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Rabia Bajwa
Macrosociolinguistics
Spring 2004
Prof. Ralph Fasold
On the eve of Aug. 15th, 1947 the states of East and West Pakistan appeared on
the political map. The separation from India developed out of severe religious tensions
between Hindus and Muslims. For the Muslims an Islamic state became the only possible
resolution to diminish tensions and the only opportunity to develop economic, social and
political autonomy. No such opportunities availed while being a large minority group
alongside Hindus. The idealized Islamic state, nonetheless, had to encompass both
Muslims living in East Pakistan, also called East Bengal, and West Pakistan. This agenda
amounted to difficult language planning and ignited internal tensions between the various
ethnic groups living in both East and West Pakistan. The most drastic challenge was in
managing the two sides of East and West Pakistan, which was separated by 1200 miles
and completely different linguistic and ethnic cultures. In this paper I will examine how
such an ideal failed to take into consideration basic language rights as part of its political
and ideological attempts to empower the Bengali people from Hindu domination. More
closely, I will look at the history of the Bengali language movement, known as the
Bhasha Ondolan, which took place from 1947 to 1952 and instigated the war between
East and West Pakistan in 1971. What I will ultimately show is that the triumph and
success of the Bengali speakers who fought for their language rights firstly was genuine,
and secondly stands to show the plight of a people who retrieved themselves from a
Upon the creation of Pakistan in 1947 Islam and Urdu were used as important
symbols in constructing a sense of unity among the various ethnic groups such as the
Punjabis, Sindhis, Baluchis, Pashtoons, and Bengalis. Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-
1948), the founding father of Pakistan, promoted a Muslim identity to these ethnic groups
1
which he sought to materialize under a new national Pakistani identity. An example of
such encouragement exists in his numerous addresses to the various groups. He states:
“…what we want is not to talk about Bengali, Punjabi, Sindhi, Baluchi, Pathan and so on.
They are of course units. But I ask you: have you forgotten the lesson learned thirteen
hundred years ago? …So what is the use of saying “we are Bengalis, or Sindhis or
Pathans, or Punjabis?” No, we are Muslims.”1 His reference to the lesson learned
thirteen hundred years ago is to the arrival of Islam which unified the warring tribes of
Arabia for the first time. The example he provides is not relevant because of the fact that
the five ethnic groups he attempted to unify did not all speak varieties of the same
language, rather five distinct languages representing various ethnicities. This statement is
a perfect example of the type of rhetoric Jinnah was brainwashing new Pakistanis with.
Using the name of Islam for political concerns implanted feelings of guilt among the
ethnic groups making it impossible for them to voice concerns of ethnic and linguistic
discrimination and alienation. This unfortunately holds true till today for the various
ethnic groups in West Pakistan, however, was not tolerated by the Bengali people in East
Pakistan.
The language of Urdu, for Jinnah, was undoubtedly linked to Islam. He argued it
was a language “which more than any other provincial language, embodies the best that
is in Islamic culture and Muslim tradition and is nearest to the languages used in other
Islamic countries.”2 Urdu’s lexical borrowing from Persian and Arabic during the
Mughal empire rule resulted in this feel of its nearness to other Islamic languages.
Fundamentally, what gave Urdu its Muslim identity above all was the fact that only
1
Naim, C.M. 1979. Iqbal, Jinnah and Pakistan: The Vision and the Reality. Syracuse: Syracuse University
Press. [p.98]
2
Ibid.
2
Muslims spoke it and it was the Muslim dialect of Hindi, which was spoken by Hindus.
Urdu, however, was only spoken by a small percentage of elitist rulers and was not
Urdu speakers as late as 1963 it states that “its speakers do not constitute either ‘a
particular community or religious group’.” 3 The usage of Urdu was even less significant
in numbers at the time of partition and at the time of formulating language policies for the
new polities. Bengali, on the other hand, at the time of partition was the native language
of the largest Muslim ethnicity, ninety-five percent of which lived in East Pakistan. This
language was not chosen as the NOL of Pakistan for various reasons that I will show and
moreover was not even recognized as the state language of East Pakistan until a much
suggestions for a national language. Arabic was proposed because it symbolized the
Islamic language. It was considered an antidote to the tensions between the various
ethnicities and a means to counter the Bengali Ethnicity which posed the largest threat of
rivalries, especially again at the height of the problems in 1971. This proposal however at
all occasions never received favorable votes.4 The organization called Tamaddun Majlis
made the biggest impact on the scene of the debate in choosing a national language. The
Tamaddun Majlis demanded that not only Bengali be the medium of instruction,
language of the courts, administration and mass communication in East Bengal, but also
3
Rahman, Tariq, 2002. Language, Ideology and Power: Language-learning among the Muslims of
Pakistan and North India. London: Oxford University Press [p. 236].
4
Ibid., p. 92
3
one of the national languages of Pakistan along with Urdu.5 This organization expressed
its fears that if Urdu became the state language of East Bengal “the educated people of
East Pakistan will become illiterate overnight and they will also become disqualified for
government service.” 6 Not all Bengalis shared the same views for a national language.
There were many students from Dhaka University as well as Bengalis involved in the
formative legislations of Pakistan who supported Urdu. For example, the Minister of
Education at that time was Fazlur Rahman, a Bengali who supported the benefits of
establishing Urdu as the lingua franca of Pakistan and asserted that there were
“unassailable grounds” for its establishment.7 It is likely that those Bengalis supporting
Urdu were nevertheless Urdu speakers as well for whose jobs and economic standings
would be maintained.
Evidence pointing to what was going to become the official language of both
states was already present in 1948. Currency notes, money order forms, tickets, official
documents, practically all the documents of the state were in Urdu or English. Bengalis
found it difficult to fill out forms or even understand the value of money written on
stamps.8 Essentially, East Bengal’s alienation process was well under its way before any
official announcements. On March 19th, 1948 any hope for Bengali being declared an
official language alongside Urdu was defeated. Jinnah visited Dhaka to address East
Bengal regarding the language situation. He stated “…let me make it very clear to you
that the State language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language. Anyone
who tries to mislead you is really the enemy of Pakistan. Without one state language, no
5
Rahman, Tariq, 1997. Language and Politics. London: Oxford University Press [ p.84]
6
Ibid.,p.85
7
Ibid.
8
Sayeed, Khalid, 1968. Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1857-1948. London: Oxford University press
[p.275]
4
nation can remain tied up solidly together and function.” 9 It was after this address that
the Bengali Language movement developed into a mobilized vehicle. Soon after the
speech the first riots broke out which included people breaking down gates and tearing
down decorations at the lecture hall. From this point onwards severe fighting over
language issues did not stop until after the bloody war of 1971. It is necessary for us to
see that what appears from Jinnah’s statement as a concern for a unified state, however, is
not wholly rooted in political motivations. Behind the rhetoric of a unified Muslim
identity post 1947 rested particular attitudes and prejudices towards the Bengali language
and consequently the Bengali people. There was a long standing history throughout the
Muslim period in India for non-Bengali Muslim speakers to hold the view that Bengali
The attitudes associated with Bengali as a “Hindu” language were spread among
the majority of Punjabi, Balochi, Sindhi and the few Urdu speakers in West Pakistan. It is
difficult to cite specifically where and why such attitudes emerged in the first place. One
possible reason is the high percentage of Sanskrit words in the Bengali language and the
fact that Bengali was written in a script resembling the Devanagari script of Hindi. In a
linguistic survey of India from 1968 it was established that in modern Bengali works “88
percent of the words used were pure Sanskrit, every one of which was unnecessary and
could have been represented by a vocable of true home growth.”10 Another factor was
that the population in West Bengal, which became part of India, was predominantly
9
Rahman, Tariq. 1997. p. 87
10
Gandhi, K.L. 1984. The Problem of the Official Language of India. New Delhi: Arya Book Depot [ p.
15].
5
Hindu and spoke a variety of Bengali.11 The Standard Colloquial Bengali which
developed out of the local dialects spoken in and around Calcutta, the former capital and
industrial and cultural center of the un-partitioned Bengal, was spoken by both Hindus
and Muslims. It was this variety that occupied the “high” status and formal domains.12
These facts were extremely relevant for Muslims trying to purge every aspect of
Hinduism from their newly formed independent identity. The purging efforts were
explicit in proposals that the Bengali language should be written in the Arabic script.
Rahman points out that “it was felt that the Bengali script, being a derivative of the
Brahmi family of scripts, was associated with Hindu identity and hence had to be
Islamized.”13 The “Islamization” process essentially equated to changing the script and
naming the language “Pak-Bangla,” which translates from Urdu to “Holy”, or “Pure”,
“Clean” Bangla. With this objective in mind, West Pakistan’s government set up centers
in East Pakistan to execute this agenda. In 1950, twenty centers were established in East
Pakistan to teach Bengali to adults in the Arabic script.14 The results of these efforts did
not leave the Bengali people empowered with any such “Islamic” identity rather it was
perceived as oppression to their Bengali ethnicity and language. The idea of “Pak-
Bangla” was ultimately resented by the majority of Bengali speakers. In the National
Assembly all members from East Pakistan opposed “Pak-Bangla” on the grounds that this
would alienate future generations from the old literature of Bengal written in the Bengali
script.15 It has also been recorded that students from the Bengali department of Dhaka
11
Chowdhury, Munier. 1965. “The Language Problem in East Pakistan” In Studies In Pakistani Linguistics
edited by Anwar Dil. Lahore: Punjab Educational Press. p.131
12
Ibid., p. 127
13
Rahman, 2002, p. 94
14
Ibid,.p.95
15
Ibid.
6
University wrote a nine-point memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board
expressing their opinions that they would not allow the script of their language to be
changed.16
The attitudes towards the Bengali language were closely linked to general racism
towards the Bengali people. The prejudice against Bengali Muslims existed long before
the emergence of Pakistan as an independent state. Hamid Hussain, in an article for The
Bangladesh Observer, reminds readers of this historical racism in his analysis of the
which belonged to Northern India, had the picture of a Muslim as tall, handsome and
martial in character. As Bengali Muslims didn’t fit into this prejudiced and racist picture,
therefore they were ignored at best and when even allowed to come closer, were
considered inferior.”17 He further explains that a large portion of Bengali Muslims were
converts from Hindu low castes and that the majority of Bengali Muslim populations who
shared common customs with Hindu peasantry and exhibited a proud sense of their
language were not considered ‘proper Muslims’ by almost all West Pakistanis and by few
Bengali ‘Nobles’ who claimed foreign ancestry.18 The crux of this racism originates
from the developed hatred Muslims felt for Hindus in Modern India. It is this racism that
spilled over to the Bengali Muslims because of their un-voluntary relationship with
Hindu culture and language. The “Islamization” process, noted earlier, found its greatest
potential in changing the Bangla script to Arabic. The reality of how language is treated
as a fundamental identity marker is exemplified in such proposals and also in the staunch
promotion and development of Urdu in India. West Pakistanis believed that East
16
Rahman, 1997, p. 89
17
http://www.nirajweb.net/mt/niraj/archives/002026.html 5/19/04
18
Ibid.
7
Pakistani Bangla speakers could potentially raise their status level to that of “proper”
Muslims with a superficial and overt realization such as the Arabic script. West
Pakistanis saw the Bengali people as incompatible with both the new Islamic and the
Pakistani identity. The Bengali people, however, did not conceive of such notions and
advertently became strengthened and reinforced by the threat to their Bengali ethnicity.
Coming back to the time period soon after Jinnah’s speech at Dhaka University in
1948, the results were that Jinnah’s hopes for the Bangla speakers to concede to the
national status of Urdu did not bear any fruits. Rather, his efforts ignited further
differences between opposing groups and lead the government in West Pakistan to
undertake repressive policies, explicitly defeating the Bengali language and placing its
supporters in prisons.19 Statements in 1951 such as “those who opposed Urdu in East
Bengal were antagonistic to Islam” were publicly made which did not help the tense
grew in strength and vigor as the “Islamiziation” proposals were being implemented in
1950. This coupled with the general attitudes and prejudices towards the Bengali
language held by non-Bengali Muslim speakers were all significant factors in the shift
that took place for Bengalis from a Muslim identity, existing prior to 1947, into a Bengali
nationalist identity which emerged during the crucial formative period of independence
from India. A memorable date in the history of the Bengali Language movement was
Feb. 21st 1952. It is at this point when the movement reached its climax and left for
19
Rahman, 1997, p.93
20
Ibid.
8
history a legacy which is celebrated till today across the world on the International
In 1952, after the deaths of Jinnah and Liaqat Khan, the new Prime Minister of
Pakistan Khawaja Nazimuddin was elected. The economic situation of East Pakistan at
this point had deteriorated and with the new formation of the Awami Muslim League,
there was a growing sense of deprivation and exploitation in East Pakistan and awareness
that a new form of colonialism had replaced British imperialism. It was under these
circumstances that the language movement was slowly gaining momentum. The situation
was greatly worsened when Khawaja Nazimuddin went to Dhaka, as did Jinnah a few
years back, and stated once again that “Urdu will be the state language of Pakistan.”21 He,
talk it became a massive trend in East Pakistan to protest and demonstrate for Bangla
recognition. Processions became daily occurrences and on Feb. 4th 1952 the protest was
described as the largest demonstration in the living memory of East Bengal. Hundreds of
students were chanting “rashtro bhasha bangla chai”, ‘We want Bengali as a state
language.’22 It was not until the day of Feb 21st that the course of East-West politics
completely changed.
The government imposed a new law, Section 144, in the city of Dhaka which
banned all protests and demonstrations. This did not prevent the thousands of students
and teachers from different universities and schools to assemble at Dhaka University
campus on Feb. 21st, a day known as “Ekushey” translating to the number 21, and protest
for their language rights. This demonstration resulted in many bloody deaths and violent
21
Ibid. 95
22
Ibid.
9
blows to both male and female students by police forces. Students fought back with
brickbats and eventually the police resorted to using tear gas and bullets. On this day
approximately 165 people were killed and till today they are venerated as language
and also Bengali revolt and struggle for their identity. Moreover, their deaths became a
potent symbol of resistance to West Pakistan.23 The incidents of this day ignited a
number of confrontations between the police and the students which resulted in other
known for opposing Bangla language were burned down by students. The behavior of the
police left a fear in the people that turned into strong anti-government sentiment. The
public, in general, throughout the riot days showed an unprecedented solidarity with the
students' demand for constitutional adoption of the Bengali language as one of the state
languages of Pakistan.24
It is hard to believe that the elite ruling group of West Pakistan did not understand
the nature of the language movement. West Pakistani leaders such as Abdul Haq and
Nurul Amin expressed views that the movement was lead by communists and was
instigated by the Indian government. Rahman states that “the official conspiracy theory
still widely believed in Pakistan—that the communists cleverly manipulated most of the
Bengalis—is simplistic and uninformed.”25 Thus, we can see that West Pakistan failed to
understand the basic points of the Bangla language movement. They were unaware of the
root causes, albeit triggered by economics and social discrimination. It is obvious that the
frustrations from a deteriorated economy and social discrimination were channeled into a
23
Ibid. 97
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid.
10
thriving struggle for the Bangla language. The Bengali people saw the answer to all their
problems as a language issue. West Pakistan in hope to keep East Pakistan a unit of West
Pakistan failed to realize the relevance of cultural ethnicity and its significance for a
people to survive. A simple overt policy of recognition could have provided the Bengali
people with a comfortable psychological space at the least. Till today, many Pakistanis
view Bangladeshis as “traitors” to Islam and view them as “dupes in the hands of anti-
The hostility with the government was such that two years later in the election to
the provincial assembly the ruling party Muslim League, which was at the vanguard of
the Pakistan movement, suffered a humiliating and deadly defeat which could never be
resurrected. It was not until 1956 that Bengali was given the status of a state language
under certain conditions, along with Urdu, in the Pakistan constitution. Other stipulations
that were made which all won favorable results were that the day of Feb 21 be a
government holiday, education in East Pakistan be taught in the mother tongue, and that a
monument called Shaheed Minar be erected at the spot of the deaths in memory for the
martyrs. Also, that financial compensation should be provided for families of the martyrs.
The significance of Feb 21st 1952, as I have stated before, left a historical legacy.
Each year since then on the eve of Feb. 21st the Prime Minister and President of
Bangladesh and thousands of people gather at the Shaheed Minar monument and engage
in rituals of veneration for the martyrs. The day is a public holiday and the national flags
are all at half-mast atop government and private buildings. The Bangla alphabet appears
everywhere on the entrance to the monument and roads surrounding it.27 An entire culture
26
Ibid.
27
http://www.takingitglobal.org/opps/event/.html?eventid=4148 5/19/04
11
of national pride and theme songs emerged from it. Essays, poems and plays on the
language movement which emerged in Bengali culture bear witness to the crucial
significance. A famous song commemorating the martyrs, perhaps more significant than
the National anthem, is sung each year at the Ekushey celebration. It goes by the name of
“amar bhayer rokte rangano Ekushey February.” The first line of the lyrics to this song
translates as “How can I forget February 21 a day drenched in the blood of my brothers.”
28
At the most recent celebration in 2004 President Iajuddin Ahmed stated “The language
movement inspires us for sustained advancement in our language, literature and culture—
it is the responsibility of us all to keep high its flame to the future generation.”29 Further,
the President of the Awami League said that the martyrs “created a new chapter in the
history of Bangladesh by shedding their blood for establishing the right to mother
language.”30 As we can see, fifty years later the emotions and feelings for Bangla still
thrive. The movement’s watershed moment on Feb 21st in Dhaka was so significant, in
that it represented a fight for mother tongues, that it inspired the creation of the
Mother Language Day to be observed every Feb. 21 was Bangladesh’s official proposal
motion on Nov. 17, 1999 at the General Conference. This day is not only symbolic for
Bangladeshis but is a celebration for all speakers of all language all over the world. The
IMLD has brought attention to dying mother tongues and works to save them.31 The fact
28
http://sdnbd.org/sdi/news.general-news/February-2004/21-02-04/general.htm 5/20/04
29
Ibid.
30
Ibid.
31
http://www.pmo.gov.bd/21february/imld_back.htm 5/19/04
12
that the country proposed such an idea to UNESCO reflects that the creation of
Bangladesh for the Bengali people was not completely political as many South Asian
scholars have suggested. Tariq Rahman sees the entire language movement as only a
political campaign for a new state.32 Such beliefs undermine the significance of the
The right of Bengali as a language used and spoken by the majority of the
Pakistanis was established in East Pakistan through persistence and struggle. New
developments such as the Bengali Academy also came about. This Academy was set up
in 1955 with the major function of promoting the culture and development of Bengali
language and literature.33 Other trends indicating positive changes for the Bangla
language situation continued until much later years. In 1966 name plates, signboards,
posters and streets signs were changed to Bengali throughout Dhaka. These positive
Bangladesh.
The exact outcome Jinnah feared if Bangla was given state recognition proved
true. Eventually, the state language movement ideology turned into a mass movement
supported by the entire population of the then province of East Pakistan. Ultimately, this
gave birth to a powerful national consciousness. The newly founded sense of national
awareness was honed by the exploitation and deprivation of East Pakistan and triggered
the creation of an independent Bangladesh. The winning results of the Bangla language
movement was a key factor in the movement gaining national momentum. In the
development of East-West politics prior to the 1971 war, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the
32
Rahman, 1997 p. 79
33
Ibid.
13
Bengali Awami League gained the majority vote in the national parliamentary election of
1970. His statements to the Bengali people clearly indicated a patronization for their
language: “I appeal to our writers to express themselves freely for the benefit of the
people and for the enrichment of the Bengali language and culture. I can assure them that
any attempt from any quarter to suppress the creative urge of the artists, poets and writers
recapture state power. The Pakistani military began a campaign of genocide on the night
March 25th, 1971 and arrested the leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Consequently, the
Bengali people organized guerilla warfare against the well-organized military force of
West Pakistan. The “freedom fighters,” the name for Bengali soldiers, gained mass
popular support in their struggle against the Pakistani army. Although the Pakistani
forces at this point were supported by countries such as the United States and China,
Bangladesh gained popular support from all over the world. An example of this is that
popular musical figures such as the pundit Ravi Shankar and George Harrison arranged a
concert to strengthen world-wide support for Bengalis. Eventually, after a long a nine-
month war of and at the cost of millions of lives, the new country of Bangladesh was
created on December 16th, 1971. Without any hesitance, Bangla found its coveted place
The history of the Bengali people and their struggle post-1947 is one that is
marked by language and ethnic discrimination. Their plight and success stands as
evidence for history that the value in sustaining and promoting indigenous language and
identities amid new political and religious identities is extremely significant. William
Safran points out that the “the bases of collective identity vary according to history and
34
Ibid., p. 101
14
context: thus, originally, the Bengalis broke away from India because of religion, but
later seceded from Pakistan because of language and geographic distance.”35 The shift
the Bengali people exhibited in their identity formation from a Muslim people to a
Bengali people also serves to exemplify the importance of language for a people
establishing a sustainable identity. Language could not be divorced from the Bengali
antithetical to the spirit of Islam. Islam only entered and spread throughout South Asia,
similarly to the course of Buddhism in South Asia, because of the Sufi orders which
absorbed and used indigenous languages. In conclusion, it is suffice to say that Bengalis
stand as a unique people in history to fight for their language, establish a nation-state out
of linguistic concerns and, ultimately, save themselves from a linguistic fate of alienation
35
Fishman, Joshua. 1999. Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity. London: Oxford University Press
[p. 80].
15