband died.
Taking care of the children and go out for work was next to impossible for her. She moved to
her mother’s home in Karachi and started working in a dress-making factory. Her mother would take
care of her grandchildren. The arrangement could not last long, as her sister-in-law picked up fights
with Ustani Ji over petty issues and treated the children badly.
A cousin asked Ustani Ji to go for second marriage, telling her about a man who also had two
kids. Fed up with the bitter atmosphere at her mother’s home, Ustani Ji married again and came back to
Hyderabad .
Though the second husband, a peon in a factory, was much older than her, he was kind and
loving. For better job opportunities the family shifted back to Karachi where after two years the second
husband died in an accident, leaving Ustani Ji was more vulnerable than ever. Now she had four
children to take care of.

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Once again Ustani returned to her mother’s home and again started working in a factory. She
started bringing up the four children. Because of her efforts Ustani Ji's son and daughter completed
their secondary education.
The daughter was married to factory worker as Ustani Ji did not have resources for further
education. If she had thought that she had lessened her burden by marrying the daughter, Ustani Ji was
in for a shock. Her son-in-law became an addict, leaving his wife and daughter alone to fend for
themselves.
Life went on. Ustani Ji had a home from the money the second husband gave to her. She
continued to be the centre of the family’s efforts for financial improvement. She bore expenses of her
granddaughter’s marriage, besides taking it on herself to pay back the loan taken for the dowry. But the
biggest shock came when Ustani Ji’s son, who married against her wishes, started treating her badly
under the influence of his wife. And soon the day came when Ustani Ji was asked to leave the home –
the home she built after a lifelong struggle.
After shifting from a home of one relative to another, Ustani Ji finally settled with a cousin who
is a nurse. Nowadays she teaches Quran to children to make sure she earns for herself and does not
become burden on anyone financially. Today she has respect of the children and their parents. But the
bitter struggle has made Ustani Ji angry with life.

Conclusion
To conclude, cities in Pakistan are generally successful in absorbing both migrants and urban labour
force by providing new forms of income generation, mainly in the informal sector. It is cheaper to
provide social services in urban rather than rural areas and migrants benefit from these services as does
the non-migrant population. The urban populations show better social indicators than both rural areas
and the national average. Employment opportunities and access to social services help migrants to
gradually improve their standards of living. However, it is worth noting that migration towards cities
has created immense problems with regard to water, sanitation, health and other urban infrastructure.
Since urban population will increase further during the next two decades, investment in urban
infrastructure is imperative.
In addition the case studies of migrant women suggest that life in the cities is harsher for
migrant women. Many of them lose the rural social network when they migrate to cities. They live in
poor houses with little access to basic necessities. They work for low wages in poor working condition.
Their average monthly earning is usually lower than the minimum wages fixed by the government.
Despite these hardships, migrant women that were interviewed for this study said that they are happier
in the city. They feel empowered to manage their household affairs and feed their children.

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[2] Ali R, 2001. Urbanization: the changing face of Pakistan, Herald, 13-15 June, 2001.
[3] Arif, G.M, 2003. “Urbanization in Pakistan: Trends, Growth and Evaluation of the 1998
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