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New, Revised Edition

Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies Trustees for Harvard University
Washington, District of Columbia











All rights reserved by the Trustees for Harvard University The Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection Washington, D.C.

Second Impression, 1985

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, Emperor of the East, 905-959. Constantine Porphyrogenitus De administrando imperio. (Corpus fontium historiae Byzantinae; v. 1) (Dumbarton Oaks texts; 1) Translation of: De administrando imperio. English and Greek. Includes index. 1. Byzantine Empire-History-Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, 913-959. 2. Byzantine Empire-HistoryTo 527. 3. Byzantine Empire-History-527-1081. 4. Education of princes. I. Moravcsik, Gyula, 1892-1972. II. Title. III. Series. IV. Series. DF593.C6613 1985 949.5 85-6950 ISBN 0-88402-021-5 68-24220






Foreword to the First Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foreword to the Second Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . General Introduction Critical Introduction
1. Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Editions 3. Translations 4. Mutual Relationship of Manuscripts and Editions 5. Method followed in the present Edition ............................

3 5 7 15
15 23 26 27 34

List of Signs Text and Translation............................................

Kl1N~TANTINOY EN XPI~Tm BA~IAEI AInNInI BA~IAEl1~ Pl1MAInN IIPO~ TON MION nON Pl1MANON TON eEO~TE<I>H KAI IIOP<I>YPO· rENNHTON BA~IAEA ............................................. CONSTANTINE IN CHRIST THE ETERNAL EMPEROR EMPEROR OF THE ROMANS TO HIS SON ROMANUS THE EMPEROR CROWNED OF GOD AND BORN IN THE PURPLE IIpoo(!J.~ov . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . Proem 1. IIept -r&v IIoc-r~wocx~-r&v, xoct TepOe; Te6croc <ru!J.~OCAAOvrlX~ !J.e-roc -rou ~lXcrtAt(j)e; ·Pro!J.lX(roV dplJve;uovree; ..............................•............... 1. Of the Peohenegs, and how many advantages accrue from their being at peace with the emperor of the Romans 2. IIe;pt -r&v IIIX-r~wax~-r&v XIXL -r&v 'P6ie; . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Of the Peohenegs and the Russians....................................... 3. IIepL -r&v IIIX-r~~vlXx~-r6ivXIXLToupxrov ................•................. 3. Of the Pechenegs and Turks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. llept -r&v lllX-r~wlXx~-rwv xlXl 'P6ie; xlXl Toupxrov 4. Of the Pechenegs and Russians and Turks .... ............................

41 43


45 44 45 48 49 48 49 50 51 50 51 52 53

5. IIe;pL -r6iv rrlX-r~~vlXx~-r6ivXIXL -r&v BOUAYOCProV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .• 5. Of the Pechenegs and the Bulgarians

vi 6. IIe;pt ":wv IIIXT~LvIXXL":wv XIX! Xe;pcrwvL":WV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . 6. Of the Peehenegs and Chersonites 7. IIe;p! ":wv ocno Xe;pcrwvoe; ocnoO"Te:AAo!-levwv (31XO"LALXWV IIIXT~LVIXX£~ t.v 7. Of the dispatch of imperial agents from Cherson to Patzinacia 8. IIe;p! TWV ocno 'rije; -In:Oq>UAOCXTOU n6Ae;We; ocnocr,,:e;AAO!-leVwv (3acrLALxwv !-le:":ocxe:Aav8£wv 8LOC ":ou ~IXVOU(3£OUXlXt ~ocvanpL xat ~OCVlXcrTPLnOTa!-l0U t.v IIaT~Lvax£~. Te; .. 8. Of the dispatch of imperial agents with ships of war from the city protected of God to Patzinacia along the Danube and Dnieper and Dniester river. . . . . . 9. IIe;p! ":wv ocno 'Pwcr£lXe; t.pX0!-levwv 'p(~e; !-le:":oc":wv !-lOVO~UAWVt.v KwvcrTaV":Lvoun6Ae;L ............................•...•.............•.•..••...... ,. 9. Of the coming of the Russians in 'monoxyla' from Russia to Constantinople. 52 53 54 55

54 55

56 57 62 63 64 65 64 65 64 65 76 77 78 79

10. IIe;p! 'rije; XIX~lXp[IXe;, nwe; 3e:L noAe:!J.E:i:cr&aL XIX! napoc T£VWV . . . • • . . . • . . . . . • • • . . 10. Of Chazaria, how and by whom war must be made upon it

n. IIe:p! ":ou XOCO"TpOUe:pawvoe; X n. Of the city of Cherson and

xlXl ":ou XOCcrTPOUBoorrcpou •.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the city of Bosporus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ....•••..••....••..•..••••.

12. IIe;pl 'rije; !-lIXUp"1le; BOuAYlXp(ae; XIX! 'rije; Xa~lXp£ae; 12. Of black Bulgaria and Chazaria

13. IIe:pl ":wv nA"1laLIX~6V":wv t.&vwv TOLe; ToopxoLe; ...••.....•.•••..•••••..•..• 13. Of the nations that are neighbours to the Turks 14. IIe;p! 'rije; ye:v£IXAoy£ae; TOU MOUXOU!-le:T 14. Of the genealogy of Mahomet 15. IIe;p! TOU yevoue; TWV <I>a,,:e;!-lL":wv • . . . • . . . . • . • • . . . • . . . . • . . . . • . . • . • • . . • . • . 15. Of the tribe of the Fatemites 16. 'Ex ":ou xlXv6voe;, or; l&e:!-lOCTLae:v :E":ecplXvoe; 0 !-la&"1}!-la":LXOe;ne:pl -rile; TWV :Eapax"1lvrov t~68ou, t.v nO£<fl Xp6v<fl 'rije; TOU x6cr!-lou crucr":occre:we; t.ylVe:TO, xal T£e; 0 TOC11X1jnTpa ":1je; (3IXC1LAe£ac; 'PW!-lIX£WV 8Lenwv .............•.....•....•...•...••••••• 16. From the canon which Stephen the astrologer cast from the stars concerning the Exodus of the Saracens, in what year of the foundation of the world it took place, and who then held the sceptre of the empire of the Romans 17. 'Ex TOU XPOVLXOU ":OU !-llXxap£ou 0e:0q>ocvoue;. • • . . . . • . . . . . . . . . • . • . . • . . . . . . . • 17. From the Chronicle of Theophanes, of blessed memory , .. " 18. ~e;O":£poc; ocpX"1lyoe;":wv 'Apa(3wv, ' A(30U(3&.XIXP, f""1l ":P£IX ..•...•...••...•..•. 18. The second chief of the Arabs, Aboubachar, three years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19. Tp[ToC; OCpX"1lY0C; , Ap&.(3wv, Oi)!-lIXP . . . . . . . • . . • . . . • • • . . . . . • . . • • . . . • . . . . • . . • 19. The third chief of the Arabs, Oumar •.•........•...•...••.••••. .. .•. .


81 80 81 82 83 82 83


20. ThIXPTO<; ,Ap&:(3rov ocPJ(lly6<;, O~fl&:v 20. The fourth chief of the Arabs, Outhman 21. 'Ex TOU XPOVLXOU 0e;otp&:vou<;' ifTO<;&7tO XT(O'e:W<;x60'floU ,<;poa' ........•..... 21. From the Chronicle of Theophanes: the year from the creation of the world 6171 22. 'Ex TOU Xpovoypoctpou
'"'ou fllXXIXP(ou 0e;otp&:vou<; 7te:pt TWV IXUTWVXlXt 7te;pt MlXu(ou XlXt T'ii<; ye:ve;ii<; IXUTOU,57tro<; 8Le;7tepIX0'e;v 'IO'7tlXv(q;. 'ProfllX[rov (3IXO'LAe:U<; tv 'IouO"TwLIX',10<;0 'PLv6TflllTO<; •. . .. .•.. •. .. .. .•. ..•.. ..••... ...•.. ..••.•.•.. .. .

84 85 84 85


22. From the Chronicle of Theophanes, of blessed memory, concerning the same events and concerning Mauias and his clan, how it crossed over into Spain. Emperor of the Romans, Justinian Rhinotmetus 23. IIe;pt 'I(3llP(IX<; xlXt 'IO'7tav(a<; 23. Of Iberia and Spain

93 98 99 102 103 102 103 108 109 112 113 118 119 122 123 138 139 146 147 152 153 160 161 162 163

24. IIe;pL 'IO'7tlXv(lX<; • • • • • • • • . • • • • • . . . • • . . . • • . . . • . . . • • . • . . • . . • . • • . . • • • . . . • 24. Of Spain. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25. 'Ex TIj<; tcrTop(a<; TOU ocr[ou 0e:ocp&'vou<; TIj<; ~LYPLlXvlj<; •..•....••.•....••.•. " 25. From the history of the holy Theophanes of Sigriane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 26. 'H ye:ve;aAoy(a TOU 7te:pL(3Ae7tTOUPllyor; Ouyrovo<; 26. The genealogy of the illustrious king Hugh 27. IIe:pL TOU .&eflaTOr; AlXyou(3lXp8(1Xr; KaL TWV t.v IXUTti 7tpLyxmocTrov XIXL OCpJ(OVTLWV •. 27. Of the province of Lombardy and of the principalities and governorships therein 28. LlL~YlJO'LC;, 7tw<; xIXT<jlx(O''&ll ~ vuv XIXAouflevll Be:Ve:T£IX.• • . • . • • • • • . • • • . • . . • • . •• 28. Story of the settlement of what is now called Venice....................... 29. IIe:pL TIj<; Lle:AflaT(a<; KlXt TWV t.v IXUTti 7tapaxe;L(L£vrov e.&vwv 29. Of Dalmatia and of the adjacent nations in it

30. LlL~YlJO'Lr; 7te:PLTOU .&£(LaTo<; Lle:AflIXT(IX<;. • . . • • . • • . • • • . . . • • • . . . . . • • . • • . • • • • • 30. Story of the province of Dalmatia 31. IIe:pt TWV Xpro(3&TroV xat 1j<; vijv OLXOUO'L J(WPIX<; •• • • • . • . • • • • • . . • . • • • • • • • . • 31. Of the Croats and of the country they now dwell in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32. IIe:pt TWV ~£p(3AroV XlXt 1j<; VUV OLXOUO'L J(WPIX<; • . • • • • • • • • . • . • • • . • . . • • . . • • • • • 32. Of the Serbs and of the country they now dwell in 33. IIe:pt TWV ZIXJ(Aouflrov KaL 1j<; VUV otxOUO't. J(WPIX<; • • • • • • • • • . • • • . . . . . • • • . • • . 33. Of the Zachlumi and of the country they now dwell in. . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . 34. IIe:pL TWV Te:p(30UVLroTWV XIXL TWV KIXVIXALTWVxlXt 1j<; VUV OtxOUO'LJ(wpa<;. • . • . • • . . 34. Of the Terbouniotes and Kanalites and of the country they now dwell in. "

viii 35. ITEp! TOOV~toXA"1)TtIXVOOVXIX! ~e; vuv otxouat XWplXe; • • • • • . . • • • • • • • . • • • • . • • • . • 35. Of the Diocletians and of the country they now dwell in ............... ... 36. IIEPL TOOVITIXYIXVOOv, TOOVxlXt 'APEVTIXVOOV xIXAou!J.evwv, xaL iie; vuv otxouat XWplXe; 36. Of the Pagani, also called Arentani, and of the country they now dwell in. . . .. 37. ITEpt TOU E-S-VOUC; TOOVITIXT~WIXXtTOOV 37. Of the nation of the Pechenegs
...•.••..•..•.. ....••.•...••...••••

162 163 164 165 166 167 170 171 174 175


38. ITEpt TIje; YEVEIXAOY£IXC; e-S-voue;TOOVToupxcov, XIX! 8&EV xaTayovTat TOU •.•••.... 38. Of the genealogy of the nation of the Turks, and whence they are descended .. 39. ITEp! TOU l-S-voue; TOOVKIX~ap<uv 39. Of the nation of the Kabaroi 40. ITEpl TOOVYEveOOVTOOVKa~ap<uv xaL TOOVToopx<uv 40. Of the olans of the Kabaroi and the Turks
..••••.•.•.•.•.....•... "

174 175 180 181

41. ITEPL riic; xwpac; TIje; Mopa~LIXe; •••.•••••.•••••.•.•.•.••••.••••..••••.•. 41. Of the country of Moravia .. , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 42. rEwypacpLa
&.7t'0 0EO'O'ocAOvb<l)e; !J.expt TOU ~avoo~E<UC; 7t'OTIX!J.OUXIX! TOU xaO'Tpou BEAe;ypa8occ;, TOUpXLIXe; 'tE XIX! IIIXT~WIXXLIXe; !J.expt TOU Xa~aptxou xaaTpou .l:apxe:A XIXL T'ijc; 'P<UO'LIXe; XCxL !J.expL TOOV Ne:XP07tUA<UV, TOOV ()VTWV de; TIJv TOU ll6VTOU &aAIX(JO'av 7t'A'I)O'LOVTOU ~IXVOC7t'pE<ue; 7t'OTIX!J.OU,XIX! Xe:paOOvoe; 0!J.ou xeel BoO'7t'6pou, tv ole; TOCxaO'TplX TOOV XAL!J.OCT<UV &taLv, EhlX ILexPL AL!J.Vl)C; MaLwTL8oc;, TIje; XIXL -S-IXAlXO'CTrje; TO !J.eye:-S-oe;bc'ovo!J.a~o!J.evl)e;, XIX! !J.expt TOU XcX(JTPOI) TcxILaTIXPXIX 8toc Ae:y0f.L€VOU, 7t'pOe;TOOTO~C; e xaL ZLXLIXe; XIXL ITa7t'lXyLIXC; xaL KIXO'IXXLIXC;XIXL 'AAIXVLIXe; 8 XIXL 'A~lXayLIXC; XIXL !J.exPL TOU XOCO'TpOU .l:<UTl)pLou7t'6AE<UC; ••••..••••..••.•••••


42. Geographical description from Thessalonioa to the Danube river and the city of Belgrade; of Turkey and Patzinacia to the Chazar city of Sarkel and Russia and to the Nekropyla, that are in the sea of Pontus, near the Dnieper river; and to Oherson together with Bosporus, between which are the cities of the Regions; then to the lake of Maeotis, which for its size is also called a sea, and to the city called Tamatarcha; and of Ziehia, moreover, and of Papagia and of Kasachia and of Alania and of Abasgia and to the city of Sotirioupolis 43. ITEp! riic; XWplXe; TOU TlXpwv • . . . . . . . . . • . • . • . . . • • . . . . . • . . • • . . . • • . • . . • • . . 43. Of the country of Taron .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44. ITEPL T'ijc; XWPIXC;TOU 'AITIXXouv1jc; XIXL 'rou xaaTpou
TOU MIXV~LX[e:p'r XIXL TOU IIe:pxpL XIX! TOU XAth XIXL TOU XIXAtih XIXL 'rou •Ap~ec; XIXL TOU TL~L xaL TOU XepT XIXL TOU LIXAIX!J.iic; XIX! TOU T~e:P!J.IXT~OU .....••.•........•.•..•.•..•••.••...•..•

183 188 189

198 199 204 205

44. Of the country of Apachounis and of the city of Manzikiert and Perkri and Chliat and Chaliat and Arzes and Tibi and Chert and Salamas and Tzermatzou 45. ITEp! TOOV'I~~pwv 45. Of the Iberians

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

ix 46. ITe:pt Tlie; ye:Ve:IXAOY(IXe; 'I~~p<uv xlXt TOU xda't"pou 'Ap8IXVOUT~(OU T(;iv 46. Of the genealogy of the Iberians and of the city of Ardanoutzi. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 47. Tlcpl Tlie; 'rC;w Kuxplcov !-le:TIXVlXa'rclOe:We; ~Xe:L~ LaTop(1XT&8e •...............• 47. Of the migration of the Cypriotes the story is as follows 48. Ke:tp&AIXLOVA&' 'rlie; &'Y(IXe;€XTl)C; 0'\)',1680'), 'rlie; ~v Tijl Tpou)J...cp TOU fLe:Y&AOU 7tIXAIXT[OU
ye;yovU(IXe; .••..•......•.....•.......•......•....................•.•

214 215 224 225 224 225 228 229

48. Chapter 39 of the holy sixth synod, held in the Domed Hall of the Great Palace 49. '0 ~l)T(;iV, 87t<ue;'rn 'r(;iv IIIX'rp(;iv ~xXAl)a(~ ol ~XAOC~OL80uAe;ue:LvXIXL u7tOXe:La&IXL
hliX&l)alXv, ~x Tlie; 7tlXpoual)e; fLIXV&IXVtT<U yplXtplie; ••.•.•...•..•.•.....•...•

49. He who enquires how the Slavs were put in servitude and subjection to the church of Patraa, let him learn from the present passage 50. IIe:pt 'r(;iv ~v 'riii &tfLlX'rL IIe:Ao7tovvljaou
~XA&~WV, 'r(;iv 're; MYjALyy(;iv XIXL'E~e:PLT(;iV XIXL 7te:PL'r(;iv n;AoufLtv<uv 7tIXP' IXU'r(;iV 7t&x'r<Uv, 0fLo(<ue;XIXL7te;pLT(;iV olxl)'r6pwv 'rou x&a-rpou MlXtV'Yje;XIXL 'rou 7tIXP' IXU'r(;iV Te;AoufLivou 7tiXXTOU • • . . • . . • . . . • . • . . . . .•

232 50. Of the Slavs in the province of Peloponnesus, the Milingoi and Ezeritai, and of the tribute paid by them, and in like manner of the inhabitants of the city of Maina and of the tribute paid by them . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 51. IIe:pt TOU, 'r(VL 'rp67tCJ) ytyove:v 'ro ~lXaLALxov BP0!-lWVLOV,XIXL 7te:PL'r(;iv 7tP<UTOXIXPd~<Uv 'rou IXUTOUBp0!-l<Uv(ou, XIXL 5aIX 7te:PL'rou 7tP<U'rOa7tIX&lXpLOUlje; tpL&Al)e;. • . • . .• T


51. Why the imperial galley came to be made, and of the steersmen of this same galley, and all about the protospatharius of the basin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 247 52. 'H ye:VO!-ltVl) oc7tlXkljaLe; T(;iV L7t'7tIXPLWVv Tiii &tfLIXTL IIe:Ao7tovvljaou ~
8e;a7t6TOU, XCl&c},e;7tPOdPl)'rIXL ..•....•.••••.•.•.••..•••.•.•........•... E7tL'PWfLlXVOU

256 257 258 259

52. Demand made for horses in the province of Peloponnesus in the time of the sovereign Romanus, as stated above 53. 'Ia'T0pLIX 7te:PL'rou x&aTpou Xe;pa(;ivoe; ........•.•..•.•.•.......•...•....• 53. Story of the city of Cherson

Index of Proper Names. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Glossary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Grammatical Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Index of Sources and Parallel Passages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Cod. Parisinus gr. 2009. fo1. 12v (facsimile) . . . . . . . . . . . . ..
facing page

288 314 333 337








In publishing this critical edition and translation of the text of the treatise De Administrando Imperio, compiled exactly one thousand years ago by the emperor Constantine VII, we feel that we should explain how our work began. The editor of the Greek text started to work on it as long ago as 1926; but the carrying out of other academic projects interfered during many years with completing the collection of his material, and bringing it into final shape for publication. Then, the latter years of the world war made completion and publication alike impossible. Fortunately, however, the ms. survived the siege of Budapest; and immediately after the war efforts were again made to finish the work, and the question arose of bringing it out. The first draft of the English translation was made independently. But while its publication was under consideration, chance brought it into relation with the publication of the Greek text. In the pursuit of our common purpose, we established contact with one another, and agreed that text and translation should be published together, believing that an edition of a Greek text is incomplete without a translation, and having in mind that, apart from the old Latin versions and those in the Russian and Croat languages, there is still no complete translation of the treatise in existence. From the beginning of 1947 we have worked together, through the medium of correspondence, to bring text and translation into line with one another, and have thus been able to subject the work of each to the revision of the other. Doubtless both parts of the work have benefited from this revision. Certain deficiences came to light in the Greek text, and the editor owes some corrections to the translator, who has also contributed a few conjectural emendations to the apparatus. At the same time, the translator wishes to own a special debt to the editor, whose long study and deep knowledge of the text have assisted in solving many difficulties of interpretation; and though the


translator takes responsibility for everything printed in the English version, he is happy to make this cordial acknowledgment to his senior colleague. Edition and translation are complementary. For all that, their purposes are not quite identical; and it has been necessary that a few corruptions and errors which stand in the text of Constantine should be corrected in the version. We have therefore printed in italic those few words or phrases of the translation which do not correspond exactly with the text. References to the present edition are cited by chapter and line 01 the chapter; in such citations the letter «P» stands for «Proem» (llpOOL[J.LOV), i. e., the introductory passage which precedes chapter 1. Fifty years ago two scholars, the Hungarian R. Vari and the Englishman J. B. Bury, were already concerning themselves with the preparation of a new edition of Constantine. In bringing to fulfilment what they were compelled to abandon, we dedicate this work to the memory of both. Budapest - London 15th of March, 1949.







This re-edition of the Text and Translation of D. A. I., which appeared in Budapest eighteen years ago, is published by the Harvard University Center for Byzantine Studies, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D. C., and is the first of a series of texts to be brought out by this institute. We wish to thank Dumbarton Oaks for its generosity; and also that large number of scholars whose suggestions have enlarged our apparatus and improved our translation. Despite minor corrections, it has been possible to preserve the earlier pagination and alignment of the Greek text: so that the Commentary!, which was arranged for use with the first edition, may equally well be used with the second. Washington, D. C. November, 1966 Gy. M. -R. J.

1 CODBt.Porph. De Adm. Imp. Vol. II, Commenta.ry (University of London, The Athlone Press, 1962).

The emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus! (905-959) was the second and only surviving son2 of the emperor Leo VI, surnamed the Wise, (866-912) by his mistress and later fourth wife, Zoe Carbunopsina," Constantine's early life was clouded by a series of misfortunes for which he himself was in no way responsible. His constitution was sickly, and he was indeed invalid throughout his life.4 His father's birth was doubtful; and he was himself born out of regular wedlock, although his legitimacy was afterwards grudgingly recognized. From his eighth to his sixteenth year he was the pawn by turns of his malignant uncle Alexander, of his mother, of the patriarch Nicholas and of the lord admiral Romanus Lecapenus. After the seizure of power by the last of these in the year 920, he was for the next twenty four years held in a degrading tutelage, cut off from all power and patronage, and, though married to the usurper's daughter Helen, demoted successively to second, third and perhaps fifth place in the hierarchy of co-emperors. It was not until January of the year 945, at the age of nearly forty, that, with the aid of a clique of guards officers devoted to his house, he was able to expel the Lecapenid usurpers and seat himself in sole majesty on the throne that was rightfully his. For the next fourteen years he governed, or seemed to govern: for the substance of power appears to have been in the hands of the Augusta Helen, of the hetaeriarch Basil Peteinos, of the eparch Theophilus, of the sacellarius Joseph Bringas, and of the protovestiary Basil, the emperor's illegitimate

1 Sources in A. Rambaud, L'Empire gree au dixieme sieele, (Paris, 1870), pp. 1-4. For date of birth, see Vita Euthymii, (ed. de Boor, Berlin, 1888), pp. 116-118; R. J. H. Jenkins, Dumbarum. OakJJ Papers 19 (1965), pp. 108, 109. 2 His elder brother, Basil, son of his father's third wife Eudocia, died in infancy; see De Ger., (ed. Bonn.), I, p. 643. 8 For her family, see Theoph. Cont., (ed. Bonn.), p. 370;!) 4. I., 2279; Vita Euthymii, p. 58; and G. Kolias, Leon Choerosphactee, (Athens, 1939), p. 18. 'Theoph. Cont., pp. 212,379,459,464,465.

General Introduction

brother-in-law." These made or marred - for the traditions are conflicting- the internal administration. The church was scandalized by the impieties of the worldly patriarch Theophylact; he, dying in 956, was succeeded by the ascetic Polyeuctus, who soon showed that stiff-necked king Stork might be worse trouble than disreputable king Log. But abroad the imperial forces, under the leadership of Bardas Phocas and his two sons, and of the protovestiary Basil, continued, with occasional set-backs, that glorious career which had begun with the accession of Michael III and was to terminate only with the death of Basil II. The sole major disaster recorded of the reign was the failure of a costly but ill-led expedition against Crete in 949.7 During these years the emperor devoted himself with tireless zeal to the minutWe of every department of administration, and to the punctilious observance of every kind of imperial ritual," His greatest personal contributions to the prosperity of his empire were externally, in the sphere of diplomacy," and internally, in the encouragement of higher education.l? His relaxations were the pursuits which had always lain next his heart, and which, during the long years of his enforced seclusion, he had been able to cultivate without interruption: art, literature, history and antiquities.P He found domestic happiness in the society of his three daughters, whom he tenderly loved ;12 nor is there evidence that his relations with his wife were other than uniformly affectionate, despite a difference of temperament.P With his only son Romanus he was not so fortunate. To fit the youth for his future lofty station, he lavished on him a wealth of minute instruction'! which was probably excessive. The boy is said to have grown up weak and even vicious; but the accounts are confiicting, and he died at the age of 24. By the age of fifty-four the emperor was old and worn out. His fourteen years of power had been years of ceaseless toil, and his infirmities grew fast upon him. A quarrel with the patriarch Polyeuctus, whom he seems to have had in mind to depose," occasioned a journey to the monks and hermits of the Bithynian Olympus; and from them he learnt the mournful tidings of his own approaching dissolution. He dragged himself back to the City guarded of

Cedrenus, (ed. Bonn.), II, p. 326. F. Hirsch, Byzantinische Studien, (Leipzig, 1876), pp. 286ff. 7 Leo Diac., (ed. Bonn.), p. 7; Cedrenus, II, p. 336. 8 Theoph. Cont., pp. 447,449. 9 Theoph. Cont., pp. 448, 455; DeOer., I, pp. 570ff.; Liutprand,Antapodosis, VI, 5. 10 Theoph. Cont., p. 446. 11 See A. Stransky, 'Costantino VII Porfirogenito, amante delle arti e collezionista.', in Atti del V OOngre880 Lniemaeionale di Studi Bizantini, (Rome, 1940), II, pp. 412ff. 12 Theoph. Cont., p. 459. 13 Theoph. Cont., p. 458. 14 Theoph. Cont., p. 458. U Cedrenus, n, p. 337; Theoph. Cont., pp. 463ff.
5 6

General I ntroduction

God; and there, on the 15th of November, 959, he died.l" In person, he was tall, broad -shouldered and erect in bearing, with a long face, an aquiline nose, blue'? eyes and a fair complexion. Of stainless morals, deep piety and unremitting devotion to duty, he was an emperor after the hearts of his people, who testified their affection by a spontaneous outburst of grief at his funeral. The favourable and the unfavourable traditions concerning the character of Constantine VII provide no mutually incompatible elements.w They show him to have been a weak and retiring personality, artistic, studious and laborious. If he drank wine to excess, it was his antidote to shyness. If he had fits of severity, even of cruelty, they were the obverse of his diffidence. His love of learning was inherited from his father, and was confirmed by seclusion. His lack of self-confidence was inveterated by his long durance in the hands of the Lecapenids. Yet in those years he was amassing a wealth of historical and antiquarian knowledge which bore fruit in those encyclopedic manuals and historical studies to which we owe the chief part of our knowledge of the machinery and organization of the mediaeval empire of East Rome. His achievements in the cultural field were indeed immense. Of his patronage of the manual arts this is no place to speak. But of his encouragement of learning and research a word must be said. Himself deeply versed in classical learning.l" his liberal intelligence comprehended both the theoretical and the practical aspects of knowledge, the knowledge which was good in itself, and the knowledge which was necessary to enable the practical man to arrive at a correct decision in the affairs of life.20To the latter branch, which was principally concerned with the study of history,21 he devoted especial attention; and from among the graduates of his university, of which he was, after the Caesar Bardas, second founder, he chose his higher bureaucrats and churchmen.P To this practical education he naturally subjected his son Romanus also. If such knowledge was important for the governed in the conduct of their individual, everyday lives, how much more important was it for him who should govern all !23 How essential was it that decisions which would affect the whole world should be dictated by the utmost practical wisdom, sharpened by the widest experience and knowledge of every similar decision or parallel set of circumstances in the past!
16 The symptoms recorded (Theoph. Cont., p. 464) do not seem to support the later allegation that he was poisoned. 17 Theoph. Cont., p. 468, if that is what XtXP07tOLOUC; means here; but cf. Genesis 49, 12, where the reference is to wine-induced brightness, and may in Theoph. Cont. covertly refer to the emperor's CPLAOLVLtX. 18 Rambaud, op. cit., pp. 41,42. 19 Zonaras, (ed. Bonn.), III, p. 483. 20 Theoph. Cont., p. 446; D. A. i., P6ff. 21 Theoph. Cont., p. 211. 22 Theoph. Cont., pp. 446, 447; Cedrenus, II, p. 326. 23 D. A. 1., Is.


General Introduction

This belief in the practical value of learning and education, which is set out at full in the preface to the De Administrando Imperio and repeated in many subsequent parts of the book, was, of course, derived through Plutarch24 from Aristotle; and the method of education through the early inculcation of precept, which is illustrated in a long series of mediaeval manuals of gnomic wisdom, goes back ultimately to the Ad Demonicum25 of the Pseudo- Isocrates, which, with the Latin Disticha of Cato, formed the basis of primary education throughout later mediaeval and renaissance Europe. But to Constantine may be given the credit for its revival at Byzantium; for, to teach practical wisdom, the material for such teaching is required, and was in his time extremely scanty. With tireless zeal he set about the enormous task of creating such material, and set about it in three ways: first, by diligent search for and collection of books, of which the supply was quite inadequates"; second, by the compilation of anthologies and encyclopedias from such books as existed but were too tedious or prolix for any but a scholar to read27; third, by writing or causing to be written histories of recent events and manuals of technical instruction on the various departments of business and administration." A school of historians wrote beneath his eye, sometimes at his dictation.t" Documents from the files of every branch of the administration, from the foreign ministry, the treasury, the offices of ceremonial, were scrutinized and abstracted.P' Provincial governors and imperial envoys wrote historical and topographical reports on the areas of their jurisdiction or aasignment." Foreign ambassadors were diligently questioned as to the affairs of their respective eountries.P From every quarter the tide of information rolled in, was co-ordinated and written down. Learning became the key to worldly advancement.P The principle

24 Plutarch, De Virtute Morali, (ed. Bernardakis, Leipzig, 1891), pp. 154, 155. For this technical usage of O"OCPLtXand CPPOV"1)crLC;cf. D. A. I., P7; Romanus was of course to be crocpoe; as well as CPpOVLILOe;, but practical wisdom is the end of our treatise. 2S Cf. Ad Demonicum, p. 9 C, (~ouAe;u61Le:voe; 7ttXptX8dYlLtX'tct, X'tA.), with D. A. I., 46167 (&~LOV ')'&p, cp(A'ttX'te: ute, X'tA.); ibid. p. 11 E (&cr7te:p ex 'ttXlLLdou 7tpocpep71C;), with ibid. 1313 (we; ex 7ttX"CPLXWV ,lhlO"tXUpwv 7tpocpepe:Lv). 26 De Ger., I, p. 456; Theoph. Cont., p. 212; Prooemium ad Excerpta de Legationibus (M. P. G., vol. CXIlI), c. 633.; Exc. de leg., ed. de Boor, I, p. 1. 'rI ibid. pp. 633, 636. 28 Theoph. Cont., pp. 3, 4; D. A. I., P25 (eaOcpLcra!-L"1)V XtX"C' e!-LtXu'tov). For Constantine's own works, see Rambaud, op. cit., p. 73, and for those compiled under his aegis, ibid., pp. 78ff.; also Moravcsik, in Atti del V Congresso Intemaeionale di Studi Bizantini, (Rome, 1939), I, pp. 514-516, and id., Byzantinoturcica, (Budapest, 1942), I, pp. 207ff. (2nd ed. pp. 358ff.). 29 Rambaud, op. cit., p. 65. 30 Bury, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XV, 1905, pp. 539ff. 81 Theoph. Cont., p. 448. 32 Bury, op. cii., pp. 553,556. 33 Theoph. Cont., p. 447.

General Introduction


laid down by the illiterate Basil 134 found its ultimate fulfilment in the educational reforms of his scholarly grandson. This is the true glory of the Porphyrogenitus. Among the great emperors who enriched the middle-Byzantine heritage between A. D. 843 and 1204, none is to be compared with Constantine VII for depth of scholarship, catholicity of interest or fineness of taste. Of the last, his Life of his grandfather is a unique memorial. It was Constantine who amassed the libraries from which his successors acquired their learning. With him Byzantium, rapidly approaching the apex of its military glory, as rapidly approached the apex of its intellectual achievement, an achievement fostered by a princely patron of the arts whose like the world scarcely saw in the thirteen centuries which divided Hadrian from Lorenzo the Magnificent. The De Administrando Imperio,35 to give this nameless treatise the Latin title attached to it by Meursius,36was written and complied, as we know from internal evidence, between the years 948 and 952.37 It is a manual of kingcraft addressed to the youthful Rornanus, the emperor's son, and is in form, like numerous other contemporary manuals on various subjects, avowedly didactic. It aims at teaching38 the youth to be a wise sovereign, first by a knowledge of past and present affairs, and second by giving him a summary of the experience of others in circumstances analogous to those likely to surround himself; so that, knowing what policies have succeeded or failed in the past, he may himself be able to act prudently and successfully in the future. The matter of this teaching is a political and historical survey of very wide extent, suitable to the training of one who is to rule the world. The preface divides it into four sections: the first, a key to foreign policy in the most dangerous and complicated area of the contemporary political scene, the area of the «northerners and Scythians»; the second, a lesson in the diplomacy to be pursued in dealing with the nations of this same area; the third and longest, a comprehensive historical and geographical survey of most of the nations surrounding the empire, starting with the Saracens to the southeast, fetching a compass round the Mediterranean and Black Seas, and ending with the Armenian states on the eastern frontier; the fourth, a summary of recent internal history, politics and organization, within the borders of the Upon the whole, these divisions are adhered to in the text as we have it.40
84 Basilii Imp. Paraenesis ad Leonem fUium (M. P. G., vol. eVIl), p. XXI (1tEpl 1tOC~8EUcre:WC;; cf. D. A. I., ch. 1); and ibid., p. XLIX (1te:pl fLEA€'t'YlC; ypoccpwv: cf. Theoph.

Cont., p. 314). 85 For full bibliography, see Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, ed. pp. 367-380). 88 Johannes van Meurs (1579-1639); see below, p. 23. In Bury, op, cit., pp. 522ff. 38 D. A. I., 113, (8~M~oc~). 38 ibid., P 14-11t" 40 Bury, op. cit., p. 574.

I, pp. 215-221



General Introduction

The method of compilation has been elucidated in detail in the General Introduction to the Commentary". These findings can here be very briefly summarized. The work as we have it now is a rifacimento of an earlier work which corresponds to chapters 14----42in the present arrangement. This earlier work was a historical and antiquarian treatise probably entitled Ih:pt &6v(;)v, which the emperor had compiled during the 940's as a companion volume to his IIe:pt 6e:f.lrXTWV. As the IJe:pt 6e:f.lrXTwv described the origins, antiquities and topography of the imperial provinces, so the Il ep] &0"(;),, told the traditional, sometimes legendary, stories of how the territories surrounding the empire came in past centuries to be occupied by their present inhabitants (Saracens, Lombards, Venetians, Slavs, Magyars, Pechenegs). These chapters, then, are the earliest parts of D. A. I. The remaining parts of the book (except for a few chapters - 23-25, 48, 52, 53 and perhaps 9 and 30 - of sourcematerial included by oversight) are notices of a different kind: they are political directives, illustrated by contemporary or nearly contemporary examples. Chapters 1-8, 10-12, explain imperial policy towards the Pechenegs and Turks. Chapter 13 is a general directive on foreign policy from the emperor's own pen. Chapters 43-46 deal with contemporary policy in the north-east (Armenia and Georgia). Chapters 49-52 are guides to the incorporation and taxation of new imperial provinces, and to some parts of civil and naval administration. These later parts of the book are designed to give practical instruction to the young emperor Romanus II, and were probably added to the IIo:pl. e6v(;)v during the year 951-952, in order that the whole treatise might mark Romanus' fourteenth birthday (952). The book as it now stands is therefore an amalgam of two unequal parts: the first historical and antiquarian, the second political and diplomatic. The sources of the various sections, where these are known, are noted in the apparatus to the present volume. But the peculiar construction of the book, with its diversity of styles and often careless expression, calls for a note of explanation regarding the English translation. The chief value of the treatise to the modern historian lies in its third section, which provides information not found elsewhere about the origins and early history of many nations established on the borders of the Byzantine empire in the tenth century of our era. This information, valuable as it is, is often given in a style so careless as to leave many statements open to more than one interpretation. Chapter 39 is a notable instance of this;42but there are several others. Now, these statements have been, are and probably will continue to be the subject of controversy between scholars of many nations; and it is therefore our duty as translators, at whatever cost to elegance or even in a few cases to sense, to render

41 See D. A. l. Vol. II, Commentary (London, 1962), pp. 1-8; Byzantinoturcica (2nd ed.) I, pp. 361-367. 42 D. A. 1.,393-5, 7-lO'

also Moravcsik,

General Introduction


as closely as possible what the text says rather than what we are disposed to think it means to say. Interpretations may be left to a commentary. If therefore our rendering is in some cases ambiguous, so is the original. If it often halts, so does the text. If it is often inelegant and uncouth, it is no more so than the Greek. Where our author is plain and even elegant, we have tried to preserve his idiom; where he has left his sources to tell their own stories in their own styles, we have left them too. With all its inaccuracies and shortcomings.w the De Administrando Imperio, for the bulk and variety of its information on so much of foreign relations and internal administration, must be allowed to be one of the most important historical documents surviving from mediaeval Byzantium, even surpassing the great Book 0/ Ceremonies compiled by the same indefatigable author. Its very omissions, the lack of any historical account of Bulgaria or of an up-to-date appreciation of the Saracen power, have their own historical lessons to teach us: for these two longstanding menaces to the empire had at length yielded, the one to the diplomacy of Romanus I, the other to the hammer of Gourgen. The first-hand information comes mainly from Italy, from the Balkans and Steppes, and from Armenia. In Armenia the advance of the Roman arms and the retreat of the Saracens involved a complicated Roman diplomacy in the numerous and jealous principalities beyond the eastern frontier. In a divided and enfeebled Italy, during the interim between the empires of Charlemagne and Otto, Byzantium was for the last time in its history a strong military and diplomatic influence. The only hint of anxiety comes from the north, where the watchful eyes of the foreign ministry observed intently the ever shifting kaleidoscope of the political scene, as Magyar and Slav, Russian and Pecheneg, Chazar and Alan made their complicated moves between the Caucasus and the Carpathians. There is no doubt that the De Administrando Imperio was a secret and confidential document. It tells too much about the principles of imperial foreign policy and diplomacy, especially in the first thirteen chapters, to be safe for publication. Knowledge of these early chapters would have been worth untold sums in blackmail to the Pechenegs. Moreover, in the Armenian chapters there are several traces of informa tion got through secret service channels.w which the government must have been most reluctant to divulge. Nor is it probable that the outspoken criticisms which the emperor passes on his fatherin-law and colleague= were intended for general reading. These criticisms betray the justifiable resentment of a prince deprived of his throne by an interloper during a quarter of a century; but his strong regard for the imperial dignity would have debarred him from publishing this resentment to the world at


U 46

Bury, op. cit., p. 574. e. g.: D. A. 1. 4313-16> 4654-84,





General Introduction

large. This confidential character of the book, confirmed, if confirmation be required, by its manuscript history and by the circumstance that later writers betray no knowledge of it,46enhances its value. It is no partial document of propaganda, fudged up to impress domestic or foreign circles. Much of it is an honest appreciation of the contemporary political situation, compiled from information upon which the government based its day-to-day foreign policy. And, as such, it is unique.



See below, p. 32.



1. MANUSCRIPTS The De Administrando Imperio is preserved in four mss.! Three of these contain the full text, the fourth a part only. These mss, are: P = codex Parisinus gr. 2009: codex on vellum, of 211 numbered Ieaves.s There are also some additional leaves, 4 at the beginning of the ms. (3 vellum, 1 paper), and 7 at the end (4 paper, 3 vellum). The leaves are of sizes varying between c. 23.8 em - 24 cm X 15 cm. The first three of the additional leaves are blank. On the recto of the fourth is a Greek table of the contents of the codex, in a later hand ;" on the verso of the same leaf is gummed a small slip of paper, inscribed with the table of contents in Latin+ On the first numbered page begins the first Greek text, which covers 4 pages (fol, 1r-2v); it is entitled: 'Ema't"I)A~ nu.:t<xyop<x 7tpO~ A<xt~oc «<Letter of Pythagoras to Lais»), and is followed, still on fol. 2v, by a table which relates to it. The «Letter» and table have been published from this ms. by P. Tannery.s At fo1. 3l begins the text of D. A. I , and it finishes at fo1. 211r. This text originally constituted an independent codex, with which the «Letter of Pythagoras) was subsequently bound up, as is clear from the facts, a) that the numeration of the quaternios

1 See Gy. Moravcsik, "R X€Lp6ypcx<poc; rrcxpcX~o(nc; De administrando "roG imperio', 'Err€'t"1JPL~ 'E't"CXLpe:£CX~ Bu~cxV'nv&v ~rrou~&v, 7 (1930), pp. 138-152. 2 See H. Omont, lnventaire 80mmaire des manuscrits grecs de la Bibliotheque Nationale, vol. II (Paris, 1888), p. 178. 3 <,Kwva't"cxV'!"£v( ~cxaLAt( ~) ou) w 'PWfLCX£( rrpo~ 'PWfLcxV( 't"ov t~mv ulov xext wv) ov) aufL~exaLMcxl.&voypcx<p£cx exl) xwpoypcx<p(cxx( cxl) rroLxtA1)'t"l~ ia't"optex't"e:£vouacxrpo~ op.&Yjv x( r ~Lo(x1JaLv 't"(1j~)'PWfLcxl(eov) ~cxaLAe:£(cx~) 21.1> No. 4 «Codex 1783. Membr. 13. saec. Epistola Pythagorae ad Lsidem cum laterculo eiusdem de vita et morbo, victoria et clade aliisque rebus, inventione et amissione, lucro et damno, bona via et mala. Constantini Imperatoris ad Romanum filium Porphyrogenitum Imperatorem. Est liber de administrando imperio, quem edidit Meursius. Ms. 1240.t 6 'Notices sur des fragments d'onomatomancie arithrnetique', Notices et extra'its des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale et mitres bibliotheques, vol. XXXI. 2. partie, (Paris, 1886), pp. 231-260; cf. K. I. Dyobuniotes, 'OvofLCX't"OfLCXV't"e:£ex', Et~ fLv~fL1)vrruPLL 8wvoc; AcXfLrrpou,(Athens, 1935), pp. 491---494.


Oriuca! I ntrod uction.

begins only at fol. 3r; and b) that the beginning of D. A. I., that is to say, the first page (fol. 3r) of the original codex, is so much worn, and the handwriting so indistinct, as to require its mending in brown ink by a later hand. In any case, the «Letter of Pythagoras» is copied in a different, and in all probability a later, hand. The subsequent history of the codex gives us, as we shall see, some clue as to when the «Letter» became attached to the ms. of D. A. I. The text of D. A. I. ends in the middle of fol. 211r. The rest of this page and its verso, which, as it was the last page of the original codex, is very much the worse for wear, contain a number of notes in different and, in some cases, later hands. Of especial interest as casting light on the origin of the codex is that written on the then blank fo1. 211 v by the actual copyist of D. A. I., in the same red ink which he employed for the initial letters and headings of the chapters. Some of the letters in this note are so much worn and so dim as to render them now almost illegible. The text of this metrical epilogue is as follows:lB[~AO~ x~La[ ~p Jo~ 2'Iw<xvvol) 'tOU ~oux~ 3woccpYj( a~) xepalv 40Lxoyevou~ oLxe'tOI) 5MLXOC(~)A ov6(.Loc't~ 6'tOU ·Po·,~~t-rOI) t, which makes it quite clear that the ms. at one time belonged to the library of the Caesar John Ducas, and that the copyist was his own confidential secretary, Michael.6 Unfortunately there is no date, but the name of the Caesar John Ducas, references to whom in Byzantine sources occur between the years 1059-1081, proves that the ms. was copied towards the end of the XI century. This is confirmed by a dated note in a later hand on the same page, which contains a reference to the year 1098/9.7 Concerningthe adventures of the codex during the Byzantine age we have no other information, apart from the evidence of marginal notes to be described lower down; it emerges again only towards the beginning of the XVI century, when it was copied in 1509 by.Antony Eparchus, very probably in the island of Corfu (see IDS. V below). By the middle of the century our ms. was in Italy, whither it had been brought perhaps through the agency of Janus Lascaris," The first mention of it in Italy is in the catalogue of the library of Cardinal NiocoloRidolfi." On the death of Ridolfi in 1550, it passed,
See G. Kolias, "0 X<XL<J<xP 'I(.t)<Xw1J~ L\oux<x~ &VTLYP<X<P&U~ TOU cod. Par. Gr. 2009 imperio', 'E7t&T"1)pt~ 'ET<XLpd<x~ BU~<XVTLVCiiv }:7tou8Ciiv, 14 (1938), pp. 300-305; Gy. Moravcsik, 'La. provenance du manuscrit byzantin du «De administrando imperio»', Bulletin de la Societe Historique Bulgare, 16-18 (1940), pp. 333-337; B. Leib, 'Jean Doukas, Cesar et moine', Analecta Bollandiana 68 (1950), pp. 163-180. - In the deciphering of the text I was given valuable assistance by Prof. F. Dolger (Munich) and Dir. V. Laurent (Paris), to whom I express my sincere gratitude. 7 See Gy. Moravcsik, 'E7t&T1JPL<; 'ET<XLpd<xc; BU~<XVTLVCiiv}:7tou8Ciiv, 7 (1930), p. 141, but cf. V. Laurent, Erasmus, 3 (1950) p. 766. 8 See B. Knos, Un ambaeeadeur de l'heUenisme Janus Lascarie - et la tradition greco-byzantine dans l'humanisme franyais, (Uppsala-Paris, 1945), pp. 213, 216. 9 «Num, 21. Constantini Romanorum Imperatoris ad Romanum filium descriptio gentium et locorum, ac varia historia ad rectam administrationem tendens.» See B. Montfaucon, Bibliotheca bihlwthecarum manuecriptorusn. nova II (Parisiis, 1739), p. 777.

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I) oU71IJ~-Cod. Parisinus gr. 2009. fol. 12v



along with others of his books, into the possession of Pietro Strozzi, and later, in 1560, into the collection of Catherine de Medici. At this period some chapters from it were transcribed by Andrea Darmari (see ms. M below). From Catherine's library it passed in 1599 to the Bibliotheque Royale in Paris, where it was numbered 2661.10 Now, since the relevant entry in the catalogue of Ridolfi's library is simply a Latin rendering of the Greek note on the recto of the fourth fly-leaf at the beginning of our ms. (see above), and since this entry notes D. A. I. only, we conclude that the «Letter of Pythagoras» was attached to our ms. subsequently to its being placed in the Bibliotheque Royale. This conclusion is confirmed by the circumstance that the present sumptuous binding of gilt red morocco bears the cypher of King Henry IV (1589-1610). This manuscript, some pages of which have been published in facsimile.P I have studied by means of photographic reproductions in the Library of the Hungarian National Museum, and also by examination of the original in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris in 1936 and in 1948. The text of D. A. I. was, as we have seen, copied by a certain Michael Roizaites. Only in two passages (fol, 31 v-32f = 1422 O'u(J.tVeu3o[L!Xp't'upou'J't'0<; -156 7tOA€[L01.)<; X!XL, and 35v-36r = 206 X!XL TIjv v~O'o'J- 2113 yeV€0'.&!XL)12 has another hand relieved him. The text is written in single columns, and the columns vary in dimension between c. 16-17 cm. deep X 11-12 cm. across. The medium is the usual dark brown Byzantine ink, save that initial letters and headings of chapters are in red, a detail which goes back to the original copyist. The script is a mixture of uncial and minuscule; y, ~, e, ~, '1), x, A, (J., ~, 7t are written both ways indifferently; uncial forms of ~, cp, ware uncommon, and very rare are uncial forms af «, v, 0', tV. Here and there we find a cursive .&, while 't' occasionally rises above the height of the other letters. Rough breathing is still angular in shape, but the smooth breathing is always round. The writing is either on the ruled lines or under them, but never above them. Ligature abbreviations are frequent; short-hand abbreviations and

10 See H. Omont, 'Un premier catalogue des manuscrits grecs du cardinal Ridolfi', Bibliotheque de l'Ewle des Charles, 49 (1888), pp. 309-323; J. Haury, Sitzungsberichte der philos.-philol. una der hist. Olasse der bayer. Akademie der Wiss. 1895. I, pp. 142-143, 147; V. Gardthausen, Sammlungen und Cataloge griechischer Handschriften, (Leipzig, 1903), p. 18; F. Dolger, 'Der Titel des sog. Suidaslexikons', Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischet: Akademie der Wissenschatten, Philos.-hist. Abt. 1936. Heft 6., (Munchen, 1936), pp. 36-37. 11 See Arpdd is az Arpadok, szerk. Csanky Dezso, (Budapest, 1908): foI. Ll I" = p. 46/7., fo1.112v = p. 168/9., fo1.113r = p. 174/5., fo1.115v = p. 140/1.; cf. Gy. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. II, (Budapest, 1943), p. 51 (2nd ed. pI. II, no. 4). See also the facsimile on the opposite page. 12 For the principles which have been applied to the transcription of the mss, variants, see below p. 37.


Critical Introduction

abbreviations by suspension occur rarely, and mostly at the ends of lines. The copyist is fond of special ligatures for (X't', oo, -e-r, of kinds which occur in other contemporary mss. In the orthography the most notable points are these: iota subscript is never found, iota adscript once only (53382'tWL). As regards peculiarities of accentuation, we may note that proper names ending in -~'t'(XL in many cases carry the paroxytone accent in nom. and gen. plural (e. g. 22 I1(X't'~LV(xX('t'(xL, 814 rr(X't'~LV(xX('t'WV, 53535 XepcrwvL't'(Xt, 5365 XeprJwvL't'WV); while the genitive plural of paroxytone racial names in -oc is sometimes perispomenon (e. g. 2843 <l>p(Xyywv, 322 ~ep~:t..wv). The word ~7teL is occasionally accented with double stroke: ~7td (e. g. 4822, 499, 4913),With regard to misspellings due to pronunciation, it is particularly noticeable that the copyist makes the same error consistently through a series of particular words or forms. Characteristic examples of such regularly repeated misspellings are: OCL for e at the end of 2nd person plural verbs (e. g. 827 h(X'&E~ecr.&(xL, 5370(l.&''&€'t'(xL, 53477 {)7tOOd~(X't'(xL); Et for 1) commonly in the words d't'L~ = ~'t'L~ (e. g. 136, 2664,29234), d7tep = ~7t'€P (e. g. 3849,50192)and d~= ~~ g. 311, 351, 43187); and in the augmented (e. forms of the verb OCL't'W (e. g. 29167ehLcr(X't'o = ~TIjcr(X't'O, 4229 dTIjcr(Xv't'o = ~-rljcr(Xv't'O, 50209 d-rljcr(X't'o = -n-rljcr(X't'O); 1) for eL almost invariably in the infinitive forms -€LV and -e~v (e. g. 18 7t1JO(xAtoUX~V, 479 oL(x7tecr~v), and quite often also in the words ~ and ~ = d (e. g. 1387, 29148,4116), o'Yj = ~k~ g. (e. 1319,13146),and in the verb 67t'1jxw = um;Lxw (e. g. 3838, 5029' 50S1)' Some confusion is seen in the use of et and 1) in the different forms of the verbs :t..(X(J.~&.vco and AeL7t'W (e. g. P31 AeLljle't'(Xt = A1jljle't'(xL, 2554 crU\le:t..dcp.&1) = cruveA1jcp.j}1j, 29203 &7to:t..eLljlecr&(XL = &7tOA1jljlecr&e, 2126 um;:t..1j<p&1)cr(Xv = tmeAeLcp.&1jcr(XV, 2630 x(X't'(XA1)cp&d~ = X(x't'(XAeLcp.&d~, 4622 x(X't'e:t..1jcp&1) = x(X't'eAdcp&1))' W is found consistently for 0 in the -OV't'(xL termination of the 3rd person plur. pres. indo pass. (e. g. 9111 XOC't'EPXWV't'(Xt, 31297tepLcrw~wV't'(xL, 3764 eupLcrxwv't'(XL); and often also in the termination -0'1 of nom. neut. partie, act. (e. g. 967J€xwv, 1399x(x't'€:t...&Wv, 3758&7to~Abtw\l). From verbs beginning with 0 the temporal augment is usually absent (e. g. 1351 OLOPLcr(X't'O, 2671 (l.€'t'ovo(J.ocrJ.&1), 3046 OP(J.Lcr(XV). From the point of view of the history of Byzantine pronunciation it is significant that in our codex we frequently meet with U for Ot (e. g. 202 (J't'ux1jcr(X~ = cr't'OL"x.~cr(X~, 454 (J.uxeu~cr1J~ = (J.OtX€U.&eLcr1)~, 51120~vu1;(Xv = ~VOt~ocv), and vice versa ( e. g. 9'35 7tpOL(J.V(xV = 7tpU (J.V(XV 26'52 O(J.VOtOV't'€~ = O(J.VUOV't'€C;, 53 191cppOt(X't''t'O, (l.€VO~ = cppu(X't"t'6(J.€vo~). This proves that at the period when the work was copied, the pronunciation of these two sounds was still identical (a modified u). An odd feature, which we meet here and elsewhere, is the frequent interchange between the forms ~(J.eL~ and u(J.e~~ (e. g. 273543155369)' As regards consonants, we note uncertainty in the writing of double consonants (e. g. p27&v't't't'tXcrecrS-(xL, 159 cpocroc't'ov, 4223ev(XM(Xcr6(J.eVOL, 919 LOUVVLOU, 2822 V1)crcrwv, 4539cr1j(J.(J.epov); and the substitution of (J.'&, (J.7t for vS-, V7t (e. g. 13107 cru(J.7t€(J.'&, 269 €(J. I1(XA(xLcr't'LV1), 2776 e(J.7tpw't'oL~); and of Xv for YXv (e. g. 2997 cr7t':t..(Xx.vYJcr.j}d~ = cr7t:t..(xyxvtcr.j}d~). These details also throw light on
I I " I

M anuscriptJJ


contemporary pronunciation. There is a curious use of v for y before y, x, X. (e. g. 27 73 K6vxop~oc, 2938 bJxputJ.!Loc't"oc, 43113 o~ocyovyyU~ov't"ec;, 5211 xovxuAeu't"oct); moreover, while on the one hand the accusative sing. in oc of 3rd declension substantives and the -.&Yj or -1) of the 3rd pers. sing. aor. pass. indic. add a v before a word beginning with a vowel (e. g. 1332 ~occrLAeocv, 2649 p(vocv, 2665 .&uyoc't"epocv, 53317 vux't"ocv, 3233 &yevv~.&l)v, 43177 &7temciAl)v), on the other hand the v of the acc. sing. of ~y(X,c; (e. g. 929, 416, 46151), and of the 1st pers. sing. aor. pass. indic. drops off before words beginning with a consonant (e. g. 2728 tv0tJ.(cr'&l), 29168 ~~~w:x..&l), 53847~vocyx.occr.&Yj). In the IDS. we note several words erased, amended, completed or corrected. A detailed study of the original may identify traces of at least six different hands in the text and, besides, of five other hands which have added marginal notes. There is no doubt that the copyist himself made some erasures and corrections; but from the styles of the handwriting and from other evidence it can be established that many alterations have been made by hands in the XIV and later centuries. In one place a marginal gloss bears a date which proves it to have been written in 1361/2 (168), To determine the chronology of certain other alterations we may argue from the fact that in V, which was copied from P, we often find the true text as it was before correction, which proves that at least these alterations in P were done by a hand posterior to the date when V was copied, that is, posterior to 1509 (e. g. P19 &.&vwv P V: e.&wv pY 1\ 3844 0 'AAtJ.OU't"~l)C; P V: ~OCAtJ.OU't"~1)C; Y II 3849 'AAtJ.OU't"~Yj P V: p ~OCAtJ.OU't"~ pY). Yj In the margins of the ms. are notes, some of which are from the hand of the original copyist, but others, as the style of handwriting demonstrates, from those of later readers, principally of the XIV and XVI centuries. Some of these notes are in Latin. In the marginal notes, too, we may distinguish at least six hands. Those which go back to the hand of the copyist are mainly chapter-headings and citations of the contents, which were added to the text either by collaborators of the imperial author or by later scribes and readers. At least one of these original notes is not contemporary with the work itself, as is proved beyond doubt by its reference to the Abbot John Tornices as holder of the office of Syncellus, an office which, as we know, was conferred on him about the year 979 ;13 this note, therefore, was written about three decades after the treatise was compiled. A list of these original comments, and the passages to which they refer, is as follows: 11 IIe(pt) 't"wv IToc't"~~vocx~'t"wv " 21 ITe(pt) 't"wv Il«'t"~wocx~'t"wv (xoct) 't"wv 'PWC; " 31 IIe(pt) 't"wv I1oc't"~tvocx~'t"(wv) (xoct) Toupx(&v) II 41 ITe(pt) 't"wv y' ~.&v(wv) II 51 TIe(p!.) 't"wv IIoc't"~tvocx~'t"(wv) (xoct) 't"(wv) BouAycip<.Uv 1/ 61 IIe(pt) 't"wv I1(X,'t'~tvocx~'t"(wv) (xoc!.) Xepcr<.Uv~'t'wv II 71 IIe:(pl) 't"(wv) &7tO Xepcrwvoc; &7tocr't"eM0tJ.(ev<.Uv) ~OCcrLA~X( €V IIoc,~~vocx[oc " 81 wv)


N. Adontz, 'Tornik le moine', Byzantion, 13 (1938), pp. 148-149.


Critical Introduction

IIe(p1.) -rou cht'OO"'t"eAAofL(€vou) ~(X(jtAtX(OU) tx. -r(Yje;) 1t'OA(eWe;) Otoc -r({;)v) 1t'OT(oc)fL({;)v) II 823 IIe(p1.) TOU XA'Y)ptxoU roc(3pt1)A II 91 IIe(pt) TOU 1t'We; XOCTEPXWVT(oct) o~ 'Pwe; ~v KwvcrTOCVTtVou1t'6(/,et) II 922 IIc:(pt) TWV )'C:YOfL(€VWV) XOC"t"ocPOCX't'( II 939 IIe:(pl.) 't'ou (3' IPpOCYfL(ou) II 943 IIc:(p!') 't'ou y' IPPOCYfL(Ou) wv) II 945 IIe(p!.) TOU 0' IPpOCYfL(ou} II 957 IIe(pl.) -roii e' IPpOCYfLoU " 961 IIe(pt) 't'ou e;' <?POCYfLOU II 964 IIe(p!'} 't'ou ~' <?POCYfLOU II 972 IIe(p!.) TIje; v1)crou XOC!. TOU opuoe; xocl TWV '&ucrtwv II 9114 IIe(pl) T(WV) Oi)~w(v) II 101 IIe(p!.) 't'Yje; Xoc~ocp[oce; II 111 IIc:(pL) TYje; Xc:pcrWVo(e;) XOCL't'(Yje;) Boocr1t'OpOU II 1373 IIe(pl.) 't'ou ACXfL1t'POU II 161 To '&efLoc't'tv 't'wv ~ocpocxtv(wv) (xoc1.) 7t'oiov Xp6(vov) 2137 g' &pX"'lyo(e;) 'Apoc~wv ~~YjA'&(OV) II 2116 ~L€pe(crLe;) TWV 'Ap&~wv II " 2149 Oihoe; 1t'CXpc:xoc.&'Y)crc:(v) 't'~v Kwvcr't'ocv't'WOU7t'O(ALV) II 229 .C:p"fj' II 2240 De(p!.) T~e; v1)crcrou TYje; K(1)T'Y)e; II 2261 ,~cr1t''Y)' II 316 ~toc T[ MYWV't"OCL Xp(w)~oc't'Ot II 3310 II6.&(ev) AEYW(V)'t'OCL ZOCXAOOfLot II 341 IIe(pl) E't'Ep(WV) s.&vwv II 3618 IIE(p!.) 't'ou &YLOI) &7t'O(cr't'OAOU) Aouxoc xoc!. IIocuAou II 3715 "O't'L "'l' &pXo(v)Tee; dcrl.(v) ~v IIoc't'~tv(oc)xLoc " 3733 "On (xoc!.) de; fL' fL€P'Y) ~ IIoc~tvocx((oc) " 3810 "O'n OL TOUp(XOL) de; ~' OtOCLPOUV't'OCL 421 IIe(pL)"~Y'Y)(crLC;) yewypoc(<?tx~) II TYje; (J){u.&txYje; yYjC; II 43136 Oi5't'o( C;) Scr't'l( v) (; 1t'( oc't')~p NtXO(AOCOU) fLocyLcr't'pou 't'ou Topv[x'Y) " 441 IIE(p!.) 't'(wv) x&.(cr't'pwv) 't'(~C;) •AVOC'rOA~c" II 451 IIe:(p!.) TWV 'I~~pwv " 4556 Oi5't'o(e;) (ecr't'!.v) (; T~LfLtcrX(YjC;) emxA'Y).&e:tC; " 45100 ITe(pt) 't'ou x&.(cr't'pou) 't'ou 'A~vLxou II 45103 015't'o(<;) (scr't'!.v) ZOUp~OCVEI'('Y)C;) (; 1t'(oc't')~p 't'ou Topv(x"fj 't'(ou) oc~ii 't'ou &P't'(£WC;) cruyxfXAou II 461 II6.&(c:v) yey6voc(crLV} OL ''I~"fj?ec; II 471 Ile(p!.) 't'(wv) KU7t'pLwv /I 50235 Ilotoo 't'LfL~fLOC't'(Oc,,) ~V 't'ou (1t'pw't'ocr7t'OC&OCpLOU) oc!;£wfLOC /I 511 TIe(p!.) 't'ou 0POfLwvtOU II 5310 015't'o(C;) (scr't'!.v) 0 't'ou fLc:y&'AOU Kwvcr't'ocv't'(£vou) 7t'(oc't')1jp.

The marginal notes appended by later hands consist principally of repetitions of words or names occuring in the text; but there are a few which are worth noting from the point of view of their content. These are: 31 Il<x.T~Lv&.xOCt OL ~iXxec; 7t'p6TepOv p5 (cf. Suidas s. v. 6.&'xec;, ed. Ada Adler, II, p. 2.) II 51 ITOC"r~LVOCXOCL ~&.xec;, BOUAYOCPOL ot Mucro( p5 II 168 vuv os ot (ecr't'LV) .<;WO' (lvOtX't'LWVOe;) te' we; dvoct &.7t'O 'ro't'(c:) ~WC; VUV XPOVOL IjJfL' pa "

2169 IIepl "rou 'AA~fL 't'ou yocfL~pou 't'ou MouocfLe& p2 II 2174 IIoAefLoc; •AA~fL xoct Moc~[oc p8 II 2825 MocoocfLoc(uxov) 'ro vU'J MOCAOCfLoX(ov) p8 II 29258 T POCYOUPLOV p7 II 30115 'AA~ouvou p7 'AA[J.7t'6voc p8 II 3211 ~ep~ALoc p6 'rOC vuv Lep~otOC €v ~ Bepotoc pa II 3212 L&p~AOL OLOC'r£ oouAot pWfLoc'Cx(wc;) p5 II 3620 <l>ocpoc v~croc; ~ AE~evoc p8 II 3621 Bp&'t'~"fje; v~croe; 't'oc IIp&.'t'?.:oc p8 II 4024 'E't'E/\ 7t'O('t'OCfLo~) X(oc!.) Kou~ou P8.

Marginal notes and textual emendations are especially frequent in the chapters dealing with the Arabs (14-22), a fact which, like the gloss of the year 1361/2,mentioned above, suggests that this section of the treatise was at Bornetime or another an object of peculiar interest to Byzantine readers. The original text has not merely been subject to emendations and alterations by later hands, but has also been touched by the hand of time. We have said that the writing on the first and last pages of the originally independent ms. was so much worn and faded that it had to be rewritten. Traces of

M anu.~cript8


such rewriting are observable in other parts of the codex as well. Apart from these ravages of time, some leaves (fol. 59, 63, 75, 80) have received such material damage through clipping of the margins that the text itself is impaired and some letters are missing.

v = codex Vaticanus-Palatinus gr. 126: codex on paper of 271 numbered leaves; 3 additional leaves at the beginning, 1 at the end. Leaves measure 21.2 X 15.4 cm. Ms. contains several works. After D. A. 1., which covers fol 2r to 127r, come works of Tzetzes, Theophrastus, Bessarion and Nicolas Secundinus, though these have been copied by other hands.P' At the end of the text of D. A. I., at the bottom of fol, 127r, are two notes in the hand of the copyist:
M~oc 't"~ &(e)<J> 't<J> Myov xoct yvwrnv 'tor~ &v(&pW7t)OL~ 3wpouf1lvcp: ,occp6' : LOU, ., , 0.( , V(' Lcp) Er 7l e't"EI\ELWV' lJ ) : ,ocqwoNV"'7l ILOCLcp . EyW LC; ' \'A' V'tWVLO~ 0 "E7tOCPXO~7totL~ WV xoc'tot 'to ,occp&'OV ~'tOC; ~ypocljJoc 'to tXVW&(EV) ~L~ALov ((Glory be to God who giveth under-II \

standing and knowledge to men: finished, 5th June 1509. - 16 May, 1554: I, Antony Eparchus, then a boy, wrote this book in the year 1509.») It was, then, the well-known humanist of Corfiot origin, Antony Eparchus (14911571),who copied the ms.-apart from a singlepassage atfol.Ldv (= 13192-197), which is in another hand - in the 18th year of his age; three years before, in 1506, he had completed his ms. copy of the Gcspels.P The ms. passed into the possession of John Egnatius (1473-1553),16 probably very soon after it was copied, since Egnatius in the book which he published in 1516 refers to it as being already in his library.P It should seem that the second note, dated 16th May 1554, was penned when Eparchus, after the death of Egnatius, came across his own copy among the relics of the deceased. The codex next passed

a See H. Stevenson, Codices manuscripti Palatini rrraeci bibliothecae Vaticanae, (Romae, 1885), p. 60. 15 See E. Legrand, Bibliographie helzenique au 15e et 16e siecles, I, (Paris, 1885), pp. CCX-CCXXVII; L. Dorez, 'Antoine Eparque', Me'langes d'archeologie et d'histoire, 13 (1893), pp. 281-364; M. Vogel- V. Gardthausen, Die griechischen Schreiber des M ittelalters und der Renaissance, (Leipzig, 1909), p. 35. 16 Stevenson, op. cit., p. 302; A. Firrnin-Didot, AldeManuce et l'hellenisme a Venise, (Paris, 1875), pp. 449-452. 17 (c ••• hie (sc. Constantinus) a literis, optimisque disciplinis non abhorrens, quas pene extinctas ab interitu uindicauit, librum Romano filio reliquit. in quo summam totius imperii, sociorum omnium foedera, hostium uires, rationes, consilia explicuit, quem nos in bibliotheca nostra tanquam thesaurum seruamus, in quo multa de Venetis etiam nostris imperator ipse disserat.i See J. B. Egnatius, De Caesaribuslibri III a dictatore Caesare ad Constantinum Palaeoloqum, kine a Carola Magno ad Maximilianum Ooesarem, (Venetiis, 1516) (sine numeris pag.); of, Romamorum principum ll. III, ex recognitione Des. Erasmi Roterodami, (Basileae, 1518), p. 850.

Critical Introduction

to the Bibliotheca Palatina at Heidelberg, where it appears in the catalogue compiled by Fr. Sylburg about the year 15S4.18 From Heidelberg it was transferred in 1623, along with other mss., to the Vatican Library in Rome. In the margins of V, as of P, there is a number of notes in Greek and Latin, which are the additions of later readers. An exceptionally large proportion of these notes is appended to the chapters dealing with Venice (27, 2S), which obviously were of particular interest to Italian readers. Some of these are worth our attention: 2769 (J.()(cr't"P0(J.~AlJ<; 0 X()(7tE't"OC'lLO<; II 2773 Kovx6pOL()( 11 2780 K6yp()(So'l vide ne rpocoov II 27 82 (PL~()(AEvcrlJ<; II 27 83 ALX~'I't"~LOC II 2786 M()(oouxoV II 2787 BPOU'IOOUAOV (sine ace.) II 2788 A()(UPL't"O'l II 2793 'PL~()(A't"OV !! 2822 'Ad~OA()(<; II 29258 TpOCYOUPL<; II 29263 Koc'n:p()(. I have studied this ms. partly by means of photographic reproductions in the library of the Hungarian National Museum, and partly by examination of the original in the Vatican Library in 1927 and in 1936. F = codex Parisinus gr. 2967: codex on paper, of 241 numbered leaves and 11 additional leaves. Leaves measure 32 X 21.5 cm. Apart from the text of D. A. I., which covers fol, lr to SOY, ms. includes several other works, such as compositions of Photius, Themistius, Choricius, Polybius and Apollodorus.P The first part of D. A. I. (fol. lr to 16V) was copied by Antony Eparchus, as appears from a comparison of the script with that of V; the remainder (fol. 17r to SOY), together with the excerpts of Polybius and the work of Apollodorus, which are together at the end of the ms. (fol, 125r to 241r), is the work of another hand. Omont in his catalogue identified this copyist as the Cretan Michael Damascene, but in the index of the same catalogue we find instead the name of Valeriano de Forli.20 A comparison with the script of the last named and with other mss. of Michael Damascenes- shows that the copyist of the latter part of D. A. I. was not Valeriano de Forli, but Michael Damascene. The first mention of F occurs in the catalogue of ross. sent by Jerome Fondulo to Fontainebleau in 1529.22 That the ms. there mentioned is ill fact
18 «126. Constantini Imper. ad Romanum filium suum liber de Notitia utriusque Imperii, orientalis Be. et occidentalis in quo et de rebus Turcicis, aliisque nationibus hodiernis. Citatur in eodem Theophania Chronographia bis ... » See Friderici Sylburgii Catalogus codicum Graecorum.M .SS. olim in Bibliotheca Palatina, nunc Vaticana asseroatorum ... , (Francofurti ad M., 1701), p. 40. 19 See H. Omont, Inventaire sommaire ... III, (Paris, 1888), p. 76. 20 Introduction. Liste des copistes des manuscrits grecs, (Paris, 1898), p. XXXIII; cf. M. Vogel-V. Gardthausen, op, cit., pp. 311, 37l. 21 Cod. Paris. gr. 1926, 2937 (Michael Damascene); cod. Paris. gr. 1687, 1823, 1830,2376 (Valeriano de Forti); cf. H. Omont, Facsimiles des manuscrits grecs du XVe et X VIe siecles, (Paris, 1887), II pl. 36., 48.; E. M. Thompson, Handbook of Greek and Latin Palawgraphy, (London, 1906), p. 178; E. Thompson-Sp. P. Lampros, 'EYXELptSwv Ei,i:r;vrx:i;c, y.ed i.CXTLVLX'ije, TeIXACXWyplX<PtCXe" Athens, 1903), p. 297. ( 22 «No. 25. KwvaTIXV'rLVOU ~CXaLA&we, Tepee, ulov ·Pw!J.lXv6v.» See H. Omont, Catalogues des manuscriis qrecs de Fontainehleau sous Fraru;ois Ier et Henri II, (Paris, 1889), p. 372.



our F is proved by later catalogues, which mention not only D. A. I., but also the other components of the same ms. These catalogues are: the catalogue of 1544 ;23 that of 1550, by Angelo Vergetius and Constantine Palaeocappa ;24 and that compiled in the reign of Charles IX (1550-1574}.25 Since, as we shall see, F is a copy of V, it is certain that it was written between 1509-1529, to which period are assignable also the water-marks of fol, 1-80. I have studied this rns. both through photographic reproductions and by examination of the original in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris in 1936 and in 1948. M = codex Mutinensis gr. 179 (III F 1): codex on paper, of 104 leaves. Leaves measure 32.4 X 22.4 em. Fol. 2r to 6V of the ms. contain text of chh, 15-21 of D. A. I. (151 ITe:pt TOU yevouc; TWV <l>OCTE(l.LTWV - 21118 ~Lcl ;'I)pexc;), copied by Andrea Darmari.s" As to chronology, we know only that the dated mss. of this famous copyist fall between the years 1560-1586.27 I have studied the relevant portion of this ms. by means of photographic reproductions.

2. EDITIONS Of the Greek text in its entirety seven editions have hitherto been published. The first edition was published in 1611 by John Meursius (= Me) under the title «De administrando imperio)2il a title which he himself gave to the work and which has been since then generally adopted. In his notes he informs the reader that the basis of his edition was the Vatican ms. (= V), which was at that time still in the Bibliotheca Palatina at Heidelberg. Meursius

23 <,No 199. KCUVO"t'OCVT(VOU (3ocaLAecu<;1t'po.; u10v ·PCU[.locvov XOCLI>CU"doum:pL L' fyrrc6pcuv.») < See H. Omont, op. cit., p. 365. 24 (,KCUVCJTOCVt'LVOU (3ocaLAtcu<; vou.&e:a(ocL. No 334. BL(3).(OV oc' [.ll)xouC;, E:v8e:8u[.l~vov 8ep[.locTL ).e:ux(ji, e:taL 8' ev oc,h(ji TCXUTOC' KcuvaTocV't'Lvou (3cxaLAEcuc;vou.&e:aLOCL 1t'pOC;TO'll raw'll u1av OCUTOU·PCU[.lOCVOvTO'll lloPlflupoyeW1lTov, /)1t'cu<; 8e:~ YLVWaxe:LV 1t'OCVTO<; ~ltvouC; <pUCJe:LC; T€ xoct 1l~1j l(OCL t8LW[.lOCTOC, T61t'cuv XOCLcupwv OCUTWV, oct 1t'O~OVe~ OCUTWV xoct x x 8UVCXt'CXL Wtpe:A'ijCJOCL ·PCU[.lOC(OLC; l(OCL1t'O~OVOUXL, XOCL LaT0p(OC<;TLva<; V€oc<;.<I>CUT(OU 1t'OC,pL&pXOU1t'e:pt aEXCXp1jT6pcuv. @e:,.uCJ'dou ••• ». See H. Omont, op. cit., p. 113. 25 (,No 560. KCUVaTCXVT(VOU (3ocaLAecu<;vou.&e:a(cxL.» See H. Omont, op. cit., p. 449. 26 See V. Puntoni, 'Indice dei codici greci della bibIioteca Estense di Modena', Studi italiani di filologia classica, 4 (1896), p. 495. 27 See Vogel-Gardthausen, op. cit., pp.16--27. 23 Conatantini Imperatoris Porphyrogeniti, De Administrando Imperio, ad Romanum F. Liber nunquam asuehac editu«. Ioannes Mevrsivs primus vulgavit, Latinam interpretationem, ao N otas adjecit. Lvgdvni Batavorvm. Ex officina typographica Icannia Balduini, impensis vero Ludovici Elzeviri. cm.mC.XI.


Critical Introduction

worked on it by favour of the then librarian, Janus Gruterus.29 Six years later a new edition came out, but is was simply a literal copy of the first.30 The text, with corrections from Bandur's edition, was also published by John Lami in his complete edition of the works of Meursius.i" A century after the first edition, that is, in 1711, the work was republished by Anselm Bandur (= Ba).32It appears from his introduction that Bandur collated the text of Meursius' edition of 1617 with the original Paris ms. (P), and was thus able to introduce several corrections into his text.33 Bandur's edition was twice reprinted: an uncorrected reprint appeared in 1729, in the Venetian collection of the Byzantine Historiana=, and in 1864 Migne republished Bandur's text with a few corrections." The final edition was the work of Emmanuel Bekker (= Be),36who did not divulge his methods, though it is clear that he did not use any fresh ms, material. Editions containing excerpted chapters only of D. A. I. have generally followed Bekker's text. Such are, e. g., the editions of Fr. Racki,37 H. Marczali,38
29 «Scias autem unde habeam, Desoripsi ante quatuor amplius annes ex Codice qui est in Bibliothecs Palatine, et Ioannis Baptistae Egnatii olim fuisse perhibetur ... Quin accessit huc quoque comitas V. C. Jani Gruteri, eius praefecti, per quem liber mill quotidie ad eam accessua patuit.» See ed. cit., Notae, p. 2. ao Constantini Porphyrogennetae Imperatoris Opera. In quibus Tactica nunc primum prodeunt. Ioannes Mevrsivs eollegit, coniunxit, edidit. Lvgdvni Batavorum. Ex Officina Elzeviriana. Anno CIOIOCXVII. 31 Ioannis Meursi Operum volumen sextum ex recensione Ioannis Lami, Florentiae, cW.m.CC.XLV., ce. 929--1132. 32 Imperium Orientale sive Antiquitates Constantinopolitanae in quatuor partes distributae ... Opera et studio Domni Anselmi Banduri Ragusini, Presbyteri ac Monachi Benedietini e Congregations Melitensi. Tomus primus. Parisiis. Typis et sumptibus Joannis Baptistae Coignard, Regis et Academiae Gallieae Architypographi. MDCCXI. (Corpus Byzantinae Historiae XXXIII.), pp. 53-157. 33 «Imprimia textum Graeeum contuli cum Codiee MS. membranaceo Bibliothecae Regiae, optimae notae num. 2661. quem annis sb hinc oiroiter quingontis scriptum fuisse aiunt: innumerahiles mendas, quibus Meursiana editio undique scatebat, sustulimus, loca corrupta ae mutila quae plurima erant in textu Graeeo edito ex eodem MS. Regio sarcivimua.» See op. cit., p. IV. 84 Imperium Orientale sive Antiquitates Constantinopolitanae in quaiuor partes distrwutae ... opera et studio D. A. Banduri ... Venetiis 1729. (Corpus Historiae Byzantinae XV.) I., pp. 45-127. 35 Patrologiae cursus completus .,. Series Graeca posterior ... accurante J. P. Migne t. mUll., Parisiis 1864, c. 158-422. 36 Constantinus Porphyrogenitus De thematibus et De administrando imperio. Acceilit Hieroclis Synecdemus cum Banduri et WesBelingii commentariis. Recognovit Immanuel Bekkerus, Bonnae MDCCCXL. (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae), pp. 65---270. 37 Fr. Raeki, Documenta historiae Croaticae periodum antiquam illustrantia (Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium VII.) (Zagrabiae, 1877), pp. 264-419. 38 Pauler-Ssilagyi, A 1IU1{}yaron/oglalas Mt/ai, (Budapest, 19(0), pp. llO-136; h H. Marozali, A rnagyar tOrtinet kut/lJinek lcizikonyve (Enchiridion fontium historise Hungarorum), (Budapest, 1902), pp. 27-55.



J. B. Bury,39 St. Stanojevie - V. Corovi6,40 A. Gombos,41 and G. CankovaPetkova - P. Tivcev.41blB Only C. G. Cobet, who published a part of ch. 9 dealing with the Russians.s" and E. Jakubovich, who published chh. 38-40 dealing with the Hungarians.t" made a fresh collation of P. Certain variants in P are cited by V. Thomsen." G. Feher,45 F. Sisi646, H. Gregoire47 and K. O. Falk47bls in their works. A new edition of the chh. on the Southern Slavs prepared by R. Vari was never published, and his ms. is in the archives of the Hungarian National Museum.t" The plan for a new critical edition of D. A. I. originated when the Hungarian scholar, R. Vari, at that time a young man, began preliminary researches in 1892 with a view to elucidating the ms. tradition.v The plan next engaged the English historian .T. B. Bury, who proposed to include the work in his collection of Byzantine Texts. But these projects came to nothing. Bury, in a letter dated 5th October, 1925, announced that he had given up the plan of an edition, which he surrendered to me.

J. B. Bury, The early History of the Slavonic Settlements in Dalmatia, Croatia, Constantine Porphyrogennetos De administrando imperio, Chapters 29-36. (Texts for Students No. 18.), (London, 1920). 40 St. Stanojevi6-V. Corovi6, Onatipann H3BOpH aa cpncxy HCTOPHjy I, (Beograd, 1921), pp. 58-72. 41 A. B. Gombos, Catalogus /ontium historiae Hungaricae aeuo ducum et regum ex stirpe Arpad descendentium ab anna Christi DCCC usque ad annum MCCCI. T. I, (Budspestini, 1937). pp. 720--727. 41 bis f'P'bL(KH H3BOpH aa 6'bJII'apCKaTa HCTOPH5I V (Sofia, 1964), pp. 198--220. 42 C. G. Cobet, 'Locus Constantini Porphyrogeniti ex codice arehetypo Parisino descriptus', Mnemosyne, 4 (1876), pp. 378-382. 43 E. Jakubovich-D. Pais, a.magyar olvas6kOnyv (Tudomanyos Gyujtemeny 30.), (Pees, 1929), pp. 6-10. 44 V. Thomsen, Der Ursprung des ruesischem Staates, (Gotha, 1879),p. 59. 45 G. Feher, 'Ungarns Gebietsgrenzen in der Mitte des 10. Jahrhunderts. Naoh dem De administrando imperio des Konstantinos Perphyrogennetos', Unqarische Jahrbucher, 2 (1922), p. 46. = 'Magyarorszag teriilete a X. szazad kozepe tajan Kcnstantinos Porphyrogennetos De administrando imperioja alapjan", Szazadok, 56 (1921-22), p. 354. 46 F. SiBic, Povijest Hrvata u vrijeme narodnih vladara, (Zagreb, 1925),p. 239. 47 H. Gregoire, Annuaire de l'In8titut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves V. Melanges Emile Boisacq, (Bruxelles, 1937), p. 450. 47 bis Dneprjorearnas namn i Kejsar Konetantit« VII Porfyrogennetos' De administrando imperio (Lund, 1951). 48 12. Quart. Graee. fo1.11-79, 99-105. 49 R. Vari, 'JeUmtes Oonstantinus Porphyrogennitus De administrando imperio czimu munkajanak keziratairol', Akademia» Ertesito, 6 (1895), pp. 710--712.

& Serbia,


Critical Introduction


Of the full text of D. A. 1. four translations have been published, two in Latin, one in Russian, and one in Croat. The first Latin rendering, supplied by Meursius, was printed in his edition of 1611 and afterwards reprinted without alteration in the edition of 1617: it appeared side by side with the Greek text. It was reprinted by Lami in his collected works of Meursius, as an appendix.s" The translation of Meursius was radically revised and amended by Anselm Bandur in his edition of 1711, and the revised version was published in the Venice edition of 1729. Bandur's rendering was also republished by Lami, side by side with the Greek text, in his collected works of Meursius. The same rendering was introduced, practically without alteration, by Bekker into his edition of 1840 and by Migne into the text of his Patrologia (1864). D. A. 1. was translated into Russian by G. Laskin,61 and into Croat by N. Tomasic.62 Translation of select chapters or sections have been published in many works and in many languages. We may instance the following: several passages in Latin translation are to be found in Stritter's collection;63 N. V. Malickij published a revised Russian translation of chh. 1-14, 38-40, 42-46 and 53, which was found in ms. among the papers of V. V. LatysevM; Russian renderings of other passages are found in the works of E. Kunik, N. Protopopov, A. Zernin, V. Jurgevio, K. Grot, F. 1. Uspenskij, S. P. Sestakov, F. Westberg, N. P. Kondakov and others. K. Dieterich turned some chapters into German.56 German translations of select passages are found in the works of A. C. Lehrberg, E. Kunik, V. Thomsen and others; French translations in the work of M. Brosset; and English in that ofC. A. Macartney. Serb and Croat renderings of select passages have been published in the works of Fr. Raeki, A. Pavi6, F. SiSi6, G. Manojlovi6, Stanojevie=-Corovic, B. Ferjanci6 and others; and


See ed, cit., c. 1133-1208.


51 'Co'IHHeHi51 BHocTeH pocciacxaxs

Barpanoponuaro: ,,0


(De thematibus)

,,0 naponaxs" (De administrando imperio)',

4TeHi51 S'b I1Mo.


H Ape-

OpH MOCKOSCKOM'b YHHBepcHTeT't 1899, I (188), (Moskva, 1899), pp. 1-262. 52 Vjesnik lcr, Hrvatsko-Slavons1w-Dalmatinskoga Zemaljskog Arkiva, 20 (1918), pp. 1-91; Vjesnik kr, Drzasmoq Arkiva u Zagrebu, 3 (1928), pp. 1-70. 03 J. G. Stritter, Memoriae populorum. olim ad Danuhium, Pontum Euxinum, paludem Maeotidem, CaUCCUJum, mare Caspium et inde magis ad septemtriones incolentium e ecriptoribu« historiae Byzantinae erutae et digestae I-IV, Petropoli, 1771-1779. 64 (V. V. LatySev-N. V. Malickij), 'I{oHcTaHTHHa Barpaaoponnoro 06 ynpasneHHH rocynapcrsoa,' 113SeCTI151Focyaapcraeauoa AKaAeMHH WCTOPHH MaTepHaJIbHOH xynsrypu 91, Moskva-Leningrad, 1934. 65 K. Dieterich, Byzantinische Quellen zur Lander- und Volkerkunde I-II, (Leipzig, 1912).

Relationship of Manuscripte and Editions


Bulgarian in the work of G. Cankova-Petkova-P. 'I'iveev. A Hungarian version of the chh. dealing with the Hungarians may be found both in the editions of H. Marczali and in the special study of K. Szabo.





A full collation of the four mss, (P, V, F, M) and of the three editions (Me, Ba, Be) shows their mutual relationship to have been as follows: V is a simple transcript of P. This is clear from the following considerations: 1. V contains many orthographical errors, which are due to the peculiar and individual forms of letters employed by P, that is to say, they are due to palaeo graphical causes. Antony Eparchus imitated faithfully in many places the peculiarities and abbreviations in the script of P, but occasionally misread some of the letters and abbreviations, e. g.: 13183 7t€fnYLV€O''&OCL P: 7t€Pt~ve:O'.&OCt V " 2963 Xpcu(3OC't'Ot P; XPCU!J.OC't'OL V II 30110 Bpoc't'~oc P: Bpoc't'~cu V II 4288 XOCPOCXOUA P: XCUPOCXOUA V II 4387 ~yypOC({)OV P: &yypOC({)OV V II 43111 KOCKLXLOU P: KtXLoU V II 43 169-170 oc&I KpLVL't'(YjV) P: OCXPLVL't'YjV V II 50199 7tpo(3A Yj&€v't'oce; P: 7tpox)..Yj'&€V't'oce; V II 53425 E:O'm;uO'€( v) P: e7t€O'e:v V II 53429 A€AYj'&O't'L P: A€!J..&O't'L V. 2. In other passages some letters of P are indistinct and were in consequence omitted by the copyist of V, e. g.: 13136 7tpOO'€'t'p(~oc't'O P: 7tpO€'t'P€~OC't'O V II 1416 O'uvocvocO''t'P€({)o!J.€VOe; P: O'uvocvoc't'P€({)o!J.€voe; V II 2514 !J.€'t'oc7t€!J.({).&de; P: !J.€'t'oc7t€!J.({)de; V. 3. Further, it is clear that in two places the copyist of V has written a passage twice over, just because the initial words of the duplicated passages happen in P to recur at the beginning of a line. These dittographies are: 50126 M€O'07to't'OC!J.LOCV 50128 '&€!J.oc iter. V. II 51198 !J.ocytO''t'pou QV't'oe; om. et a&' - 't'OC1;€L~€U€LV (cf. 51194-195) iter. V. 4. Basic corruptions of P recur in V. Common to both versions are: P 19 OCU't'WV om. P V II 14 Sdv om. P V II 990 XOCLpOe;] 't'ocpoe; P V II 1377 0€ou om. P V II 2671 post €'t'Yj lac. indo P V II 2947 'Pw!J.ocvoue;] KO!J.ocvoue; P V II 2950 't'oc ~e:xcX't'€poc] 't'cX~€ xcXO''t'poc P V II 3229 XPLO"t'LOCVWV Xpovwv J P V 3722 Xocpoc(3oYj] Xoc(3oYj P V II 3833 A€(3€Stoc] X€AOCV~LOCP V .11 4223 't'PLOCXOO'LOLJ 't'oc P V II 4227 (:, xoct P V II 53101 OC.&pOlAOUe; P V. 5. Antony Eparchus incorporated into his version additions and alterations made by later hands in P, among which is the note, already referred to, which bears the date 1361/2, e. g.: 168 post ,e;pJ.: siglo '], adhibito vuv ?Je (to''t'LV) ,e;wo' (tvlhx''nwvoc;) L€/, we; eLVOCL OC7tO 't'o't'(€) ewe; vuv XPOVOL ~!J.' mg. ... , ) T add • P3 : ,e;p/\ vuv os 1 €O''t'L ,e;CUO, ('"LVOLX't'LCUVOe; is , we; S:~VOCL" OC7tO 't'0't' e €We; VUV , .1.' V II 2155 post eLXOCVOVs. V. a dd" Yj't'L '1"" €'t'Yj p3': LXOCVOV,Yj't'OL €'t1J ," v XPOVOL 'I'!J. . ~ ~' V II 2281 post BOCO'LAdou s. V. add. 't'ou tx Mocxe:~ov(occ; pa: BIXO'LAdou 't'ou ex MOCXe:OOVLOCC; V.



Critical Introduction

6. In two passages of the text of P (2253' 2257: correction of the word 'Apoc~w'J) we recognise unmistakably the handwriting of Antony Eparchus (= P4). These examples prove indisputably that the youthful Antony Eparchus copied V from P in 1509. For all that, V is not a faithful, verbal transcript of P. The text of V, as compared with P, shows many significant variants, a large proportion of which has crept into the editions (Me, Ba, Be). It is unnecessary to detail all the errors of V; some examples are: l. The copyist of V often omits words or phrases, e. g.: 915 XlXt &'7tepxov't"(X~ om. V (F Me) " 1349 ~IXO"~Mwc; om. V (F Me Ba Be) II 2149-50 TOU MOUOC(J.E'& €x.pOC'tl')o"E'J ..Yi~ eXPX~C; TWV 'Ap&~wv, oOx ex. TOU yevouc; ~v om. V (F Me) 11 2557_59 lv T0 BlXyM~, ~O"'t"~v ?le €x. ~C; TOU Mouoc[LE'& ye:ve:cic;, ~'t"Ot TOU Mouxou(J.e:T . 0 ?Ie ?le:U't"EpOC; IX.&t~e:TIX~om. V (F Me) II 4057 E7tOL"Y)O"e:V X utov TO'll 'E~eAe:x om. V (F Me) \I 4511 XP"Y)(J.OCT~o".&~VIX~ V (F Me Ba Be) om. II 5090_91 'lO"TEov, 8TL ~ TOU XIXPO"tOCvOU o"TplX't""Y)yt~ TOUp(J.1X ~v 't"0 7tOCAOCtov TYjc; TWV 'Ap(J.e:VLOCXWVo"TpOC't""Y)yL~OC; V (F Me) II 50152 XlXt om. V (F Me om. Bs Be) " 5172-74 0 TOU 7tPWTOO"7tIX'&IXPLOU 'ApO"e:VLOU XlXt (J.lXyyAIX(3L't"OU7tOCT~p. ~,,,. o, , • ~, \• o, , A'E<UV 0 • UTOL oe, 0 Te: 0 7tpWTOO"7tOC"ITlXp~OC;II OolXPWV XlXt 0 7tP<UTOO"7tOC"ITOCpLOC; 0 0... 'Ap(J.ev"Y)c; om. V (F Me) " 53343-344 KlXt Aeye:t -r1i 7tIXL~LO"X71' «IIw~ e:()pe:~ TO 7tpiiy(J.OC 't"ou't"o ;» om. V (F Me). 2. The copyist of V read or transcribed some words incorrectly, e. g.: 969 ({).&OC~e:LV ({).&OCVe:LV (F Me Ba Be) II 2550 xpoT"Y).&ev't"oc; P (Ba P: V Be): XpOC'tl').&Ev't"oc; V (F Me) II 2787 Bpouvaov P (Ba Be): Bpou80v V (F Me) " 3042 eXpe:O".&eVTe:c; : epIXO".&eVTe:~ V (F Me Ba Be) II 3294 ~XOV't"IXC; P P (Be): ~XOV't"EC; V (F Me Ba) " 3864 7tpO p"Y)WV't"EC; P: 7tpOe:LP"Y)~VOL V (F Me Ba Be) II 407 KOC~OCpOL P (Ba Be): BOCXIXPOL V (F Me) II 4034 ~({)e:vao7tA6xoc; P (Ba Be): ~({)e:v?lovo7tMxoc; V (F Me) II 42106 ~7tIXTIXAOU P: 7tO't"IX(J.OUV (F Me Ba Be) " 4326 €o"x~7t't"ETO P (Be): EO"Xe7t't"ETO V (F Me Ba) II 4419 'A7te:A~OCPT P (Ba Be): 'A7te:AXOCPT V (F Me) II 50148 BOCOCO"IXXLOU (Me Ba Be): KIXOCO"IXXLOU (F) " 51114 7tAOXOOC; P: 7tAOXOCC; P V V (F Me Ba Be) " 53271 rUXLIXV P: yuvoci:xoc V (F Me Ba Be) " 53403 ~&Ae:TIXL P: A&~e:'t"e: V (F Me Ba Be) " 53525 7tpIXY(J.IXTdlXC; P: 7tpOCr[J.IXTO~ V (F Me Ba Be). 3. The copyist of V sometimes replaced the numerical cyphers of P by the verbal equivalents, or, conversely, rendered the numerals ofP by numerical cyphers, e. g.: 936 IX' P: 7tPWTOV V (F Me Ba Be) " 945 a' P: T€TIXPTOV V (F Me Ba Be) II 953 ~~ P (Me Ba Be): c;' V (F) II 167 LW P: ~w?lexIXTov V (F M Me Ba Be) " 2316 W P: ae:UT€plXC; V (F Me Ba Be) " 2628 IX' P: 7tpw't"ov V (F Me Ba Be) " 29248 (J.~OCC; : IX' V (F Me Ba Be) " P 3020 ,oc P: XLALWVV (F Me Ba Be) " 466 y' P: Tpe:LC; V (F Me Ba Be) II 526 Mo P (Me Ba Be): W V F. 4. The copyist of V occasionally changed the word-order, e. g.: P40 IXt~JVLOC;XIXl. eXvW/Ie:.&pOC;P: eXvWAe:&pOC;XIXl. IXlwVLOC; V (F Me Ba Be) " 71_2 7te:pl. TWV ti7ta Xe:pO"WVOc; eX7tOO"TEN'OIL£VWV~lXo"LA~XWVP: 7tEpl. "t"wv &'7tOO"'t"EAAO!-Le-


of Mamtseripts

and Editions


~IXIHALX{;)V OC7t;JXe::pawvo~ V (F Me Ba Be) 11 BI05_101l e~tpxc,)\I''t'IX'' &pzr)v't'e:c; P: &pxov't'e:c; &~tPXOV't"IXL V (F Me Ba Be) II 1~50-51 ?)La 't'ou OCne-AO!) r) 0(e:o)c; P: 0 E)(e:o)c; SLa 't'OU OCYY€AOU V (F Me Ba Be) II 17R ea,\HrJ'J't'IX OC7t;J XIXlL'~AOU P (M): OC7tO XIXlL~/,rJU ea&LrJV't'IJ'. V (F Me Ba Be) 11 2Hzs8 V'f)I1LOV ecr't'LV lLLXpO(V) P: lLLXpOV za't'L V'f)crLoV V (F Me Ba Be) 11 3292 £,V 't'r)u't'r) ye:vo{J.e:voC; P: ye::volLe:voC; €V 't'OO't'c,} V (F Me Ba Be) II 4042 ~a't'Lv ;)IYP~)'J 7tOC\IU P: oxupOV zcr't"L 7tOCVU V (F Me Ba Be) !I 4!150 VOC~)VW)'t'ou P: whou vocov V (F Me Ba Be) 11 50226 "t'"'~C;OCU't'OI; P: whou "~C; V (F Me Ba Be).

5. The copyist of V occasionally made stylistic changes, e. g.:


XOCL't'LC; 0 't'a crx-1j7t't'poc 't'~C; ~OCcrLAe:LOCC; 'PWlLOClWV ?)L€7tW(V) P (M): XOCL't'LC; ~v 't'on 0 ~OCcrLA(e:OC;) 'PWlLOCL(wv) V (F Me Ba Be) II 2lJ37-3R 8LOC7te:poccrOCV't'wv , ~" ~ , rro-rs, -ecov e PWlLOCvwv, 7tOL'tjcrOCV't'e:c;OU't'OL e\lXPUlLlLOC't'OCP (Ba B) e: o LOC7te:po:aocvne; 7to't'€ ol 'PWWt.VOL e7tOL'f)cr()(V Oi)-rOL ~yxpufLoc V (F Me) II 3860-61 7tocpa 't'wv I1OC-r~L\lOCXL't'WV DUX &?)t~OCV't'o P: !J..e:'t'tX 't'WV rrOC't'~LVOCXL't'WV DUX €7tOL'f)aocv V (F Me Ba Be) II 46110 ~OCA(~'J ocu't'o de; XOV-r&.pLOV P: AOC~C:}Vwj-ro de; XOV't'tXPLOV 7te:PL€&'f)Xe: XOCL V (F Me Ba Be) II 5067 't'oG 't'e:Adv OCU't'oOC;P: ~VOC 't'e:AWcrL 't'a V (F Me Ba Be).

6. The copyist of V occasionally inserted words which are missing in P, e. g.: 948 post &7tC~V't'1Xadd. -r.x {J.OVO~UAOC't'oc V (F) II 961 ante ?le:u't'e:pov add. de; 't'OV V (F Me Ba Be) II 9106 post K(oc~ov add. 7to't'lXfLOV V (F Me) I! 181 post ' Apoc~wv add. &pX:~yoC; V (F Me) II 29203 ante lLtAAOV't'OC; add. 't'OU V (F) II 339 post ~OCcrLA€OCadd. 'PwlLocVWV V (F) II 4032 post hdvo add. 't'O V (F Me Ba Be) II 4266 post lLtXPL add. 't'OU V (F Me Ba Be) II 50229 ante 7t1X't'p£XWC; add. 6 V (F Me Ba Be) II 5325 post Xe:pcrWVL"t'wv add. XWPIXC; V (F Me Ba Be) II 53308 ante 7tIXL?lWV add. 't'WV V (F Me Ba Be) II 53390 post ~&oC; add. lLOU V (F Me Ba Be) II 53480 post 7tOAe:we;2 add. ()(U"~V V (F Me Ba Be). If we look more closely at the variants of V, we observe that they are only in part oversights or slips of the copyist, while others of them represent a deliberate attempt to emend the text. Antony Eparchus, like so many other humanists, was, it should seem, no slavish copyist, but showed some independence in his efforts to correct what he was copying. This is clear also from the fact that in many places he has emended not only misspellings in P, but also textual corruptions. Comparison of the mss. makes it clear that F is copied immediately from V. This is proved not only by the circumstance that at the end of the text of F we discover the same chronological note which, as we saw, Antony Eparchus appended to V in 1509, but also by the fact that all the omissions, repetitions and variants of V recur in F; that is to say, where P and V disagree, F invariably follows V to the letter. The copyist of F was faithful to the text of V, but here and there introduced noteworthy corrections of his own. It is also beyond question that in his transcription into M of the section relating to the Saracens, Andrea Darmari copied from P. This is proved indisputably by the fact that where P and V disagree, M always agrees with


Critical Introduction

that Darmari introduced into his text corrections and additions made by later hands in P. Numerous errors distort his text; and in two places the copyist has incorporated marginal notes from P as though they were chapter- headings. As for the editions, Meursius, as he tells us himself, used V: but comparison shows that in many places he has diverged from his original. These divergences are in most cases blunders on the part of Meursius, and only in a few instances can be regarded as deliberate attempts at emendation. Some of his blunders Meursius himself corrected in the «Notae breves» and «Errata» appended to his edition, but most of them perpetuated themselves in the later editions, Ba and Be. Discrepancies between the text of Meursius and V are: 1. Meursius omitted many words and phrases, e. g. : 23 7t'poc:; &.M1jAOU~ om. Me II 13198 xoct i-lh'.;)v om. Me II 2191_92 MocULou YEP<UV 7t'poc:; "CO'llrEpoV"Coc "Cou om. Me II 263 "Cou om. Me (Ba) II 2612 eO""CEcp.&'t) t'OCpcX 7 "Cou "Con mi7tlX. Koct om. Me II 2779 xeXO""Cpou om. Me (Ba Be) II 2916-17 xat Xoc"Coct-LOC&€~V, "C[ve:~ XOC't"OLXOUO"LV ex€t.&€v "CoG 7t'O"COCt-LoG, ~tOC7t'e:peXO"OCV"C€~ Me om. "., \ \ ., , \' o ,"COC "Cou II 29 253-254 0,,0'.1 XOCt 7t'Ot't)O"OCt"COC7tOCl\oc"Ctoc cU"Cou XOCL7t'OCV"COC\', OLx't)fLoc"COC xeXO""Cpou om. Me II 3611_12 '&~eX7t'''CtO"''Cot' epfL't)v€t)Qv"Coct, -ri) "Cwv Pc.ufLOCL<uV ~E: ~LOCAEx"C<P m. Me II 43170-171 ocu"Cou &VOCAOC~EO".&OCt dO"ocyocye:i:v om. Me II o xocr. 4466 "CO xeXO""Cpov om. Me (Ba Be) II 4653 "CO om. Me (Ba) II 4963~ xocr. " \ "')_ ,.. '\,.. (.., ,....." " i' IXVIXO"TI)O"OV"COCL ) XOCLOC7t'ocYY€"OUO"tvocU"CO"Cotc:; Uto!.~ «o-rcov, ~voc WI) e:7t'LI'.OCv-c.uV"COCL "CWV€U€py€O"twv, <1'.1 E7tOL't)O"€V0 eeoc:; ~tcX 7tP€O"~e:LWV "CoG &7t'OO""COAOU om. Me II 5365 7tlXpcX "Cwv X€pO"c,>VL"Cwv om. Me II 53129 ocu"Cooc:; om. Me (Ba Be) II ' .,' \ ",",OCUPOfLOC"COV, , '7 53 172-173 "Comp 7tOI\€fL1jO"ocvnc:; -rov "" e:vtX1jO"OCV, e:v <P om. Me II '1' " XOCt €npoc (J_' ,t, " ," CI. , 53602 o-eeov, o"Ct r'PUO"LC:;€O""CLV €X€tO"€ OCCP'tTOCV ~ ~ OCVOCoLoOUO"OC Me. om. 2. Meursius misread or miscopied several words, and his edition has also typographical errors, e. g.: 121 .&€OCPuAcXx"Cc.u P) V (F Be): &€UCPUAeXX"C'nMe ( (Ba) II 910 IXLAOL7tOCr. l:XAOC~tvLOCL(P) V (F): ot AOt7t'Or. l:xAOC~(VtOL Me (Ba Be) II 1717 &'7tOx"C€vofL€voc:; (P) V (F): &7t'Oxntv0fL€voc:; (M) Me (Ba Be) !I 2730 AocyoO~OCp~OL (P) V (F): Aoyou~eXp~oL Me (Ba Be) II 3722 Koupxou"COCt (P) V (F): Koupxou"Coc\l Me (Ba Be) " 405 Koup"Couy€P[Loc"Cou (P) V (F): Koup"CUy€p[L,hou Me (Ba Be) II 4370 ~LOC"Cp£~OCC; V (F Be): ~7tt"Cp(ljJocc; Me (P) (Ba) II 43110 &.ve:~MO"'t"I)O"€v (P) V (F): ~~A&0""C't)0"€ Me (Ba Be) 1\ 4973 "Co "CL (P) V (F Ba Be): "Con Me II 505 "Cou 7tOCP' ocu"Cwv nAOUfLE\lOU 7tocx"Cou (P) V (F): "CW\I 7tOCP' IXU"CWV "C€AOU[LE\lW\I7tocx"Cwv Me (Ba Be) II 53113 ~!J.e:t<; (P) V (F Ba Be): oMdc; Me 1\ 53357 EXA€;OCO"&WO"ocv (P) V (F): eXAe:;eX"CWO"ocv Me (Ba Be) II 53428 E\I€X..&~VOCL (P) V (F Be): ~\I€X.&~\lOCL Me (Ba). 3. Meursius in most cases replaced the numerical cyphers of V by the verbal equivalents, e. g.: 957 €' (P) V (F): m[L7t'ro\l Me (Ba Be) II 185 y' (P) V (F M): "Cp[oc Me (Ba Be) II 2998 p' (P) V (F): exoc"Co\l Me (Ba Be) II 29265 ~€' (P) V (F): ~€xoc7te\ln Me (Ba Be) II 3050 ,oc (P) V (F): XtAL<UV Me (Ba Be) II 3733 [L' (P) V (F): nO"O"ocpeXxo\l"Coc Me (Ba Be) II 4038 oc' (P) V: 7tPW1"Oc; (F) Me (Ba Be) II 4939 y' (P) V (F): "CpL'tfl Me (Ba Be) II

P, and further

Relation8hip of Manu.scripts and EditiOn8


5121 W (P) V (F): 8dm:pov Me (Ba Be) II 53296 ~' ~ ~W (P) V (F): 8hoc ~ Ocb'OEXOC (Ba Be). ME 4. Meursius made occasional changes in word-order, e. g.: 2720 &7tOO''t'OCAljVOC~ {-Lo~(P) V (F): {-LO~ C7tOO''t'OCAljVOC~ O Me (Ba Be) II 29211 ll'<pocy7j£; oclhou (P) V (F): oclhou G<pocyYj£; Me (Ba Be) \I 29286 ~Ke:i:crExM3wvIX (P) V (F): KAU8wvoc €KEi:crEMe (Ba Be) \I 32136 't'wv 'PW!1OCLWV f3occr~AEO£; V (P) (F): ~OCG~AEO£; 'Pw[J.oc(wv Me (Ba Be) II 4051 xup~oc OVO{J..OC't'OCV (F): 0',16(P) [J.oc't'oc XOpLOC Me (Ba Be) II 45141 YEVeG&OC~ 30UAO£; (P) V (F): 30UAOe;YEVeG&oc~Me (Ba Be) II 50130-131 't'WV 'PWf.Loc(cuv e~ouO'tlXv (P) V (F): e;ouG(ocv 't'WV 'Pwf.Loc(cuv Me (Ba Be) II 51125 ~OCG~A~XOV 3P0f.L6>VLOV V (F): 3po[J.w(P) vrov ~OC(rLA~XOV Me (Ba Be) II 53369 7tA'tJPO<pOpljGOCL OPKW (P) V (F): b OpKCP7tA'tJpO<pOpljcroc~ (Ba Be). Me 5. Meursius here and there inserts words missing in V, and hence in P also, e. g.: 91 ante 'PWG(oce; add. TIj£; Me (Ba Be) II 963 post 't'ou't'ou add. xoct Me II 2229 ante 'IoUG't'LV~ocvovaild. 't'ov Me (Ba Be) II 2264 ante TIjv1 add. 3LtY.Me !I 253 post BPE't''t'IXVLOCV cX.AAcX II 2528 post €cr7tEp(OU add. Me add. AL~o'tJe; Me (Ba Be) II 2563 post O't'~ add. €v 't'<j) Me (Ba Be) II 2744 ante 't'WV add. 3~cXMe (Ba Be) II 4060 ante uLot add. ol Me (Ba Be) II 4373 post de; add. 't"1Jv Me (Ba Be) II 4615 ante 'PWf.LOCVLOCe; 't'~e; Me (Ba Be) add. II 504 post xct.G't'pou add. 't'ou Me (Ba Be) II 50229 ante ~IXG~AeW£; aild. 't'OU Me (Ba Be) II 53288 post 't'ocihoc add. 't'eXMe (Ba Be). If we take into consideration that the ms, V used by Meursius contains, as we have shown, innumerable errors, we can scarcely wonder that the first edition presents a sufficiently corrupted version of the original. It should, however, be emphasized that Meursius, particularly in his notes, made a large number of emendations to the text, and of these emendations later editions have made use. The edition of Bandur marks an advance on that of Meursius; Bandur, as he himself records, collated Meursius' text with P, and was thus able to correct, both in his text and in his notes, a large number of errors originating partly in V and partly in Me. But Bandur did not make his collation with the necessary care, with the result that many omissions and blunders escaped his attention. How many errors of Meursius were corrected by Bandur, and how many Bandur transferred to his own edition, may be easily discerned if we look at the examples given above in our examination of the relationship of V and Me, and note the proportion of the number of errors found in V Me and Me only to the number of errors found in V Me Ba or V Me Ba Be, and in Me Ba or Me Ba Be. To the number of inherited blunders Bandur added a fresh crop of his own, e. g.: 68 7tem:PL Ba (Be) II 2961 e; om. Ba II 2982 €Pf.L'tJVEOOIJ't'OCL Ba (Be) II 3094 ot Aomot 1:KAIX~ivtoL Ba (Be) II 4012 A~OOIJ't'LVOC (Be) II 4521 Ba xoctl om. Ba (Be) II 461H KWIJG1'OCV't'LVCP compo P)] KWVO''t'CtV't'L (Be) II (per Ba 46144 KWVG't'ocV't'i:voC; (per comp. P)] (Be) KWVG't'occ; a II 5170 7tPW1'OtJ7tOC&cipLOt; B om. Ba (Be) II 51200 Aoyou~ocp3Lrf Ba (Be) II 53218 elJ 't'<j) 't'ou <l>IXPIJOCKOU cr't'POC't'<i> Ba (Be) II 53251 cX.px.o[J.€IJOU (Be) II 53455 't'ljc;I]'C'"Y)1J Ba (Be). om. Ba



Critical Introduction

Bekker's edition marks no considerable advance. He made no study of mss., and therefore made no use offresh ms. material. He republished Bandur's text, which he occasionally emended by his own conjectures. Although he recorded in his critical apparatus the variants between the mss. used by Meursius and Bandur, and between their respective editions, yet he merely copied this information out of Bandur's notes, as is seen from the fact that he reproduces Bandur's typographical errors. Bekker's edition therefore repeats numerous errors of earlier editions, as appears in our examination above of the relationship between V Me and Ba; and he added to their number the slips and typographical errors of his own edition, e. g.: 2142 XpO~OCAAOV't'CXt II 2616 't"ov ) 't"·~v /I 2926 xoc<J't'pov2 om. II 3078 xcxt fLOVOV om. II 3088 xcxt om. II
IJ't"EPQV II 3755 XOV't"EUPCX 4544 Mcx(j(hov / II 4669 7tii<JcxC; II 4719 €\I 5079 't"~V om. II 50213 NLx1j't'Y)t.; II 51159 v1jmov 't'UYXtXVELV "Cov ~CX<JLAtcx, XtX'&wt.; EtpY)'rtXL, xcxt 't"o om. !I 51174 't'<1> ~tX()tAC:~ II 53267 't'EI om. II 53510 't'o X<op[OV om. 't'ov1

ordinem. permutavit


II 372 OL om. /I 3718 KOUA7t€Tl II 3749 7tA'YJ<J(~om. II 45101 7tpo<J<'fltX()t~6fL~VOt.; II 45145 om. II 4942 't'.±AAtX II 4960 7ttXpcxMnEC; II

In the light of our examination of the mutual relationship of mss, and editions, we may summarize as follows the history of the text of D. A. I. Of D. A. I., as of the De Cerimoniis, only one ms. survives from the Byzantine age.56blSIn view of the fact that none of the later Byzantine historians or chronographers makes use of the work, we must conclude that D. A. I., which was a confidential, indeed a most secret, document, was never published, but only preserved at the imperial court. There, probably, it was discovered by a member of the imperial family, the Caesar John Ducas, who between 1059 and 1081 had it copied for his library. But P is not an immediate copy of the original. Since P exhibits so many corruptions, and one marginal note refers to the year 979, we must postulate, between the archetype and P, yet another copy, probably made towards the close of the X century after the death of the author. Marginal notes and emendations make it clear that P continued to be read during the Byzantine age; from the note of 1361/2 and from other corrections We may conclude that the chh. on the Saracens were of peculiar interest at the period when the Ottoman Turks had crossed the Hellespont (1360) and were threatening the capital. After this the history of P is obscure. We do not know where it went from the library of John Ducas or what was its fate, until it came into the hands of Antony Eparchus. Certain it is that during the Renaissance the interest of Venetian humanists was aroused by the chh. of the work dealing with Venice, as is clear from the marginal notes to V; and that it is owing to this circumstance, not merely that the copy from the library of the Byzantine

6. bis But see now C. Mango-I. Sevcenko, 'A New MS of the De Cerimoniis', Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 14 (1960),pp.247-249.

Relationship of Manuscripts and Editions


Caesar reached Italy, but also that, at the beginning of the XVI century, two other complete copies of the work were made there as well. Upon the copy of Antony Eparchus was based the first edition of Meursius, the errors of which Bandur endeavoured to correct by a collation with the Byzantine copy; but even so, many inherited errors were transmitted not only to his own edition but also to the final edition of Bekker, published more than a century ago. The relationships of mss. and editions may be seen at a glance in the following tree: ARCHETYPE
(about 952)

(after 979)

(between 1059-1081)

(between 1009-1529)

(between 1060--1586) (1611)




Critical Introduction

5. METHOD FOLLOWED IN THE PRESENT EDITION It will be clear from our examination of the relationship of mss. and editions that all the known mss, of D. A. I. derive from a Byzantine copy of the XI century, P, which is thus the source of the whole textual tradition. On this lI1S. therefore, a new edition must be based.56 However, as we have emphasized, P exhibits additions, erasures and emendations which are partly the work of the copyist or a contemporary, and partly of various later hands. These last are again divisible into two categories: into those which were added to P before V and M were copied, and those which were added after V and M were copied. Insertions of the former class, which go back to the Byzantine age, are of unequal value: we find among them alterations which are mere arbitrary additions of later readers, such as the marginal note of 1361/2; but there are others, especially in the chh. dealing with the Arabs, which do emend errors which have occurred in the copying of P. Additions of the second category, dating from the post-Byzantine period and consisting of arbitrary alterations made by later readers, are of no value whatever; a characteristic specimen of these is the garbling from analogy of the original name 'Almoutzis' (see 38w 3849). But, apart from the attentions of later hands, P has also, as we saw, sustained material damage; and to restore the occasionally faded or mutilated text we are compelled to have recourse to the copies of P, made when P was in better condition than it is to-day. For these reasons, then, to restore the original text of P, use must be made of its copies, V and M. But even if the text of the Byzantine version preserved to us be purged of its later alterations and be restored, so far as may be, to its original state, the question remains whether P, thus restored, can be regarded as a faithful replica of the original text of Constantine. Since our new edition rests upon one ms, only, which cannot be checked by comparison with any other, the problem thus raised can be solved only by reference to internal evidence, that is, to the condition of the text as preserved in P and to the linguistic peculiarities of the work. There can be no doubt that copyist's errors have crept even into P. It can be demonstrated that in some passages the copyist has omitted words, as is seen is cases where the text is mutilated or unintelligible (e. g. 14,919, 1377,2261> 2671> 95). It is also certain that, in other passages, 46 we have to deal with more serious corruptions (e. g. 13177, 2958, 29~~9'3833,4223, 53101), which can only be conjecturally emended. In correcting the text of P, we have to take into account the fact that D. A. I. is compiled from various sources of which the language is not uniform. In some chapters we find vulgarisms whose removal would distort the genuine


See Gy. Moravcsik, 'L'edition critique du «De administrando

imperio»', Byzan-

lion, 14 (1939), pp. 353-360.

Method 01 the Edition


form of the work.F But since, as we saw above, the orthography of P is extremely faulty, there are many places where it is not easy to determine which linguistic peculiarities are native to Constantine's text and which are to be put down to the copyist. So, for example, we see in P forms which indicate the amalgamation of the participles of ot~oc and d80v (e. g. 4514°' 4928, 4934, 53193, 53419, 53429), a phenomenon exemplified also in papyri and other demotic texts.68 Again, as is well known, in later Greek certain forms of indicative and subjunctive coincide in pronunciation; and since P often confuses the diphthong e:L with the vowel '1), these forms coincide and amalgamate in its text also. It is well known, too, that in the post-classical age the conjunction tvoc is followed by indicative as well as subjunctive; and since the orthography of P is not consistent, we sometimes find after ~voc indicative and subjunctive forms used alternately even in the same sentence (e. g. 1381-83,53516)' All these and other confusions in the orthography of P (e. g. absence of the temporal augment) often make it hard to determine when we have, or have not, the right to correct it. Again, it is common knowledge that Constantine drew one part of his material from written sources which have come down to us independently. Such sources are, apart from citations of Holy Scripture, the Chronicles of Theophanes and George Monachus, the Ethnica of Stephanus of Byzantium, the Acts of the Synod in Trullo, etc. Elsewhere, passages of D. A. I. agree so closely with parallel passages of the De Thematibus, attributed to the same imperial author, and of the work known as Theophanes Continuatus, that for these passages we must postulate a common source. Some passages, then, of D. A. I. have come down to us immediately, and do not depend on P. We can thus compare the text of P with the text of the sources of the work, which sources may be used to restore the text of D. A. I. A comparison of the text of P with that of the sources and of other parallel passages shows that the author sometimes followed his originals faithfully, but at other times modified their styles, and occasionally supplemented his sources with others of unknown origin. But for our appraisal of the text of Constantine it is of great importance to realize that the text of D. A. I. preserved to us, when compared with the text of its sources, gives evidence in several places of serious corruption. At first sight we might conclude that

57 See Gy. Moravcsik, Tti <ruyyptX!J.!J.IXTIX KWVO"TIXV'l"tVOU TOU IIopq:)I)poye:vvf)Tou a.rco YAWO"O"LXljC; tXrc61j1e:wc;', Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, 5 (1938), pp. 514-520. 58 See S. G. Kapsomenakis, Voruntersuchungen zu einer Orammatik: der Papyr';, der

nachchristlichen Zeit, (Munich, 1938), p. 91.


Critical Introduction

P is a faulty copy, and that these errors must be corrected from the sources. But this is not so. A more searching examination shows that these supposed corruptions were to be found already in some mss. of the sources themselves (e. g. 2530, 4249). It follows that, as Constantine or his collaborators copied the sources they used out of mss. which were themselves corrupt, it is incorrect to attribute these corruptions to the carelessness of the copyist of P or other copyists of D. A. I.; we must, on the contrary, suppose that these very corruptions stood even in the original ms. of Constantine. Recognition of this fact, and of its bearing on the restoration of the original form of D. A. I., enjoins upon us the preservation of these corruptions in our text; since, if we emend P, we shall be disturbing the true text as Constantine wrote it. Of course, in the many cases where direct evidence is lacking, it is very hard to pronounce whether a corruption is of pre- or post-Constantinian origin, that is to say, whether it has been introduced by the copyist or existed already in the mss. of the sources and was thence transferred to the original ms. of Constantine. In this difficulty we derive some assistance from the fact that, considering the corruptions from the point of view of their nature and quantity, we note a great difference between those sections of D. A. 1. which are based on contemporary information and those which the editor has derived from older, written sources. In the former sections we find fewer errors, mainly of a minor character; but in the latter, which had been subject to continual transcription over a period of a century or more, the corruptions are proportionately greater in numbers and importance. This principle cannot be used as an absolute criterion; we have in each case, according to the nature of the corruption, to judge whether the corruption in question is or is not anterior to the age of Constantine, and whether in consequence we mayor may not retain it in his text. In view of these facts, the principles applied to the new edition may thus be summarized: The new edition is based on P, the text of which, however, in places where it is disturbed by material damage, erasures or alterations by later hands, is restored by reference to V and M. The critical text diverges from P when the text of P appears to be corrupt, that is to say, in places where it may be supposed that, owing to copyists' errors or alterations by later hands, the text of P does not correspond to the original text of Constantine's work. In such places we have taken into account the variants of the later transcripts (V, F, M) and editions (Me, Ba, Be) and the conjectural emendations of later researchers; and on the basis of these we have emended the text of P. Besides, the critical text diverges from P in spelling also. Modern spelling has been adopted, which has involved the tacit correction of errors arising from itacism, of accentual errors (including the Byzantine system of enclitic accentuation) and of other irregularities. This has been done the more readily since in our description of P above we have pointed out its orthographical peculiarities. We have kept the forms of the codex for the epheZcusticon and

Method 01 the Edition


for elision, although P is not consistent in their use. As regards numbers in the text, P uses verbal forms and cyphers indifferently, sometimes in the same sentence; we have substituted verbal forms for cyphers in the text only where consistency absolutely demanded it. The apparatus criticus falls into two parts, and contains 1. references to sources and parallel passages (F); 2. variants of mss. and editions, and emendations and conjectures of scholars (V). In the first section we have directed attention not merely to the immediate sources of Constantine but also to other, parallel passages which may assist the understanding of passages to which they are referred. But we have restricted ourselves to Greek sources only, because the enumeration of all parallels in the different Western and Eastern sources would have made the apparatus too bulky. In cases where there is no question of borrowing, but only of a common source, of similar sources of information, or simply of fortuitous concord, we cite the works in question with the symbol «cf.». In the second section, the following principles have been adopted. In each case where, for reasons already set forth, we diverge from the text of P, or where traces of emendations or erasures appear in the text of P, the fact is noted positively; i. e. we indicate the origin of the variant adopted in the text, and the reading of P, and if necessary, the readings of the later transcripts V, F, M, and of the editions Me, Ba, Be. In all other cases, that is, where the form adopted in the text differs only in spelling from the form found in P, or when noteworthy variants are recorded in later transcripts or editions, we note negatively, that is, we confine ourselves to a reference to the variants in the transcripts or editions in question. In its references to P, the apparatus records not only the corrections of the copyist himself (PI), but also the alterations and the marginal notes made by different later hands (P2_P9). By the symbol px are noted the alterations or erasures which were made by an unrecognizable hand before V was copied, and by the symbol pY are noted the alterations or erasures which were made by another unrecognizable hand after V was copied. We have left unnoted erasures or alterations which are of a purely orthographical character, or those which occur in words whose meaning is obvious, though we note all erasures and alterations met with in uncommon proper names. Unnoted also are traces of occasional attempts by later hands to amend faded writing, unless such traces suggest that the text has been altered. Orthographical irregularities of P are noted in the apparatus only when they occur in uncommon proper names, words of foreign derivation, colloquial words, or where the handwriting of P admits of more than one reading; and lastly where the accent falls on a syllable other than that which generally carries it. Abbreviations of P are noted only where their interpretation IS doubtful, or when numerals are denoted by letters.


Critical Introduction

Variants found in V, an immediate transcript of P, are noted in the apparatus only in cases where the parallel passages of P have suffered from material damage, erasures or alterations by later hands, or where V gives a variant which differs from the variant of P and which may serve to elucidate or emend the text. Variants found in F, a transcript of V, are noted only in exceptional cases, i. e. when F supplies some emendation of substance, or where the parallel passages of both V and P show trades of alteration. Variants found in M, a transcript of P, are noted only when erasure or alteration is found in the parallel passage of P. We regard it as unnecessary to note in the apparatus all the omissions, all the blunders and all the alterations of later transcripts and editions, especially as in our description of mss. and editions we have already given several examples. The apparatus, therefore, notes only the variants which are informative from the point of view of the restoration or history of the text (including the discrepancies between our new text and the text of Be). Note that where reference is made to the text of the editions, the abbreviations noted above (Me, Ba, Be) are employed; but where we refer to emendations or conjectures in the notes or apparatus of the editions, we cite them under the names of the respective editors (Meursius, Bandur, Bekker). If a source copied word for word by Constantine has come down to us independently, our apparatus notes variations therefrom, but not omissions and arbitrary alterations made by Constantine, who often modified the wording of his sources. Where, however, the author has inserted anything into the text of his source, this is noted in the apparatus. In respect to these sources, it has been found necessary in two cases to examine their mss., and make use of the results of the new collation. The relevant passages of the edition of Theophanes Continuatus I have collated with V (= codex Vaticanus gr. 167), and of De Thematibus with C (= codex Parisinus gr. 854); the variants are noted in the apparatus. Special treatment had to be applied to the text of George Monachus; for, as C. de Boor has shown, the emperor Constantine made use of that variant of his text which is represented by codex P (= cod. Coislin. gr. 305). We have therefore considered in the apparatus those variants especially which occur in this codex of George Monachus. In the apparatus ms. variants are noted in all cases in the original spelling, omitting only the horizontal strokes above proper names and the dots over the Land 1). Variant proper names are given an initial capital. Uncial numerical signs are replaced by the usual minuscule forms, and the horizontal stroke above them by the acute stroke universally employed to-day. Signs and technical details of the apparatus of our edition are generally in conformity with the ruling of the International Union of Academies.s"
69 Emploi des 8ignes critiques, disposition de l'apparat dans les edition8 eoeante« de textes qrece et latins. Conseils et reoommandations par J. Bidez et A. B. Drachmann. Edition nouvelle par A. Delatte et A. Severyns, (Bruxelles-Paris, 1938).

Method of the Edition


Lastly, we have included in the apparatus most of the emendations and conjectures of scholars known to us, though they are not all of equal value.60 This course is justified by the fact that the bibliography relating to D. A. I. is so rich and extensive that many individual conjectures are extraordinarily difficult to find. The work has in the past attracted so many different scholars, and their studies are published in so many different languages, that it is practically impossible for one who is not a specialist to know them alI.61 We hope that it will be of service to those who use this edition to find collected here all the resources of previous research directed towards critical examination of the text, and that they will be able to build further upon the foundations here laid; for research on D. A. I. is by no means exhausted yet, and the present edition aims at providing future research with a sure and reliable substructure. GY. MORAVCSIK.

80 I have also made use of some comments of Prof. Ph. Kukules (Athens) which he kindly communicated by letter, and for which I express my sincere gratitude. 61 See the complete bibliography by Gy. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. I, (Budapest, 1942), pp. 215-221 (2nd ed. pp. 367-379). - The studies published since are as follows: M. Vasmer, Die Slaven in Griechenland (Abhandlungen der PreusaischenAkademie der Wissenschaften, Jahrgang 1941., Philos.-hist. Klasse No. 12., Berlin. 1941); A. Vogt, '1£ protospathaire de 180 phiale et 180 marine byzantine', Echos d'Orient, 39 (1941-42), pp. 329-332; M. Laskaris, 'La rivalite bulgaro-byzantine en Serbie et la mission de Leon Rhabdouchos (917), (Constantin Porphyrogenete, De adm. imp. chap. 32)" Revue historique du Sud-Est Europien, 20 (1943), pp. 202-207; H. Gegroire, 'L'origine et le nom des Creates et des Serbes', Byzantion, 17 (1944-45), pp. 88-118; K. H. Menges, 'Etymological notes on some Piicanag names', Byzantion, 17 (1944-45), pp. 256-279; K. Czegledy, 'A IX. szazadi magyar tortenelem fl5bb kerdesei', Magyar Nyelv, 41 (1945),pp. 33-55; G. Vernadsky, 'Great Moravia and White Chorvatia', Journal 01 the American Oriental Society. 65 (1945), pp. 357-359; J. Deer, 'A IX. szazadi magyar tortenet idorendjehez', Szdzadok, 79-80 (1945-46). pp. 2-30; J. Harmatta, 'Szines lovu nepek', Magyar Nyelv, 42 (1946),pp. 26-34; G. Labuda, Pierwsze panstwo slowiai!8kie. Pasistioo Samona, Poznan, 1949.pp. 194-262. For bibliography since 1949, see Gy. Moravcsik, Byzantinot1lr(~ica (2nd ed.) I, pp. 367-379; D. A. I. vol. II, Commentary (London, 1962); Byzantinische Zeit.schritt 55 (1962)and subsequent volumes.


= V ariae lectiones et coniecturae


Fontes et loci paralleli

Parisinus gr. 2009 (cf. pp. 15-21.) manus prima manus recentiores manus ineerta (ante a. 1509) pY = manus incerta (post a. 1509) V = cod. Vaticanus-Palatinus gr. 126 (cf. pp. 21-22.) Vl = manus prima V2 = manus secunda F = cod. Parisinus gr. 2967 (cf. pp. 22-23.) Fl = manus prima F2 = manus secunda M = cod. Mutinensis gr. 179 [III F 1] (cf. p. 23.) EDITIONS: Me Ba Be edd. Migne Bury

= cod. P! = p~ = px =

= editio Meursiana (cf. p. 24.) Meursius = notae Meursii


editio Banduriana (cf. p. 24.) Bandurius = animadversiones Bandurii editio Bekkeriana (cf. p. 24.) Bekker = apparatus criticus Bekkeri editiones Me Ba Be editio a Migne curata (cf. p. 24.) editio cap. 29-36 a J. Bury facta (cf. p. 25.) SOURCES AND PARALLEL PASSAGES:

Georg. Mon. De Them. Theoph. Theoph. Cont.

= Georgius Monachus, ed. C_de Boor (Lipsiae, 1904)


= =

Georg. Mon. BEPV = codices B E P V a C. de Boor collati Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, De Thematibus, ed. I. Bekkert (Bonnae, 1840); ed. A. Pertusi (Roma, 1952) De Them.c = cod. Parisinus gr. 854 a me collatus Theophanes, ed. C. de Boor (Lipsiae, 1883) Theoph, codd. = codices a. C. de Boor oollati Theoph. bcdetg h m = codioes bod f g h m a C, de Boor collati Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekkerus (Bonnae, 1838) Theoph. Cont.v = cod. Vaticanus gr. 167 a me eollatus






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Proem. A wise son maketh glad a father, and an affectionate father taketh delight in a prudent son. For the Lord giveth wit to speak in season, and addeth thereto an ear to hear; with Him is the treasure of wisdom, and from Him cometh every perfect gift; He setteth kings upon the throne and giveth unto them the lordship over all. Now therefore hearken unto me, my son, and being adept in this my teaching thou shalt be wise among the prudent, and be accounted prudent among the wise; the peoples shall bless thee, and the multitudes of the nations shall call thee blessed. Be instructed in what it behoves thee before all else to know, and lay hold skilfully upon the helm of the rule. Study the things that are now, and be instructed concerning the things that are to be, so that thou mayest amass experience with sound judgment, and thou shalt be most competent in thine affairs. Lo, I set a doctrine before thee, so that being sharpened thereby in experience and knowledge, thou shalt not stumble concerning the best counsels and the common good: first, in what each nation has power to advantage the Romans, and in what to hurt, and how and by what other nation each severally may be encountered in arms and subdued; then, concerning their ravenous and insatiate temper and the gifts they demand inordinately; next, concerning also the difference between other nations, their origins
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and customs and manner of life, and the position and climate of the land they dwell in, its geographical description and measurement, and moreover concerning events which have occurred at various times between the Romans and different nations; and thereafter, what reforms have been introduced from time to time in our state, and also throughout the Roman empire. These things have I discovered of my own wisdom, and have decreed that they shall be made known unto thee, my beloved son, in order that thou mayest know the difference between each of these nations, and how either to treat with and conciliate them, or to make war upon and oppose. For so shall they quake before thee as one mighty in wisdom, and as from fire shall they flee from thee; their lips shall be bridled, and as darts shall thy words wound them unto death. Thou shalt appear terrible unto them, and at thy face shall trembling take hold upon them. And the Almighty shall cover thee with his shield, and thy Creator shall endue thee with understanding; He shall direct thy steps, and shall establish thee upon a sure foundation. Thy throne shall be as the sun before Him, and His eyes shall be looking towards thee, and naught of harm shall touch thee, for He hath chosen thee and set thee apart from thy mother's womb, and hath given unto thee His rule as unto one excellent above all men, and hath set thee as a refuge upon a hill and as a statue of gold upon an high place, and as a city upon a mountain hath He raised thee up, that the nations may bring to thee their gifts and thou mayest be adored of them that dwell upon the earth. But Thou, 0 Lord my God, whose rule abideth unharmed for ever, prosper him in his ways who through Thee was begotten of me, and may the visitation of Thy face be toward him, and Thine ear be inclined to his supplications. May Thy hand cover him, and may he rule because of truth, and may Thy right hand guide him; may his ways be made straight before Thee to keep thy statutes. May foes fall before his face, and his enemies lick the dust. May the stem of his race be shady with leaves of many offspring, and the shadow of his fruit cover the kingly mountains; for by Thee do kings rule, glorifying Thee for ever and ever.

43 ['oceJLAe:ueTw 1) 8e:~~oc emu: Psalm. 44, 5. 44 xoc'w>&uv.&e:£1jcrocv - 45 TOC 8~xoc~cilfJ.ocToc oou: Psalm. lI8, 5; cf. Psalm. 5, 9. 45 I1po 1tpocrC::l1tOU-1tOA£fJ.~OL: ef. Psalm. 71, 9; Lev. 26, 8. 45 Ae:£~OUcrt 46 OCUTOU Psalm. 71, 9; Is. 49, 23. 48 8~oc crou - ['OCcrLAe:L<; Prov. 8, 15.

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1, 2
1. 0 f the accrue how many advantages P e o hen e g s, and from their being at peace with the e m per 0 r 0 f the Rom a n e.


Hear now, my son, those things of which I think you should not be ignorant, and be wise that you may attain to government. For I maintain that while learning is a good thing for all the rest as well, who are subjects, yet it is especially so for you, who are bound to take thought for the safety of all, and to steer and guide the laden ship of the world. And if in setting out my subject I have followed the plain and beaten track of speech and, so to say, idly running and simple prose, do not wonder at that, my son. For I have not been studious to make a display of fine writing or of an Atticizing style, swollen with the sublime and lofty, but rather have been eager by means of every-day and conversational narrative to teach you those things of which I think you should not be ignorant, and which may without difficulty provide that intelligence and prudence which are the fruit of long experience. I conceive, then, that it is always greatly to the advantage of the emperor of the Romans to be minded to keep the peace with the nation of the Pechenegs and to conclude conventions and treaties of friendship with them and to send every year to them from our side a diplomatic agent with presents befitting and suitable to that nation, and to take from their side sureties, that is, hostages and a diplomatic agent, who shall be collected together under charge of the competent minister in this city protected of God, and shall enjoy all imperial benefits and gifts suitable for the emperor to bestow. This nation of the Pechenegs is neighbour to the district of Cherson, and if they are not friendly disposed towards us, they may make excursions and plundering raids against Cherson, and may ravage Cherson itself and the so-called Regions.

2. 0 f the

P e c hen

e gsa

n d the

R u s s ian


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2,3,4 Peohenegs. For they buy of them horned cattle and horses and sheep, whereby they live more easily and comfortably, since none of the aforesaid animals is found in Russia. Moreover, the Russians are quite unable to set out for wars beyond their borders unless they are at peace with the Pechenegs, because while they are away from their homes, these may come upon them and destroy and outrage their property. And so the Russians, both to avoid being harmed by them and because of the strength of that nation, are the more concerned always to be in alliance with them and to have them for support, so as both to be rid of their enmity and to enjoy the advantage of their assistance. Nor can the Russians come at this imperial city of the Romans, either for war or for trade, unless they are at peace with the Pechenegs, because when the Russians come with their ships to the barrages of the river and cannot pass through unless they lift their ships off the river and carry them past by portaging them on their shoulders, then the men of this nation of the Pechenegs set upon them, and, as they cannot do two things at once, they are easily routed and cut to pieces.


3. 0 f the

P e c hen e gsa

n d T u r k e.

The tribe of the Turks, too, trembles greatly at and fears the said Pechenegs, because they have often been defeated by them and brought to the verge of complete annihilation. Therefore the Turks always look on the Pechenegs with dread, and are held in check by them.

4. 0 f the

P e o hen e gsa

n d R u s s ian san

d T u r k s.

So long as the emperor of the Romans is at peace with the Pechenegs, neither Russians nor Turks can come upon the Roman dominions by force of arms, nor can they exact from the Romans large and inflated sums in money and goods as the price of peace, for they fear the strength of this nation which the emperor can turn against them while they are campaigning against the Romans. For the Pechenegs, if they are leagued in friendship with the emperor and won over by him through letters and gifts, can easily
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4, 0, 6


come upon the country both of the Russians and of the Turks, and enslave their women and children and ravage their country.


0 f the

P e c hen e gsa

n d the

B u I gar ian s.

To the Bulgarians also the emperor of the Romans will appear more formidable, and can impose on them the need for tranquillity, if he is at peace with the Pechenegs, because the said Pechenegs are neighbours to these Bulgarians also, and when they wish, either for private gain or to do a favour to the emperor of the Romans, they can easily march against Bulgaria, and with their preponderating multitude and their strength overwhelm and defeat them. And so the Bulgarians also continually struggle and strive to maintain peace and harmony with the Pechenegs. For from having frequently been crushingly defeated and plundered by them, they have learned by experience the value and advantage of being always at peace with them.

6. 0 f the

P e c hen e gsa

n d C her son i t e s.

Yet another folk of these Pechenegs lies over against the district of Cherson; they trade with the Chersonites, and perform services for them and for the emperor in Russia and Chazaria and Zichia and all the parts beyond: that is to say, they receive from the Chersonites a prearranged remuneration in respect of this service proportionate to their labour and trouble, in the form of pieces of purple cloth, ribbons, loosely woven cloths, gold brocade, pepper, scarlet or «Parthian» leather, and other commodities which they require, according to a contract which each Chersonite may make or agree to with an individual Pecheneg. For these Pechenegs are free men and, so to say, independent, and never perform any service without remuneration.

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7. Of the dispatch C her son of imperial agents toP a t z ina cia. from


When an imperial agent goes over to Cherson on this service, he must at once send to Patzinacia and demand of them hostages and an escort, and on their arrival he must leave the hostages under guard in the city ofCherson, and himself go off with the escort to Patzinacia and carry out his instructions. Now these Pechenegs, who are ravenous and keenly covetous of articles rare among them, are shameless in their demands for generous gifts, the hostages demanding this for themselves and that for their wives, and the escort something for their own trouble and some more for the wear and tear of their cattle. Then, when the imperial agent enters their country, they first ask for the emperor's gifts, and then again, when these have glutted the menfolk, they ask for the presents for their wives and parents. Also, all who come with him to escort him on his way back to Cherson demand payment from him for their trouble and the wear and tear of their cattle.

8. 0 f the dis pat o f war fro m the nacia along

h 0 f imp e ria I age n t s wit h s hip s cit y pro t e c ted 0 f God toP a t z ithe Danube and Dnieper and D n i est err i v e r.

In the region of Bulgaria also is settled a folk of the Pechenegs, toward the region of the Dnieper and the Dniester and the other rivers of those parts. And when an imperial agent is dispatched from here with ships of war, he may, without going to Cherson, shortly and swiftly find these same Pechenegs here; and when he has found them, the imperial agent sends a message to them by his man, himself remaining on board the ships of war, carrying along with him and guarding in the ships of war the imperial goods. And they come down to him, and when they come down, the imperial agent gives them hostages of his men, and himself takes other hostages of these Pechenegs, and holds them in the ships of war, and then he makes

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agreement with them; and when the Pechenegs have taken their oaths to the imperial agent according to their 'zakana', he presents them with the imperial gifts, and takes from among them as many <friends' as he sees fit, and returns. Agreement must be made with them on this condition, that wherever the emperor calls upon them, they are to serve him, whether against the Russians, or against the Bulgarians, or again against the Turks. For they are able to make war upon all these, and as they have often come against them, are now regarded by them with dread. And this is clear from what follows. For once when the cleric Gabriel was dispatched by imperial mandate to the Turks and said to them, «The emperor declares that you are to go and expel the Pechenegs from their place and settle yourselves there (for in former days you used to be settled there yourselves) so that you may be near to my imperial majesty, and when I wish, I may send and find you speedily), then all the chief men of the Turks cried aloud with one voice, «We are not putting ourselves on the track of the Pechenegs; for we cannot fight them, because their country is great and their people numerous and they are the devil's brats; and do not say this to us again; for we do not like it h) When spring is over, the Pechenegs cross to the far side of the Dnieper river, and always pass the summer there.

9. 0 f the

com i n g 0 f the R u s s ian sin fro m R u s s i a t 0 Con s tan tin

'm 0 no x y 1a' 0 pie.

The 'monoxyla' which come down from outer Russia to Constantinople are from Novgorod, where Sviatoslav, son of Igor, prince of Russia, had his seat, and others from the city of Smolensk and from Teliutza and Chernigov and from Vyshegrad. All these come down the river Dnieper, and are collected together at the city of Kiev, also called Sambatas. Their Slav tributaries, the so-called Krivichians and the Lenzanenes and the rest of the Slavonic regions, cut the 'monoxyla' on their mountains in time of winter, and when they have prepared them, as spring approaches, and the ice melts, they bring them on to the neighbouring lakes. And since these lakes debouch into the river Dnieper, they enter thence on to this same
6 M~AWl(J)(.IX\): <~>!L~At\lLCJXIX\) coni. Raeki II Te:A~auT1:IX\): ore: A~OUT~Q(\) coni. Safarik Manojlovic Te: AWU<(3)T~IXV coni. Raeki II T1:e:pvtywylXv V edd. T~e:pvty(j)ulXv coni. Raeki II 8 dc:; (etiam Bandurius): btl edd. II 10 a[ Aomo! ~)(AIX(3(VWt edd. !I ~XAIX(3tV£lXt P II 11/2 )(IXTa.pTIJO"IXV"t'EC:; P edd. II 12 lXiJTIx corr, Moravcsik: IXUTWV P edd. 1113 Exd'va. edd. 1114 TOV1 om. edd. II


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TO Meursius Ba Be \I KL6(j1X edd. Il 16 k~&p't'1)ow edd. II 18 ante P 7r€AAIXC; add. XlXt edd. 19 lac. indo Moravcsik xcxt Q{)TCUC; addendum coni. Bekker II 24/5 "tOil rnollo!LIXl;6!Le:volI'Pcucw:n-L <!Lell •.• >. :EXACX(jLVLO-TL<Be> Ne:o-o-ourrij, I) EP!LT)'JEUE"tCXL coni. Kunik aliquid excidisse SU8p. Thomsen 25 'Eo-o-ol)7r'ij: Ne:O-O-O\)7r( coni. Bandurius Ne:o-o-ou7r-ij coni. Bayer Thunmann §afarik Kunik Gedeonov Thomsen Hru8evskyj II :EXAIX(jWLo-TIj P \I 25/6 XOL!L&O-a.~ (etiam Cobet):




river, and come down to Kiev, and draw the ships along to be finished and sell them to the Russians. The Russians buy these bottoms only, furnishing them with oars and rowlocks and other tackle from their old 'monoxyla', which they dismantle; and so they fit them out. And in the month of June they move off down the river Dnieper and come to Vitichev, which is a tributary city of the Russians, and there they gather during two or three days; and when all the 'monoxyla' are collected together, then they set out, and come down the said Dnieper river. And first they come to the first barrage, called Essoupi, which means in Russian and Slavonic 'Do not sleep!'; the barrage itself is as narrow as the width of the Polo-ground; in the middle of it are rooted high rocks, which stand out like islands. Against these, then, comes the water and wells up and dashes down over the other side, with a mighty and terrific din. Therefore the Russians do not venture to pass between them, but put in to the bank hard by, disembarking the men on to dry land leaving the rest of the goods on board the 'monoxyla'; they then strip and, feeling with their feet to avoid striking on a rock, * * *. This they do, some at the prow, some amidships, while others again, in the stern, punt with poles; and with all this careful procedure they pass this first barrage, edging round under the river-bank. When they have passed this barrage, they re-embark the others from the dry land and sail away, and come down to the second barrage, called in Russian Oulvorsi, and in Slavonic Ostrovouniprach, which means 'the Island of the Barrage'. This one is like the first, awkward and not to be passed through. Once again they disembark the men and convey the 'monoxyla' past, as on the first occasion. Similarly they pass the third barrage also, called Gelandri, which means in Slavonic 'Noise of the Barrage', and then the fourth barrage, the big one, called in Russian Aeifor, and in Slavonic Neasit, because the pelicans nest in the stones of the barrage. At this barrage all put into land prow foremost,

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72 TI)V v~aov p. 130. No 3, 754.


cf. Not. episc. (s. XIV.), ed. G. Parthey

9 and those who are deputed to keep the watch with them get out, and off they go, these men, and keep vigilant watch for the Pechenegs. The remainder, taking up the goods which they have on board the 'monoxyla', conduct the slaves in their chains past by land, six miles, until they are through the barrage. Then, partly dragging their 'monoxyla', partly portaging them on their shoulders, they convey them to the far side of the barrage; and then, putting them on the river and loading up their baggage, they embark themselves, and again sail off in them. When they come to the fifth barrage, called in Russian Varouforos, and in Slavonic Voulniprach, because it forms a large lake, they again convey their 'monoxyla' through at the edges of the river, as at the first and second barrages, and arrive at the sixth barrage, called in Russian Leanti, and in Slavonic Veroutzi, that is 'the Boiling of the Water', and this too they pass similarly. And thence they sail away to the seventh barrage, called in Russian Stroukoun, and in Slavonic Naprezi, which means 'Little Barrage'. This they pass at the so-called ford of Vrar, where the Chersonites cross over from Russia and the Pechenegs to Cherson; which ford is as wide as the Hippodrome, and, measured upstream from the bottom as far as the rocks break surface, a bow-shot in length. It is at this point, therefore, that the Pechenegs come down and attack the Russians. Mter traversing this place, they reach the island called St. Gregory, on which island they perform their sacrifices because a gigantic oak-tree stands there; and they sacrifice live cocks. Arrows, too, they peg in round about, and others bread and meat, or something of whatever each may have, as is their custom. They also throw lots regarding the cocks, whether to slaughter them, or to eat them as well, or to leave them alive. From this island onwards the Russians do not fear the Pecheneg until they reach the river Selinas. So then they start off thence and sail for four days, until they reach the lake which forms the mouth of the river, on which is the island of St. Aitherios. Arrived at this island, they rest themselves there for two or three days. And they re-equip their 'monoxyla' with such tackle as is needed, sails and masts and rudders, which they bring with them. Since this


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9, 10


lake is the mouth of this river, as has been said, and carries on down to the sea, and the island of St. Aitherios lies on the sea, they come thence to the Dniester river, and having got safely there they rest again. But when the weather is propitious, they put to sea and come to the river called Aspros, and after resting there too in like manner, they again set out and come to the Selinas, to the so-called branch of the Danube river. And until they are past the river Selinas, the Pechenegs keep pace with them. And if it happens that the sea casts a 'monoxylon' on shore, they all put in to land, in order to present a united opposition to the Pechenegs. But after the Selinas they fear nobody, but, entering the territory of Bulgaria, they come to the mouth of the Danube. From the Danube they proceed to the Konopas, and from the Konopas to Constantia, and from Oonstantia to the river of Varna, and from Varna they come to the river Ditzina, all of which are Bulgarian territory. From the Ditzina they reach the district of Mesembria, and there at last their voyage, fraught with such travail and terror, such difficulty and danger, is at an end. The severe manner of life of these same Russians in winter-time is as follows. When the month of November begins, their chiefs together with all the Russians at once leave Kiev and go off on the 'poliudia', which means 'rounds', that is, to the Slavonic regions of the Vervians and Drugovichians and Krivichians and Severians and the rest of the Slavs who are tributaries of the Russians. There they are maintained throughout the winter, but then once more, starting from the month of April, when the ice of the Dnieper river melts, they come back to Kiev. They then pick up their 'monoxyla', as has been said above, and fit them out, and come down to Romania. The Uzes can attack the Pechenegs.

10. 0 f C h a z a ria,


and b y who m war up 0 nit.

m u s t b e mad e

The Uzes can attack the Chazars, for they are their neighbours, and so can the ruler of Alania.
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Nine regions of Chazaria are adjacent to Alania, and the Alan can, if he be so minded, plunder these and so cause great damage and dearth among the Chazars: for from these nine regions come all the livelihood and plenty of Chazaria. 11. 0 f the cit y

f C her son



cit y

f B 0 s P 0 r u s.

If the ruler of Alania is not at peace with the Chazars, but thinks preferable the friendship of the emperor of the Romans, then, if the Chazars are not minded to preserve friendship and peace with the emperor, he, the Alan, may do them great hurt by ambushing their routes and setting upon them when they are off their guard, in their passage to Sarkel and the Regions and Cherson. And if this ruler will act zealously to check them, then Cherson and the Regions may enjoy great and profound peace; for the Chazars, afraid of the attack of the Alans and consequently not being free to attack Cherson and the Regions with an army, since they are not strong enough to fight both at once, will be compelled to remain at peace.

12. 0 fbi

a c k B u I gar i a and

C h a z a ria.

The so-called black Bulgaria can also attack the Chazars.

13. 0 f the


ion s t hat


n eigh b

u r s tot

h e T u r k s.

These nations are adjacent to the Turks: on their western side Francia; on their northern the Pechenegs; and on the south side great Moravia, the country of Sphendoplokos, which has now been totally devastated by these Turks, and occupied by them. On the side of the mountains the Croats are adjacent to the Turks. The Pechenegs too can attack the Turks, and plunder and harm them greatly, as has been said above in the chapter on the Pechenegs.

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Fix, my son, your minds's eye upon my words, and learn those things which I command you, and you will be able in due season as from ancestral treasures to bring forth the wealth of wisdom, and to display the abundance of wit. Know therefore that all the tribes of the north have, as it were implanted in them by nature, a ravening greed of money, never satiated, and so they demand everything and hanker after everything and have desires that know no limit or circumscription, but are always eager for more, and desirous to acquire great profits in exchange for a small service. And so these importunate demands and brazenly submitted claims must be turned back and rebutted by plausible speeches and prudent and clever excuses, which, in so far as our experience has enabled us to arrive at them, will, to speak summarily, run more or less as follows: Should they ever require and demand, whether they be Chazars, or Turks, or again Russians, or any other nation of the northerners and Scythians, as frequently happens, that some of the imperial vesture or diadems or state robes should be sent to them in return for some service or office performed by them, then thus you shall excuse yourself: «These robes of state and the diadems, which you call 'kamelaukia', were not fashioned by men, nor by human arts devised or elaborated, but, as we find it written in secret stories of old history, when God made emperor the former Constantine the great, who was the first Christian emperor, He sent him these robes of state by the hand of His angel, and the diadems which you call 'kamelaukia', and charged him to lay them in the great and holy church of God, which, after the name of that very wisdom which is the property of God, is called St.Sophia; and not to clothe himself in them every day, but only when it is a great public festival of the Lord. And so by God's command he laid them up, and they hang above the holy table in the sanctuary of this same church, and are for the ornament of the church. And the rest of the imperial vestments and cloaks lie spread out upon this holy table. And when a festival of our Lord and God Jesus Christ comes round, the patriarch takes up such of these robes of state and diadems as are suitable and appropriated to that occasion, and sends them to the emperor, and he wears them in the procession, and only in it, as the servant and minister of God, and after use returns them again to the church, and they are laid up in it. Moreover, there is a curse of the holy and great emperor Constantine en-

V 21 IXn-OXPOUEO''&OCL COTTo Moravcsik: IXVOCXPOUEO''&IXL P edd. /I 24 TOUpXOL P II 25 !30PELWV P II 26 to'.&"IJ't"wv P II 28 IXn-OAOylO'IXO''&IXL P edd. 1/ O''t"OAIX~J eorrupto pergu·meno liueras ext 8. v. iter. pa II 29 ufLwV (etiam Meursius); 1)fLwV V edd. II 30 t~ELPy&O'.&1jO'ocv Be II 32 !3IXO'LMIX Be: [3ocO'LMIXV P !i 34 OCn-EP UfLdc; (etiam Meursius): & n-IXP' ~fLwV Ba Be II MYE't"E V Me; MYE't"IXL P Ba Be 11 35 I>LOplO'oc't"w P II 35 TIjc; om. edd. " 43/4 EX 't"WV: 't"IX ex Me Ba TE EX Be II 45 IXn-oO''t"eAA"IJ P 11 47 IXV't"LO'Tpe<p"IJ p II

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Theoph. p. 453, 25-30;

Georg. Mon.



graved upon this holy table of the church of God, according as he was charged by God through the angel, that if an emperor for any use or occasion or unseasonable desire be minded to take of them and either himself misuse them or give them to others, he shall be anathematized as the foe and enemy of the commands of God, and shall be excommunicated from the church; moreover, if he himself be minded to make others like them, these too the church of God must take, with the freely expressed approval of all the archbishops and of the senate; and it shall not be in the authority either of the emperor, or of the patriarch, or of any other, to take these robes of state or the diadems from the holy church of God. And mighty dread hangs over them who are minded to transgress any of these divine ordinances. For one of the emperors, Leo by name, who also married a wife from Chazaria, out of his folly and rashness took up one of these diadems when no festival of the Lord was toward, and without the approval of the patriarch put it about his head. And straightway a carbuncle came forth upon his forehead so that in torment at the pains of it he evilly departed his evil life, and ran upon death untimely. And, this rash act being summarily avenged, thereafter a rule was made, that when he is about to be crowned the emperor must first swear and give surety that he will neither do nor conceive anything against what has been ordained and kept from ancient times, and then may he be crowned by the patriarch and perform and execute the rites appropriate to the established festival.» Similar care and thought you must take in the matter of the liquid fire which is discharged through tubes, so that if any shall ever venture to demand this too, as they have often made demands of us also, you may rebut and dismiss them in words like these: «This too was revealed and taught by God through an angel to the great and holy Constantine, the first Christian emperor, and concerning this too he received great charges from the same angel, as we are assured by the faithful witness of our fathers and grandfathers, that it should be manufactured among the Christians only and in the city ruled by them, and nowhere else at all, nor should it be sent nor taught to any other nation whatsoever. And so, for the confirmation of this among those who should come after him, this great emperor caused curses to be inscribed on the holy table of the church of God, that he who

49 (jocmAt(»<; om. V edd. II 50/1 /) 0e:o<; 8~iX'!ou &yyt"AOU V edd. 51 I>toPLcrlX'!O P II 54 &VIX&e:!lOCT£I:"lJTIX~ Meursius Ba Be II &7tOX"lJPUT't""IJTlXt Meursius Ba Be II 65 XIXX~V x,x)(o<; P II 69 CPUAIX't"T0fLtV(»V edd.: CPUAIX't"'t"ofL€VOt~ P II 70 TOAfLfJrrn Ba Be II 73 Xp'ijcrlX~ P II cr~cp6vwv P II 76 IXOTOU<; edd.: IXUTotC; P /I f!xo~<; V edd. II 77 &no TOU om. edd. II 0e:ou add. Moravcsi.k II 77/8 XptcrT~OCVij> Meursius Ba Be: XptcrnlXvwv P II 82 7tOCPIX7t€fL7t"IJTlXtedd.: m~pOC7t€fL7tETlXt P II


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should dare to give of this fire to another nation should neither be called a Christian, not be held worthy of any rank or office; and if he should be the holder of any such, he should be expelled therefrom and be anathematized and made an example for ever and ever, whether he were emperor, or patriarch, or any other man whatever, either ruler or subject, who should seek to transgress this commandment. And he adjured all who had the zeal and fear of God to be prompt to make away with him who attempted to do this, as a common enemy and a transgressor of this great commandment, and to dismiss him to a death most hateful and cruel. And it happened once, as wickedness will still find room, that one of our military governors, who had been most heavily bribed by certain foreigners, handed over some of this fire to them; and, since God could not endure to leave unavenged this transgression, as he was about to enter the holy church of God, fire came down out of heaven and devoured and consumed him utterly. And thereafter mighty dread and terror were implanted in the hearts of all men, and never since then has anyone, whether emperor, or noble, or private citizen, or military governor, or any man of any sort whatever, ventured to think of such a thing, far less to attempt to do it or bring it to pass.» <But come, now, turn', and to meet another sort of demand, monstrous and unseemly, seemly and appropriate words discover and seek out. For if any nation of these infidel and dishonourable tribes of the north shall ever demand a marriage alliance with the emperor of the Romans, and either to take his daughter to wife, or to give a daughter of their own to be wife to the emperor or to the emperor's son, this monstrous demand of theirs also you shall rebut with these words, saying: «Concerning this matter also a dread and authentic charge and ordinance of the great and holy Constantine is engraved upon the sacred table of the universal church of the Christians, St. Sophia, that never shall an emperor of the Romans ally himself in marriage with a nation of customs differing from and alien to those of the Roman order, especially with one that is infidel and unbaptized, unless it be with the Franks alone; for they alone were excepted by that great man, the holy Constantine, because he himself drew his origin from those parts; for there is much relationship and converse between Franks and Romans. And why did he order that with them alone the emperors of the Romans should
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13 intermarry? Because of the traditional fame and nobility of those lands and races. But with any other nation whatsoever it was not to be in their power to do this, and he who dared to do it was to be condemned as an alien from the ranks of the Christians and subject to the anathema, as a transgressor of ancestral laws and imperial ordinances. And that emperor Leo aforesaid, who also, as has been described above, unlawfully and rashly, without the consent of him who was then patriarch, took from the church the diadem and put it about his head and was summarily punished in full for his wicked attempt, dared to make light of and to disregard this commandment also of that holy emperor, which, as has already been made clear, is engraved on the holy table; and as he had once put himself outside the fear of God and His commandments, so also he contracted an alliance in marriage with the chagan of Chazaria, and received his daughter to be his wife, and thereby attached great shame to the empire of the Romans and to himself, because he annulled and disregarded the ancestral injunctions; yet he, however, was not even an orthodox Christian, but an heretic and a destroyer of images. And so for these his unlawful impieties he is continually excommunicated and anthematized in the church of God, as a transgressor and perverter of the ordinance of God and of the holy and great emperor Constantine. For how can it be admissible that Christians should form marriage associations and ally themselves by marriage with infidels, when the canon forbids it and the whole church regards it as alien to and outside the Christian order? Or which of the illustrious or noble or wise emperors of the Romans has admitted it ?) But if they reply: «How then did the lord Romanus, the emperor, ally himself in marriage with the Bulgarians, and give his grand-daughter to the lord Peter the Bulgarian ~I), this must be the defence: «The lord Romanus, the emperor, was a common, illiterate fellow, and not from among those who have been bred up in the palace, and have followed the Roman national customs from the beginning; nor was he of imperial and noble stock, and for this reason in most of his actions he was too arrogant and despotic, and in this instance he neither heeded the prohibition of the church, nor followed the commandment and ordinance of the great Constantine, but out of a temper arrogant and self-willed and untaught in virtue and refusing to follow what was


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13 right and good, or to submit to the ordinances handed down by our forefathers, he dared to do this thing; offering, that is, this alone by way of specious excuse, that by this action so many Christian prisoners were ransomed, and that the Bulgarians too are Christians and of like faith with us, and that in any case she who was given in marriage was not daughter of the chief and lawful emperor, but of the third and most junior, who was still subordinate and had no share of authority in matters of government; but this was no different from giving any other of the ladies of the imperial family, whether more distantly or closely related to the imperial nobility, nor did it make any difference that she was given for some service to the commonweal, or was daughter of the most junior, who had no authority to speak of. And because he did this thing contrary to the canon and to ecclesiastical tradition and the ordinance and commandment of the great and holy emperor Constantine, the aforesaid lord Romanus was in his lifetime much abused, and was slandered and hated by the senatorial council and all the commons and the church herself, so that their hatred became abundantly clear in the end to which he came; and after his death he is in the same way vilified and slandered and condemned inasmuch as he too introduced an unworthy and unseemly innovation into the noble polity of the Romans.» For each nation has different customs and divergent laws and institutions, and should consolidate those things that are proper to it, and should form and develop out of the same nation the associations for the fusion of its life. For just as each animal mates with its own tribe, so it is right that each nation also should marry and cohabit not with those of other race and tongue but of the same tribe and speech. For hence arise naturally harmony of thought and intercourse among one another and friendly converse and living together; but alien customs and divergent laws are likely on the contrary to engender enmities and quarrels and hatreds and broils, which tend to beget not friendship and association but spite and division. Mark, too, that it is not for those who wish to govern lawfully to copy and emulate what has been ill done by some out of ignorance or arrogance, but rather to have the glorious deeds of those who have ruled lawfully and righteously as noble pictures set up for an example to be copied, and after their pattern to strive himself also to direct all that he does; since the end which came upon him, I mean, the lord Romanus, through these


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14. 2 re:Ve:CXAoye:T'!CXL 28 AL&pl~ou: Georg. Mon. p. 697, 13--699, 10 codicis P); cf. Theoph. p. 333, 14--334, 19; Leo Gramm., ed. Bonn. p. 153, 4--154, 7; Theod. Melit., ed. Tafel p. 105, 24--106, 21; Cedr., ed. Bonn. I. p. 738, 12-739, 15; Excerpta cod. Harl. 5624. (s, XV.) fo1. 418r sqq., ed. Sp. Lampros, NEO~ 'EAA1)\lO(J-V-f)(J-wv XV. p. 359.
(cf. textum

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13, 14 his headstrong acts is a sufficient warning to restrain anyone who is minded to emulate his evil deeds.


But now, with the rest, you must know also what follows, my well-loved son, since knowledge of it may greatly advantage you and render you the object of greater admiration. That is, once again, knowledge 'of the difference between other nations, their origins and customs and manner of life, and the position and climate of the land they dwell in, and its geographical description and measurement', as they are more widely expounded hereafter. 14. 0 f the g e n e a log y

f M a hom e t.

The blasphemous and obscene Mahomet, whom the Saracens claim for their prophet, traces his genealogy by descent from the most widespread race of Ishmael, son of Abraham. For Nizaros, the descendant of Ishmael, is proclaimed the father of them aU. Now he begat two sons, Moundaros and Rabias, and Moundaros begat Kousaros and Kaisos and Themimes and Asandos and various others whose names are unknown, who were allotted the Madianite desert and reared their flocks, dwelling in tents. And there are others further off in the interior who are not of the same tribe, but of Iektan, the so-called Homerites, that is, Amanites. And the story is published abroad thus. This Mahomet, being destitute and an orphan, thought fit to hire himself out to a certain wealthy woman, his relative, Chadiga by name, to tend her camels and to trade for her in Egypt among the foreigners and in Palestine. Thereafter by little and little he grew more free in converse and ingratiated himself with the woman, who was a widow, and took her to wife. Now, during his visits to Palestine and intercourse with Jews and Christians he used to follow up certain of their doctrines and interpretations of scripture. But as he had the disease of epilepsy, his wife, a noble and wealthy lady, was greatly cast down at being united to this man, who was not only destitute but an epileptic into the bargain, and so he deceived her by alleging: «1 behold a dreadful vision of an angel called Gabriel, and
MoU8cxpov Georg. Mon. Theoph. II 6 'Pcx~dcxv P II M00v8oc:po~ (etiam Theoph.cOdd.): Mou3cxpo<;; Georg. Mon. Theoph. \I K00acxpov (etiam Georg. Mon.): Koupcxaov Georg. Mon.p Theoph. II 0e:fLLfLl)vGeorg. Mon. Theoph.: 0UfLEfLl)VP edd. II 7 'Aacxv8ov Cod. Harl. "Aacx8ov Georg. Mon. Theoph. II cXVWVUfLou<;; Meursius Be Georg. Mon. : ofLwV0fLou~ P ci:yvwa,ou<;; Theoph. II Moc:8~cxvl-rl)v II 9 'lEx'rcxv P \I 10 'OfLl)pe:hcx~ P II 'Aj.Lcxv"i'rcxt P (etiam Theoph.): ,A!J.fLcxvhoc:,Georg. Mon. II • Avcx8dxvu'rcxt 8s: o(hw<;; deest in Georg. Mon. II 11 cxu'rou 'rOU: 'rou 7rpOe:tpl)fLEVOU Georg. Mon.p Theoph. II MouxoufLe:8 Georg. Mon. II fL~a&onuacxa&cxL P: fLta&wTe:uacxt Georg. Mon. fLta-&o8oTIjae:a&cxtedd. 1\ 12 XQ(8~yCi Georg. Mon .. ; Xa.8tycx P Xcx8lyoc: edd. Xcx8tycxv Theoph. 1\ 13 cXAAOq>')AWV: 0fL0q>UAWV eorg. Mon. II 16 Q"\)vcxvCXTPe:q>6fLe:vO<;; Ba II 17 Auae:L<;;; G V Me p~cre:t<;; Georg. Mon. II


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14, 15


being unable to endure his sight, I faint and fall»; and he was believed because a certain Arian, who pretended to be a monk, testified falsely in his support for love of gain. The woman being in this manner imposed on and proclaiming to other women of her tribe that he was a prophet, the lying fraud reached also the ears of a head-man whose name was Boubachar. Well, the woman died and left her husband behind to succeed her and to be heir of her estate, and he became a notable and very wealthy man, and his wicked imposture and heresy took hold on the district of Ethribos. And the crazy and deluded fellow taught those who believed on him, that he who slays an enemy or is slain by an enemy enters into paradise, and all the rest of his nonsense. And they pray, moreover, to the star of Aphrodite, which they call Koubar, and in their supplication cry out: «Alla wa Koubar», that is, 'God and Aphrodite'. For they call God 'AlIa', and 'wa' they use for the conjunction 'and', and they call the star 'Koubar', and so they say 'Alla wa Koubar'.

15. 0 f the

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Fatem was a daughter of Mahomet, and from her are begotten the Fatemites. But these are not from Fatemi, from the country of Libya, but dwell in the district north of Mecca, away behind the tomb of Mahomet. They are an Arab nation, carefully trained to wars and battles; for with the aid of this tribe Mahomet went to war, and took many cities and subdued many countries. For they are brave men and warriors, so that if they be found to the number of a thousand in an army, that army cannot be defeated or worsted. They ride not horses but camels, and in time of war they do not put on corselets or coats of mail but pink-coloured cloaks, and have long spears and shields as tall as a man and enormous wooden bows which few can bend, and that with difficulty.
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16. 1 'EK TOU - 5 OLE1t(J)V: cf. H. Usener, De Stephano Alexandrino, Index lect. Bonn. 1879. p. 3-16., 1879/80. p. 15-22, Notae Bullialdi ad Ducae Historiam, ed. Bonn. pp. 622-626. 6 'E~'iiA&ov 9 1tEfJ-1t1"?): cf. Leo Gramm., ed. Bonn. p. 152, 20-153, 3; Cedr., ed. Bonn. I. p. 717, 7-17; Excerpta cod. Bruxellensis II 4836. (s. XIII.) fol. 90v, ed. J. Davreux, Byzantion X. p. 99. 17. 2 TOUTer - 10 CXUTiji: Theoph. p.333, 1-13; cf. Cedr., cd. Bonn. I. p. 738, 3-11; Exc. cod. Had. 5624., l. c. p. 358-359. 10 OUTOL - 11 m;pLTofJ-'~V: cf. Georg. Mon. p. 700, 5-6; Cedro I. p. 739, 22. 14 'ExpcXT1Jcre:v - 23 cXOLXOUfJ-EVOL<;;: heoph. T p. 334, 17-27; cf. Cedro I. p. 739, Hi-I7; Exc. cod. Harl. 5624.,1. c. p. 359.


16, 17 16. Fro m the can 0 n w h i c h S t e p hen the a s t r 0 log e r cast from the stars concerning the Exodus of the S a rae ens, 1n w hat yea r 0 f the f 0 u n d a t ion oft hew 0 rid itt 00k P I ace, and who the n h e Id the s c e p t reo f the e m p ire 0 f the Rom a n s. The Exodus of the Saracens took place on the third day of the month of September of the tenth indiction, in the twelfth year of Heraclius, in the year from the creation of the world 6130. And the horoscope of these same Saracens was cast in the month of September, on the third day of the month, the fifth day of the week. At this same time Mouameth was first chief of the Arabs, whom the Arabs call Mahomet, who was also their prophet, and he held rule over the Arabs nine years.

17. Fro

m the of

C h ron blessed

i c leo f The memory.

p han

e s,

In this year 6139, died Mouameth, chief and false prophet of the Saracens, having appointed in his stead Aboubacharos, or Boupaktor, his kinsman. And the deluded Jews at his first appearance had taken him for the Christ whom they expect, so that some of their leading men approached him and received his religion and forsook that of Moses who beheld God. But when they saw him eating camel's flesh, they realized that he was not what they had thought him. But they taught him to do nefarious crimes against the Christians and continued in his company. These are they who taught him to accept some parts of the Law, both the circumcision and other matters, which the Saracens observe. The first to come after him, then, was Aboubachar, who had proclaimed him to be a prophet and was for that reason left behind to succeed him. And his heresy prevailed in the district of Ethribos, at first in secret ten years, and at last through
V 16. 1 OU: &v edd. II 4/5 xod 'rl~0 TOC crx'ij1tTpCX T'ij~ ~occr~Adcxc; ·Pw!J.OCtWV Ihe1twv: XOCL '!£~ 1jv T6Te: 0 ~OCcrtAe:Q~ ·PW(.l-CX£w v V edd. 7 BwBbtoc'!ov V M edd.: ~~' P '!iii LW ~'!e:L (sc, 'HPOCXAdou) Cedr, Tiii ••• BwBe:xcX-rcp TOU Mwoc(.l-e:& Xp6vcp Leo Gramm. II 8 post ,C:PA' s~glo .]. adhibito vuv Be (err'nv) ,C:wo' (tvB~X'!LWVOC;) Le:' , dVOCL cX1te T6T(e:) ~wC; vuv Xp6VOL ~(.I-' mg. add. pa, quae omnia in


textum receperumt V M Me, qua de causa caput hoc insiticium esse suspicatus est Meursius II 10/1 1tpo<p-f}TI)C; pi V 1\1 edd.: 1tpOCP'~T'IjV P II II CXUTWV pi V M edd.: CXUTev p II 8e: am. V edd. II 12 evv€cx edd.: &' P. 17. 2 llYouv ,~pA&' deest in Theoph. II l\1ouoc(.l-e:B Theoph. II 3 cXVT' cxu'!ou deest in Theoph. II 4 '!ev XOCL BOU7tcX.XTWPCX deest in Theoph. II BOUTOCXTWPCX V edd. II 5 ':'OUTOV: CXUTOV Theoph. II 7 xcxTcxAme:i:'v: &.cp'ijcrcx~ Theoph. II 8 cXrro XCX(.l-·~AOU ecr&£oVToc V edd. II 9 Be: deest in Theoph. II 10 BL3cXcrxoVTe:c; edd. II 14 BE: deest in Theoph. II AL&p£~OU p2 V edd. Theoph.g: At&p£ou P 'E&p£~ol) Theoph. /I 15 8txoci edd.: ~'P II BE: deest in Theoph. II Btxcx2 edd.: ~' P II



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17, 18, 19

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18. 1 ~EUTePO<;; - 6 8w8e:xoc cf. Theoph. p. 336, 4--8, 14--16, 28-29; 337,13-17; Exc. cod. Harl. 5624., 1. c. p. 363. 19, 2 '0 OCUTO<;;- 11 ~AocO'qn'lll(oc<;;: Theoph. p. 339, 15-24; cf. Cedr., ed. Bonn. 1. p. 746, 8-15. 8 TO ~8eAuy(.I-OC - 9 ocy(cp: Matth. 24, 15; cf. Dan. 9, 27; Vita Sophronii, ed. A. Papadopuloa-Kerameus, 'AVcX.Ae:XTlX 'Ie:pocroAUfLLTtx'ij<;; cr'tOCXI.lOAOY(OC<;;V. p. 144.
h'l) deest in Theoph. II €vveoc edd.: s: P II 17 (bto (etiam Theoph.cderm): U7tO V edd. Theoph, II cX.7tOXTe:vvofLe:vo<;; Theoph. cX.7tOXTe:VOfLe:vo<;; P: cXnoXTe:tv6fLe:vo<; edd. II tY..XWMTW<;; deest in Theoph. II 'tov deest in Theoph. II 19 8e: (etiam Thooph.n): TE Theoph. II 20 XCXTOCPPEiv deest in Theoph. II T~V OPCXcrLv cXcrUyxptTOV deest in Theoph. II 1tCXPOVTWV (etiam Theoph.efghm): 7totpOl.lcr(;)v

V 16

17, 18, 19 war another ten years, and openly nine years. And he taught his subjects that he who has slain an enemy or is slain by an enemy enters unhindered into paradise, and said that it is a paradise of carnal eating and drinking and lying with women, and that a river of wine and honey and milk flows down it and the women are incomparable to look upon, not such as we know here but other, and he fabled that intercourse with them is of long duration and the pleasure continuous, and other matters replete with libertinism and folly; and they are to forgive one another and aid one another when wronged. 18. The sec



chi e f 0 f the A r a b s, t h r e eye a r s.

Abo u b a c h a r,

This Aboubachar first took the city of Gaza and all the territory round about it. And the same Aboubachar died after ruling as emir three years, and Oumar succeeded to the rule and governed the Arabs twelve years. 19. The t h i r d chi e f

f the

A r a b s, 0 u mar.

This same Oumar marched against Palestine, and laid siege in it and blockaded Jerusalem for the space of two years, and took it by guile. For Spohronius, bishop of Jerusalem, one moved with divine zeal and excellent in sagacity, received from him a most sure undertaking concerning the churches throughout Palestine, so that the churches were neither destroyed nor sacked. When Sophronius saw him, he said: «Of a truth this is the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the prophet, that standeth in the holy place.» He demanded the temple of the Jews that Solomon built, to make it the place of worship of his blasphemy. And it is so to this day.
Theoph. II 21 ~tpoc:axe:v: e:!voc:t Theoph. /I 8LCXpX'ij ,,~v Be Theoph.: 3LcxPXtTt)(~V P /I 22 ~fLlTAe:CX V edd.: €fLlTAe:W P (J.e:crToc Theoph. /I Te:: 8e: Theoph. 18. 2 TPLOC:SCt'. Moravcsik: y' P Ba Be II 3 'Af'ou~cXXcxp (etiam Theoph.ef); , Af'ouf'ocxcxpo<;; Theoph. II 5 Tptcx edd.: y' P Mo 1)(J.Ltnl hie, sed alio loco y' Theoph. II 5 OUfLCXp0<;; Theoph. II 6 8W3e:xcx edd.: tW P. 19. 1 OU(J.cxp] litteras rest. r= II 2 OU(J.cxpo<;; Theoph. II E1t'e:crTpche:ucre: (etiam Meursius Migne Theoph.): OClTe:crTPcXTe:UOe: V edd. II T'ij<;; de est in Theoph, II 3 E:V CXUT1J E:lTOAL6px1jcre:v deest in Theoph. !I TI]v 'Ie:poucrOC:A~fL: TI]v &.ylcxv 1t'6AtV Theoph. II 4 xoc:t de est in Theoph. II OC:UTI]V MA!p] liuerae ~v MAw test. p2 II MA!p: A6y!p Theoph. !I htaxolTot;: &PXte:pe:Ut; Theoph II 5 &d(p xtvoufLe:vOt; ~~A(p XCXL &YXLVOLcr 3tOC:lTpE:lTWV deest in Theoph. II 5/6 lTOC:P' CXUTOU U1t'E:P TWV E:XXA"fjOtwV Tii<; deest in Theoph. !I 6 occrcpoc:)..eoTcxTov (etiam Theoph.cOdd.): ~O'cpOC:Ada:c; Theoph. II 6 WOTe: - 7 OClTOp&'~TOU<;; deest in Theoph. II 7 6 deest in Theoph. 1/ 9 E:OTW<;; P e:OTwt; Theoph.Cdg /I Oihot;: OU(J.oc:poc; Theoph. II 10 rrpoc; TO deest in Theoph.


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3 ImE:GTpe:~e:v: cf. Theoph.p. 343, 17-20, 24--28. 3 of, Theoph. p. 345, 8-9; 343, 30--31; Cedr., ed. Bonn. 1. p. 755, 1-2, 8-9. 5 Oihoc; - 7 vuv: Theoph. p. 344, 12-15; cf. Cedr. 1. p. 755, 3-5. 7 OOTOC; - 10 xocN<.6v: Theoph. p. 345, 8-11; cf. Cedro I. p. 755, 8-10; Zon. XIV. 19., ed. Bonn. III. p. 219, 7-10. 10 OOTOe; - KWVGTCXVTLVOu7t6Ae:We;: of, Theoph. p. 345, 16----18. 11 EA\)(J.~VOCTO - 12 'IwvLcxe;: of, Theoph. p. 353, 14--16; Cedr. I. p. 764, 18-20. 12 oe; - 13 TE:GGCXpCX: cf. Theoph. p. 346, 20-21,25; 355, 1-5. 21. 4 e:lcr7jA'&OV - 16 e:uye:vde; v': Theoph. p. 355, 6-25; of, Niceph., ed. de Boor p. 32, 23-33, 6; Cedr., ed. Bonn. 1. p. 765, 19-766, 6; Zon. XIV. 20., ed. Bonn. III. p. 224, 11-225, 7.
Mcx\.l[w; 5 IXU'rijC;:

20.2 00't"oe; -


20,21 20. The f


u r t h chi e f

f the

A r a b s, 0 u t h man.

He took Africa by war, and arranged imposts with the Africans and returned. His general was Mauias, who pulled down the colossus of Rhodes and took the island of Cyprus and all its cities. He took the island of Arados also and burnt its city, and made the island desolate to this day. When he came to the island of Rhodes, he demolished the colossus in it, one thousand 360 years after it had been set up, and a Jewish merchant of Edessa bought it and loaded 900 camels with the bronze of it. This Mauias also made an expedition against Constantinople and ravaged Ephesus and Halioamaasus and Smyrna and the rest of the cities of Ionia, and after the death of Outhman was fifth chief of the Arabs for twenty-four years.

21. Fro

the C h ron i c leo fr 0 m the c rea t ion

f The 0 f the

p han e s: the w 0 rl d 6171.

yea r

At the end of the life of Mauias, chief of the Arabs, the Mardaltes entered the Lebanon and took possession of it from the Black mountain to the holy city, and made themselves masters of the summits of the Lebanon; and many slaves and natives ran to them for refuge, in numbers which shortly amounted to many thousands. On learning this, Mauias was greatly alarmed, and his counsellors with him. And he sent envoys to the emperor Constantine, seeking for peace. Therefore, the emperor Constantine, the orthodox, son of Pogonatus, dispatched John surnamed Pitzikaudis. And when he arrived in Syria, Mauias received him with great honour, and it

20. 1 &pX'1JYOC; 'Ap6:(3UlV V edd. II 3 MIXULIXC; P Theoph.: MIX(?tlXc;; pa V M II 6 xlXt 't"~V2 bis p II 7 vYjcrov deest in Theoph. II tv lXuTil corr. Moravcsik: €IXU't"'ij p tIXU-r'ijC;; V M Me Ba lXu-r'ijC;; Be ~v lXuTil deest in Theoph. II 8 XLAtlX 't"~': 11X't"~' Theoph. II 9 'E~e:mvoc;; P II f)' carr. Moravcsik evvlXxocr(lXC;; Ba Be Theoph.: ,A P 't"PtIXXOV't"1X XtAt6:lllXC;; s. v. add. pa V M Me II 10 MlXu(lXc; P Theoph.: MIX(?[IXc; pa V M II 11 ~f1.UpvYjv carr. Moravcsik: ~f1.Upv1JC;; P ]\,1 ~f1.UPVIXV p2 V edd. II 12 1t€"'t"OC;; V edd.: e:' 8. v. add. pl in textum recepit M II 13 Ou.&f1.O:vJ liueras rest. P2. 21. 3 MIXULOU P: MIX(?LOU r= V M II 3 post' Ap&:(?UlV s. v. add. it"€!l-it"TOU p3 in textum receperunt V M edd. II 4 ol (habet etiam Cedr.): deest in Theoph. II MlXplllXhlXt P II 7 TOU't"O: 't"IXU't"1X Theoph. II MlXuLIXc;; P Theoph.: MIX(?(IXc;; t= V M II 8 it"pecr(?e:tc;; r= V M edd.: 1tpecr(?'1JC;; P II 9jlOj'E7tL TlXtJTn Til 7tpOcp&crEt deest in Theoph. II 10 7t€f1.7tETIXt: IX7t€cr't"EtAE Theoph. II 10/1 KUlVClTIXVT(VOU, 't"ou op{to86~ou, uLou TOU IIUlYUlv6:'t"ou deest in Theoph. II 11 utou omiitendum. coni. Meursius Bandurius secl, Be post utou comma POSU1~t Migne II TOU om. V Me II 0: TO Theo~h. II IItT!;;'1JxlXull1Jc;;: IItT!;;txlXullYjv Cedro IItT~tYlXu8tv Theoph. II

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was agreed on both sides that a convention of peace should be drawn up in writing and sworn to, on the basis of an agreed annual tribute, the Agarenes to pay to the emperor of the Romans three thousand pieces of gold and 800 prisoners and 50 thoroughbred horses. At this time the empire of the Arabs was divided in two parts. In Ethribos Ali held rule, but Mauias held Egypt and Palestine and Damascus. And the dwellers in Ethribos marched with the sons of Ali against Mauias. And Mauias armed himself against them and joined battle by the river Euphrates, and the party of Ali was defeated, and Mauias took Ethribos and all the land of Syria. And his family held rule 85 years. And after him came forth the so-called Black-robed out of Persia, who hold rule to this day, and they fought with the clan of Mauias and utterly destroyed it. And they slew Marouam also, who was its head. And few of the party of Mauias were left, and they, together with one grandson of Mauias, were pursued by the Black-robed as far as Africa. Now this same grandson of Mauias with a few followers crossed over into Spain in the days of Justinian Rhinotmetus, not of Pogonatus. But this has not been written by our historians. For from the time of the capture of old Rome by the Goths, the Roman possessions began to be lopped off, and none of the historians has made mention of the region of Spain, nor of the clan of Mauias. But the history of Theophanes, of blessed memory, has the following account: And so Manias, chief of the Saracens, died, who had been general 26 years, and had ruled as emir 24 years. And hid, his son, held rule over the Arabs 6 years. On his death the Arabs of Ethribos were disturbed, and they arose and set up Abdelas, son of Zouber, to be their chief. When they heard this, the Arabs who dwelt in Phoenicia and Palestine and Damascus came to Ousan, the emir of Palestine, and appointed Marouam and set him up to be chief, and he held the rule 9 months. On his death, his son Abimelech succeeded to the rule and held it 22 years and 6 months. And
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46 'Ev 'WU-rOLC; 48 utoc; IXU'rOU: Theoph. p. 361, 15-16; cf. Cedr. I. p. 770, 22-24. 51 Ka.t 1tpw'rov - 54': cf. Theoph. p. 343, 30-31; Cedr. I. p. 755, 1-2. 54 KlXt daljA.&e:V - 'P6Ilou: cf. Theoph. p. 345, 8; Cedr. I. p. 755, 8. 54 XIXXe:t'&e:V 55 KWVCJ'rIXV'rLVO\mOALV: cf. Theoph. p. 345, 16-18; Cedr. I. p. 755, 17-18. 56 'EA'&wv- 57lcr-rlXfle:vov: cf. Theoph. p. 345,8-9; Cedro I. p. 755, 8-9. 57 "AYIXAfllX - 62 A£vllwC;: Cedr. I. p. 755, cf. 10-16. 61 Tov tv - 62 A£vi3LOC;:Simonidis epigr. 165., ed. Diehl, A. L. cf. Gr. II2. 5. p. 143; Strabo XIV. 2, 5., p. 652; Ps.-Draco, De metria, cd. Hermann p. 99. 64 WV7)CJIX-rO 65 f:)'1t': Theoph. p. 345, 9-11; cf. Cedr. 1. p. 755, 9-10; Zon. XIV. 19., ed. Bonn. III. p. 219, 9-10. 65 Te:Awr1jCJIXV'roc;- 69 m)Ae:,c;: cf. Theoph. p. 346, 20-25. 71 'Ev TIXU'rIX,C; 74 rXM1jAWV: cf. Theoph. p. 346, 27-347, 4; 347, 27-28.



he overcame the rebels, and slew Abdelas, son and successor of Zouber. Meanwhile, the emperor Constantine, son of Pogonatus, died, having held rule over the Romans 17 years; and his son Justinian reigned in his stead. The chief of the Arabs who was fifth after Mouameth to hold rule over the Arabs was not of the family of Mouameth, but of another tribe. And first he was appointed general and admiral by Outhman, chief of the Arabs, and was sent against the state of the Romans with a strong force and 1200 decked ships. He proceeded to Rhodes, and thence, after fitting out his expedition, came up to Constantinople, and lingered a long time, and laid waste the environs of Byzantium, but returned with his purpose unachieved. When he came to Rhodes, he pulled down the colossus that stood in it. It was a brazen statue of the sun, gilded from head to foot, 80 cubits in height and broad in proportion, as witness the inscription written on the base of its feet, running like this: The Rhodian colossus, eight times ten Cubits in height, Laches of Lindos made. He took the bronze of it and carried it over into Syria, and put it up for sale to any who wanted it; and a Hebrew of Edessa bought it and brought it up from the sea laden on 980 camels. On the death of Outhman, then, this Mauias succeeded to the rule of the Arabs. And he ruled over the holy city and the regions of Palestine, over Damascus and Antioch and all the cities of Egypt. But Alim, who was son-in-law of Mouameth, having married his daughter called Fatime, ruled over Ethribos and all Arabia Tracheia. Now, in these days Alim and Mauias were roused up to war against one

V 44 xplXTd It't""fj x(3' XlXt fl'ii'JIX~ r;': &(J.1JPEucrlX~ ltT1J XIX' ~flL<ru Theoph. II 45 &1tOXTEWEL Theoph. IX7tOXTEVEi: P: &1tOXTc:LVEL V edd. II 'A(3BEAcXV P II Zou(3ep) litteras ~ou rest. p2 II 45/6 IMBoxov (etiam Theoph.cefghm): d&IlIXXov Theopb. II 46 "t"EAEUT~: IXvEmx1J Theoph. II 46/7 b (3IXCHAEUr;, 0 u[or; TOU IIwywvlXTou deest in Theoph. II 47 "t"~C; 'PWfl(l(wV cipx'iir; deest in Theoph. TI)v 'PWfllXLWV cipX~v edd. Ii L~'] litteras rest. p2 !I 47/8 cin' 1X1J-rOU dees; in Theoph. II 48 'IoucJ"rLvLIXVOr; V lVI edd.: 'Iou(JTLcxvoC; P II 49 post IXPX"lJy6c; s. v. add. MIX(3(IXr; pa in textum. receperunt V M edd. II 8r; addendum coni. Bekker II 50 ~v s. v. add. pa in textum receperunt M Ba Be II 53 XIXT()(<PpcixTWV v1)<7w: crxci<p1) Theoph. II 54 ,lXcr': ,1Xtj/ Theoph. II 55 post [xcxv6v s, v. add. ~TL ~' It"t"1) pa l~TOL E"t"1) ' in textum ~ receperunt V edd. II 61 'I'cv tv 'P6&cp XOAOcrcrOV: 'TO'll 'HALou x, vel 0'.1 eloopiiLr; x. (sic Robert l, c.) /uit in statua 'Diehl II OX"t"&XLr; (etiam Simonides Ps.-Draco): E;1t"t"&XLr; Strabo II 62 A&xr.r;: Xcip1)c; Simonides Strabo Ps.Draco II OALVaLOC; P II 63 IXOTOV om. edd. II post EV add. T'!i edd. II 64 ov~crlXTO p II 65 'EBEcrCJ"l)v6c; coni. Meursius 'EaE(J1)VOC; Theoph. coni. Bandurius: 'Efl.·l)crt'Jor; p 0 'EflEcr1)v6C; Be II £)'1t' P EVvIXXOcr[CXC; XIX( oyi30~xoVTIX Ba Be: ,A1t' (littera E)' partim erasa} px V Me TPLtXXOVTCX XLALcii3cxc; XIXL oy8o-fptonlX mg. r= EWIXXO(JLCXC; Theoph. II 66 OMfl.&v] litteras -ll-fllX.v in ras, "cr. r= II cxu",or; om. edd. II 67 Mcxu£()(c; P V: Mcx(3£IXc; pY M II 69' AA~fl.: 'AA~ Theoph. II O~ ~v] litteras C; ~v in ras. scr . p2 II post -ll-uYIXTpl add. T'!i edd. II 70 AU}p£~ou r= V edd.: At&p£ou P II


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another, disputing over the rule, which of them should be lord of all Syria. They encountered one another by the river Euphrates, and joined in fierce battle one against the other. But when the battle was at its height and many were falling on either side, the multitudes of the Agarenes of both parties cried out: «Why is this, that we slay and are slain, and our tribe perishes from among living men? But let two elders be chosen apart from both the parties, and whomsoever they prefer, let him have the rule.i Alim and Mauias were pleased at this saying of theirs, and, drawing off from their hands their rings, which are a token of rule of the Agarenes, they gave them to the two elders, and placed their authority at the disposal of the two elders, confirming the matter by an oath and settling it so that whomsoever the elders might prefer, he should be lord and chief of all the Saracens. The two elders entered into the middle of the battle array of the two parties, and took their stand face to face in the space between the armies; the elder of Alim was a man devout according to the nation of the Saracens, one such as they call 'cadi', that is, faithful and sanctified; but the elder of Mauias was devout only in appearance, but in all else deceitful and arrogant and surpassing all men in mischief. The elder of Mauias said to the elder of Alim: «Do you speak first what you will, for you are prudent and devout, and far surpassing my years.. And the elder of Alim answered thus: «I cast Alim off from the rule, as I drew his ring from his hand and drew it on to my own finger; now will I cast off the ring of Alim from my finger and therewith cast him off from his rule also.i The elder of Mauias made answer again: «I drew Mauias into the rule, as I drew his ring on to my finger; now will I draw the ring of Mauias on to his finger.. And then they parted one from the other. So Manias took all the dominion of Syria, since all the emirs had sworn to each other, saying: «Whatever the elders say, we will be obedient to their words.i And so Alim took his army and departed to the region of Ethribos with all his kin, and there ended his life. After

II 81 oroi<;) litteras ot in ras, scr, p2 II 87 O:V't"L1tpOO"WTC<OV co-ni. l\1oravcsik: IXV't"L1tp60"<oTCOV P lXV't"tTCpOO"W1tOU edd. II 92 oe; d orE coni. l\1oravcsik: 00"TE Ba Be we; orE (litteris EO" erasi8) pY we; EO"orE P V Me 8e; e; orE M <UO"Et TE Meursius II 93 "t'oue; €(J.oue; Xpovouc; coni. Jenkins: Toi<; Eflol<; XPO\lOtC; P edd. II 95 IlIXKoruA\OV p2 V M edd.: MX't"UAOV P II 96 E:X~6:A<O V: E:X~&:AA<O edd. €)(~IXAWV !vI €X~IXA<OV P II 97 llotxorUAou Meursius Ba Be: IlIX)(TUA£OU P II flOU P V edd.: MIX~£ou (littuw ou in IX correctis €t liueris ~£ou s. v. additi.s) pY II 99 IXU70U 8. v. add. p2 in. textum receperunt V M edd. II 100 et!1()(YtX'(<O Meursius Ba Be: dcrlXYIXYov P dO'IXYIXYwv V Me II 101 O:1t') litteram ex in ras, scr, p2 MIXULIX<; P: MIX~LIXC; r= V 1\1 II 102 1tiXcrIXV Om. edd. II


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V 107

21, 22


the death of Alim, his sons, regarding their father's counsel as nonsense, rebelled against Mauias, and joined fierce battle with Mauias, and being worsted fled from before his face, and Mauias sent after and put them all to death. And thereafter the rule over all the Arabs came into the hands of Mauias. Now, this Mauias was grandson of Sophiam. And Mauias' grandson was Masalmas, who made an expedition against Constantinople, and at whose request was built the mosque of the Saracens in the imperial praetorium. He was not chief of the Arabs; Souleiman was chief of the Saracens, and Masalmas held the rank of general. Souleiman came with his fleet against Constantinople, and Masalmas came overland, and crossed over at Lampsacus into the region of Thrace, carrying with him 80 thousand troops. And through the Providence of God both the fleet of Souleiman and the infantry army of Masalmas all retired with ignominy, being worsted and utterly overthrown by the fleet and soldiers of the emperor. And our state was at peace for many a long year, for this city was guided and guarded by Our Lady the ever-virgin Mary, the Mother of God, by whose inviolate and holy image Souleiman himself was awed and put to shame, and he fell from his horse.

22. Fro m the C h ron i c leo f The 0 p han e s, 0 fbI e sse d memory, concerning the same events and c o n c e r n i n g M a u i a san d his c l a n, how i t c r 0 sse d 0 v e r i n t 0 Spa i n. Em per 0 r 0 f the Rom a n s, Jus tin ian R h i not met u s. This is the beginning of his reign; and thereafter he was expelled by Leontius, and then in his turn came back again and expelled Leontius and Apsimarus, and held his triumph over them both in the hippodrome, and put them to death. In this year Abimelech sent to Justinian to ratify the
(etiam Theoph.Cdfh): MlXcrlXAfLiic; Theoph. II K<OVCJ-rIXVnvou7t6AEWC; carr. Moravcsik: K<ovcr't"lXvnvOlmOALV P edd. II 114 {LlXy(crlltov: {LlXcry(lltOV coni. Meursius II 115 I:oUAE-YjfLiiv P II ante &pX"tlyoC; add. 0 V edd. II 116 I:ouAEl)fLiiv P II 117 KWVcrTIXV't"tvou7t6AE<OC; corr, Moravcsik: KWVCJ-rClVTLVo{moALV P edd. II Mcicrc£AfLc£C; (etiam Theoph.dh): M()((f()(AfLOCC; Theoph. II 118 desinit cod. Mutin. gr. 179 l= M] II 119 XLAL<iIlIXC; 7t': AIXOV b<ClVOV Theoph. II 120 I:oUAE:1)fLiiv P !I 'rWV: 'rou Ba Be II 121 MClCJIXAfLlX edd. II 125 TIjc; 0EO'r6xou per comp, S. V. add. pz in textum receperunt V edd. II -1jc;] litteram C; in rae. scr, p2 II 126 0 add. V edd. II I:oUAE:7)fLiiv P II 'hllecr&'l)] litteram ij in ras, scr. P2. 22. 2 'rWV IXU'rWV: -r:WV <MlXpll)IX'CTWV coni. Bury II 4 'IouCJ-rwtlX\o<; coni. Laskin: 'IoucrTLvo<; P edd. II 9 post €TEL rubro atramento mg. add. C:pr/ P' -r:Cjl ,C:P"1J' mg. iter. p2 in textum receperunt V Me ,C:por/ Theoph. II '



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22 T<i> a' IXU-r{il 26 -r{moue;: Theoph. p. 364, 4--7; of. Niceph., ed. de Boor p. 36, 16--17; Cedro I. p. 771, 18-21. 27 "E'n 29 xlX're:crn)CJlXv: Theoph. p. 370, 6--8; cf. Niceph. p. 39, 12-14. 29 Ae:6.. oc; - 31 exp&n]cre:v: cf. Theoph. p. 368, 15; 369, m 26. 31 'Aynflocpou - 32 Xpct"t"f)crIXV-rOe;: cf. Theoph. p. 371,19. 32 -rtil-v1)xe:v - 34 evvelX: cf. Theoph. p. 374, 14--15, 25. 34 Til> 0' IXU-r(~ - 35 ~lXcrtAdIXV: cf. Theoph. p. 374, 16, 28. 35 -riie; , Atppt>6jc;