7th October to 12th November 2.

FRANCESCA
GALLOWAY
Indian Paintings & Objects
Jerry Losty
29

pahari

The Wrestling Match between Jarasandha and Bhima

The painting illustrates an episode from Book 2 of the Mahabharata, chapters By a Pahari artist from Bilaspur,
23-24. Krishna and the two Pandava brothers Arjuna and Bhima have come 1660-80
to the court of the mighty emperor Jarasandha in Magadha, who kept captive Inscribed in neat takri
at his court the many kings he had defeated in order to gain his ascendancy. characters: raja jarasandha to
Jarasandha has to be disposed of before Arjuna’s eldest brother Yudhisthira left and bhimasena to right of
the wrestlers; also rangabhumi
can perform the rajasuya sacrifice confirming his supremacy over all other
(‘theatre’, i.e. wrestling ground)
kings. They have travelled disguised as Brahmins to the court of Jarasandha
Painting: 22.5 × 29 cm
in Magadha and there Bhima has challenged Jarasandha to single combat by Opaque watercolour and gold on
wrestling. paper
The fight has lasted an entire month, and in the end Bhima seeks Krishna’s
advice as to how to defeat his enemy. Krishna advises Bhima to tear Jaras- Provenance
andha apart (a reference to his peculiar origin of having being put together Howard Hodgkin
from two separate pieces), which the mighty Bhima duly does. Jarasandha Spink & Son Ltd
and Bhima are fighting in the middle and Bhima looks towards Krishna for Pratapaditya Pal
advice. Krishna and Arjuna are on the right - Krishna is tearing a plant in two
suggesting to Bhima how to proceed, Arjuna holds a flask of water. On the left Literature
stand two of Jarasandha’s supporters equipped with water and towel. In the Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
background are the raja’s musicians and courtiers who may perhaps be the
Bernet, London, 1973
many kings captured by Jarasandha in his long career of intimidation. The
Archer, W.G., Visions of Courtly
third inscription reading rangabhumi refers to the actual wrestling ground or
India: the Archer Collection of
theatre in the Mahabharata where the fight took place. Pahari Miniatures, International
Of all the Rajput Hill States it was Mandi and Bilaspur that were most ex- Exhibitions Foundation,
posed to pictorial influence from the plains in the 17th century. Whereas London, New York, 1976
Mandi had developed a sophisticated response to Mughal ideas of space and Glynn, C., ‘Early Painting in
volume by the mid-17th century, the response of Bilaspur was more muted Mandi’, in Artibus Asiae, XLIV, 1,
and similar to what happened in Rajasthan as for example in Bikaner when 1983, pp. 21-64
Popular and Sub-imperial paintings began to influence their styles. Here the Bautze, J., Indian Miniature
square heads with neat moustaches and sideburns, the turbans and the jamas Paintings, c. 1590-c.1850, Galerie
are those seen in paintings of the late Shah Jahan/early Aurangzeb period, Saundarya Lahari, Amsterdam,
1987
here translated to the Hills perhaps 10 or 20 years later and perhaps through
Bikaner. Two paintings from an unknown series from Bilaspur (Archer, Kahl-
ur, 5i-ii, better illustrated in Archer 1976, nos. 32-33) showing the same type
of portrait type, costume and approach to landscape seem related. Bautze no.
49 discusses a related series.
31

pahari

Rama and Laksmana are Pinned by Serpentine Arrows,

while the Monkeys Flee from Vibhisana

A page from Book 6, the Yuddhakanda or Lankakanda (Book of Battles or By a Pahari artist from Bahu or
Lanka), of the Ramayana, canto 49. Ravana’s terrifying magician son Indra- Kulu, from the Shangri Ramayana,
jit, who has the power to make himself invisible, has successfully ensnared Style III, 1700-10
Rama and Laksmana in serpentine coils so that they cannot move and lie on Inscribed in nagari on the reverse
the ground unconscious, their eyes rolled up. On the left stands the monkey Lankakanda 64
Painting: 18.6 × 29 cm, with red
king Sugriva who is seeking advice from his nephew Angada and the king of
border
the bears Jambavan as to what to do. All the other monkeys, including the
Folio: 21.5 × 31.6 cm
blue crowned monkey general Nila, are terrified when they see Vibhisana, Opaque watercolour on paper
Ravana’s brother, advancing on them with his club. Vibhisana had previ-
ously abandoned his doomed brother and come over to Rama’s side but the Literature
monkeys mistake him for the invisible Indrajit and run away in terror. Archer, W.G., Indian Painting
This particular artist has a peculiar trick of perspective. The monkeys are from the Punjab Hills,
not climbing up over each other in order to escape but are actually in a reced- Sotheby Parke Bernet,
ing line: other paintings by this artist show him resolving perspective issues London, 1973
of one person or monkey behind another in the same individual way. Style Krishna, A., ed., Chhavi -2:
III of this dispersed series including these wonderfully humanized portraits Rai Krshnadasa Felicitation
of the monkeys is found mostly in the Book of Kiskindha and Book of Bat- Volume, Bharat Kala Bhavan,
tles. For discussion as to the disputed origin of the series, see among others Varanasi, 1981
Archer, pp. 325-29; Goswamy and Fischer, pp. 76-91 (although they do not Goswamy, B.N., and Fischer,
take a view on the place of origin of Styles III and IV); and Britschgi and E., Pahari Masters: Court
Fischer, pp. 12-14. Painters of Northern India,
For closely related pages from the nagapasa (‘snake-binding’) episode, Oxford University Press,
numbered 61 on the reverse, see Topsfield, no. 49, and Sotheby’s New York, 6 Delhi, 1997
October 1990, lot 115, numbered 60. Other pages from this episode are in the Topsfield, A., ed., In the Realm
Los Angeles County Museum; Bharat Kala Bhava, Varanasi (Krishna 1981, fig. of Gods and Kings - Arts of
543); Museum Rietberg, Zurich (the next painting to this one, see Britschgi India, Philip Wilson, London,
and Fischer, no. 73, there miscalled Style IV); and the National Museum, New 2004
Delhi. Britschgi, J., and Fischer,
E., Rama und Sita: das
Ramayana in der Malerei
Indiens, Museum Rietberg,
Zurich, 2008
33

pahari

Rama Confronts Khara and his Army of 14,000 Demons 

A page from from the Forest Book of the Ramayana, the Aranyakanda. Rama, By a Pahari artist from Kulu
Sita and Laksmana had been living peacefully in the forest for more than or Bahu, from the Shangri
12 years when they were accosted by the female demon Surpanakha, who Ramayana, Style IV, 1700-10
demanded sexual favours first from Rama and then Laksmana. Both had of Inscribed on the border in Hindi
course repulsed her, but it was not until she had attacked Sita thinking that in takri script: Laksmana Siha
parvat di guha rahe upranta
without her around she would succeed that the enraged Laksmana punished
Sri Ramacandra prati var sena
Surpanakha by cutting off her nose and ears. She rushed off to appeal to her
sehvrata man judhe ki avanda
brother Khara for vengeance. Rama easily despatched the 14 demons first hoya. Tit same deva gandharva
sent to kill him and Laksmana. Now Rama has told Laksmana to guard Sita sab ascarja karde hoye yek Sri
while he himself confronts Khara and his army of 14,000 demons. Khara Ramacandra raksasa bahut hai.
himself advances in his great war-chariot intending to kill the upstart youth, Kaise kar judh hoyega (‘Laksmana
urging on his followers, while Rama stands resolute preparing to shoot from and Sita stay in the cave and
his bow. Above three celestials float in the sky, wondering the inscription Sri Ramacandra comes forth
tells us how Rama will triumph, but of course they should know as do we to battle. On seeing the large
that the divine hero will. army of demons, the devas and
For discussion as to the disputed origin of the series, see among others Arch- gandharvas wonder how Rama
will single-handedly fight them’)
er, pp. 325-29, and Britschgi and Fischer, pp. 12-14. Archer’s Style IV is found
Inscribed on the reverse in nagari:
mostly in the Books of the Forest, as here, and of Kiskindha (see Archer Kulu,
Aranyakanda, 42
5i-iii). Archer sees a perceptible influence from Bilaspur in the work of this art-
Painting: 19 × 29.6 cm, with red
ist. For the episode before this one of Rama dealing with the 14 demons sent by border
Khara, see Archer 1976, no. 51, also Britschgi and Fischer, no. 35. Folio: 21.5 × 32 cm
Opaque watercolour on paper

Literature
Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
Bernet, London, 1973
Archer, W.G., Visions of Courtly
India: the Archer Collection of
Pahari Miniatures, International
Exhibitions Foundation,
London, New York, 1976
Britschgi, J., and Fischer, E.,
Rama und Sita: das Ramayana
in der Malerei Indiens, Museum
Rietberg, Zurich, 2008
35

pahari

The Lady at her Toilet

A lady is standing on a stool dressing herself after her bath. Her hair is still By a Pahari artist at Kulu, 1720-30
loose and she looks at herself in the mirror held by her attendant. She has Painting with painted blue
put on her yellow paijama and drawn a greenish yellow orhni round her- border: 23.7 × 14 cm
self, decorated with a tie-dyed repeated pattern of three dots. Her attendant Opaque watercolour and silver
wears a pair of blue and white striped paijama with a jade-green overskirt, a on paper
sage-green bodice, and a purple dupatta or scarf that winds round her head
Provenance
and upper body and falls vertically in front of her. The brilliant colours of
Archer Collection
the women’s garments and the pink of the stool cushion contrast the more
with the muted tones of the blue and silver grey background colours, rising Exhibited
to a tangle of grey, black and yellow clouds above. Archer writes (1976, p. Indian Miniatures from the
104) that ‘this picture is a study in exhilarating despair. … If her lover were Collection of Mildred and W.G.
to come she would be almost ready. Any upsurge of erotic joy, however, is Archer, no. 30
belied by the chilly bleakness of the silver grey background and by the black- Romance and Poetry in Indian
ish clouds that snarl above her. There is a sense of nervous apprehension … Painting, no. 32
Yet the picture exhilarates, and this can only be due to the golden glory of her Visions of Courtly India: the
clothes, the blackness of her hair and the wild varieties of poetic colour in the Archer Collection of Pahari
Miniatures, no. 56
maid’s attire.’
Indian Miniatures from the
Archer (1973, I, p. 336) puts this and similar paintings in Kulu on the basis
Archer and Other Private
of their obvious derivation from styles I and II of the ‘Shangri’ Ramayana (see
Collections, no. 19
paintings from this series in this catalogue for references) via the ‘Rothen-
stein’ Ragamala series of 1700-10 (ibid., Kulu 13). Archer points to the style’s Literature
initial dependence on the earlier ‘Basohli’ idiom in the facial characteristics Archer, M. and W.G., and Lee,
(Basohli and Kulu being closely related states despite their geographical sep- S., Indian Miniatures from the
aration) but also to the departure from it in the wilder draughtsmanship and Collection of Mildred and W.G.
colouring, suggesting a more provincial idiom such as Kulu as suggested by Archer, Washington, 1963
the Ramayana’s find spot. Goswamy and Fischer argue that only the find- Archer, M. and W.G., Romance
spot in Shangri links the Ramayana with Kulu and move the whole of the and Poetry in Indian Painting,
Ramayana series and its dependents to Bahu/Jammu far to the west, on the Wildenstein, London, 1965
Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
basis of the style being used to portray Raja Kripal Dev of Bahu c. 1690 (pp. 76-
the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
93). Regardless of this scholarly controversy, the lively draughtsmanship and
Bernet, London, 1973
vivid colouring of this painting continue to startle and intrigue the spectator. Archer, W.G., Visions of Courtly
India: the Archer Collection of
Pahari Miniatures, International
Exhibitions Foundation,
London, New York, 1976
Goswamy, B.N., and Fischer, E.,
Pahari Masters: Court Painters
of Northern India, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1997
Galloway, F., and Kwiatkowski,
W., Indian Miniatures from
the Archer and Other Private
Collections, Francesca
Galloway, London, 2005
36

pahari

A Group of Trumpeters

Seven musicians, each clad in a jama and a turban, hold the same musical Attributed to the Pahari artist
instrument, a Pahari horn with an enormously long pipe, locally called the Nainsukh of Guler, circa 1735-40
turhi. The handling of the individual figures, each a character in his own Painting: 16.3 × 23.7 cm
right, is strikingly close to that seen in many of the Balwant Singh group of Opaque watercolour and gold on
paintings that Nainsukh was to make later on in his career. Goswamy at- paper
tributes this recently rediscovered painting to the early period of Nainsukh’s
Provenance
oeuvre: ‘Pandit Seu’s painting of hillmen dancing at a fair, now in the Riet-
Acquired by Winifred Nicholson
berg Museum (Goswamy and Fischer, 1992, no 91) comes to mind, for there in India in 1919
too a musician blows on a similar horn as other men dance, but Nainsukh Private collection, England
achieves here a pattern that tautly balances order with abandon. Not many
painters in the hills could have either conceived of a self-contained work like Exhibited
this or handled it with such supreme assurance’ (Gosvamy, p. 72, no. 13). Gos- The Royal Academy, London, 1949
vamy’s account of Nainsukh’s life puts the early, Mughal-influenced, period
1735-40, but other scholars put it a decade later. Literature
The painting comes from Nainsukh’s first period when he was either copy- Ashton, Sir Leigh, and Gray, B.,
ing Mughal paintings or basing his own work on similar themes (Archer no. The Art of India and Pakistan,
29). Scholarly opinion differs as to whether Nainsukh and his father Pandit London, 1950
Losty, J.P., Indian Book Painting,
Seu of Guler gradually absorbed Mughal influences into their work while still
London, 1986
in the Hills (Goswamy and Fischer, p. 268) or whether they actually visited
Beach, M. C., Koch, E., and
and worked in Mughal centres such as Delhi or Lahore (as Archer, Khandala-
Thackston, W., King of the World,
wala and Ohri have suggested, see Ohri 1998). Whereas the new way of por- the Padshahnama, Azimuth,
traying the human figure may have filtered into Guler painting from exam- London, 1997
ples of the work of Mughal artists of the Muhammad Shah period (1719-48), Goswamy, B.N., Nainsukh of
it is difficult to believe that the sheer energy of this painting and those of Der- Guler, Artibus Asiae Suppl. XLI,
vishes Dancing and Hillmen Dancing attributed to his father (Archer, Guler 12 Museum Rietberg, Zurich, 1997
and 13) could have been imbibed from the static monumentality associated Goswamy, B.N., and Fischer, E.,
with Mughal painting of the first half of the 18th century as these authors Pahari Masters: Court Painters
suggest. Rather such energy, the tight control of space and naturalistic obser- of Northern India, Oxford
vation of such details as the puffed cheeks of the musicians that we can see in University Press, Delhi, 1997
Ohri, V.C., ‘Pandit Seu and his
this painting come directly from looking at Mughal paintings of a much ear-
sons Manaku and Nainsukh’, in
lier period. Surdas Gujarati’s Celebration at the Birth of Timur (British Library,
Ohri, V.C., and Craven, R., ed.,
Or. 12988, f. 34v) from the second imperial Akbarnama of c. 1604 comes more Painters of the Pahari Schools,
readily to mind (Losty, p. 32). The various groups of trumpet players seen in Marg Publications, Bombay,
the Windsor Castle Padshanama (Beach and Koch, passim) are also relevant 1998, pp. 149-66
here, although these are rendered more suavely than either Nainsukh’s or
Surdas’s versions. Whereas Pandit Seu’s dancers are observed from on high
so that they are spread out all over the page, Nainsukh is not afraid to lower
his viewpoint here so that the musicians are depicted in a tightly controlled
group in a naturalistic observation.
38

pahari

Dip Chand at the Jharokha Window

Window portraits such as this in the Hills were invariably of rulers. While By a Pahari artist at Guler, c. 1750-
there are some 17th century examples, the compositional format really took 60
off in Guler in the mid-18th century under renewed Mughal influence. A no- Inscribed on the reverse in takri
bleman is portrayed at the jharokha window, his right hand holding up a let- script: sri sahib dip cand ji
ter with a meaningless inscription, his left resting on the sill. The window Painting: 16.2 × 10.1 cm
Opaque watercolour and gold on
surrounds are of white marble. A rich silver brocaded cloth falls over the sill,
paper
while the arched window opening above is surmounted by a rolled-up blind.
The format of the white marble arched window surround and the rolled up
Provenance
blind above and rich cloth below are typical of Guler portraits of the mid- Private collection, Japan
century (Archer, Guler 24 and 26).
It has not been possible to precisely identify the subject. It is not a post- Literature
humous portrait of Raja Dip Chand of Bilaspur (1650-67). The subject here Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
rather resembles Raja Dalip Singh of Guler (1695-1741), except that the lat- the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
ter is invariably depicted with double pearl earrings (Archer, Guler 20-21). Bernet, London, 1973
The curious wording of the takri inscription, together with the incursion of
Gurmukhi characters into it, suggests that it was added during the Sikh oc-
cupation and the administration of Desa Singh Majithiya from 1813-32. The
incompetent scribe may have been confused by the later rulers of Guler from
Govardhan Chand onwards having Chand rather than Singh as part of their
name, but why he should have written Dip rather than Dalip is unexplained.
The high-arched eyebrow suggests a stylised, posthumous portrait.
39

pahari

An Unknown Man, possibly Raja Jai Singh of Kulu,

with the Priest Jinda and the Pundit Ksela

The format of the portrait with its very partial indication of space and the By a Pahari artist at Mandi,
white band and birds across the top indicates a provenance in Mandi in the 1750-75
third quarter of the 18th century (Archer, Mandi nos. 18-25). The subject of Inscribed above in nagari: sri je si
the portrait stands thin and upright, his hair loose and unconfined over his [ngh? Rest indicepherable]…
shoulders, and he wears a short knee-length tunic. He holds a pan in his hand To the left: prohat zinda
To the right: pandat ksela
and his forehead is covered in broad yellow Saiva sectarian marks. On ei-
And on reverse: Tisa ehi Masta
ther side stands an important personage. The priest or purohit Zinda or Jinda
Rama gaya thia se bhi asala bheji
stands in front of him, his hands together in a respectful gesture, the Pundit dena (‘One Masta Rama had gone
Ksela stands behind with a cloth indicating the central figure’s royal status. (somewhere) and something
It is possible that the inscription above reads Jai Singh. There was no such original may please be sent
raja in Mandi. The most suitable candidate is Raja Jai Singh of Kulu (1731- through him’)
42), who went into exile after a revolt about 1740, first to Lahore and then Painting: 17.8 × 12.6 cm
apparently to Ayodhya (Archer, p. 321). His various portraits (ibid., Baghal Folio: 25.7 × 20 cm
9-11, Kahlur 22) show the same long thin face, tiny moustache and long loose Opaque watercolour on paper
hair. As a devotee of Rama as Raghunathji like all the Kulu rajas from Jagat
Singh in 1650, it is unusual to see him wear Saiva sectarian marks, but the Provenance
Mandi Royal Collection
painting was actually done in the Saiva stronghold of Mandi during the reign
Private Collection, London
of Shamser Sen (1727-81). The latter had been able in the disorders in Kulu
around 1740 to seize some Kulu land from Jai Singh. He was also it seems
Literature
slightly deranged and surrounded himself with unusual hangers-on (ibid.,
Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
p. 347). Jai Singh’s broad and obvious Saiva sectarian marks are similar to the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
those depicted on Shamser Sen (ibid., Mandi, nos. 24, 25, 29, 31). Bernet, London, 1973
40

pahari

The unveiling of Draupadi : illustration to Bhagavata Purana

Dhritarashtra, the blind king of the Kauravas, is seated in council with his Guler, circa 1760
sons while one of them, Duryodhana, is turned towards his brother, Dursas- Painting: 18.5 × 28 cm
ana, and orders him to stripDraupadi. She stands semi-naked, in a mass of Opaque watercolour and gold and
coloured saris at her feet, modestly trying to cover her bosom while her five oxidised silver on paper
husbands, the Pandava brothers, sit dejectedly, huddled together in a lonely
Literature
group in the foreground. In the story, Krishna took pity on Draupadi and
Coomaraswamy, A.K., Rajput
caused her garments to be replaced as they were torn away.
Painting, Oxford, 1916, pls.
This scene is from the Book of the Assembly Hall (Sabha-parva) which, ac- XXXVI, XXXVII
cording to van Buitenen, is the pivotal one of the eighteen major books of the Aijazuddin, F.S., Pahari Paintings
Mahabharata. The book starts with a detailed account of the building of the and Sikh Portraits in the Lahore
great Hall, describing its splendour and gem-encrusted grandeur which the Museum, London, New York,
artist of this elegant painting has tried to convey. Compared with an unfin- Sotheby, 1977, pp. 27 & 39, no. 30
ished earlier version from the Rothstein Dye, Joseph M.III, The Arts of India
collection in the Victoria & Albert Museum (no.1.S.131-1951), the artist here - Virginia Museum of Fine Arts,
has conceived this dramatic event as taking place in a grander palatial setting 2001, no. 147, pp. 343-344.
with greater attention to decorative detail and a certain jewel-like quality. Archer, W.G., Indian Paintings
from the Punjab Hills, 1973, vol. I,
Our painting belongs to the end of what Archer refers to as Guler’s second
p. 149: vol. II, no. 14, p. 99 & no.
phase (1740-1770) which centres on the court and taste of Raja Govardhan
70, p.158.
Chand (1741-1773). Coomaraswamy (1916) refers to a ‘deliberate research into
physical charm’ and Archer describes a desire to portray feminine charms
and in certain cases, such as in this painting, a wish to emphasise the sexual
character of particular situations. Archer also observes an interest in copying
earlier renditions of the same subject, albeit with modifications or additions.
Similar renderings of this scene from the Mahabharata are in the Lahore
Museum {LM no E.15 (pre 1922)} and the Chandigarh Museum which may
be slightly later in date than ours. Also, the same basic architectural format
can be seen in a later Guler painting of ‘Krishna Slaying King Shishupala’,
now in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (81.216). Archer publishes another
painting from the Mahabharata ‘The blind Dhritarashtra with Kauravas and
Pandavas’ as Jammu, circa 1790, which could be from the same set as our
painting.
42

pahari

Raja Govardhan Chand of Guler with a Falcon

Raja Govardhan Chand of Guler (b. c. 1713, regent for his father c. 1730, ac- By a Pahari artist at Guler,
cession 1741, d. 1773) is one of the most frequently portrayed of Pahari rulers. c. 1765
He was much feared in Guler and the eastern hills but had to accept tribu- Painting: 15.9 x 10.7cm
tary status to Kangra in 1761. He appears in this portrait to be about 10 years Opaque watercolour and gold on
younger than he appears in what must be one of his last portraits painted paper
shortly before his death (Archer, Guler no. 48), which is a simple bust por-
Provenance
trait at a window. The iconography of our portrait is based on a portrait of
Private collection, Switzerland
him seated smoking on a terrace with a falcon perched on the balustrade,
behind which extends a lush landscape (Archer, Guler no. 24), typical of the Literature
earlier portraits of the Guler school. Here the falcon has been transferred to Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
the raja’s wrist. the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
Later Guler portraiture is less lavish than earlier, with a simple terrace and Bernet, London, 1973
rarely a landscape (see the double portrait of Prakash Chand and Sansar
Chand elsewhere in this catalogue). Nonetheless the depiction of Govardhan
Chand here is still extremely accomplished. One admires in particular the
stylised yet delicate depiction of the folds and shadows of the jama and shawl
as well as the sensitive treatment of the eye, hair and beard. Raja and falcon
stare at each other across a void, the curve of his nose echoed by that of the
bird’s beak. He seems faintly amused by the bird.
43

pahari

Krishna trying to Grab the Moon

Yasoda in a red and blue skirt holds back the child Krishna as he strives to By a Pahari artist at Nurpur,
seize the crescent moon reflected in a basin of water while, with her right c. 1770-80
hand, she points at the real moon in the sky. Behind Rohini talks to the pale Painting: 29.5 × 20.3 cm
skinned Balarama whose blond curls are highlighted with gold. The subject including red border
of Krishna crying for the moon comes not from the Bhagavata Purana but Opaque watercolour and gold on
from the Sursagar or great poem on Krishna bhakti by the blind 16th century paper
poet Surdas:
Literature
Mother, the moon I want as my toy.
Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
I will roll on the floor, the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
Not come to your lap, Bernet, London, 1973
Nor have my hair-braid combed.
No longer will I be your child
I will only be Nand baba’s boy.

Yasoda pacifies the child by promising him a bride.

The subject and style are related to work of c. 1770-80 from Nurpur. See
Archer Nurpur 44, p 318, for a similar but not identical composition, and Nur-
pur 49 for a similar minimalist approach to landscape. The figure painting
here is rather finer than these Nurpur examples, especially the highly arched
eyebrows, derived from similar Guler examples, although the background is
comparatively coarse.
44

pahari

Raja Prakash Chand of Guler (1773-90) and

Raja Samsar Chand of Kangra (1775-1823)

The two rulers are seated together on a carpeted terrace with a long marble By a Pahari artist at Guler or
balustrade, a triangular vista of garden edged with cypresses and flowering Kangra, circa 1790
trees ending in a pavilion all viewed within a cusped white marble arch. The Painting: 19 × 12.6 cm
painting is a variant of the double portrait done c. 1780 at Guler of Raja Pra- Folio: 22 × 15 cm
kash Chand of Guler and Raja Sansar Chand of Kangra seated smoking on a Opaque watercolour with gold on
paper
terrace in the Victoria and Albert Museum (Archer, Guler no. fig.52). Simi-
larly sensitive as to the way the rulers are portrayed, suggesting a Guler artist
Provenance
(Sansar Chand’s Kangra portraits are somewhat less refined), on the other Col. O. Tandan
hand the screens of trees are found in slightly later Kangra paintings (Archer,
Kangra 37iv). Literature
Prakash Chand (born c. 1748, reg. 1773-90 when he retired, died 1820) was Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
something of an oddity according to Archer (p. 129) – simple, pious and per- the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
haps a little crazed, he overspent wildly on charity. He was on friendly, if Bernet, London, 1973
tributary terms, with Raja Sansar Chand (born 1765, reg. 1775-1823) of Kan- Aijazuddin, F. S., Pahari Paintings
gra, at this time about to begin his rise to control of the eastern Pahari states. and Sikh Portraits in the Lahore
While the same charba may well have been used as in the V & A painting, but Museum, Sotheby Parke Bernet,
reversed, both rulers are depicted slightly older, with Prakash Chand sport- London, 1977
ing the full beard and moustaches he seems to have affected about 1790. For
further portraits of these rulers, see Archer , Guler 49-56 and Kangra 9-22,
and Aijazuddin, p. 38, figs. 17 and 18.
45

pahari

Krishna dancing on snakes

In utter abandon, Krishna is dancing on the head of the snake king Kaliya By a Pahari artist at Kangra, 1790-
amidst the swirling waters of the river Jumna. His flute is in his extended 1800
right hand and his dupatta floats about him. Krishna’s dance-pose echoes Painting: 18 × 13 cm
that in the Vasanta raga in the Kangra Ragamala series of c. 1785 (Archer, Kan- Folio: 23.8 × 18.8 cm
gra 37iv), but where there Krishna is flirting with the gopis, here he is in total Opaque watercolour and gold on
paper
self-absorption. Instead of the usual multi-headed cobra of Rajput imagina-
tion, here Kaliya is envisaged as a huge body with its top wreathed in snakes.
Literature
The form of the serpent reproduces that seen in the narrative scene in the Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
first Bhagavata Purana (1775-1780, Archer Kangra 36iv). The effect in this the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
painting is to suggest a kind of Siva lingam. Of special note here is the pattern Bernet, London, 1973
in the waters that suggests an elephant’s head, again indicative of Siva in his
role as the destroyer of the elephant demon Gajasura. The image therefore
can be read as the triumph of the worship of Krishna over that of Siva.
Archer remarks of religion in Kangra (p. 245) that there was a clear bias
towards Siva and the Devi, except in the reign of Sansar Chand (1775-1823)
when worship of Krishna suddenly becomes prominent. Sansar Chand was
personally devoted to Krishna and no doubt commissioned the first Kangra
Bhagavata Purana and Gita Govinda (1775-1780), but he could hardly totally
abandon his ancestral Katoch family worship of the Devi. Such religious ten-
sions find some outlet in this remarkable painting.
46

pahari

A Prince and his Mistress Watch a Storm

In a high pavilion overlooking a lake at the onset of the monsoon, a wom- By a Pahari artist at Kangra, c.
an clings to her princely lover in pretended terror of the lightning bolts and 1800
rolling black clouds, imploring her not to leave her, while he embraces her Painting: 25 × 15 cm with blue
soothingly and points out the lines of cranes silhouetted against the rolling and gold border
black clouds. Below two female musicians serenading the lovers smile at Folio: 26 × 16 with pink outer
border
each other in recognition of her ploy.
Opaque watercolour and gold on
Paintings illustrating love in union during the rains are numerous. In tra-
paper
ditional Indian poetry and art, the onset of the rains in June signalled the end
of the campaigning and travelling season, forcing everyone to stay at home Provenance
with their loved ones. The onset of the monsoon, the rolling clouds, the play Karan Singh
of lightning, the flight of egrets and cranes against slate blue clouds, have a
continuous fascination for the Indian mind. Indian poets have sung of the Literature
joys of rains and artists have given expression to that joy in their paintings. Randhawa, M.S., Kangra Paintings
Our particular miniature is illustrated in Randhawa’s Kangra Paintings on on Love, National Museum, New
Love (fig.75), where it is used to illustrate Love in Union (sambhoga srngara). Delhi, 1962
Randhawa also publishes a similar scene (pl. XXIII) as part of a Barahmasa Welch, S.C., and Beach, M.C.,
series representing the month of Bhadon. A similar illustration of Bhadon is also Gods, Thrones and Peacocks, Asia
Society, New York, 1965
published by Welch and Beach (fig. 69, p. 104). Barahmasa cycles consist of 12
Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
paintings, each illustrating one of the 12 months with often an accompanying
the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
Hindi verse. In Randhawa’s translation of Kesav Das’ verse on Bhadon (p. 192):
Bernet, London, 1973
The purple clouds are gathering, the thunder rolls and rain pours in torrents,
The wind blows fiercely, the cicadas chirp, the lions roar and elephants fell
the trees. The day is dark like the night, and one’s own home is the best.
Pray leave me not in the month of Bhadon, for separation pains like poison.
47

pahari

Musicians Ejected from Indra’s Celestial Palace

The painting seems to illustrate an episode from the first canto of the Bhaga- By a Pahari artist at Kangra, early
vata Purana when Narada, the ancient sage and devotee of Lord Krishna, 19th century
describes how he was once cursed by his father Daksa or Brahma. A long Inscribed on the reverse in nagari:
time previously, he had been a gandharva or heavenly musician. During a sri narayaji vulai raje indra te
fire sacrifice, he was singing the appropriate devotional songs, but was not mataloke kija te bhaai ri citra
(‘picture of Sri Narada leaving
totally concentrating, being distracted by the apsarases or heavenly damsels
Indra’s heaven’)
also present in the assembly. Daksa sensed this erroneous behaviour and so
Painting: 22 × 30.8 cm
cursed Narada to be deprived of his spiritual splendour and to be born as a Folio: 24 × 32.8 cm
despicable human being on earth. As a result of this curse, Narada was born Opaque watercolour and gold on
as the son of a maid-servant in an Ashram or hermitage. paper
In Indra’s palace in the sky surrounded by clouds, a bearded man and a
younger vina player are saying farewell to the doorkeeper, and then dive Literature
headlong down towards the earth. Within the palace, various women look at Archer, W.G., Indian Painting from
the throne where one of them must have been sitting. the Punjab Hills, Sotheby Parke
Bernet, London, 1973
48

compani

Six Villagers Standing on a Hillside

The Fraser album of Delhi Company paintings (dispersed in two sales in By a Delhi artist, c. 1816
London and New York in 1980 and now in collections all over the world) is Gold border with numerals at
considered one of the finest groups of Company pictures yet known. These bottom referring to the Persian
paintings surpass all other known Company paintings for their delicate real- and English inscriptions on the
ism, characterization and subtle composition of groups of figures. They were cover paper the Persian rather
inaccurately transliterated (by
produced in the Delhi territory, a region that had only come under British
James Fraser?) as follows (left to
administration in 1803. Furthermore, the Fraser pictures depicted Indian
right):
people, their costume and way of life in an area as yet hardly touched by Eu- 1. Salim, Rajpoot, Bechadeh
ropean presence or example. Zemindar of Ranneah
Unlike the two next examples of the Fraser brothers’ collections, which are 2. Hazir Khan, brother of Soojah
superior examples of Delhi portrait painting of the 1815-20 period, this group (Muja), Rajpoot
portrait is squarely in the realm of their personal patronage and collections. 3. Soojah (Muja), Rajpoot Bhutee,
It is still one of the unsolved problems of Indian painting how the Fraser son of Nijabut Khan (Lambardar,
brothers managed to inform their Delhi artists, who hitherto had been pro- resident of), Ranneah
ducing standard portraits/group portraits in the late Mughal manner, with 4. Khajoo allee (Bhatee)
their peculiar vision of naturalistic portraiture. As Welch remarks of this Lumburdar, commonly called Soha
Mojumee (…resident) of Raneeah
painting: ‘Encouraged to show every textile, weapon and twist of hair with
5. Mewah (Jeewah), Rajpoot,
illusionistic accuracy, the artist proves that the Mughal tradition remained
Mundewal (resident of Rania),
brilliantly alive well into the nineteenth century’ (1987, p. 29).
related to Nijabat Khan
Hazir Khan, the child on the left, is also shown with William Fraser’s bibi (Lambardar)
(mistress) in another painting (Archer and Falk, fig. 8) and it has been sug- 6. Shamoo, son of Jeewa Mucuddum
gested that he is possibly one of William’s own children, although this does of Mandewal
not accord with the inscription on this painting which states that he is the Painting: 29.7 × 41.5 cm
brother of the young man standing beside him who is himself the son of Ni- Opaque watercolour and gold on
jabat Khan. paper

Provenance
Fraser Family
Sotheby’s, London, 7 July 1984,
lot 42
John Goelet

Literature
Archer, M., & Falk, T., India
Revealed - The Art and
Adventures of James and
William Fraser 1801-35, 1985,
fig. 95, p. 109
Welch, S.C. & Schimmel
A., Swietochowski, M.L.
& Thackstone, W.M., The
Emperor’s Album Images of
Mughal India, Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York,
1987, fig. 10, pp. 27-29
50

compani

The Burmese Ambassador to the Mughal Court

Ambassadors were sent to Delhi by King Bodawpaya, who ruled Burma from By a Delhi artist, 1816-20
1782 to 1819 and had hopes of making an alliance with the French, or any Inscribed above the figures
available Indian power against the English. Bodawpaya was an expansionist from left to right (the Persian
monarch and had already annexed Arakan and Manipur and had designs on identifications refer to
Thailand, but was anxious about the equally expansionist East India Com- Burmese titles and are not fully
decipherable):
pany based in Calcutta which was advancing eastwards from Bengal into As-
1.Shaykh Muhammad, interpreter
sam. There were frequent skirmishes between the two powers. Burma never
(Burmese title: Mayama Shakhas
succeeded in getting into real communication with the French, but she sent The Kyu Dayama), accomplished
embassies to Indian kings with a view to making a combined attack on the and well-known bearer
English (see Harvey 1967, p. 284). There were six such embassies to north- 2. Akhnun Un Miyamma Piyamma
ern Indian states between 1807 and 1823. among which that of 1817 seems Jivaraya Navratha
relevant in the context of this painting. It must have been among the paint- 3.Likeness of Nud Myaw Manakala
ings which William Fraser sent in 1819 down to his brother James in Calcutta. Kyaw [this is the actual
Nothing came of these embassies, and after Bodawpaya’s death began the ambassador]
first Burma war resulting in the British annexation of lower Burma in 1824. 4.Sri Raja (?) Sda’w
The five members of the embassy stand in a row on the bank of the river 5.Munkand Ampu
Painting: 38.1 × 26.7 cm
Jumna with the Delhi Red Fort recognizable in the background. They are
Opaque watercolour and gold on
dressed in a remarkable mixture of Burmese and Indian costume, brilliantly
paper
rendered. A later copy of this scene with the figures reversed is in the Metro-
politan Museum of Art New York (Welch, 1987, p. 28, fig 11). Provenance
Fraser family collection
Sotheby’s, London, 7 July 1980,
no. 32
Private collection

Literature
Harvey, G.E., History of Burma
from the Earliest Times to 10
March 1824, London, 1967
Archer, M., & Falk, T., Indian
Revealed - The Art and
Adventures of James and William
Fraser 1801-35, 1989, no. 82
Welch S.C., Schimmel A.,
Swietochowski, M.L. &
Thackstone, W.M. The Emperor’s
Album Images of Mughal India,
Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, 1987
52

compani

Nawab Zabita Khan Bhatti

The Bhattis are a Rajput clan who occupied Bhattiana, the tract of land north- By a Delhi artist, 1816-20
west of Delhi nowadays divided between the states of Haryana and the Pun- The figures numbered and
jab and extending south as far as the Bikaner border (not unfortunately as described, transcribed by
suggested by Archer and Falk, p. 17, in Bahawalpur on the lower Sutlej). As E.S.Fraser:
the Mughal empire decayed, the area was fought over by the Sikhs and the 1 figure. Nawab Zabita Khan
Bhuttee, chief of the country of
Marathas, who successfully occupied it only to lose it to the British after their
Raeean and of the Bhuttees
capture of Delhi and the surrounding territory in 1803. Bhattiana like many
2d Muckree. His Khidmutgar
former Maratha fiefdoms round Delhi was then given to local chiefs who had Painting: 28.3 × 18.4 cm
been helpful to the British, in this case as the Imperial Gazetteer puts it: ‘… Opaque watercolour and gold on
Bhattiana was divided between the chiefs Bahadur Khan and Zabita Khan, paper
of whom the former held the country in the neighbourhood of Fatehabad,
while the latter owned Rania and Sirsa. In 1810 the raids of Bahadur Khan Provenance
had become intolerable, and an expedition sent against him annexed Fate- Fraser family collection
habad, while in 1818 the territories of Zabita Khan were acquired’ by the Brit- Sotheby’s, New York, 9 December
ish and formed into the British district of Sirsa. 1980, lot 137
William’s knowledge of Indian customs and local languages meant that he Collection of T. Peter Kraus
Private Collection
could mix easily with local inhabitants, negotiate with them, elicit local in-
formation, and in these ways achieve valuable administrative results which
Literature
were outside the scope of most Europeans. William Fraser would certainly
Archer, M. and Falk, T. India
have known Zabita Khan, as he was attendant on a military expedition to Revealed - The Art and
reduce the Bhattis to order in 1811 (Archer and Falk, pp. 17-18), while Rania in Adventures of James and William
Zabita Khan’s territories was where his mistress Amiban and children were Fraser 1801-35, 1989
based. Leach, L.Y., Mughal and other
This portrait of Zabita Khan is the prime example of several other versions Indian Paintings in the Chester
of this portrait that appear in the various manuscripts commissioned by the Beatty Library, London, 1995
Frasers’ great friend James Skinner in the 1820s presently in the British Li-
brary (Add.27254, f.253v) and the Chester Beatty Library (Leach, no. 7, 32, pp.
740-41) and elsewhere. Whereas our portrait echoes the standard compo-
sitional orthodoxy of much earlier Mughal portraiture (subject seated on a
terrace smoking a hookah with a pavilion on the side and with an attendant
behind), the naturalistic treatment of both subjects and setting here is new as
is the attention to naturalistic detail. The alert pose in three-quarter profile,
the fall of the draperies, the brilliant handling of the costume and hookah ac-
cessories, the sense of receding space suggested by the carpet, all these show
what Mughal artists had absorbed of European naturalistic effects in the pre-
vious ten years. In the various Skinner versions that seem to make use of
the same charba, the attendant is absent and the hookah is transferred to the
right in order to re-balance the composition.
53

compani

A Muslim Nobleman and his Wife

The Tanjore school of painting owes its origin to the importation of Deccani By a Tanjore artist, 1800-10
artists and paintings into the traditional south Indian school of Tanjore after Painting: 37.9 × 27.7 cm
the Maratha takeover of the kingdom in 1674. Following increasing British Opaque watercolour and gold on
influence in south India from the middle of the 18th century, Tanjore artists paper
produced portraits and sets of costumes for these new patrons. Costume
books from Tanjore invariably included both the man and his wife as here. Literature
Archer, M., Company Drawings in
The Muslim nobleman is dressed in a long muslin jama tied with a patka,
the India Office Library, HMSO,
with a three quarter length gold embroidered coat and a turban. His wife
London, 1972
wears paijamas and a choli with a transparent muslin sari and an embroi- Archer, M., Company Paintings:
dered orhni. Her appearance and jewelry are very south Indian, although she Indian Paintings of the British
is sitting on a European type of chair. Behind them is depicted a landscape Period, Victoria and Albert
with palm trees and buildings on the horizon under a cloudy sky, features are Museum, London, 1992
characteristic of these sets from the late 18th century. For complete costume
sets from Tanjore, see Archer 1972, pp. 21-36, and Archer 1992, pp. 43-66.
54

compani

Trade Catalogue of Kashmiri Copperware

A superb trade catalogue of Kashmiri copperware with 180 different shapes. Manuscript on Kashmiri polished
The objects include vases, jugs, tankards, dishes, teapots, tea sets, trays and paper, 193 numbered pages
many smaller items, among them salt-cellars, tobacco boxes, even a metal (pages 9-10 missing), written in
book cover. These are all except for the first two drawn in simple outline with English and Persian, in original
a brush. Accompanying each design is information regarding price, weight, blind-stamped Indian red leather
covers, late 19th century
style and name annotated in English and Persian. The first few pages contain
37 × 23 cm
an introduction in English explaining the general characteristics of Kashmiri
copperware, highlighting which designs are specialities of the region and giv-
Literature
ing details about the calculation of rates and prices. The author differentiates
Mukharji, T.N., Art-Manufactures
between two sorts of decoration, either plain copper beaten into either shawl of India, Specially Compiled
or open flower patterns, which he calls Misree, or decorated in the manner of for the Glasgow International
bidri ware which he calls Kuudkaree Safed-syah, ‘white-black’ bidri ware. The Exhibition, Calcutta, 1888
latter is made by beating the copper into either of the above patterns and fill- Watt, Sir G., Indian Art at Delhi,
ing the shapes with white tin and covering the raised parts with strong black 1903, being the Official Catalogue
lacquer. of the Delhi Exhibition, 1902-03,
The first two illustrations (on pages numbered 7 and 11) of a vase and a ewer Calcutta, 1904
covered with flower patterns in this style are fully coloured to show the effect.
The missing page 9 would presumably have been similar. Importantly there
is also a note regarding the specific copper workers whose wares were being
offered in the catalogue: ‘Lussoo (the leading man) Azeezoo, Ah[m]edjoo,
Hubeebjoo.’ Among these coppersmiths would seem to be the same Lassu
and Habib Ju of Srinagar whose wares were exhibited at the Delhi Exhibition
in 1902 as representative of the foremost examples of the type. See George
Watt, Indian Art at Delhi, p. 61, where Lassu is credited with a commendation
for his ‘collection of copper ware in modern though good design.’ Watt is ac-
tually very dismissive of the copper and brass of Kashmir, which used to be
thought of well, but states that the recent attempt to cheapen production had
resulted in lowering of both aesthetic and quality standards so that ‘the brass
and copper wares of Kashmir from being once in great demand have become
almost unsaleable’ (p. 55). Both Lassu and Habib Ju worked in other met-
als besides brass and copper including silver, tinned ware and enamelling and
their names occur consistently throughout the sections of Watt’s catalogue on
metalwork from Kashmir (pp. 13-62). Both Ahmed Ju and Habib Ju were not-
ed silversmiths (Mukharji, p. 73), whose work was sent to the 1888 Glasgow ex-
hibition, but they were also noted enamallers (ibid., p. 82). Mukharji notes (p.
103) Lassu of Srinagar as the principal manufacturer in Kashmir of engraved
copper ware, with his typical prices between Rs 4 for a vase or bowl and Rs 20
for a water ewer, prices which match those suggested in this volume.
55

Sultanate Mihrab

The mihrab, or prayer niche is carved from white marble. The central niche India, possibly Gujarat, dated 720
has a fairly deep concave curve and rises into cusped lobes at the top. The AH/October -November 1320 AD
point of the arch shows a suspended chain, now only a couple of links long, The work of Abi…….ibn Abi’l
but which once must have held a flower or lamp motif. There is evidence -Fath al-Kazeruni and dated
below the chain of the smoothening out of the missing elements. Three hori- Ramadan 720/October-November
1320 AD’
zontal bands in low relief span the upper width of the mihrab niche from lobe
Height: 114.4 cm, width: 40.6 cm,
to lobe of the cusped arch. The spandrels of the arch each bear a large rosette,
depth: 7.8 cm
probably a stylized lotus flower, with vines and buds coming forth. The edges Carved marble
of the lobed arches are outlined by a decorative border containing petal mo-
tifs within bands. The top and sides of the mihrab have a broader decorative Literature
border consisting of alternate lotus rosettes and buds on a scrolling vine. Cousens, Henry, Burgess, Jas, The
Two bands of calligraphic Arabic inscriptions in low relief are at the bottom architectural antiquities of northern
of the mihrab, one on the lower outer edge and the other on the base of the Gujarat, Archaeological Survey of
inner niche area. The inscription on the inner base shows considerable wear India; v.32, 33, Western India, 1903
possibly due to water damage. The inscription on the outer edge is in a modi- We are grateful to Navina Haidar for
fied naskh style and is far more readable. The inscriptions read as follows: sharing her knowledge on this piece.
Outer inscription: “… ammara Ahmad bin Abi-l Fat’h al –Kazeruni fi-t ta-
rikh al-mubarak shahr Ramadan sinna sab ‘ami’ a wa ‘ishrin …” “…built [it]
Ahmad bin Abi-l-Fat’h Kazaruni on the blessed date of the month of Ram-
adan of the year seven hundred and twenty…”
Inner inscription: “…ammara hadha al-mihrab al- mubarak (illegible)…,
“…built this blessed mihrab…”.
A further small incised inscription on the right hand side of the niche ap-
pears to read: ‘Allah’. The reverse of the mihrab contains a considerably de-
faced frieze of deeply carved repeating figural motifs. Four stepped plinths
with standing figures in groups of three on each can be discerned with a low-
er band of repeating carved ornament. Rougher repeating ridges may be seen
above and below, presumably mason’s marks when the piece was removed
from its original location.
The cusped arch profile of the mihrab’s niche bears comparison to the cin-
quefoil arches in the Ghurid mosques at Ajmer and Khatu in Rajasthan of
the late 12th century. The internal ribbing is a rare feature but which may be
loosely associated with developments in 12th century west Asian mihrabs,
such as at Mosul where the placement of stone blocks can give rise to a simi-
lar visual effect. Occurring together as they do in this mihrab is a relatively
rare phenomenon but one that brings together the expected influences from
a wider Islamic repertoire in this relatively fluid period in western India.
The function of the piece was that of a mihrab or prayer niche. Such niches
were used in mosques, set in the qibla wall, to indicate the direction of prayer
towards Mecca. The general form of the mihrab in mosque architecture is
invariably that of a niche of arched profile. Within this general parameter
however there is great variation of form, style, decoration and calligraphy.
The treatment of this mihrab follows the overall established features of an
iconic vegetal-based decoration in the spandrels with the lotus-form round-
els drawn from a long standing tradition in Indian architecture. In addition,
the hanging chain, naskh style calligraphy and decorated borders are all re-
lated to greater architectural traditions of western India as part of a repertoire
of motifs that saw widespread use.
Early Indian Islamic architectural elements are rare. This mihrab is excep-
tional for its calligraphic program which mentions a date and name of maker
or patron.
57

FLOWERING IRIS PLANT

Rare sandstone panel carved with an exuberant iris blossom growing from Mughal India, Mathura region,
a mount or vase of inverted leaves. The panel is framed either side with a circa 1700
scrolling border. Height: 170.2 cm, width: 94 cm,
Carved sandstone panels such as this are from Mathura, north of Agra, depth: 12.7 cm
where many grand and elaborate mansions were built along the banks of the Carved sandstone
Yamuna River in order for devotees of Lord Krishna to stay when they came
to celebrate Holi and other rituals associated with the devotion of Krishna.
The style of decoration is an elegant fusion of Mughal and Rajput styles
from the late 17th century
58

A Group of Nine Bronze Pandans

Moulded bronze containers of circular shape, 3 of undecorated ridged design; North India, 17th and 18th century
5 of ribbed design with engraved floral decoration; 1 with leaf-shaped hinged Various sizes
clasps; and 1 of lob ed design
The consumption of betel (pan) in India has been recorded as far back as
the 1st century AD. Pan consists of thin slivers of the betel nut mixed with
lime paste and spices, and rolled in a fresh betel leaf, and is frequently taken
after a meal or at any time of day. Its consumption is often associated with
the refined and leisured life style of the royal court and upper classes.
Pan is stored in a special container called a pandan, a word that emerged
during the Mughal and Sultanate periods, deriving from the Hindi word pan
and the Persian suffix -dan, although pan was not traditionally consumed in
Persia. Later pandans were large enough to hold all of the individual ingre-
dients of pan separately, but because of their smaller size, earlier examples,
such as those displayed here, were probably used to store the readily rolled
and stuffed pan.
This group of pandans were probably produced in North India during the
17th and 18th centuries. The circular, rib-shaped examples resemble strongly
the designs of the ribbed dome feature, frequently occurring in Indian archi-
tecture; the plainer chased, rather than deeply engraved, decoration is typi-
cal of the 18th century northern Ganges plains area. The subtle floral decora-
tive motifs on the pandans, which symbolise fortune, contrast strongly to the
often crowded figurative scenes decorating pandans produced in the Deccan
and Rajasthan regions.
The complete lack of decoration may also point to a North Indian origin; 2
of the 3 examples displayed here, each circular with deeply pointed ridged
edges, resemble the often sharply angled and geometrically balanced archi-
tecture frequently encountered in Persia, while the third example can be
compared to the softer features of Indian architecture further east.
The most unusual pandan in the entire group resembles the form of a flow-
ering lotus blossom. The object has been delicately moulded to show the
subtle folds and ridges between each petal. Considered to be a sacred plant
symbolising the structure and life force of the universe, the lotus is the most
common auspicious symbol in Indian art.
59

Ivory flywhisk (‘Chauri’)

A finely carved ivory flywhisk (‘chauri’) with thinly shaved ivory, used to cre- India, Mughal, mid 18th century
ate the hair of the whisk. This flywhisk was probably made around the mid- Overall height including baleen:
dle of the eighteenth century, when ivory carving reached something of a 79 cm
high point in India. The flowers and cypress trees that run around the top Height of ivory flywhisk handle:
of the whisk retain the naturalism that was to be replaced by more abstract 41 cm
Carved ivory and baleen
designs at the end of the century. Ivory was imported to India from Africa, Sri
Lanka and Sumatra, as it was believed that Indian ivory yellowed with time.
Provenance
The pristine whiteness of this flywhisk confirms the quality suggested by the
Private collection, UK
beauty and detail of the carving.
Private collection, Spain, 1960s
The flywhisk had ancient associations of power and divinity in India, and
had become one of the standard insignia of royal authority in Hindu and Literature
Muslim courts alike. This flywhisk can be compared in design to another Desai, V.N., Life at Court: Art
eighteenth century Mughal example in the National Museum New Delhi, for India’s Rulers, 16th – 19th
this time in jade and gold, that shares with the present example the bud- Centuries, 1985
shaped base, spiralled handle and flowering poppies around the top of the
shaft. Flowering poppies and elongated cypress trees were among the fa-
vourite motifs of the Mughal decorative repertoire in the eighteenth century,
encountered most often in textiles such as court sashes (‘patkas’).
60

Pair of Balustrades

A pair of balustrades of openwork marble, very finely carved with four repeat Mughal, Agra or Delhi area, circa
designs of a variety of flowers and leaves around a vertical axis. Other exam- 1750
ples of this series of jali are in the Linden Museum in Stuttgart. 56 x 113 cm, height of balustrade
44 cm
Carved white marble

Literature
Herman, F., Kalter, J., Leisten, T.,
Pavaloi, M., (eds.), Die Gaerten
des Islam, Linden-Museum,
Stuttgart, 1993
61

A Princely Howdah

The hexagonal shaped howdah tapers slightly in the front and rests on a sup- Mughal style, probably from
port of two wooden struts which would have been attached onto the back of Murshidabad, circa 1760
the elephant by means of metal rings, chains and cloth supports. Width at back 115,6 cm; length
The outside of the howdah is entirely decorated with mica overlaid with 153 cm; height from finial to foot
bands of openwork, carved ivory panels, through which the mica would 63.5 cm
Wood, veneered with strips
shimmer in the light. The bands of openwork ivory are separated by three
of mica and openwork carved
wooden moldings veneered with mica and perforated ivory strips. The up-
panels of ivory
per band has a scalloped border above sinuous lotus scrolls. The central band
consists of square panels containing flowering plants within ogee medallion
forms of split acanthus leaves. The third band comprises a narrow lotus scroll
and the bottom row has a frieze of alternate acanthus and lotus motifs. There Literature
are six feet, of which only two rest on a supporting wooden frame which has Archer, M., Company
metal rings and heavy chains with stirrups. The howdah is reinforced on all Paintings - Indian Paintings
six sides by gilded metal straps over vertical pilasters, surmounted by gilded of the British Period, 1992
copper finials. The wooden frame and the interior of the howdah is painted
Gahlin, S., Couleurs
de l’Inde- Nouvelles
red and the reverse of the scalloped edge is carved in relief with alternate lo-
Acquisitions de la
tus and curved acanthus leaves. Collection Frits Lugt, Paris,
In India the howdah (from the arabic ‘haudaj’ which in Arabia originally 2002
meant a camel litter for ladies) is an open seat structure strapped to an ele- Galloway, F., Indian
phant’s back. This howdah would have been used by an Indian prince or raja Miniatures –Textile Art,
for traveling in procession for ceremonial or state occasions or for hunting, 1994
as can so often be seen in Indian miniature paintings.
Mica, a transparent mineral substance, had long been used by Indian art-
ists for preserving tracings of their family paintings. It was used in Mur-
shidabad as decoration, for example for decorative lanterns at marriages and
processions. Mica was also used in Patna and Benares in Eastern India and at
Trichinopoly in South India.