Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
2007-03
The views expressed in the Occasional Papers are those of the author(s) and not necessarily of the IBS.
Abhoud Syed M. Lingga is the executive director of the Institute of Bangsamoro Studies. He holds Master of Arts in
Islamic Studies and Master of Arts in Education degrees. He participated in a number of trainings, among which
are on conflict prevention and peace building conducted by the United Nations Institute for Training and Research;
human rights and people’s diplomacy by the Diplomacy Training Program of the University of New South Wales,
local government and civil society by Friedrich Naumann Stiftung in Germany, and various trainings on
leadership and management. He participated in various sessions of the United Nations Working Group on
Indigenous Populations in Geneva.
For some years he had been Associate Professor at the Mindanao State University in Maguindanao and lecturer at
Cotabato City State Polytechnic College, Sultan Kudarat Islamic Academy Foundation College, and Mindanao
State University Buug College. His research interests are on Bangsamoro self-determination, conflict management,
human rights, sustainable development, and Islamic education. As accomplished author and writer, he has
published numerous articles in local and international journals and chapters of books.
Prof. Lingga is an active member of various non-government organizations, and has served in management
capacities in various public and private sector organizations.
The Institute of Bangsamoro Studies (IBS) is a non-profit and non-government institution the
functions of which are to carry out research on Bangsamoro history, culture, politics, economy and
contemporary affairs; conduct trainings to capacitate the youth, women and the poor; and render
community services to poor and conflict affected communities.
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On August 15, 2005 the Government of December 11, 2006 polls, the first direct
elections in Aceh, GAM leaders were
the Republic of Indonesia (RoI) and
elected to lead the province. The
Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM), with
national parliament (Dewan Perwakilan
the mediation of Finland former
Rakyat, DPR) passed the Law on
president Martti Ahtisaari, arrived at an
Governing Aceh (LoGA).
agreement that brought an end to nearly
thirty years of conflict that had claimed
Security situation in Aceh
more than 15,000 lives and brought
remarkably improved since the signing
about the displacement of tens of
of the MoU. Clashes between
thousands of Acehnese.
Government and GAM forces declined
dramatically. From January to
So far, in the assessment of the head
September 2006 only three incidents
of mission of Aceh Monitoring Mission
occurred, which were due to personal
(AMM) Pieter Feith (2006) the “Aceh
grievances and lack of discipline on the
peace process is working remarkably
part of the military and the police. 2
well beyond the expectations of many
people”. Major agreements in the
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)
had been implemented. The author acknowledges with thanks the
support of the Institute for Autonomy and
Political prisoners were released. 1 Governance and the Konrad Adenauer
Stiftung; the assistance of Dr.
The Indonesian government, as
Kamarulzaman Askandar and Ayesah
provided in the MoU, started providing Abubakar of the Research and Education for
economic assistance to former Peace Unit, School of Social Sciences,
combatants, amnestied political Universiti Sains Malaysia, and the Aceh
prisoners and civilians affected by the Institute during the field works in Aceh,
conflict. RoI amended election laws and the respondents who shared their
allowing GAM leaders to stand for valuable ideas and insights.
elections as independents. During the
1
AMM head of mission Pieter Feith (2006)
revealed that as of May 2006, “a total of just
under 1,800 GAM prisoners have been released”
and there were still some 65 unresolved cases
2
that AMM was in the process of resolving with www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/K
the help of an experienced international judge. HII-6WT889?OpenDocument
2
The sense of normalcy in the life of Aceh is located in the northern tip of
ordinary Acehnese had been restored. Sumatra. It is surrounded by Malacca
There is now ease of travel throughout Strait in the north, North Sumatra
Aceh. Farmers can go to their farmland Province in the east, Indian Ocean in the
without fear of being caught in crossfire south and the west. The territory of Aceh
between security forces and GAM. comprises 57,366 square kilometers. Its
Villagers take pleasure in the peace they capital is Banda Aceh, previously known
are now experiencing. A villager in Alue as Kutaradja. The population of Aceh is
Bu Jalan in Aceh Timur expressed his estimated at 4.2 million (2000), and 98.6%
satisfaction of the peace process: “Go to of them are Muslims. The predominant
the coffee shop, and instantly you can language spoken in Aceh is Acehnese, a
feel the peace process is going on. Since language related to Malay, and Bahasa
the MoU, people like to sit in the coffee Indonesia is the official language.
shop for 24 hours – from morning to late
at night. [And] that’s good for my Acehnese often refer to their
business.”(World Bank 2006: 20) homeland as “Tanoh Meutuah” (Blessed
Land). It is also known as the “Veranda
Encouraged by the initial success of of Mecca” for reasons that in Southeast
the Aceh peace process, a field work 3 Asia Islam was believed to be first
was carried out to find out what make introduced in Aceh, and it used to be the
the Aceh peace process works. Of main departure point for those who went
interest to the researcher to identify were on pilgrimage to Makkah. The religious
the factors that lead to the Helsinki piety of the Acehnese is also cited as
Agreement and how the terms and reason why Aceh is considered the
conditions of the MoU were carried out “Veranda of Mecca”.
by the RoI and GAM. The implications of
lessons learned from the Aceh peace After about 100 years that Islam was
process on the Mindanao peace process believed to have been introduced in the
were also explored. region, the first Islamic kingdom of
Perlak was established in 804. The
Background of the Conflict Acehnese kingdom assumed prominence
under Sultan Iskandar Muda (1581-1636)
Aceh had been in a continuous state who established Aceh’s golden age in the
of conflict for about 130 years since the 17th century. (Smith) As it expanded its
Dutch invasion in1873. The resistance to standing in the region, Aceh was also
Dutch occupation was followed by the involved in the spice trade, which Smith
Darul Islam rebellion after independence described “as vital to the global economy
of Indonesia, and then by the nationalist then as is oil today.” In the 1820s Aceh
struggle of GAM. was the producer of over half the world’s
supply of paper.
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which are being plundered by the Libya. (Aspinall 2005: 35; Sulaiman 2006:
Javanese colonialists and their foreign 15) Upon their return the trainees
backers under the guise of spearheaded the revival of the
‘developments’”. 4 movement. They staged attacks against
security forces and installations, and
Even though Tengku Hasan M. di seized firearms from military troops. In
Tiro was the leading figure in the 2003 the membership of GAM increased
organization of ASNLF, he wanted at the to 5,326 with 2,000 weapons. (Sulaiman
beginning Daud Beureueh to lead the 2006: 18)
movement. The latter’s advanced age
prevented him from assuming the Jakarta responded by unleashing its
leadership role, thus Tengku Hasan M. counter-insurgency campaign called the
di Tiro became the chairman of ASNLF. Jaring Merah Operation commonly
(Sulaiman 2006: 13) On December 4, referred to as DOM (Daerah Operasi
1976, he issued a declaration on the Militer) which lasted from 1989 to 1998.
independence of Aceh from the Republic This was followed by series of military
of Indonesia. operations: Wibawa Operation I-II (1998-
1999); Sadar Rancong Operation I-III
The movement went public only (1999-2000); Cinta Meunasah Operation
several months after the December 4, I-II (2000-2001); Law and Order
1976 declaration. At the beginning the Rehabilitation Operation I-II (2001-2002);
membership of ASNLF was just 300 with Operasi Terpadu (Integrated Operation)
limited arms and ammunition. ASNLF I-II (2003-2004); and Civil Emergency
was then renamed Free Aceh Movement (2004).
(Gerakan Aceh Merdeka – GAM).
The military operations failed to
The Government of Indonesia tried suppress GAM but instead generated
to suppress the movement militarily. more resentment among Acehnese
Employing commando units, the towards Jakarta. Torture,
government launched its first military disappearances, rape and deliberate
operation in October 1977 dubbed display of corpses (Aspinall 2005: 35)
Nanggala Operation. During the military were employed by TNI aimed not only
operations Hasan di Tiro was almost to decimate GAM but to discourage
killed. He escaped abroad via Singapore Acehnese to support the movement.
on March 28, 1979. With the departure of
Hasan di Tiro GAM nearly collapsed. The military operations affected also
Many of his aides were killed, arrested the civilians. From May 2003 to
by the army or escaped abroad. December 2004, between 120,000 to
150,000 Acehnese were reported
While abroad, Hasan di Tiro solicited internally displaced. (Hedman 2005).
supports for the movement. Libya Thousands fled to Malaysia by crossing
provided for the trainings of Acehnese the Malacca Strait. 5
youth on military skills. From 1986
to1989 around 300 youth affiliated to
GAM underwent military trainings in
5
In September 2003 there were 8,000-9,000 people
from Aceh in Malaysia. Human Rights Watch, April
4
http://www.asnlf.net/topint.htm 2004, Vol. 16, No. 5 (C)
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RoI and GAM. HDC facilitated meetings assumption of Vice President Megawati
in Geneva on March 24 and April 14-17. Sukarnoputri to the presidency did not
On May 12 a “Joint Understanding on bring hope for negotiated settlement of
Humanitarian Pause for Aceh” was the conflict. Government security forces
signed in Geneva. The agreement came continued their military operations
into effect on June 2. against GAM and consequently
hostilities mounted.
The agreement aimed to allow the
delivery of humanitarian assistance to The government initiated resumption
the people and to promote confidence- of talks. It now believed that government
building measures towards a peaceful forces were in the upper hand. With this
resolution to the conflict. 7 Institutional initiative, talks were held in Geneva on
mechanisms were put up on the ground May 8-9, 2002. The joint statement
in Aceh to implement the provisions of contained: (Aspinall and Crouch 2003:
the humanitarian pause. A Joint 28)
Committee on Security Modalities
(Komite Bersama Modalitas Keamanan; 1. “On the basis of the acceptance of
KBMK) was establish for reduction of the NAD Law as a starting
tension and cessation of violence, point”, the HDC would facilitate
preparation of the “ground rules” for the “a democratic all-inclusive
pause, and provision of a “guarantee of dialogue involving all elements of
the absence of offensive military the Aceh society.”
actions.” To coordinate the distribution 2. “(B)oth parties agree to work
of funds for humanitarian, rehabilitation with all speed on an agreement
and development projects, a Joint on cessation of hostilities with an
Committee on Humanitarian Action adequate mechanism for
(Komite Bersama Aksi Kemanusiaan; accountability.”
KBAK) was set up. A Security Modalities
Monitoring Team (Tim Monitoring Hostilities on the ground in Aceh
Modalitas Keamanan; TMMK) was remained unabated. To provide incentive
established to evaluate the in pushing the peace process forward,
implementation of the accord and the United States, Japan, the European
investigate violations. Union and the World Bank cosponsored
a Preparatory Meeting on Peace and
The Humanitarian Pause did not Reconstruction in Aceh in Tokyo in
bring peace on the ground. Clashes December 3. The thirty-eight countries
continued; accusations and counter that attended the meeting promise to
accusations of violations of the provide support for humanitarian and
agreement were hurled by both parties rehabilitation once an agreement was
to each other. President Wahid’s resolve signed.
for peaceful resolution of the Aceh
conflict was undermined by mounting The Cessation of Hostilities
opposition to his presidency. The Framework Agreement (COHA) was
signed on December 9, 2002, which was
the first stage in a confidence-building
7
The Government refused to use the term process. “Only after hostilities had been
ceasefire for it might be interpreted as giving
reduced would it be possible to move to
GAM belligerent status.
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Institute of Bangsamoro Studies Occasional Paper No. 2007-03
the next stage in the process – the all commander. Military operations began
inclusive dialogue – at which substantive immediately after the declaration of
issues would be addressed.” (Aspinall military emergency.
and Crouch 2003: 42) The agreement
provides that GAM would gradually The opportunity to resolve the
placed their weapons, arms and conflict through negotiated settlement
ordnance in designated “placement was missed. The confluence of renewed
sites” during a five-month period military influence in Jakarta politics,
beginning two months after the signing which saw the return of military force as
of the agreement. The government policy option in Aceh, lack of strong
agreed to “a simultaneous phased political support, and the inexperience of
relocation of TNI forces which will the third party facilitator contributed to
reformulate their mandate from a strike the failure.
force to a defensive force.” The mandate
and mission of the police Mobile The Habibie government had that
Brigades (BRIMOB) would “be opportunity for the military, which
reformulated to strictly conform to always opposed measures that give more
regular police activities and as such will concessions to GAM, “was still reeling in
no longer initiate offensive actions the aftermath of the collapse of the
against members of GAM not in Suharto regime and the international
contravention of the agreement.” It also opprobrium that followed its handling of
provides for the reactivation of the Joint the East Timor referendum.” (Aspinall
Security Committee, which was and Crouch 2003: 8) But President
established during the Humanitarian Habibie failed to deliver on its promises
Pause. A significant development at this and unable to lower the level of military
stage was the government agreed to the violence against civilian. (ICG Asia
presence of international monitors. Report No. 18) The special autonomy
was not well received because it was a
Despite the COHA there was an unilateral act of the government without
upsurge in clashes between the the participation of GAM. Measures to
government forces and GAM. The talks address sovereignty-base conflicts, like
were heading to collapse. To save the that of Aceh, would be acceptable if
peace process, HDC was able to convince decided within the sphere of a peace
the government and GAM to resume the process. Besides, there were no follow-
negotiations. The venue and dates were up measures that would translate special
changed several times until the parties autonomy to substantive devolution of
agreed to meet in Tokyo on May 17, 2003 powers to Ace. His offer to resolve the
The government panel insisted that East Timor issue through referendum
“GAM fully accept special autonomy but denied same solution to the Aceh
and explicitly abandon its struggle for conflict was perceived as double
independence,” (Aspinall and Crouch standard.
2003: 44) and in effect disbandment of its
military arm. These conditions were No doubt on the sincerity of
rejected by GAM. On May 18, President President Wahid to resolve the conflict
Megawati declared military emergency. through negotiations but he was
Some powers of the civilian governor undermined by the military which
were transferred to the Aceh army slowly regained its political influence in
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Institute of Bangsamoro Studies Occasional Paper No. 2007-03
Jakarta. Dialogue was started right by difficult on her part to depart from the
the admission of Ambassador Hassan military approach.
Wirajuda of a military stalemate which The Aceh peace process was the first
boosted GAM self-image and gave it major international mediation effort of
more confidence to negotiate. Asking HDC. Its relative lack of experience,
HDC to mediate the talks was a total made it tough for HDC to deal on a
departure from previous government complex problem greatly influenced by
position not to allow foreign mediator to events and power play among major
avoid internationalization of the issue. players, like GAM in Aceh,. GAM in
Sweden, the military, the presidency, the
However, the military was uneasy parliament, the provincial government of
with President Wahid. The “dismissal of Aceh, and Aceh civil society. The
General Wiranto from his cabinet Indonesian government was unhappy in
following accusations that he was the participation of international
responsible for violence in East Timor – mediator. It was suspicious that GAM
as well as his support for trials of wanted to internationalize the issue.
military officers accused of violence in Although it had the support of the
East Timor” made the military more international community, HDC, being
suspicious of the President. This was relatively new and low-profile NGO,
primarily the reason why what had been lacked the leverage over the two parties.
talked about in Geneva were not Despite these weaknesses, HDC was able
translated on the ground. With to keep the talks going for more than
opposition to his rule mounting, three years.
President Wahid desperately took on all
possible allies, including the military. So, Road to Helsinki
the military approach to the Aceh
problem ultimately sidetracked the After the election of Susilo Bambang
negotiations. Yudhoyno (SBY) and Jusuf Kalla (JK) as
president and vice president,
His leadership style made it respectively, Jusuf Kalla called his close
difficult for him to get the support of advisers to work on a secret plan for
those who were ambivalent on the Aceh peace in Aceh. They included Hamid
question. Aspinall and Crouch (2003:9) Awaluddin, Minister of Justice and
observed that “As president, Human Rights; Sofyan Djalil, Minister of
Abdulrahman’s penchant for off-the-cuff Communication and Information; and
comments caused much confusion about Major General Syarifuddin Tipe, former
the government’s position on Aceh commander of Korem 012, the regional
question.” This was probably the reason military command in Bandah Aceh. (ICG
why he failed to get the political support Asia Briefing No. 40) Juha Christiensen, a
of key institutions in Jakarta, which was businessman from Finland and a friend
indispensable in search for creative of Farid Husein, JK’s deputy at the
approach, for his Aceh initiative. Coordinating Ministry for People’s
Welfare, facilitated contacts with the
President Megawati was in no better GAM leadership in Sweden. During
position. Her dependence upon the Farid’s travel to Finland, former Finnish
military for her political survival made it president Martti Ahtisaari and his Crisis
Management Initiative (CMI) were
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brought on board. In Aceh, the help of fourth and fifth rounds, CMI prepared a
former Aceh governor Abdullah Puteh draft Memorandum of Understanding,
and contractor Rusli Bintang were which formed the basis of discussion
enlisted by JK. during the fifth round. The fifth round of
negotiations was held from 12 to 17 July.
The initiative was kept away from The MoU covers governance, political
government bureaucracy. The team participation, economy, rule of law,
organized by JK was informal and its human rights, amnesty and
works were shrouded with secrecy. This reintegration, security arrangements,
was necessary “to avoid any possible monitoring and dispute resolution.
attacks from politicians if reports of the
meetings surfaced”, but the vice What Make the Aceh Peace Process
president informed President Promising?
Yudhoyono throughout. (ICG Asia
Briefing No. 40) The TNI was brought on So far, the implementation of the
board with the former commander of a MoU was going on well. A World Bank
regional military command in Bandah (2006: 200) report described the
Aceh part of the team. optimism.
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and COHA, which had to do only with mandate to monitor compliance of the
cessation of hostilities on the ground, the commitments of both parties to the
MoU is the first attempt to achieve a agreements that include: monitor the
comprehensive political solution to the demobilization of GAM and
conflict. It addresses wide range of decommissioning of its armaments;
issues. relocation of non-organic military forces
and non-organic police troop;
The MoU provides the extent of reintegration of active GAM members;
authority that Aceh can exercise, which human rights situation and provide
include “all sectors of public affairs . . ., assistance in this field; process of
except in the fields of foreign affairs, legislation change; rule on disputed
external defence, national security, amnesty cases; investigate and rule on
monetary and fiscal matters, justice and complaints and alleged violations of the
freedom of religion”. Participation of MoU; and establish and maintain liaison
Acehnese in local and national elections and good cooperation with the parties.
is guaranteed, and to make political The agreement also contains rules and
participation meaningful the agreement mechanism in addressing disputes
allows the organization of regional between the parties.
political parties.
The MoU addresses difficult issues in
The provisions on economy can creative way. There is no mention that
correct the skewed development that GAM officially abandoned its goal for
does not favor Aceh. With 70% of Aceh’s independence. It does not also
revenues from hydrocarbon and other say that GAM has to disband. These
natural resources going to the coffer of were the non-negotiable demand of the
Aceh there will be assurance of more Indonesian government during previous
funds going to development of the negotiations.
province. The issues on rule of law,
human rights and amnesty are dealt with The parties were aware that an
properly in the MoU. The reintegration explicit mention of GAM dropping
of combatants to society is addressed independence will undermine the
with RoI providing them financial credibility of GAM leaders who
support and farmlands. The political, negotiated the agreement and might
including the right to participate in local trigger split within GAM. To mollify
and national political process, economic critics, it is pointed out that since GAM
and social rights of those granted accepts the LoGA as political
amnesty are being restored. Those who arrangement then by implication GAM
lost their Indonesian citizenship are foregoes its ambition for independence
given the right to regain it. of Aceh. It is also argued that since GAM
agreed to decommission its arms and
The MoU also provides institutional may organize a political party to
arrangement for the implementation of participate in the political process,
the agreement, particularly those consequently it will cease as a
pertaining to demobilization and revolutionary movement.
reintegration of GAM combatants and
repositioning of security forces. The
Aceh Monitoring Mission has the
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What made the difference between the 2. The SBY-JK team was instrumental
two international NGOs playing in providing change in the political
mediation roles in Aceh peace process thinking in Jakarta on how to move
was the active role played by Ahtisaari. toward a solution to the Aceh problem
Having the status of former president of from a military approach to a negotiated
Finland he has the personality that settlement framework. They were able to
engendered support to the peace process. get support for their peace initiative. The
The instantaneous decision of EU to send concern is what will happen if the duo
monitors was an indication of the great exits the political scene in Indonesia,
support Ahtisaari had from EU where he especially so if the military will be able to
used to sit before representing his regain back their immense political
government. His personality and the influence.
support he generated gave him some
form of leverage to get compromises 3. Disagreements on the
from both parties. implementation of the peace deal were
properly and promptly handled by
Since the MoU provides that the AMM. The mandate of AMM expired
“Chairman of the Board of Directors of and there are no more monitors on the
the Crisis Management Initiative will ground, and there is no strong
make a ruling which will be binding on mechanism also in place to handle
the parties” in case disputes are not serious disagreements.
resolved within the existing mechanism,
the parties will with great likelihood 4. The seventy percent share of Aceh
adhere to the terms of the agreement from revenues in the exploration of
mainly if Ahtisaari still around as chair natural gas will pump in more money to
of CMI. the province. The capacity of the local
economy to absorb huge cash inflow is
Challenges raised by some quarters. The capability
also of local bureaucrats to manage
Although the implementation of the funds and development programs that
peace agreement has been going on can reduce slippage to a minimum is
smoothly this does not mean that there likewise important to consider. If no
are no factors that can derail the process. significant change for the better in the
There are issues and concerns if not lives of the Acehnese there will be
properly address will disrupt the peace frustrations.
process.
5. Corruption, the lack of
1. The LoGA was passed by DPR but accountability and the absence of
the provincial legislature has to adopt transparency are challenges being face
the Qanun that will serve as by the GAM leaders who are now
implementing guidelines of the leading Aceh. They may have the
provisions of the law. Around ninety idealism for reform but the provincial
Qanun are required for the full bureaucracy is still run by same people
implementation of the LoGA. This is a who used to run the old corrupt
great challenge to the provincial bureaucracy.
government of Aceh how to fast track
the passage of the implementing Qanun.
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military and his conciliatory attitude to simplify its decision making process is
towards his critics that kept them at bay also necessary.
provided him the political environment
to push to conclusion the negotiations 3. It is still too early to tell if the
between the Philippine government and Helsinki Agreement will be the answer
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). to the grievances of the Acehnese and
The governments of President Corazon put an end to the violent conflict that
Aquino, President Joseph Estrada, and gripped the Indonesian province for
even the present government of decades. However, the gains from the
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, are implementations of the MoU are indeed
being constrained by threats of military encouraging and the Mindanao peace
coup. process can benefit from these
experiences.
It is also interesting to note that both
the SBY-JK team and FVR made • The Helsinki Agreement has
preparations before pursuing the peace provision on timeline of
process in Aceh and Mindanao, implementation, which the 1996
respectively. Immediately after their GRP-MNLF peace accord did not
elections, JK, with the full support of have. It is not yet too late for the
SBY, immediately organized a team to OIC, GRP and MNLF to set down
secretly lay the ground works for the and draw a timeline on what
resumption of the Aceh peace talks. In have not been implemented. In
the case of FVR, he made a clandestine the on-going GRP-MILF
visit to Tripoli before his election to negotiations, it is helpful to
solicit the backing of Libya once he remind both panels to include in
would go for the resumption of talks their discussions a proposed road
with the MNLF in the event he would map and benchmarks of
become president. Both of them brought implementation once both parties
on board the peace process the military. can come out with an agreement.
JK had the former military commander
in Bandah Aceh in his team, and FVR • The MoU provides for a
chief negotiator was a respected former monitoring institutional
chief of staff. The process in which mechanism. The Aceh
decisions were made was simple. The Monitoring Mission was
GRP chief negotiator can call FVR, and in immediately deployed on the
the Aceh negotiations, the Indonesian ground after the signing of the
government negotiators in Helsinki can agreement. The 1996 Peace
call JK, who has the full authority of SBY, Accord also provides a Joint
and there and then decisions were made. Monitoring Committee (JMC)
composed of representatives of
If President Arroyo can personally the GRP, OIC and MNLF but
take interest in handling the on-going remain inactive. In a future OIC-
GRP-MILF negotiations, probably it will GRP-MNLF tripartite meeting it
hasten the process because the peace will be worthwhile to consider
talks will be free from the gridlock of activating the JMC with clear
bureaucratic decision making. A mandate and operational
reciprocal action on the part of the MILF guidelines. A GRP-MILF
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Schulze, Kirsten E. 2004. The Free Aceh Solana, Javier. 2006. “Comment:
Movement (GAM): Anatomy of a Separatist Consolidating the peace process in Aceh”.
Organization. Policy Studies 1. East-West New Strait Times Online, December 13.
Center Washington.
Sulaiman, Muhammad Isa. 2006. Mosaik
Schulze, Kirsten E. 2005. “Gerakan Aceh Konflik Di Aceh. Banda Aceh: ACSTF dan
Merdeka: freedom fighters or terrorists?” In Acehkita.
Aceh Under Martial Law: Conflict, Violence and
Displacement, edited by Eva-Lotta E. World Bank. 2006. GAM Reintegration Needs
Hedman. RSC Working Paper No. 24, Assessment: Enhancing Peace Through
Refugee Studies Centre, Queen Elizabeth Community-level Development Programming.
House, University of Oxford. Banda Aceh: Multidonor Redevelopment
Office and Decentralization Support
Facility.
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The Agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) signed on September 2, 1996 in Manila provides that
in the implementation of Phase 2 of the agreement, the Organic Act (Republic Act No. 6743) of
the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) had to be amended or repealed by
Congress and approved by the people in the concerned areas in a plebiscite. On February 7, 2001
Congress passed Republic Act No. 9054, which lapsed into law on March 31, 2001, and was
ratified in a plebiscite on August 14, 2001.
Powers of the • Manage and administer government • The Regional Government shall
Regional affairs in all public sectors exercise powers and functions
Government (Chapter IV, Art. 7 (1) granted by the Organic Act
• Planning, utilization and supervision • Enacts its own administrative
of space lay out; code
• Planning and controlling of • Enacts regional local
development; government code
• Administration of public order and • Exercise power of eminent
community tranquility; domain
• Providing of public facilities and (Art. IV, Sec. 1, 6)
infrastructure;
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Administration • The Islamic Syar’iat Court in Aceh is • The judicial powers is vested
of Justice part of the national judiciary system in the Supreme Court and in
• The authority of the Syar’iat Court lower courts, including the
applies to Muslims Shari’ah Courts
• The authority of the Syar’iat Court • One justice in the Supreme
covers ahwal al-syakhsiyah, Court and two justices in the
mu’amalah and jiniyah Court of Appeals shall come
• Aceh Syar’iat Court is the final court from the autonomous region
for marriage, talaq, divorce and to be recommended by the
reconciliation cases Regional Governor
• Other cases may be submitted to the • Consultant to the Judicial and
Supreme Court for cessation Bar Council to be
• Dispute over the authority between recommended by the Regional
the Syar’iat Court and other courts Government
becomes the authority of the • Creation of the Office of the
Supreme Court in the first and final Deputy Court Administrator
level for the autonomous region
(Chapter XVII, Art. 101-105) • The Regional Assembly shall
provide for the establishment
of Shari’ah courts, Shari’ah
Public Assistance Office, and
Office of the Jurisconsult in
Islamic Law
• The powers and functions of
Shari’ah courts and Shari’ah
Public Assistance Office shall
be defined by the Regional
Assembly
• The Shari’ah courts shall have
jurisdiction over cases
involving personal, family and
property relations, and
commercial transactions, in
addition to their jurisdiction
over criminal cases involving
Muslims (Art. III, Sec. 5)
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• Sources of revenues –
a. Taxes, fees and charges
imposed by the Regional
Government
b. Taxes, fees, or charges for the
registration of motor vehicles
c. Shares and revenues generated
from the operations of public
utilities
d. Appropriations, shares in the
internal revenue taxes, block
grants, and other budgetary
allocations coming from the
central government
e. Block grants derived from
economic agreements or
conventions, donations,
endowments, foreign
assistance, and other forms of
aid
• Sharing of internal revenue
taxes, fees and charges, and
taxes imposed on natural
resources
a. 35% to the province/city
b. 35% to the regional
government
c. 30% to the central
government
• The Regional Government is
authorized to contract foreign
or domestic loans
• Issue treasury bills, notes and
other debt papers
• Enter into economic
agreements and trade
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Public Order • The Indonesian National Army is • The defense and security of
and Security responsible for the defense of the the autonomous region shall
state and other tasks in Aceh – be the responsibility of the
defending, protecting and central government.
maintaining the unity and • There shall be a regional
sovereignty of the state in Aceh command of the Armed
• Members of Indonesian National Forces of the Philippines
Army on duty in Aceh must revere (AFP) for the autonomous
the universal principles of human region
rights and honor the culture and • The central government has
traditional customs of Aceh the authority to station and
• Criminal offence committed by the deploy in the autonomous
Army will be tried in accordance region such elements of the
with statutory regulations, and AFP as may be necessary
conducted openly and disclosed to • The Regional Governor may
the public request the President to call
• The Aceh Police Department is part upon the AFP to –
of the State Police Department of the a. To prevent or suppress lawless
Republic of Indonesia violence, invasion, or rebellion
• The tasks of the Aceh Police b. To suppress the danger to or
Department are to maintain the breach of peace when the
security and public order and enforce Regional Police force is not
the law in Aceh able to do
• The Head of the State Police c. To avert any imminent danger
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Flag, Seal and • The Red and White Flag is the crest • The Regional Assembly is
Hymn of national flag which is applicable to empowered to pass a law
Aceh in the Unitary State of the adopting an official regional
Republic of Indonesia emblem, seal, and hymn. The
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