Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
i
The Fate of the Eastern Cape
History, Politics and Social Policy
Edited by
Greg Ruiters
1
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Published in 2011 by University of KwaZulu-Natal Press
Private Bag X01
Scottsville, 3209
South Africa
Email: books@ukzn.ac.za
Website: www.ukznpress.co.za
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or
by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information
storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from University of KwaZulu-
Natal Press.
ISBN: 978-1-86914-184-4
iv
Contents
Acknowledgements viii
Contributors ix
Abbreviations xiii
Introduction 1
Greg Ruiters
v
Part II Economy, Environment and Development 121
7 The Eastern Cape Economy: The Need for Pro-growth and
Pro-poor Policies 123
Chris Edwards
8 Competitive Provinces or Co-operative Governance? 137
Greg Ruiters
9 The Impasse of Local Economic Development 153
Etienne Nel
10 Coega, Corporate Welfare and Climate Crisis 164
Patrick Bond
11 The Eastern Cape Environment: Problems and People-centred
Solutions 173
Morgan Griffiths and Patrick Dowling
12 Volkswagen Workers: Global Integration and Union Disintegration 184
Ashwin Desai
Postscript 331
Greg Ruiters
Appendix 1: Raymond Mhlaba: The First Eastern Cape Premier 332
Appendix 2: Former Eastern Cape Premier Nosimo Balindlela’s
Letter of Resignation from the ANC 334
Appendix 3: Excerpt from African National Congress Polokwane
Policy Resolution on Provinces 336
Index 337
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful for advice and encouragement from Robbie van Niekerk, Jeff
Peires, Chris de Wet, David McDonald, Patrick Bond, Andrew Murray, Azwel
Banda and Siv Hesjedal. I am also indebted to the anonymous reviewers whose
valuable comments have been incorporated into the book. The Rosa Luxemburg
Foundation in South Africa has generously supported our Eastern Cape Research
and Summer School. Thanks to Arnt Hopfman, Rose Khumalo and Gerd
Stephan; to Summer School presenters and participants and Public Services
Accountability Monitor researchers for sharing ideas and passions for a better
Eastern Cape; and to Wendy Dobson for sharing insights and stories about
provinces. Rob and Mindy Berold helped with editing early drafts. Colleagues at
the Institute of Social and Economic Research (Judith, Valerie, Michelle, Nick,
Debbie, Katie, Valance and Nova) also gave their time, while the Rhodes University
Vice-Chancellor, Dr Saleem Badat, set new directions for pro-poor research at
the University. We are very grateful to our wonderful editors, Sally Hines and
Lisa Compton, for their unwavering support and suggestions for improving the
book. The contributors must be thanked for their patience. David Harvey, Gill
Hart, Beverly Silver and Giovanni Arrighi have provided enduring inspiration.
Darlene and Lillina – always close to my thoughts – and my brothers (Tony, Alistair
and Ashley) provided much-needed emotional sustenance.
viii
Contributors
Patrick Bond directs the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-
Natal in Durban. He is the author and co-author of several books, including Talk
Left, Walk Right: South Africa’s Frustrated Global Reforms (University of KwaZulu-
Natal Press, 2004) and, most recently, Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil
Society: Negative Returns on South African Investments (co-edited with Rehana Dada
and Graham Erion) (University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2009).
ix
first in 2002/3 on the Provincial Growth and Development Strategy and then in
2005/6 in preparing an Industrial Development Strategy Framework (IDSF) for
the province. He is the author of a number of articles and books, including The
Fragmented World: Competing Theories of Trade, Money and Crisis (Methuen, 1985).
Monica Hendricks teaches at the Rhodes University Institute for the Study of
English in Africa (ISEA), where she is deputy director. She has also published her
research on children’s classroom writing and teachers’ literacy practices in the
Eastern Cape.
Siv Helen Hesjedal works for the Eastern Cape Socio-Economic Consultative
Council (ECSECC) in Bisho, where she co-ordinates ECSECC’s work with NGOs
and civil society organisations. Currently Siv is managing an assessment of the
Provincial Growth and Development Plan for the Eastern Cape.
x
Nomalanga Mkhize was formerly a researcher at the Public Service Accountability
Monitor at Rhodes University in 2007. She is currently pursuing doctoral research
at the University of Cape Town on the impact of private game farms on farm
workers in the Eastern Cape.
Lalitha Naidoo is the director of the East Cape Agricultural Research Project
(ECARP), a non-profit organisation based in Grahamstown. She is currently
completing her Ph.D. at Rhodes University based on a large-scale research project
on the impact of the minimum wage on the agricultural sector.
Lungisile Ntsebeza holds the NRF Research Chair in Land Reform and Democracy
in South Africa in the Department of Sociology, University of Cape Town, and is
a chief research specialist in the Democracy and Governance Research Programme
of the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC). He is the author of Democracy
Compromised: Chiefs and the Politics of Land in South Africa (Brill Academic
Publishers, 2005).
Jeff Peires is the author of The House of Phalo (Ravan Press, 1981), The Dead Will
Arise (Ravan Press, 1989) and numerous articles on the history of the Xhosa and
the Eastern Cape. He served two years as a member of the National Assembly
representing Ngcobo, following which he was appointed to a senior post in the
Department of Economic Affairs, Environment and Tourism of the Eastern Cape
provincial government. He left government at the end of 2006 to concentrate on
writing a history of the Eastern Cape. He is currently attached to the Rhodes Uni-
versity Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER) as an honorary professor.
xi
Greg Ruiters is the director of the Institute of Social and Economic Research
and is Matthew Goniwe Professor in Society and Development at Rhodes
University. He has written on social policy, privatisation, urban services and social
movements. His recent work includes The Age of Commodity: The Privatisation of
Water in Southern Africa (co-edited with David McDonald) (Earthscan Press, 2005).
xii
Abbreviations
xiii
CPI consumer price index
CSO civil society organisation
CSP Customised Sector Programmes
DA Democratic Alliance
DBSA Development Bank of Southern Africa
DEAET Department of Economic Affairs, Environment and Tourism
DEAT Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism
DFID Department for International Development (British)
DLA Department of Land Affairs
DP Democratic Party
DPLG Department of Provincial and Local Government
DSD Department of Social Development
DTI Department of Trade and Industry
DWAF Department of Water Affairs and Forestry
EC Eastern Cape
ECAC Eastern Cape AIDS Council
ECARP Eastern Cape Agricultural Research Project
ECDC Eastern Cape Development Corporation
EC DEDEA Eastern Cape Department of Economic Development and
Environmental Affairs
ECDH Eastern Cape Department of Housing
ECNGOC Eastern Cape NGO Coalition
ECSECC Eastern Cape Socio-Economic Consultative Council
EIA environmental impact assessment
EMC environmental monitoring committee
FAMSA Family and Marriage Society of South Africa
FBE free basic electricity
FBO faith-based organisations
FBW free basic water
FFC Financial and Fiscal Commission
FOSATU Federation of South African Trade Unions
GDP gross domestic product
GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution
GNU Government of National Unity
HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus
ID Independent Democrats
IDASA Institute for Democracy in South Africa
xiv
IDC Industrial Development Corporation
IDP Integrated Development Plan
IDZ Industrial Development Zone
IFP Inkatha Freedom Party
IMF International Monetary Fund
ISO International Organization for Standardization
ISP Industrial Strategy Project
LED local economic development
LRAD Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development
MBDA Mandela Bay Development Agency
MEC Member of the Executive Council (provincial)
MEDS Micro-Economic Development Strategy
MIDP Motor Industry Development Programme
MIG Municipal Infrastructure Grant
MP Member of Parliament
MPA marine protected area
NAFCOC National African Federated Chamber of Commerce
NCOP National Council of Provinces
NEDLAC National Economic Development and Labour Council
NGO non-governmental organisation
NHBRC National Home Builders Registration Council
NHS National Health System
NIP National Industrial Policy
NMM Nelson Mandela Metro
NNP New National Party
NP National Party
NPO non-profit organisation
NSDP National Spatial Development Perspective
NUMSA National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa
PAC Pan Africanist Congress
PES provincial equitable share
PGDP Provincial Growth and Development Plan
PHP People’s Housing Process
PPASA Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa
PSAM Public Sector Accountability Monitor
PSNP Primary School Nutrition Programme
PTO ‘permit to occupy’
xv
RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme
SAAWU South African Allied Workers Union
SABCOHA South African Business Coalition on HIV and AIDS
SACP South African Communist Party
SALGA South African Local Government Association
SAMREC South African Marine Rescue and Education Centre
SAMWU South African Municipal Workers Union
SANCA South African National Council on Alcoholism and
Drug Dependence
SANCO South African National Civic Organisation
SANGOCO South African National NGO Coalition
SANGONeT South African NGO Network
SASSA South African Social Security Agency
SCOPA Standing Committee on Public Accounts
SDF spatial development framework
SDI Spatial Development Initiative
SLAG Settlement Land Acquisition Grant
SME small and medium sized enterprises
SWC Sustaining the Wild Coast
TAC Treatment Action Campaign
TB tuberculosis
TCOE Trust for Community Outreach and Education
TRALSO Transkei Land Service Organisation
UDF United Democratic Front
UDM United Democratic Movement
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
VW Volkswagen
VWSA Volkswagen South Africa
WC Western Cape
WESSA Wildlife and Environment Society of South Africa
WHO World Health Organization
WMA water management area
xvi
Introduction 1
Introduction
Greg Ruiters
1
2 Greg Ruiters
of the state. National policies often get radically distorted in the process of being
carried out by provincial government.
The ‘whole-nation bias’ (the term is from Gibson 2004) produces a flat view
of South Africa that leaves us with little sense of the geographic/territorial
dimensions of the play of power, the inequalities between provinces, and the
‘articulations of state power’ created by new provinces (Hart 2002). Articulations
of power are, of course, entangled with the protracted internal crises of the ANC
Alliance. The whole-nation bias presupposes a ‘top-down’ view of policy. Policy-
makers at the centre often lack a real sense of how street-level bureaucrats bend
or even resist their policies (Lipsky 1971). To paraphrase the policy-implementation
scholar Aaron Wildavsky, great expectations in Pretoria might be dashed in Bisho;
conversely, expectations in Bisho might be dashed in Pretoria.
These are some of the reasons why we asked various scholars to contribute
towards a book that would provide the public with an informed idea of the kind
of problems facing the EC, and of the current state of the province within a
national and interprovincial context. As well as being a biography of the EC, the
book will perhaps also help set an agenda for social-spatial justice for the people
of the EC – who, despite 200 years of colonial dispossession, then serving as
labour for the gold mines and sugar plantations, then suffering forced removals
from the WC and being subjected to Bantustan rule – still have strong belief in
and great hope for fundamental change.
This book is in four parts, the first covering the province from an historical
and political perspective; the second examining economics, the environment
and development; the third looking at various aspects of service delivery; and
the final section being composed of a series of case studies. The book is multi-
disciplinary, with contributors drawn from a range of backgrounds including
political science, social policy, economics, geography, anthropology, biology and
education. As far as possible, each author has tried to offer a wider context for
his or her chapter. But each author brings his or her own perspective and insights
about the problems of the province and about why these exist. We have tried to
be comprehensive, critical and constructive in this book, while also considering
larger questions such as why the nine provincial governments were created in the
first place.
Some issues – gender inequality, trade unions, the new geography of wealth
and emerging agriculture – have not been covered in a systematic way in this
book. Nevertheless, the book is the first general interdisciplinary study of the EC
that focuses on the post-1994 period. The book underscores the importance of
4 Greg Ruiters
provinces for the political landscape and social substance of South Africa’s
transition. Social change (education, housing, health) is in large measure being
decided at the provincial level and through provincial politics and structures. We
hope the book will satisfy general readers looking for an overview of the EC,
policy specialists and students who might find interesting questions for further
research.
A scalar approach
After the release of Nelson Mandela and through multiparty talks in 1993, a new
map of South Africa with nine provincial governments was produced. President
F.W. de Klerk, the last of the apartheid rulers, declared this arrangement a ‘great
compromise’ that would allow for power sharing and checks on a too-powerful
ANC. Provinces, so the story goes, would become a sphere of the state (not a tier,
as in the past) and would be closer to the people; they would co-operate with one
another; and they would ‘contribute to democratisation in South Africa, not as
subordinate appendages to the national government (as in the past), but as
articulators of regional interests and civil society’ (Simeon & Murray 2001: 66).
Thus, the new South Africa may be seen as both united and divided adminis-
tratively and politically, with new and old regional identities in tension with
national identity and national imperatives. The common reasons for having nine
provincial governments advanced at the time included:
as reflections of the politics of scale (Brenner 1999). The decision to have nine
provinces, to grant them certain powers and to demarcate them in a certain way
exemplifies power strategies and alliances that are at the heart of what might be
called the ‘politics of scale’. We see evidence of the political construction of scale
in decisions about political-institutional design, networks between strategic actors
across and within various scales, as well as in decisions about which functions to
decentralise to them. As Agnew (2002: 139) argues, it is networks across scales
rather than analysis at a single scale that is crucial, but the ‘scale at which a
particular phenomenon is framed geographically matters’. Moreover, different
dynamics are imparted when issues are defined and tackled at different scales
(Cox 1997; Delany & Helga 1997; Swyngedouw 2000). The question of how
various spheres and levels of the state and political parties work together or collide
is also a crucial aspect of understanding society and politics from the standpoint
of the ‘politics of scale’.
How we think about, act and analyse phenomena is influenced by scale –
generally denoted as local, regional, national and global. The household and the
body are the more intimate of these scales but are always embedded in ‘higher
scales’. The abuse of children, for example, happens within the scale of the private
household but has become a public issue at a national scale thanks to strong
gender-equality movements. In the everyday life and life chances of citizens, it
matters greatly where one lives and whether provincial or local governments or
chiefs provide land, build schools and hospitals, and construct and maintain
roads that are accessible and of high quality. People who are forced to relocate to
other provinces for work and return to the EC for Christmas are operating in
multi-scalar ways.
The health of the body politic and trust in the nation state depend to a
significant extent on national action and sub-national organs of the state. The
sub-national organs of the state have recently borne the brunt of service-delivery
riots and of managing the fallout of South Africa’s choked transition. The fate of
the EC is tied to issues of scale, although some would dispute the importance of
the design of the state and rather emphasise other factors such as corrupt political
practices and the exile culture of the ANC, weak civil society and the dominant
party system (Lodge 2004; Southall 2005).4
However, as this book shows, scale shapes the resources that can be mobilised
and the power relations produced. For example, the chances of various political
parties to mobilise support and win elections are often determined by scale and
changing provincial boundaries can drastically alter a party’s fortunes in elections.
The capacity to upscale can be an immense source of power for the state or for
6 Greg Ruiters
Many people of the EC also live and work in the WC. They are citizens of
both provinces – hybrid citizens with claims, knowledge and experience traversing
several scales. Migration is an important aspect of scalar politics and urbanisation
but also takes on a peculiar aspect as provinces receiving migrants seek to blame
various problems on the donor province. The WC, for example, has sought
compensation from the central government for the inflow of EC migrants.
In thinking about scale and militant opposition, it is also evident that
alternatives constructed on highly localised grounds quickly find themselves
outmanoeuvred and cut off. Socialism in one village or extreme militancy confined
to one place rapidly exhausts itself. Localisms invariably have to find ways to
universalise and speak to wider issues and scales. Translating vernacular styles
into broader ones is a key challenge for municipalities and provinces wanting to
push progressive policies.
macroeconomic stance (Nattrass 2003; Wilson 2001). Nattrass argues that the
‘gamble’ that foreign direct investment would flow once investors saw these policies
has not paid off. Between 1996 and 1999, private investment grew at only one-
tenth the rate hoped for, and foreign investment averaged less than 1 per cent of
gross domestic product (GDP). In 2000, foreign investment declined to 0.5 per
cent compared to the 2 per cent to 5 per cent in other emerging economies such
as Brazil and Malaysia (Wilson 2001). This might show that the kind of economic
growth (path) is wrong.6
Although the ANC controls eight of the nine provinces, as a party it has
struggled to control various factions within provinces. Critics have warned of the
spectre of ‘enclavism’ as some provincial leaders seem to put their own interests
and plans before that of the nation. Others note that the intensified competitive
approach between places and competitive ‘selling of place’ will usually disadvantage
the weaker ones and exacerbate uneven development (Harvey 1996).
In the EC, only 2.9 per cent of whites were classified as poor in 1999 compared
to 70 per cent of Africans. In 1999, the average EC white household earned
R118 000 per annum, almost five times that of an average African household at
R27 000 per annum. About 6 000 white farmers own about 10 million hectares
of land – almost 60 per cent of the province’s land area.
In 2004, the province was home to about 7 million people. Africans, coloureds
and Indians made up 95 per cent of the provincial population (6.6 million),
with about 350 000 whites making up the rest. Life expectancy has declined to
47.6 years, compared to 50 years for South Africa as a whole (SAIRR 2009). The
poor health situation has been exacerbated by unworkable policies and inadequate
financing. Moratoriums on staff appointments and equipment failures have
become more frequent.7
Another vital feature of the EC is depopulation: between 1992 and 1997,
there was an average net outmigration of 65 000 per annum, or 1 per cent of the
population. In the same period only 19 200 people per annum moved from other
provinces to the EC (Stats SA 2004).
Electorally the province has remained solidly ANC, even with the ANC–South
African Communist Party (SACP) hostilities that were especially fierce in
2006–7.8 In the words of former South African President Thabo Mbeki, who
hails from the EC, the province has
In the 2009 elections, however, the ANC lost 10 per cent of its support in the EC
to the Congress of the People (COPE). The Democratic Alliance (DA) also made
impressive gains in almost all EC districts, although its support at best hovered
around 25 per cent, mainly in large urban areas such as East London, Port Elizabeth
and Kouga – west of the Fish River. The voting pattern strongly reflects the EC’s
racial demography, with most whites and a significant number of coloureds
supporting the DA. On the one hand, the SACP has made major inroads in the
EC, capturing the leading positions in the ANC provincial executive with Phumulo
Masualle (SACP treasurer) being elected as ANC chairperson in the region. On
the other hand, traditional chiefs and iinkosana (headmen) also campaigned for
the ANC, for which they were well rewarded after the election: 162 EC headmen
had their monthly salaries hiked from R2 700 to R6 700, while kings received a
10 Greg Ruiters
princely sum of R45 000 a month.10 ANC support for traditional leaders could
provide a bulwark against a resurgent left, in the province.
of the maligned Bantustan system, and with consequences for land allocation.
This development is likely to reinforce tendencies towards a less unified South
Africa and a less coherent state.
Thabisi Hoeane’s analysis in Chapter 5 of political fault lines in the EC traces
how, since the 1950s, EC urban centres and small town communities vigorously
resisted the state. In the 1970s and 1980s, the EC again propelled the ANC to the
political forefront in South Africa. But after the 1994 elections, divisions that are
more emphatic emerged in the province between the leftists – represented by
Makhenkesi Stofile and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)
on the one side and the pro-Mbeki faction congregated around Mluleki George
and powerful businesspersons on the other. Hoeane provides insights into fierce
internal divisions in the ANC and scalar intersections between national
interventions and provincial politics that set the stage for the emergence of COPE.
In chapter 6, Siv Hesjedal surveys the state of ‘civil society’ in the province,
the relationships of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) with the provincial
state, and the role of NGOs as socio-political forces. More than 3 700 registered
non-profit organisations in the province provide social or educational services;
most have emerged since 2003. However, she finds that the majority of these are
weak, poor at advocacy and afraid to be too critical of the state, which is often
their source of funds. Many are best described as ‘social enterprises’ tied to the
provincial state, with only a few independently funded NGOs prepared to risk
being vigorous critics of government.
Part II contains six chapters on different aspects of the province’s economy,
including provincial programmes, the regional economy as a whole, mega-projects,
local economic development, game farms and coastal development, and the auto-
mobile sector.
In chapter 7, Chris Edwards looks at the contemporary EC economy and the
constraints of provincial economic planning within an unfavourable national
macroeconomic framework. He suggests that there is little hope of significant job
creation in the capital-intensive auto sector, and more scope for jobs in agriculture
and tourism. He concludes that the EC economy on its own cannot change
unemployment or income levels on any significant scale unless the national
government diverges from its export-centred policies.
In Chapter 8, Greg Ruiters explores the economic role of provincial govern-
ments and their agencies as they have been developed within the framework of
provincial competitiveness. He argues that the competitive approach places severe
limits on coherent state planning.
12 Greg Ruiters
Notes
1. See also Herald, 16 April 2007.
2. ‘Manuel joins call for fewer provinces’, Pretoria News, 4 May 2007.
14 Greg Ruiters
3. Bertus de Villiers was the technical adviser to the Commission on the Demarcation/
Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions (CDDR) in 1993.
4. See also Helen Zille’s comments in ‘Provinces are a bulwark of democracy’, Business
Day, 21 July 2009.
5. Interview with Noxolo Kiviet, Masincokole, August 2009, pp. 6–7.
6. See Focus 55 (2007), published by the University of Pretoria.
7. Quoted in Daily Dispatch, 21 August 2007.
8. Quoted in Herald, 16 April 2007.
9. ANC Daily News Briefing, 4 December 2006.
10. ‘Department sets aside R3 million for training of traditional leaders’. http://www.info.
gov.za/speeches/2009/09110211251001.htm (accessed on 16 December 2009).
References
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Banks, L. and G. Minkley. 2005. ‘Going nowhere slowly: Land, development and livelihoods
in rural EC’. Social Dynamics 31 (1): 3–42.
Brenner, N. 1999. ‘Globalisation as reterritorialisation: The re-scaling of urban governance
in the European Union’. Urban Studies 36 (3): 431–51.
Cox, K. (ed.) 1997. Spaces of Globalization: Reasserting the Power of the Local. New York:
Guilford Press.
Delaney, D. and L. Helga. 1997. ‘The political construction of scale’. Political Geography 16
(2): 93–7.
De Villiers, B. 2007. ‘The future of provinces in South Africa: The debate continues’.
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burg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press.
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Introduction 15
Maylam, P. 1986. A History of the African People of South Africa from the Early Iron Age to the
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Inventing Provinces 17
PART I
Inventing Provinces
Situating the Eastern Cape
Greg Ruiters
I n this chapter, I describe how South Africa’s provinces and the new Eastern
Cape (EC) came about after 1993. Establishing the provincial structure of the
new South African state was a contested process, and the final governance structure
reflects the outcome of the negotiations around the political settlement of 1993–
4. The chapter begins with historical background which illustrates the politics of
scale and then proceeds to explain how provinces were formed in the new South
Africa. Provinces are geopolitical spaces with major implications for governance,
party politics, economic empowerment and social identity. The chapter explores
these implications for the EC Province in particular.
19
20 Greg Ruiters
The plan was to disperse capital investment among major nodes within the nine
regions. The economic plan to induce capital dispersion was meant to undergird
a new political constitutional order – a federal South Africa that would undo
much of the Verwoerdian model (Hart 2002). These strong state interventions
were abandoned by 1988, when the apartheid state adopted Thatcherite policies.
Inventing Provinces 21
With the negotiated settlement in late 1993, the new provinces matched quite
closely the DBSA’s map of nine regions.
Moreover,
[t]he ANC and its allies . . . [had] believed that only a powerful centralized
state would have the strength and resources to engage in the massive process
of social and economic transformation that lay ahead. Fragmenting . . .
authority would make decision-making more difficult and undermine the
capacity to achieve reconstruction and development (Simeon & Murray
2001: 68; emphasis added).
22 Greg Ruiters
The ANC’s counter-proposal was for the maintenance of the four provinces under
the transitional government, which would rule until the first democratic elections
were held, with the issue of provincial government to be determined post-election
by the first democratic constitution-making body (Van Niekerk 2008).
On 28 May 1993, the negotiators appointed the Commission on the
Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions (CDDR). The negotiators
at the multiparty talks then proposed a new map of South Africa in 1993/4 with
nine provinces.
The text box below shows how the NP understood the remapping of South
Africa as part of the negotiated settlement and as part of the foundations for the
country.
The position of the Democratic Alliance (DA) was similar to that articulated by
De Klerk (see text box below).
National Council of Provinces (NCOP) and with local and national government
and the separation of powers have all been disputed (Simeon & Murray 2001).
As Van Niekerk (2008: 156) explains:
The difficult birth of the Eastern Cape and its structural impediments
The idea of an ‘Eastern Cape’ as a separate province was born in September
1993, after the CDDR, which had sat for six weeks in June and July, made a final
proposal for nine provinces. This was not an easy decision:
Different political parties submitted proposals for a future map. The NP called
for the Transkei and Ciskei and the East London area to be delimited as a separate
tenth province. Business, the DP and the NP opposed the idea of a larger, single
province which would include the fiercely pro-ANC, overpopulated and poor
Ciskei and Transkei (Humphries, Rapoo & Friedman 1994). They argued that
the Port Elizabeth–Uitenhage area was distinct from the Border–Kei region. To
complicate matters further, the Transkei’s bureaucracy also agitated for the former
Bantustan to be a tenth province, while white municipalities of the northern
part of the EC fought to be included into the Orange Free State (Muthien &
Khosa 1995). The ANC wanted the Bantustans dismantled and incorporated
into a larger EC, which would include Port Elizabeth (Khosa & Muthien 1998).
The CDDR pushed for a larger EC Province but a separate Western Cape
(WC) Province – a proposal which won by a mere 8-to-7 majority vote. The
Commission warned, however, that the proposed EC’s ‘economic base may not
be adequate to meet fiscal requirements for adequate social and physical
infrastructure . . . [The EC] had intra-regional disparities; its future would depend
on two nodes . . . Port Elizabeth and East London’ (CDDR 1993: 3).
As many have since argued, the newly born EC inherited the poorest
populations, the most burdens and the worst structural problems of the country
(Lodge 1999; Pickard 2001; Van Niekerk 2008).
The ANC also had to create a unified party in the newly demarcated province.
After all, it also had three separate sub-provincial structures (Transkei, Border
and Port Elizabeth) that had not co-operated as a unit before the new EC was
formed (Peires 2009). These intra-provincial differences later fed into factional
struggles and the unseating of the province’s first premier, Raymond Mhlaba –
which compounded cliqueism that continues to haunt the province. Even the
choice of Bisho as the new capital was revealing. The erstwhile capital of the
Ciskei and 60 kilometres away from East London, Bisho had been chosen as the
compromise provincial capital to placate various powerful interests wrenching
the new province apart. But it was an unsuitable if not dreadful location for any
government.7 The MEC for Finance drove up to 12 000 km per month.8 By 1998
(at the end of Premier Mhlaba’s term of office), the EC government was still
struggling to get off the ground with a litany of fiascos.9
But by 2004, ANC Alliance factionalism in the province became full-blown
(see Hoeane in Chapter 5 in this volume). Secretive, evasive and unaccountable to
the public, the elite craved the stage-managed press conferences and quick wins
partly because long-term careers in the unstable EC government and in its con-
Inventing Provinces 31
spiratorial political milieu were not a prospect. The Balindlela premiership (2004–
8) produced endless plans and annual summits – all organised by outsourced
consultants who would write government vetted assessments a few years later.
Practicing their own politics of scale, they often denied responsibility for what
happened in the province by shifting blame on to national or local government.
has a projected population growth of 4 per cent from 1997 to 2010, compared to
the WC, with a 15 per cent projected growth over the same period (SAIRR 2007).
Those who moved away were younger (mostly between 15 and 29 years), better
educated than the average, and had higher income than the average (Kok &
Aliber 2005). EC rural areas lost their former urban linkages and support; more
EC women migrated to find jobs in other provinces (Ngonini 2007).
Despite a large spike in migration out of the EC, the disincentives to migrate
are the harsh conditions of life in WC informal settlements (fires, winter rains,
TB, crime and insecurity and xenophobic reactions). Population projections
showed a gradual slowing of migration from the EC to the WC (Groenewald
2008).
for other provinces. Distance and dispersed populations increase the costs of
providing education, water and health.
Consider education as an illustration. The EC had 6 239 schools in 2004,
compared to the WC’s 1 454 (National Treasury 2006), which meant that the EC
had to administer four times more schools that were considerably more dispersed
over a wider territory that was not blessed with good roads. The geographical
‘reach’ of the state is clearly weaker in the EC than it is in other provinces.
Political rivalries
Like most of South Africa, the EC is going through a period of intense new class
formation, but this class formation is starting from a low base in a poor province
where most opportunities are still in white hands. High political office in the
ANC can translate into rapid upward social mobility and control of limited
patronage resources. Deep rivalries linked to class formation (see Hoeane in
Chapter 5 in this volume) within and between parties now defy any ideological
lines; they also divide the civil service, as well as different towns and sections
from one another.
A final set of weaknesses is that the trade unions and civil society, although
potentially powerful, lack political independence and are often co-opted by
one or other faction (see Hesjedal in Chapter 6 and Desai in Chapter 12 in this
volume).
Table 1.1 Eastern Cape profile versus Western Cape profile and national data.
In absolute terms the deprivation levels in the EC have declined only slightly
between 2001 and 2007 (Noble & Wright 2009). The province’s very uneven
geographical development is acknowledged by government. As Transport MEC
Thobile Mhlahlo noted:
believe it can make or break a political leadership. Despite the relative economic
backwardness of the EC working class, its rate of unionisation is much higher
than in the WC, which had only 230 000 unionised members in 1999, compared
to 223 000 members in the EC. It is a mistake to see the WC as the ‘centre’ and
the EC as a ‘peripheral’ province, just as it is mistake to deduce politics from
economics.
The strong opposition to apartheid in the 1980s is a key historical feature in
the EC: more than a third of the political prisoners in South Africa came from
the EC region (Coleman & Webster 1986). It was here that the apartheid state
perpetrated some of its worst political massacres, among them the deaths of the
‘Cradock Four’ and the ‘Pebco Three’ and the ‘Bisho Massacre’. Growing
resistance inside the Transkei – strikes by civil servants and student boycotts –
also marked a turning point in South African politics. In the late 1970s, a new
kind of community-linked trade unionism developed in the East London–
Mdantsane area, where the South African Allied Workers Union (SAAWU), one
of the most militant unions of the 1980s, organised bus and consumer boycotts.
Although trade unions were banned in the Ciskei, the resistance continued with
demands that Mdantsane,12 15 kilometres outside East London (a ‘dormitory’
town of one million people in the Ciskei), be reintegrated into a unitary South
Africa.
Conclusions
There are many who argued that the formation of nine provinces in South Africa
had no principled basis and predicted that it would create many problems for the
incoming ANC. The ‘great compromise’ made with De Klerk was to surrender to
a form of state that would ensure the ANC kept tying itself up in knots. The
foundations of the state need to be rebuilt.
The gerrymandering of politico-administrative entities was calculated to
weaken the ANC and permit the NP to rule the WC Province (with its 55 per cent
majority coloured population, 25 per cent whites and 19 per cent Africans) and
the Northern Cape. The real ‘Boerestaat’, as Picard (2001) acerbically noted, was
the new WC. It had grown out of the Eiselin–Verwoerd project as a space without
Africans.13
Evidence internationally shows that devolution increases regional inequality
(Rodriguez-Pose & Gill 2004). While interprovincial gaps are widening, solutions
at a larger scale seem appropriate. Moreover, interprovincial competition means
advantages already held by stronger provinces increase at the expense of others.
Inventing Provinces 37
Notes
1. For a critique of the assumption of primordial ethnic cleavages and the need for ethnic-
based power sharing, see Taylor (1992). See also Seekings and Nattrass (2004) for the
salience of a class-based analysis of South African society. Pluralists debated a suitable
federal system to ‘manage ethnic diversity’ (Adam 1986), while non-racialists stressed
the unitary character of South Africa. There was also important work done on the
Western Cape and its engineered coloured regional identity (Goldin 1987), while the
‘KwaZulu-Natal option’ (Mare 1987) concretised a federal option.
2. Bertus de Villiers was technical adviser to the CDDR in 1993.
3. The notorious coloured labour preference policy, which split Africans and Western
Cape coloureds by giving coloureds priority in employment in the western part of the
Cape Province (the Eiselin line coincided with the Gamtoos River, west of Port
Elizabeth), was partly reinstated through demarcation. By the time of the 1994 elections,
38 Greg Ruiters
the Western Cape had been de-Africanised: the African population had dwindled to
19 per cent compared to an average 75 per cent in the rest of South Africa (Giliomee
1994). The artificial nature of the Western Cape’s engineered coloured majority and
the fallacy of presenting ‘regional interests’ as innocent is self-evident here.
4. The invented EC is 87 per cent Xhosa-speaking; KwaZulu-Natal, 80 per cent Zulu-
speaking; Limpopo, 52 per cent Sesotho-speaking; the Western Cape, 55 per cent
Afrikaans-speaking and with a majority of coloureds and a relatively large population
of whites.
5. The North West region in the CDDR map is larger than the development region ‘J’
and combines most of Bophuthatswana in one region, compared to the separation of
the homeland in the DBSA map. Another difference is on the EC–Natal border, where
East Griqualand and Umzimkhulu have been placed in the EC region rather than in
Natal. By contrast, the DBSA map placed the whole northern Transkei into Natal
(Muthien & Khosa 1995).
6. Thozamile Botha, EC Director General, cited in ‘Shock as Botha decides to quit’, Daily
Dispatch, 16 October 1997.
7. Billy Nel, the MEC for finance, spent R1 000 a day in taxpayers’ money travelling to
work at R9 per km (‘Two MECs spend R1 million for own cars’, Eastern Cape Herald,
25 January 2006). For one year, he claimed R500 000 in local travel allowances (almost
equal to his salary).
8. See ‘Two MECs spend R1 million . . .’, Eastern Cape Herald, 25 January 2006.
9. See Pickard (2005: 317–19) for a detailed account.
10. Had the old Cape Province been retained, the social and economic statistical profile
and common resource pool of such a region would have been very different. Of course,
the DA would not have the edge it now enjoys in the WC.
11. Quoted in Daily Dispatch, 17 May 2006.
12. For a comprehensive account of contemporary Mdantsane, see Banks and Makubalo
(2005).
13. See McDonald (2009) for an analysis of the ‘de-Africanising’ of Cape Town.
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