SHIFTING CULTIVATION SYSTEMS AND

INNOVATIONS
IN NEPAL

B.R.REGMI, A. SUBEDI, K.P.ARYAL and B. B. TAMANG

Local Initiatives for Biodiversity, Research and Development (LI-BIRD)

Bastola Thar, Mahendra Pul, P.O. Box 324
Pokhara, Nepal
Telephone: 061-535357/532912/526834
Fax: 061-526834
E-mail: info@libird.org
Web site: www.libird.org

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 CHAPTER ONE
Introduction and General Methodology

Background

Shifting cultivation is the most complex and multifaceted form of

agriculture in the world. It consists of highly diverse land use systems,
which have evolved since as early as 10,000 BC in a wide range of
distinct socio-economic and ecological conditions from montane to
lower land ecosystems, and from tropical forests to grasslands
(Spencer, 1986 as cited by AS&B WRI Bulletin, 1997).

Shifting cultivation encompasses cropping systems such as horticulture

and annual cropping, perennial tree crops, animal husbandry, and
management of forests and fallow in sequential or rotational cycles. It
is currently practiced in a broad diversity of forms by 500 million to
one billion people around the world (Lal, 1974 as cited by AS&B WRI
Bulletin, 1997).

The total land area affected by shifting cultivation is difficult to assess

because the practice includes land use activities. In the mid-70s,
various types of shifting cultivation were practiced on about 30 percent
of the world’s exploitable soil. By 1985, roughly one half of the land
area in the tropics was modified through shifting cultivation. In 1994,
the global area was estimated at 209 billion hectares (IFAD et. al.,
2001).

Shifting cultivation was common in the temperate zones of the

Mediterranean and Northern Europe until the 19th century, as well as in
the southwestern and northeastern pine woodlands of North America
until the 1940s. Currently, it occurs almost exclusively in the humid
and sub-humid tropics of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (IFAD, et.al,
2001).

In Nepal, this practice is locally known as Khoria Kheti1 and is a

dominant farming practice in the hilly areas of Chitawan, Makawanpur,
Tanhun, Gorkha, Lamjung, Nawalparasi and Dhading districts of
Central and Western Region of Nepal. Khoria farming practice is also
prevalent in the Koshi watershed in Khotang and Bhojpur, some parts
of Terathum and Pachthar, lower parts of Barun river in
Sankhuwasabha district, some remote areas of Solukhumbu district
and along the side of Tamor river in Dhankuta district. According to
Shroeder (1985), there is evidence of forest fallow slash and burn
cultivation in the upper Arun River valley where at least ten years has
passed between periods of cultivation. He also points out that at Pumdi
1
Khoria kheti refers to Shifting cultivation or slash and burn

2
– Bhumdi near Pokhara, some areas of Palpa and Rasuwa slash and
burn was common prior to World War I and ended by about 1957.
Besides, the practice of slash and burn is still a common practice in
some areas of Jumla, Mugu and Kalikot in Far Western region of Nepal
(Singh, 1993).

Some of the world’s poorest people in tropical Asia live among

communities that have depended upon shifting cultivation for their
livelihoods. Invariably, they are blamed for environmental problems
occurring in forest margins and surrounding upland tracts and are
under pressure from authorities to adopt more permanent forms of
agriculture. But these farmers live within complex, risky and diverse
environments and have had to develop a wide array of strategies to
deal with the challenges of farming in these tracts (IFAD et.al. 2001).
The practice of Khoria kheti has been observed mostly in areas with
more than 30 degree slope with majority of the involvement of ethnic
minorities like Chepang, Magar, Sherpa, Rai, Tamang and lower caste.
These communities are generally resource poor and marginalized. The
population growth and land shrinkage has forced these farmers to
shorten their fallow period from 10 years to only 2-3 years. The trend
of shortening fallow and converting to regular cropping is rapidly
expanding which has ultimately threatened their livelihoods.

Although shifting cultivation is a dominant land use practice in many

hilly areas of Nepal particularly of minority ethnic groups including
other disadvantaged groups, the government and other organization
have been neglecting and discouraging this practice and have
criticized this system as being destructive, inefficient and wasteful. The
group been involved in shifting cultivation has been further blamed by
the government as a major catalyst of deforestation and ecological
crisis in the mid-hills of Nepal. Recently there are some organizations
which have initiated to recognize the ignored farming practice and
associated indigenous knowledge but concrete effort to understand the
multi-faceted and dynamic characteristics of shifting cultivation have
been still lacking.

However to some extent, the perceptions regarding shifting cultivation

are based on misinformation, and oversimplifications that overlook
complex realities. They also misrepresent the people who practice
shifting cultivation. There are many compelling examples of
communities of shifting cultivators managing natural resources within
a broad range of diverse agricultural and agro forestry based land use
systems and a mere fact is that they have managed to survive in the
extreme environment. Hence, in order to challenge the prevailing
misconceptions, it is necessary to have a thorough study about the
shifting cultivation systems and practices.

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Significance/Justification of the Study

Among the systems of agriculture in the third world, the practice of

shifting cultivation has been the most abused and misunderstood. It
has continued to be the subject of intense prejudice by urban and
settle peoples. Almost everywhere, shifting cultivators are under
attack.

There is very little information available and studies done on shifting

cultivation and sloping land cultivation and on the livelihood systems of
the people involved in such practices in Nepal. Government efforts to
understand the dynamics of shifting cultivation and community have
also been absolutely negligible because of the fact that government is
perceiving shifting cultivation as a problem of encroachment and
continuously advocating against it. However, some research and
development agencies have been involved in developing approaches
to transform shifting cultivation systems into more sustainable forms of
land use. But it is generally accepted that the uptake of these
innovations by local communities is abysmally low. Meanwhile,
demographic and economic pressures continue to mount in these
areas, often questions about the impact (of such systems) on global
warming and agrobiodiversity are being raised.

Eventhough, some shifting cultivation practices have become

unsustainable as well as questionable in recent times, the knowledge
upon which shifting cultivation systems are based offer useful insights
for agricultural and other development strategies. It is therefore very
necessary for conducting extensive study in order to fill the existing
knowledge, information and research gaps in shifting cultivation.
It is assumed that the information collected regarding shifting
cultivation in Nepal will be relevant for researchers as well as policy
decision-maker and development officers, to assess and learn about
these systems and overcome myths, acknowledge realties, and focus
on implications.

Objectives of the study

The aim of the study is to prepare an inventory of thus farm

documented indigenous practices, existing research and development
projects/programs and policy that affect the livelihoods of communities
of shifting cultivators. Specifically the study aims:
1. to review existing literature on indigenous practices and fallow
system of shifting cultivation

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2. to do inventory on past and current research, development and
projects related to shifting cultivation
3. to review the past and current policy related to shifting cultivation
4. to use the literature as one of the basis for documenting innovative
practices as case stories.

Limitations of the Study

There is very little information available and studies done on shifting

cultivation practices and on the livelihood systems of people involved
in such practices. And the current country’s situation is quite fragile
and delicate that limited some freedom in traveling to the potential
sites before the initial write up.

Methodology

Various methods were used to fulfill the objectives of the study.

Basically relevant literatures (articles, papers and documents) both
published as well as unpublished were identified and reviewed by
visiting different resource centers, libraries, organization offices and
relevant personnel. Various relevant projects were consulted regarding
the extent of information regarding their program and publications.
Government agencies and other line agencies were also consulted
regarding the information.

Consultative meetings with relevant individuals and institutions were

conducted regarding the pool of information as well as for tapping their
perception regarding shifting cultivation. An informal interview with
some personnel was taken inorder to capture the wide range of views
and perspectives regarding the shifting cultivation system and its
practice. Furthermore, responsible persons in ICIMOD were also
consulted for the progress update and planning the process.

The inventory of past and existing initiatives, programmes and policies

were reviewed. Various publications regarding these were consulted.

Based on the nature of study, these findings were analyzed

qualitatively. The analysis was explorative and descriptive. Some
relevant sayings were quoted. These informations will be used as one
of the basis for site selection of areas for case documentation.

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 CHAPTER TWO
Shifting Cultivation and Relevant Practices in Nepal
In Nepal, the high hill forests are cleared even today for the cultivation
of agricultural crops. In this area agriculture is being practiced through
slash and burn system. The primitive form of agriculture is called
“Swideen farming”, “shifting cultivation” and “cyclical agroforestry”
(Singh, 1993). The common pattern in shifting cultivation consists of
clearing the natural forest or shrub vegetation in usually small patches
during the dry season; burning them after 2-3 weeks of drying; soil
working by using only hoe and other hand tools; and sowing one or two
crops in succession or in combination. Farmers cultivate upto 2-4 years
until the land become infertile. As soon as the crop productivity
decreases, farmers abandon the area and clear another patch of forest
to grow their crops. However, the shifting cultivators come back to the
previous cultivation after a period of four to ten years when natural
vegetation has restored soil fertility. This type of farming is known as
khoria and Bhasme2 in Nepali. It is interesting to quote that
communities of Makalu Barun Conservation Area name the longer
fallow period as Khoria and shorter fallow period as Lhose 3but Lhose is
a common term for fallow in rest of the places.
The Nepalese Khoria cultivation as practiced presently in several parts
of county is characterized by 2-4 years of cultivation and 4-9 years of
fallow. There seems to be a marked tendency of prolonging cultivation
and shortening the fallow as the population pressure is increasing with
a corresponding decrease in the cultivatable land. In some cases
shifting cultivated lands are also being gradually converted to settled
farms and regular cropping in some areas (Bajracharya, 1993).
Demographic and economic pressures continue to mount in areas of
shifting cultivation, often characterized by a higher representation of
ethnic minorities. These in turn forced farmers to shorten their fallow
period and shift to regular cropping system. Food security concerns
and overall impact on the ecology of the area are being raised. On the
other hand, the government perception about shifting cultivation
communities is totally negative which adds more kerosene to the
problem of these minorities, threatening their survival and livelihoods.
The common belief that shifting cultivation is an outmoded and
‘irrational’ system, and that there is an urgent need of replacement
through external intervention, must therefore be treated skeptically.
Understanding the complication of minorities involved in the shifting
cultivation and to challenge some of the radical and generalist view on
shifting cultivation, this current study seems to be very significant. This
review will bring to the actual situation related to shifting cultivation in
the forefront of development interventions and initiation taken to this
moment regarding shifting cultivation. This literature review will
2
Bhasme refers to shifting cultivation or slash and burn
3
Lhose refers to subsequent fallow period

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further highlight various practices and systems under shifting
cultivation and associated communities especially opening the real
picture regarding how communities have survived under the system
for generations. Furthermore analysis of the policies and initiatives will
further help in identification of research gaps and understanding
regarding shifting cultivation and shifting cultivators.
This section identifies the places where shifting cultivation is prevalent
with some brief description about the systems and communities
involved. It has presented the on-going and past initiatives regarding
shifting cultivation. This section has captured some positive as well as
negative perceptions regarding this system.

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 Table1. Location of shifting cultivation (based on types, geographic features, cultivation years
and ethnic group)

S. District/Project area Types Sub- Geographic Cultiva Rotation Distribution Ethnic

N types Features tion years Group
years involved
1 Sankhuwasaba Slash and burn Short High hill 2 years 3-12 Lower Barun Valley, Rai,
rotation and mid hill years Num, Pathibhara, Tamang
From 1020- Pawakhola, and Sherpa
3243 m Matsypokhari and
altitude (Sakshilla, simpung,
hanghong, Hatia,
Chepuwa, Sebrung
and Mabak) of
Hatiya VDC,
2 Solukhumbu Slash and burn Short High hill 2 years 2-3 years Not known Sherpa
rotation
3 Bhojpur Slash and burn Short Hilly areas - - Hasanpur area Community
rotation (south of Bhojpur) involvemen
t
4 Okhaldhunga Bukma system Short Hilly areas - - -
rotation
(Potato)
Slash and burn
Short Hilly areas Manebhanjyang VDC Rai
rotation community-
5 Taplejung Slash and burn Short High hills 2-3 5 years 1 and ½ hour walk Sherpa and
rotation years from the district Limbu
headquarter community
(Papung, Sawa and
Nalbu)
6. Panchthar Slash and burn Short – Mid-High 2-3 5-7 years Ranitaar, Lungrupa, Rai
long hills Sidin, Prangpung, community
rotation Falaicha, Amarpur,
Changthabu
7. Dhankuta Slash and burn Short Tamor river 1 2 years Mahabharat , Rai, Limbu

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 rotation belt, mid- Bhadetaar, and some
high hill Maunabudhuk and other
Saptingtar castes

8 Sunsari Slash and burn Short High hill 1 2 years Bishnupaduka VDC Rai and
rotation Tamang
9. Dhading Slash and burn Short High and 2-3 6 mon-2 - Jogimara, Dhusa Chepang
rotation low hill with years years (majority of and Magar
Slash and no slope 18-50 Chepang),
burn degree 3 years Beneghat, Gajuri,
Pida, Talti and
Kiranchowk VDC
10. Makawanpur Slash and burn Short Inner terai 2-3 2-3 years Kakada VDC, Chepang
rotation to Mid hill Manahari, Kalikataar and
region VDC and Raksirang Tamang
VDC
11 Tanahun Slash and burn Short Mid hill and 1 years 3 years Chimkeswori , Chepang,
rotation low hill Abukhaireni , Gurung,
(300m – Devghat Magar,
1500 m Ghasikuma,Kota, Kami,
altitude) , Chhipchhipe, Bhujel,
(18* slope Baidee,Dharampani, Newar
to 45* & Deurali VDC,
slope)
12 Gorkha Slash and burn Short Low hill to 1-5 2-9 years Taklung, Chepang,
rotation Mid hill years Manakamana, Magar,
Slash and no (from 250 Tanglichowk, Gurung,
burn Short m to 1400 Darbung,Ghyalchow Sarkis &
rotation m) (18* k, Bhumlichowk and Newars
slope to 35* Makaising VDC
slope)
13. Chitawan Slash and burn Short Low Hill to 1-5 3 years Northern Chitawan Chepang,
rotation High hill years (Kaule, Korak, Gurung, &
especially Shaktikhor, Kabilash, Magar,
in the Dahakhani, Siddhi,
northern Darechowk,

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 belt Chadibhanjyang,
Lothar, VDC)
14 Nawalparasi Slash and burn Short Low hill to 1-2 3-4 years 17 VDC (Lhape, Magar,
rotation high hill years Dhaubadi, Raikot, Sarki
Durali, Arkhala, Gurung and
Jaubari, Ruchang, (migrants
Naram, Rakuwa, from Palpa)
Dedgaun, Bhartipur,
Bulingtar,
Dandajhairitar,
Kohathar,
Mithukaram)
15 Jumla Slash and burn Short to High hill - - - Mixed caste
Long
rotation
16 Kalikot Slash and burn Short High hill - - - Mixed caste
and Long
rotation
17 Mugu Slash and burn Short High hill - - - -
rotation
Source: From various literature sources.

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 Shifting cultivation areas in Nepal

Taplejung
Dhading
Terathum
Gorkha
Dhankuta
Makawanpur
Bhojpur
Kalikot
Sankhuwasabha Chitwan
Nawalparasi Jumla
Solukhumbu
Tanahun
Khotang
Mugu
Okhaldhunga

Extent of Shifting Cultivation

The majority of households identified in Table (1) within the mentioned

locality are involved in shifting cultivation, but with considerable
variations in the numbers of such households among VDCs and among
wards of a given VDC. Various literatures indicate that shifting
cultivation is extensive in some district of central and western region
especially in Dhading, Gorkha, Chitawan, Tanahun, Makawanpur and
Nawalparasi. Records also reveal that some of the eastern districts like
Taplejung, Sankhuwasaba, and Panchthar do have quiet large number
of communities to be involved in these practices. Shifting cultivation is
also prevalent in far western districts like Jumla, Mugu and Kalikot but
the extent of practice has not been recorded.

Extensive areas along the highway by the Trishuli River have been
subjective to shifting cultivation most probably due to easy access to
main roadways facilitating marketing. The reasons for an increase in
the number of shifting cultivator families in the study area and
elsewhere could be: tradition (as in Chepangs Magars and Gurungs);
necessity for supplementary food grains supply due to shortage; and
economic motive as is found among some rich farmers of the area
(Bajracharya, 1993).

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Literature shows that almost all the Chepang families of Gorkha,
Tanahun, Dhading, Makawanpur and Chitawan are involved
extensively in Khoria cultivation. The study done by Action aid reveals
that many migrants Magar and Gurung communities from Tanahun and
Palpa are also involved in case of Nawalparasi.

Some of the literatures highlighted that shifting cultivation has been

found in areas of Barun valley and Tamor river belt. There are
numerous communities at the confluence of Barun with Arun river
basin. The study done by Makalu Barun National Park Project has
documented slash and burn system in some VDC of Sankhuwasabha
district with majority of population of Makalu and Yaphu VDC involved
in the practice (Sharma, 1995). Vogt (1999) also revealed that shifting
cultivation is prevalent in the upper Tamur valley especially at the
village of Lungthung.

Literatures related to deforestation have indicated that some of the

migrant people especially in the Churia range have been involved in
shifting cultivation. Some communities belonging to this group are still
found in some parts of Makawanpur district.

Areas and Distribution of shifting cultivation

Shifting cultivation has been found in wide ecological belt from the
lower hill to high hill. Records show that shifting cultivation is practiced
from 200 to 3000 m altitude. Shifting cultivation has been practiced in
quiet higher altitude in Far Western and Eastern region of Nepal.
Shifting cultivation in Central and Western part of Nepal is practiced
around low to mid hill with altitude ranging from 200 m to 1500 m.
Bajracharya and Amatya (1993) reported that especially shifting
cultivation is prevalent in southern part of Gorkha, Northern belt of
Chitwan, South west belt of Dhading and North east belt of Tanahun
(Figure 1). The site visit by review team observed intensive shifting
cultivation practice in hilly areas of Nawalparasi district.

The study done by Subedi (1995) shows that almost 0.3 percent of the
district area in Makawanpur has shifting cultivation practice with 2,014
households involved in it which is equivalent to 3.8 percent of district
population.

Shifting cultivation was mostly observed on extreme geographic as

well as geophysical circumstances like on stony, red soils of sloping
land. Shifting cultivation is also observed in very steep slope i.e. 50
degree which is generally not recommended for annual cultivation.

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Shifting Cultivation Communities

Slash and burn agriculture is generally practiced on common or

national lands, not owned by the farmers, who generally are
indigenous to the area and belong to Sherpa, Tamang, Gurung, Magar,
Rai, Limbu or Chepang ethnic groups (Shrestha, 1994; Rayamajhi and
Pokharel, 1995) .Out of which the Chepang people, also called praja,
are regarded as the most marginalised and resource poor group in
Nepal. Alone comprising of about 47% of the total population in the
area with only 3% of the farmers enjoying food surpluses while more
that 85% suffer from varying degrees of food deficiency from less than
three to more than nine months (Balla, 2000).

Majority of the Chepang ethnic group who are mostly distributed in

Chitawan, Makawanpur, Dhading, Gorkha and Tanahun district with a
total population around 52,236 (26685 male and 25552 female)
traditionally practice shifting cultivation. A part from the dominant
ethnic groups like Chepangs, Sherpa, Rai, Magars and Gurungs, other
ethnic groups like Newars, Brahmins, Chhetris, Damais, Kamis and
Sarkis are also involved with shifting cultivation though to a lesser
extent. Chepang communities are focused on the Central and Western
region whereas, Sherpa and Rai are found in Eastern districts. Other
castes are relatively distributed around the country.

Khoria is the main form of subsistence prevalent among the Chepang

community (Rayamajhi, 1993). Similar findings were found in the
research report published by Nepal Agroforestry Foundation (NAF). The
study done by School of Ecology, Agriculture and Community Works
(SEACOW) in Kandrang Watershed shows that majority of Chepang
families being involved in Khoria kheti.

Literatures published by Makalu Barun Conservation Project indicate

that quiet a larger number of populations of Rai and Sherpa are
involved in Khoria cultivation. Vogt (1999) reported that shifting
cultivation is still prevalent in the Eastern region where it is practiced
especially by the Rai and Limbu ethnic groups. The baseline report
published by Institute of Sustainable Agriculture (INSAN) indicates
majority of Magar community of Arkhala and Dhaubadi and some
Gurung communities to be entirely involved in shifting cultivation in
case of some VDCs in Nawalparasi district.

Cultivation Practices
B. Slash and Burn System

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Shifting cultivation is cyclical and its cycles encompass an array of land
use activities. The specific stages and features of each cultivation cycle
vary in place to place and sometimes it is difficult to distinguish.
Available literatures show that basically two types of system prevail
around the country.
Slash and burn system and Slash and no burn system.

Management

The practice of slash and burn system is similar

to that of traditional system. The fallow period
is decreasing and the system is rather
temporary. Cotton is not grown nowadays.
According to farmers, the cultivation of cotton is
totally stopped since the construction of Prithvi
highway. Beside maize and millet, new crops
were introduced. Other cash crops like Maas
(blackgram), bodi (cowpea), til (Lentil) and bhatmaas (soyabean) were
also introduced.

There are various activities conducted during cultivation. Farmers clear

the field and leave for some time before they burn the field. The
burning is done individually and sometimes communally. After burning,
the field is ready for cultivation. Farmers plant maize and use
leguminous crops as intercropping. Farmers mostly use cash crops
with maize. The weeding takes place 2-3 times after the seed sowing
of maize. When the maize is harvested, farmers harvest cash crops
and leave their land fallow for 1-8 years depending upon farmers
(Figure).

Farmers practice zero tillage operation and they avoid using

sophisticated agricultural tools. The dibbling method is used by
farmers during seed sowing. This method is very effective since soil
disturbance will be very minimum. Farmers do not use chemical
fertilizer. Some use farmyard manure but in very low quantity. The
pesticides and other insecticides are not used. Instead farmers use
local ways of controlling the pest and insect problem. Farmers use
leguminous species that adds nutrients to soil and strongly feel that
incorporation of these species is very much effective in terms of soil
fertility management.

Slash and burn system with rotation farming

This activity is very common in some

VDCs of Nawalparasi district. People are

14
practicing this system for generations. The activities generally include
slashing the bushes, burning dried branches and leaves and sowing of
crops. Such practices are prevalent in any of the accessible steep land
depending upon the land availability. The practice of shifting
cultivation starts in winter and ends in September or October when the
maize is harvested. The land is then left fallow for 2-3 years. Farmers
then shift to next patch of land. There are 4 bigger patches of khoriya
land where farmer practice rotational farming.

Farmers plant maize in the initial stage then they use leguminous
crops like cowpea, beans, soyabean, masyang (rice bean), gahat
(horse gram) etc. Intercropped with maize. The weeding of maize is
done after 1 –2 months of sowing that is the time when horse gram
and soyabean is planted. Some farmers use millet instead of maize.
The harvesting of maize takes place in late August. The leguminous
crops are harvested in mid November. The land is then left fallow for 3
years. Farmers again shift to another patch of land in the next planting
season.

B. Slash and no burn system

Slash and burn system is very common type

of shifting cultivation practice prevalent in
Nepalese Mountains. The average fallow
period between two subsequent slash and
burn, locally known as Lhose, has now been
reduced to 3-5 years against 10-15 years
about 20 years ago. These practices appear
due to the population growth and decline in
the new forest areas for cultivation which leads them to cultivate in
short cycle (Fig. 2).

According to Singh (1993) the high hills are very cold until Chaitra so,
Baishakh and Jestha are the months when people practice slash and
burn.

Study conducted by Rayamajhi and Pokharel (1993) in a village in

Makawanpur district indicates that the communities do slashing in
early March which is followed by burning and clearing and latter
planting of crops.

The Rai community in Manebhanjyang VDC of Sankhuwasawa district

used to clear the land and left to dry. Later it was burned and land was
used to cultivate cereal crops. Similarly Pradhan (1988) in his study
indicated about the slash and burn in the lower parts of Barun, which
have been intensified because of increasing demand of food. The

15
cultivation cycle has been reduced from 10 years to 3 years and less
than that. Similar study was carried out by MBCAP. The document
highlighted that the existing slash and burn system in the study does
not depend on shifting cultivation rather is determined mainly by bio-
physical and socio-economic factors like altitude, aspect, vegetation,
size of landholding and family labor. Usually, 6-9 years rotational cycle
was reported for higher elevation areas (such as Yangde) and 3-year
rotation was reported for lower elevation areas (such as Sekidem).

The study conducted by LI-BIRD (2001) has documented slash and

burn system in Gorkha and Tanahun district. Cultivation practices in
the Gorkha area are more common to annual cultivation. Nowadays
farmers are practicing regular cultivation in the slopping land. They are
cultivating regular of 3-5 years in the same land and leave the land
Lhose for 2-3 years thinking that fertility is decreased due to
continuous cultivation. Few of the farmers are also practicing slash and
burn practice and keep Lhose for 3-5 years. But quiet higher
percentage of farmers slash and burn the area. INSAN’s study in
Nawalparasi also showed similar type of slash and burn system as
Tanahun and Chitwan.

Some reports indicate that a unique system of slash and burn is

practiced in some parts of eastern districts where community is
involved in the process. Other unpublished reports and individual
persons have also indicated the practice of slash and burn in the Far
Western region.

Management

The practice of slash and no burn system is similar with those of slash
and burn system.Communities in the area clear the land and either
burn the area or collect the debris at the bottom of field which is locally
called “gujultaune”. Slash and no burn system is common in some
farmers of Tanahun site (Figure 3). Nowadays this practice has been
popular in other districts like Chitawan, Gorkha and Makawanpur
districts. There are basically two reasons cited by farmers. One is that
fire can cause problem if not controlled and this in fact could burn the
adjoining community forest and leasehold forest areas. The other is
that when the debris is deposited in bottom of the field, it will control
erosion and soil loss. The cropping pattern is exactly similar to those of
slash and burn system.

Fallow Management

16
Fallow practice was a substantial component of traditional farming
system of Chepang and other ethnic communities. Natural fallow has
multiple functions such as maintenance of soil fertility, control of
unwanted weed and provision of other products and by products.

Fallow period in most of the shifting cultivation areas around Nepal is

decreasing day by day. Records in the past reveal that communities
used to leave the land fallow for 20-30 years. The land was sufficient
and the population pressure was very low. Farmers in the old days did
not face problem with food sufficiency. Many examples could be cited
about communities sustaining their livelihoods under shifting
cultivation in the past. As the population increased the land holding of
farmers slowly decreased which kept more pressure on farmer to
intensify their cropping pattern so, the fallow period become lessen
year by year. The fallow period in many areas is now between 2-3
years. In some areas of Gorkha district farmers have began to do
regular cropping for more than 10 years before they will leave fallow
upto only 2 years.

Sharma (1995) reported changes in slash and burn cycle over time in
the Yaphu and Makalu VDC of MBCAP. However, two major factors
were found responsible for shortening the rotational cycle. These were
rapid population growth and lack of other alternatives to slash and
burn agriculture.

Rayamajhi and Pokharel (1993) reported that Chepang have become

indebted to moneylenders and tend to expand khoriya or shorten
fallow periods, which further stresses the natural environment.

Pradhan (1988) in his study identifies the increasing population and

demand for food as one of the major cause of reduced fallow in areas
of Barun valley. Similar views could be found in the article written by
Singh (1993).

Shrestha (1989) reported that the shifting cultivation in eastern region

is practiced often on very steep slopes decreasing the rotation cycles
to less than five years thus prohibiting oak regeneration and resulting
in a replacement by bamboo and an invasive weed, Eupatorium.

Vogt (1999) in his study based on Lungthung village of upper Tamur

valley, indicated that fallow system is mostly preferred by Rai ethnic
group. Fallow period in the village ranges from 5-7 years. Similarly, the
study conducted by RRN (2002) also indicates that normally fallow
period range from 3-10 years depending upon the land and place.

17
The study conducted by Eco-center highlighted that people of the
Devghat VDC area practice Tirsale Lhose with 3 years of rotational
cropping. The report stressed that due to the increase demand of food
for the family, the number of years for rotation tends to be decreased
with some of the Lhose converted into regular farming system which is
not suitable for the kind of farming system.

Even these days, farming practice of Sherpa and Gurung communities

in Mude and Amrang is characterized by short cultivation and long
fallow periods. The land is utilized for approximately 9-12 months and
after that the land is left fallow to allow soil to replenish its nutrients.
People keep their land fallow for 5-8 years as compared to 10 to 15
years of fallow. People leave trees in the land without destroying it.
Naturally regenerated trees were considered in the fallow lands. People
used to protect trees from burning (Regmi, et.al, 2004).

According to the study done by LI-BIRD, Chiraito has been used as one
of the potential species for fallow management in Nalbu VDC of
Taplejung district. People have recently domesticated Chiraito
cultivation. They are utilizing their fallow land for Chiraito farming.
Some of the farmers have initiated this work. Farmer like 'Kamichiring'
says that he is quiet successful this time after failure to grow last year.
His experience reveals that Chiraito grows well in slash and burn land.
People can take two subsequent harvesting of Chiraito during 5 years
of fallow. Chiraito is very valuable so, can be the best option for
enhancing and supporting people's livelihood. This ex-situ conservation
is relatively significant to divert people's attention towards haphazard
extraction from forest.

Khoria system in the Nawalparasi belt has a four years cycle. After first
cultivation, it is left at least for another two years and on the fourth
year the bushes are slashed and biomass burnt to make ready for
cultivation (INSAN, 1995).

The decreasing trend of fallow period around the countryside has been
really posing a lot of socio-economic as well as ecological problems in
the region. The intensive cultivation has resulted in low production,
more labor requirement and ecological disasters. Although farmers
have knowledge for better managing the fallow period they are forced
to choose a wrong path.

Site Selection

One
Clearance 18
Year
Three- Eight
Maize
Fig 2. The Stages of shifting cultivation system under Slash and Burn
years
Lhose
Blackgram
Practice (Source: LI-BIRD, 2002).
Harvesting
Succession
Planting
Burning
 Old Lhose

Clearance

Land preparation
Blackgram

Planting
One
Short term Year
Lhose
Harvesting

Maize
Succession
3-8
Lhose Years

Fig 3. The Stages of shifting cultivation system under Slash and No Burn
Practice (Source: LI-BIRD, 2002).

19
Cropping Patterns under Shifting Cultivation

A large number and varieties of crops grow in shifting cultivation areas.

Farmers have managed to diversify their cropping patterns especially
according to their need and demand. Most of the crops found in the
areas have cultural and traditional values added to it. Considerable
variations have been noted in the cropping pattern in shifting
cultivation from one VDC to another (Bajracharya, 1993). The same is
true for cropping cycles.

There is considerable diversity in the cropping pattern. It is also

evident that crop diversity varies according to geographic locations.
The crops grown in the eastern region may be not similar with the
crops preferred in the central and western region. Altitudnal variation
also determines the cropping pattern within shifting cultivation areas
(Table 2).

Table 2. Cropping pattern in some of the shifting cultivated areas.

S.N District Cropping Pattern

1 Sankhuwasab Millet, Gram, Apple Plant, Maize, Potato,
a Clocossia, Cardamom
2 Nawalparasi Maize (Maize+bean+cowpea,)
-horsegram/fallow
3 Chitawan Blackgram –fallow-Maize(Maize+Bean+finger
millet)
Maize-fallow
Blackgram/Horsegram-fallow
4 Tanahun Blackgram –fallow-Maize(Maize+Bean+finger
millet)
Maize-fallow
Blackgram/Horsegram-fallow
5 Gorkha Maize (Maize+cowpea+bean)-fallow
6 Dhading Maize (Maize+cowpea+bean+horsegram)-
fallow
7 Makawanpur Maize+Fingermillet-Fallow
Upland rice-Fallow
8 Dhankuta Maize+gahat+Soyabean-Fallow
Radish-Fallow-Radish
9 Arun and Maize, wheat and barley
Tamur valley

The cropping cycle varies from places to places from 1-5 years.
Usually, simple tools like hand hoes are used for tilling. Mulch is not

20
used on shifting cultivation lands. Some farmers use very minimum
quantity of urea but general consensus of farmers is that the use of
fertilizer is useless since it is washed away by rain. Maximum crop
yield is observed during the initial years and relatively decreasing on
the consecutive years. Farmers recognize the fact that soil fertility
problem is very severe in their land which according to them is the
product of short fallow period.

Indigenous Knowledge within shifting cultivators

Cultivation on slopping and terraced land is a common feature of the

Nepalese hill agriculture. Over the centuries, Nepalese farmers have
been adopting a system of land use compatible with their environment
such as shifting cultivation. Farmers have managed to sustain their
farming system even with the shifting and sloping land use practice.

A review of documents reveals that many farming systems are based

on intimate knowledge of soils, vegetation, and climate. They reflect
strategies that allow farmers to avoid uncertainty. Research also
indicates that the farmers’ decisions to reject an innovation are often
rational when viewed from an indigenous perspective. Thus
understanding the way that indigenous knowledge provides the basis
for local level decision making for both the individuals and group could
inform research and development endeavors (Thapa, 1994).

The findings of Knowledge acquisition prepared by LI-BIRD under

HARP/SSLC Project implemented in Gorkha and Tanahun districts
suggest that farmers have a unique knowledge about Soil
Characteristics, Species composition and practice related to shifting
cultivation. It was found that they have used this knowledge to sustain
Shifting cultivation in the past. Due to evolving demographic and
changing economic, political and social environments, the tradition of
maintaining longer fallow system to stabilize soil and fertility has been
turned to regular cropping and short fallow system characterized by
low production potential and ecologically unstable one.

The study done by Sharma and colleagues (1993) indicate that

traditional systems like slash and burn is a outcome of long experience
and way of life which involved traditional value and customs. Examples
from other districts also indicate that farmers do have certain level of
knowledge in sustaining their farming system but in recent years their

21
attitude has been overwhelmed by external pressures such as demand
of more food and land shrinkage.

Farmers of Tanahun district as reported by LI-BIRD have various

knowledge regarding soil conservation. Farmers instead of burning
they now deposit the debris at the bottom of the field which is locally
called ‘gujultaune’. Similarly other farmers used stone walls to protect
their land from soil erosion. It is also evident that farmers use different
methods in soil fertility enhancement like the use of various biological
means such as green manure.

Rayamajhi and Pokharel (1995) in their study indicated that the reason
for cultivating such slopes by chepang communities is due to loss
of flat and fertile lands. Contact with the outside has led to
indebtedness and the Chepang have become tenants on what once
was their own land. The reason for relying more on settled
agriculture is because of the government’s ban on further
exploitation of the forest and the increasing intensity of cultivation
which, without other inputs, has made khoriya land unproductive.

The Chepang maintain chiuri that has cultural as well as economic and
ecological values. It is regarded as one the cultural tree of Chepang
communities. The farming practice adopted by these people is
highly complex in nature with diverse cultivation pattern. The
sustainability of whole ecosystem in these small areas relies on the
interaction between crop, forest, livestock and farming
communities.

Subedi (1995) however stated that shifting cultivators in Makawanpur

district has very limited knowledge about fallow management. He
further stated that with current shortening of the fallow period,
indigenous knowledge and traditional technologies are no longer
capable of sustaining the lives of the people.

The traditional farming system has nowadays not been able to cope
with the rapid growth of mountain human and livestock population that
have exerted increased pressure on limited land resources for food and
shelter. Due to this, even the marginal land with steep and very steep
slopes are encroached for cultivation, grazing and fuel wood (Annual
Report/NARC, 2000).

Relation of shifting cultivation with other Farming systems

Hill farming system is very complex and a mixture of different farming

practices (Fig 4). Shifting cultivation is regarded as one of the farming

22
system that is practiced on hilly and sloppy areas. Many farmers do not
only possess sloping areas for shifting cultivation rather has other land
as Pakho bari (rainfed land) and khet (irrigated land). Examples cited
by many researchers in the Central and Western region of Nepal
indicate that farmers having all three types of land regardless of the
area of land but larger area under these farming fall under shifting
cultivation. Farmers in those areas regard other land as supportive to
their livelihoods.

Very few farmers have irrigated or khet land. Three crops are generally
grown per year depending upon the irrigation facilities. Especially
farmers plant rice, wheat and vegetables. The farming communities of
Thumka VDC in Gorkha district plant rice and potato in their khet land
whereas some farmers of Tanahun, Chitawan and Makawanpur plant
rice, wheat and vegetables. These products are very less and
contribute to fewer amounts to food supply for farmers.

Forest
Grazing Land
Fee
d
Bedding

Farming
Househol
d

Feed
Livestock Cropped fields

Fig 4.Interdependency
Many of forest,
farmers have a little cropofand
portion livestock
bari in sustainable
land (rainfed Hill farming
land) which are
system. (Source: Regmi, 2001).
properly terraced than Khoria land. Irrigation facilities are almost
negligible in these lands. Major crops include upland rice, maize,
wheat, sesame, finger millet, legumes like horse gram, cowpea,
soybean, broad bean, black gram and vegetables and fruits like
jackfruits, papaya, mangoes, chiuri, banana, guava etc. The study done
by LI-BIRD (2002) showed minimum land under this cultivation.

The kitchen gardening is mostly practiced on smaller scale. Very few

farmers have kitchen garden but livestock rearing is preferably more in

23
scale. Livestock is also regarded as one of the major component of
farming system but some areas of shifting cultivation communities, the
number of livestock reared is comparatively low. Due to scarcity of
fodder and grasses the livestock number is decreasing day by day and
some farmers expressed that the geography of the area is a prime
barrier for rearing larger number of cattle as it restricts the free
movement and grazing potentialities in the area.

Subedi et al. (1995) stated that there is a two-way relationship

between food security and khoriya cultivation in Makawanpur district.
Although khoriya cultivation contributes to food security, food security
is, to some extent, a prerequisite for khoriya cultivation.

Land Tenure Systems

Land Tenure is one of the burning issues in shifting cultivation areas.

Even government policies exact heavy pressure on shifting cultivators,
i.e. forcing them to give up their rights to their forests and abandon
their age-old ways of life. Some were even forced to resettle in
permanent settlements and conform to the introduced lifestyles
practically overnight.

Studies done by various organizations in Chepang communities have

cited land tenure as one of the problem. There is traditionally, no
privately owned land, but older folks in the area say that person having
first claim to the piece of land is the one who earlier cultivated. Many
chepang families are tilling in portion of land since generation but yet
they do not have land registration certificate or what we call ' lalpurja '.
Only a minority people among Chepang and other lower caste have
land registration certificate. Study shows that around 40% chepang
families in Nepal do not have land registration certificate. The
insecurity among Chepang people has really hindered development
program oriented for them. In case of Gorkha and Tanahun, farmers
have some evidences about their land ownership which was given to
them by VDC. The administrative complexity of land survey and
registration has to be simplified in the future in order to recognize the
land ownership right among shifting cultivators.

Studies done shows that increasing insecure tenure system, e.g. land
rental, share-cropping tenancies etc all lead to short term fallow and
profit oriented motives. Possibilities of innovation are found very
limited in those areas.

However the study done by Sharma (1995) showed that land tenure
problem is not observed in Makalu Barun conservation Areas.

24
Majorities of the local people are small and marginal farm holders.
Slash and burn fields are often divided among local communities based
on various factors. This system is institutionalized.

Socio-economic condition of Shifting cultivators

As with shifting land cultivation practices, there is very little

information available and studies done on livelihood systems of people
involved in Khoria farming in Nepal.A recent study by Balla et al,
(2000) in two watersheds of Chitwan and Tanahun districts, revealed
that farming practices prevailing in the area are quite unsustainable
and are unable to support livelihood systems within the farming
communities.

For generations, the Chepangs have lived a semi-nomadic existence

dependent on khoriya cultivation and hunting gathering. Traditional
means of subsistence such as food gathering and hunting still form the
major part of their economic activity. There is neither social
stratification nor any true leadership among the Chepang. The village
elders are respected by all and they are the decision-makers and
mediators. This elderly group of men forms an informal council in
decision-making. When a development plan is approved these elders
will then inform the members of each household about the meeting
and ask for the required input and help for its execution (Rayamajhi
and Pokharel, 1995).

Chepangs are relatively close-knit groups and live in exclusive villages

of their own, as in Terse with 35 families. They help each other in their
pursuit of shifting cultivation informally or formally through “Parma co-
operative". Whether registered or not their Khoria lands may be
cultivated by themselves or allowed others to do so by mutual consent
(Bajracharya, 1993).

The renting in and out of Khoria land is locally called Nyauli, and the
rent for Nyauli is often a few Dokos (baskets) of maize cobs or a certain
number of chicken or goats, usually agreed in advance.

Most of them are living in the central parts of the country, especially in
Gorkha, Tanahun, Chitwan, Makawanpur and Dhading districts. Of
many such areas, Thumka and Ghyalchowk of Gorkha district are the
villages where more than 100 families of the Chepang community live
in very poor condition. They till hill slopes and are specially engaged in
shifting cultivation practices since generations to sustain their
livelihoods. This farming practice adopted by the chepang community
primarily requires intensive labour but have very low production
potential. Majority of the families in the area are suffering from varying

25
degrees of food deficit from three months to nine months of a year. An
increase in the population in the area over the years, with the average
of 6.7 persons, has put additional pressure for food demand as well as
on local natural resources. During periods of food deficit, farmers
depend largely on wild foods like Giththa/Bhyakur (Dioscorea deltoidea
all), Ban-tarul (wild yam), Sisnu (Utrica dioca) etc. collected from the
surroundings forest. As cash income in the village is negligible, they
rely on seasonal migration for wage laboring. Almost 90% of the
households at these villages have been reported for seasonal
migration for off-farm (LI-BIRD, 2002).

The study done by INSAN (1993) shows similar type of situation in

Dhaubadi and Arkhala VDC of Nawalparasi district where farmers have
food deficiency for about 7-9 months. Food-deficit problems have
guided poor households always to hunt other income generating
activities that are traditionally prevalent in the area. Basket marketing,
wage labour, seasonal migration is basic alternatives to cope with
food-deficit. It is also known that a great majority of households in
Ramche and Dhaubadi go for searching roots and tubers (Gittha and
Byakur) in the forest during the winter.
Food security in case of shifting cultivators of Makawanpur district is
further declining due to disappearance of the surrounding forests and
their food resources. Poor Chepang rely for 42 percent of their food on
forest (Gurung et al., 1994).

The economy of shifting cultivators is subsistence based in the past

but nowadays they are having problem with food. Most of the shifting
cultivators are living under poverty with only very few alternatives. The
shifting cultivators in the central and western region produce products
like maas, gahat, bodi, til etc which they sell in the nearby market.
Some farmers in case of Gorkha sell vegetable products in the nearby
market. The cash supplement by these selling of products is very
negligible.

All the members of families are involved in shifting cultivation. Men

perform ploughing, hunting, climbing and felling trees while women
tend to be involved in less strenuous work such as cooking, firewood
collection, harvesting and so on. Female members and even children
are involved in slashing, planting and harvesting activities. The labor
requirement is very extensive. Around 20-30 people are involved in
Khoria fadne and cultivation.

The staple food of chepang is maize and they prefer the local wine
called 'haan' before and after they work. Maize, paddy and finger millet
and legume crops are also grown and consumed by shifting cultivators.

26
There is not much diversity in the area in terms of fruit trees and
vegetable.

Culture is one component which determines the crop choice within

shifting cultivators. Chepang communities especially prefer early
harvesting crops that do not need rainfed land. Sama bali (Little millet
cropping system) is preferred by these communities since it gives early
production as well as it is used in “Kulpuja” (worshiping of ancestors).

Shifting cultivation practices and its impacts

Good Practices of Shifting cultivation system

Intercropping of Legume crops with Maize (Case of Bhumlingchowk

VDC of Gorkha district)

Farmers have however managed the

system under extreme socio economic
pressure. They have introduced leguminous
crops like those which supply nitrogen and
add nutrients to soil. Among these people
planting legumes along with corn is not a
new practice. With the practice of planting
legumes with corn, farmers recognized the
potential of this method supportive to their
livelihood. People do not pull the legume crops during harvesting. They
rather cut and leave the stumps and roots in the ground. According to
farmer, the root and shoot of leguminous plant will be decomposed in
the soil and latter add nutrients to the soil. Farmer perceives the
importance of intercropping in terms of cash generating source as well
as way of improving soil fertility. Legumes crops include Cowpea (,
Blackgram (Vigna mungo), Beans (Vicia faba), Soyabean (Gycine
max),, Horsegram (Dolichos buflorus).

Fire management (case of Dhaubadi VDC of Nawalparasi District)

Fire is one of the basic component of slash and burn system. People
have been traditionally using fire in their Khoriya. Fire is also regarded
as one of the major component to increase production. People feel that
fire will destroy unnecessary weeds and make soil favorable for crop.
The ash produced by fire is regarded as one of the manure sources for
crop. People even expressed that the places where there are more
burning, yields higher than place with lower burning or no burning.
There is a communal fire management practice prevalent in the area.
The control and management of fire is based on communal planning

27
and decisions. All household members including the elders meet
together and take decision regarding fire management.

People decide communally to slash the patch of fallow land that is

adjacent to each other. The khoria is scattered away and people who
have the patch nearby decide to slash the khoria at the same time.
The main reason for this is to control fire from spreading from one
patch to another patch. If people do not come to common
understanding then sometimes the fire can destroy others fallow land
which is not slashed.

Another interesting thing is that people practice counter firing system.

People start putting fire from one edge and inorder to prevent it from
spreading they again put fire from the opposite site to counter the fire.
This method is also called as zero firing method. This is scientifically
regarded as a best way to stop fire from spreading and one of the ways
to protect rest of the resources from the effect. In bigger forest fires,
this method is also applied.

Tree Integration in Khoriya Plot (case study from Num VDC,

Sankhuwasaba district)

In the site selection, the Sherpa communities of Num VDC in

Sankhuwasaba usually choose a fallow land that is quiet matured
and have been left at least for 5-8 years of fallow. People do not
choose forestland or immature slash and burn area because they
strongly believe that soil needs to be matured for higher crop yield.

This practice involves slashing of vegetation including trees and shrubs

and spread over the ground. The trees are however protected. In case
of trees, people slash only the trunks and branches but leave the
stumps in the field so that, it will regenerate and provide them benefit
during the fallow period. This system is very popular in the villages.
People feel that trees are important for their livestock so, they really
do not destroy it completely.

According to farmers, the left trees will regain its form slowly. The
coppicing will occur and it will not hamper the crops since the
coppicing and tree height will not be so rapid during the first year.
After the second year when the land is left fallow, the trees will start
growing and within 5-8 years it will be matured enough to be
harvested. These species will be used for fodder and fuel wood
purposes after 3 years of fallow. Trees inside Khoriya include Datle
Katus (Castonopsis indica), Uttis (Alnus nepalensi), Angeri (Lyonia

28
ovalifolia), Chilaune (Schima wallichi), Guras (Rhododendron spps),
Banmara (Eupatorium adenophorium) etc.

Burning essential for slash and burn system (case study from Nalbu
VDC, Taplejung district)

The cycle of slash and burn system in Nalbu VDC of Taplejung District
starts with selection of land for cultivation. The land is then slashed
and left for drying for certain days. Once the slashed biomass is dried,
people burn the area. People ensure that sufficient manpower is
needed during firing period. They are conscious that fire should not
break into neighboring land and forest areas. After the burning, people
start sowing maize or millet. Radish, beans and latte is intercropped
with maize. People do weeding for maize. The maize is harvested quiet
earlier than other legume crops. After legume crops are harvested,
some people plant barley and wheat and harvest before planting
season of maize. The land is then left fallow for 5 years.

Burning is an essential part of slash and

burn system. People believe that the ash
produced will lower the acidic content of
soil and balance the phosphorous content
thus making land favorable for crops.
People use slash and burn area to grow
medicinal plant like Chiraito. The Chiraito is
believed to grow well in the area that is
burned. However, people prefer maize,
wheat, barley, potato and beans in the area. Potato production was
more intense some years ago but recently this method has slowed
down due to the fact that farmers have started to grow potato in their
Bari land (rainfed).

People use their own traditional method in slash and burn (Bhasme)
system. Both male and female are involved in the process. People work
in group and take help of neighbors during the main agricultural
activities like sowing, weeding and harvesting.

Recently, people are more interested in other land use system than
Bhasme. People use Bhasme as a major source of land use for their
daily food (subsistence based production) whereas, other land use
systems have been used as supportive to this land use system.

29
Issues in Shifting cultivation areas

Over the recent decades, degradation of land and mountain

ecosystems is becoming increasingly widespread. The Nepalese hills
and mountains are very susceptible to erosion and degradation. The
traditional farming system and cultivation on steep slopes have
accelerated the rate of erosion and degradation. Agricultural
productivity especially in the hills is at a decline due to erosion of
fertile surface soil every year (Annual Report/NARC, 2000).

Slash and burn is practiced irrespective of gradient of the land. The

disappearance of alpine and sub-alpine forests in the high hills has had
significant on soil erosion. There is a significant loss of soil fertility from
the cropped areas both due to leaching and run off. The widespread
belief that the ashes left after burning add to the soil fertility is not
based on facts. The monsoon rain washes away the ashes within a year
or two of cultivation. The fertility of the land decreases to such an
extent that further cropping becomes unprofitable within three years.
Other negative effects are: deterioration of the high hill environment,
sedimentation of downward agriculture lands, floods in rainy season
and draught in the dry season, drying of water sources, and decreasing
alpine and sub-alpine biotic diversity (Singh, 1993).

The low fallow period and intensified shifting cultivation has resulted in
the decrease of annual production and loss of soil fertility day by day.
Bajacharya (1993) reported that shifting cultivation practices are
responsible for inducing environmental degradations which include
increased incidences of and severity in soil erosion, landslides, and
drought-flood cycles. It has also contributed to the scarcity of drinking
water, reduction in forest and shrub lands, pauperization of floral and
faunal wealth, etc.

Many farmers in Ramche and Arkhala VDC of Nawalparasi rated soil

loss as the first problem. According to them as the result, productivity
has been declined one cycle after another. They pointed out grazing as
the main reason behind the problem (INSAN, 1999).

The majority of the farmers in Kholagaun village of Tanahun district

have reported that the soil fertility in the Khet, Pakho Bari and Khoria
in the areas is decreasing over the last 20 years. The farmers'
perception about declining soil fertility is however, highest in Pakho
Bari, followed by Khoria and Khet (LI-BIRD, 2002).

The study done by Sharma (1995) pointed out that slash and burn
reduces vegetative covers from the fields and increases rate of soil
erosion. Other possible adverse impacts from slash and burn on soil

30
development and plant nutrient include: death and decomposition of
plant roots, nutrient lass by leaching, soil pH increase, loss of organic
matter, elimination of woody vegetation, etc.

It is believed that these changes have directly lead to the accelerated

degradation of natural resources presently evident throughout Nepal in
the form of increased soil erosion /land degradation, a problem already
considered be have reached critical point in Nepal (Banskota, 1992)
.With 1.8 million hectares estimated to be degraded ( HKH Region,
Source Bhatta 1990).

It has long been established that soil erosion is caused by high runoff
of surface water, irrigation or rainfed, resulting in the loss of valuable
topsoil, whether through gradual degradation or landslides, which can
result in loss of property and lives in unfortunate occurrences. In
addition Khoria farming compounds land degradation by generally
being practiced on sloping land, aggravating soil erosion and its
associates.

The loss of soil in turn affects agricultural productively by reducing the

inherent productively of the land, both through the loss of nutrients
and the degradation physical properties.

About 80% of farming households in the Western region of Nepal have

reported experiencing declining crop productively in Bari and Khoria
land, with more than 55% of these farmers perceiving this decline was
due to declining soil fertility, further suggesting the link between
current Khoria practices and increased soil erosion.

In red soil areas soil acidity and phosphorous availability are of

particular concern with respect to maintaining a satisfactory nutrient
pool. (Shah and Schreier, 1991).

Estimated soil and nutrient losses by rain fed erosion on Khoria

land
(Adapted for use from ICIMOD, 1994)

Proportion of total land (%) 1.3

Soil depth (cm) 8.0
Soil loss (kg/ha/yr.) 100,000.00
Organic matter (OM) loss (kg/ha/yr) 3,000.0
Nitrogen (N) loss (kg/ha/yr) 150.0
Phosphorous (k) loss (kg/ha/yr) 100.0
` Potassium (P) loss (kg/ha/yr) 200.0

(Source LRMP, 1986)

31
However, in his book shifting cultivation in Southeastern Asia (1966),
J.E. Spencer cited that soil studies clearly indicate that shifting
cultivation does not in itself ruin soils and produce destructive erosion.
Instead, such consequences commonly show some maladjustment in
the entire socioeconomic and political situation of a particular people
which prevents them from practicing shifting cultivation the way they
would prefer to do.

Perception Regarding Shifting cultivation

There are both good practices as well as bad practices adopted by

shifting cultivators in recent years. Good practices like the
maintenance of long fallow period, diversification of crops, adoption of
different soil conservation methods, fallow management etc are
prevalent in many shifting cultivation areas. Whereas, some shifting
cultivators have knowingly or unknowingly adopted some bad practices
like intensification of land use without considering long term impact,
reduced fallow period, haphazard burning of areas etc.

There are really diverse views regarding shifting cultivation. Most of

the people working with the government sector regard shifting
cultivation as destructive and inefficient system. There are many
instances where shifting cultivation has been totally neglected and
illegally treated. Government version of shifting cultivation is really
negative. But there are some researchers as well as organizations who
want to regard shifting cultivation as system of land use and intend to
recognize the indigenous knowledge of shifting cultivators and see
their problems in a multidimensional perspectives.

Many of the researchers and organizations have taken shifting

cultivation systems as diverse in nature which often comprises of
diverse variety of activities in subsistence and cash economies. These
systems are often productive, make efficient use of resources, and
have supported large populations. Most of the techniques used in
these systems are often complex with strong indigenous knowledge
bonding it.

Shifting cultivation and the people who practice it are often negatively
stereotyped. They are widely perceived by many scientists and policy
makers, as well as the general public, as being primitive, backwards,
unproductive, wasteful, environmentally exploitative and destructive.
Similarly, shifting cultivators around the world are seen to be alike
destitute, and subsistence-based. They have been blamed for the
world’s tropical deforestation, land degradation and climate disruption.

32
Thus, many current nationals laws and policies toward shifting
cultivators are antagonistic and aimed at replacing shifting cultivation
by more ‘ modern ‘ forms of farming (Thrupp et.al. 1997).

The negative changes in Khoria farming reveal the condition of

mountain habitats are steadily deteriorating as Khoria farming
practices become unsustainable, although the pattern and magnitude
do vary from area to area and among regions (ICIMOD, 1994).

The catalyst behind these changes is predicted to continue, therefore

shifting and sloping land technologies urgently need modifying not
only to support livelihoods but more importantly to reserve natural
resources.

The Positive and negative belief regarding shifting cultivation found

during informal discussion and consultation with individuals from
government, non-government and relevant personnel is presented in
Table 3. For this purpose around 20-25 personnel were consulted.

Positive Views

There are various good examples in and out of the country where
shifting cultivation has been sustainable since many years. There are
communities who have managed natural resources within a complex
and diverse environment. The great pool of indigenous knowledge of
these communities have been recently explored and recognized by
different institutions.

Rayamajhi and Pokhrel (1995) expressed that the common notion of

regarding khoriya system as non-sustainable agriculture is misleading.
It is in fact ecological, demographic and economic factors responsible
for degradation of a sustainable system. The insights gained into the
principles behind traditional techniques inherited by the Chepang from
their ancestors could be of value to farmers trying to develop low-
external input sustainable eco-farming in other areas.

The perception of people regarding shifting cultivation showed that

shifting cultivation system it self is not bad but the practice can be
good or bad (Table 3). Farmers practicing shifting cultivation with very
minimum fallow period and without considering the ecology of the land
had proven to be a bad practice but farmers leaving longer fallow
period has managed to sustain their farming since generations.

Negative Views

33
Various literatures regarding shifting cultivation highlighted some of
the negative feelings about shifting cultivation. Some government
workers and ordinary people In Nepal also regard shifting cultivation as
primitive, less dynamic, low productive, ecologically disastrous, labor
intensive, low yielding, and environmentally destructive, wasteful and
unsustainable causing deforestation and soil erosion.

Bajracharya et.al (1993) perceived that evils of shifting cultivation

seems to be a symptom of general social and economic backwardness
along with the misallocation of land, labour and capital resources
which may be mitigated through various reforestation and agroforestry
systems.

The study report done by INSAN showed that shifting cultivation has
been very disastrous in the Ramche and Arkhala of Nawalparasi
resulting in massive deforestation, heavy flood, land degradation and
productivity decline which has further aggravated people’s living
standard and further enhancing them to remain poor.

The study done by Sharma (1999) in Bishkharka VDC of Gulmi district

found that one of the major cause of land use change is due to Khoria
phadani system (slash and burn shrub forest areas for warming).

Amatya in his book on Agroforestry system and practice in Nepal has

regarded shifting cultivation as one of the several land use issues
which pose challenges for agroforestry systems. He further
emphasized that although shifting cultivation provides a livelihood for
many rural/tribal people, it is wasteful and inefficient system.

The study done by Subedi (1995) indicated that a significant outcome

of his research is the conclusion, from the viewpoints of all concerned
(that is, including the viewpoint of many khoriya cultivators), that
khoriya cultivation has to be abandoned.

Table 3. Some Salient beliefs regarding shifting cultivation among

people.

S.N Outcome belief Associated Reasons Freque

ncy
1 Khoria kheti is really - It involves clearing of 4
destructive practice and forest areas hapazadly
should be discouraged - It increases soil erosion

34
2 Khoria kheti is not - The Lhose has reduced 1
sustainable nowadays so, to one year so not
alternatives should be good for cropping
given like agroforestry - New alternatives have
been developed and
priorities should be
given to those
alternatives
3 Khoria is really wasteful - Involves massive 2
and inefficient system deforestation
4 Shifting cultivation has - Shifting cultivation is 2
brought alot of problems one of the major cause for
like soil erosion so it is ecological disaster in the
not a good practice hills
5 Shifting cultivation itself - The pressure on 1
is not a bad practice but shifting cultivators is
due to other reasons it is the main reason
becoming inefficient - Lack of alternatives
6 Shifting cultivation - Indigenous knowledge 1
system and communities should be studied
need to be studied - People have managed
before blaming the the system for
system and community generations
7 The fallow period is short - The cultivation cycle has 1
so the practice is not been reduced every year
sustainable posing threat to shifting
cultivation practice
8 People burn the area and - burning has negative 1
clear hapazadly which effect on forest and near
has adversely affected by vegetation
the forest and soil
9 Shifting cultivation is not - the land feature is 1
suitable for our sloping characterized with
areas/hilly areas extreme slope so, not
good for annual cropping
10 There may be good pool - There are studies which 1
of knowledge within show that indigenous
shifting cultivation and people having a great
people so, need to be pool of knowledge
studied deeply regarding farming system
and practice.

35
11 There may be other - The socio-economic and 1
reasons why shifting political circumstances
cultivation has failed should be studied before
which need to be coming to conclusion
explored
12 Government should not - Government has 1
disregard shifting always neglected
cultivation as it is one of shifting cultivation and
the system adopted my communities.
thousand of people - There are backward
especially chepang communities like
communities Chepang who have not
13 Good system but - In past the fallow period 3
currently bad practice was more so it was
sustainable but now the
fallow is shortening so has
been destructive.
14 Based on soil - It is not good to do 2
conservation perspective annual cropping in sloping
the system is not good area and it is very
susceptible to soil erosion
but we can not just say it
is a bad system because
in the past people have
managed to survive under
that system
15 At current age this - I have studied in many 1
practice is really articles
unscientific because it is
one of the cause of
environmental
degradation

36
 16 Farmers have knowingly - Need to know farmers 1
and unknowingly knowledge first before
practiced shifting coming to any
cultivation and their decision.
system may be good or - Many indignous people
bad so, telling shifting are still depending
cultivation a destructive upon the system
practice and telling - It will be interesting to
shifting cultivation a know how farmers
sustainable practice have managed to
without understanding is survive under those
really another big extreme situations.
problem. There may be
some good things within
shifting cultivation, which
need to be explored.
17 The basic principle of 1
shifting cultivation is land
management strategies
and survival strategies. It
has both negative as well
as positive aspects. To
some extent in some
cases if there is
excessive burning the
plant diversity is low and
in extreme slopes
problems with soil
erosion is evident. But
seeing it in a positive
aspects the under
utilized land has been
properly utilized and it is
a sustained practice for
livelihood options. We
should therefore see the
associated knowledge in
it before deciding about
its impact.
Note: Red colored statements is negative; green colored is neutral and blue color is
positive statement.

Conclusion

37
Shifting cultivation has been praised as a sustainable and environment
friendly form of land use on the other hand, it is also condemned as a
harmful system that destroys forest resources and damages upland
ecosystems. The contradictory statements often resulted in confused
public perceptions and contradictory government policies. More even
shifting cultivation and shifting cultivators have been negatively
viewed in third world countries. The dearth of knowledge in these
aspects has been one of the catalysts for promoting anti shifting
cultivation attitude. This paper has to some extent explored in wider
perspectives and has come up with some type of country’s scenario
about shifting cultivation and shifting cultivators.

Various organizations and personnel were consulted for the review of

literature. Besides, different resource centers were visited. Many
individuals were informally interviewed inorder to capture a wide range
of public views regarding shifting cultivation. Even shifting cultivators
were also interviewed.

Literature related to shifting cultivation seems to be very few in case of

Nepal. Most of the literatures were focused on highlighting the shifting
cultivation system in the central and western region and basically on
Chepang community's farming practices and livelihoods.

The issue of shifting cultivation in Nepal is misleading and seen in

narrower prospective. Shifting cultivation was just seen in an aspect of
environmental crisis rather than understanding the socio-economic
circumstances underpinning it.

However there are some literatures, which have recognized shifting

cultivation as an indigenous practice adopted by many ethnic
minorities in the some hilly areas of Nepal. Farmers have knowingly or
unknowingly practiced shifting cultivation and they may be aware
about the positive as well as negative aspects of their farming system.
Some consulted shifting cultivators regard their system as good but
realize it as changing. The view that the negative impact of shifting
cultivation is not only a product of practice rather a product of social,
economic, institutional and political factors is highly justifiable and
reasonable. Inorder to understand the whole spectrum of farming
system, one should see in systemic point of view i.e. seeing in a
broader perspectives.

38
 CHAPTER THREE
Past and Current Initiatives on Shifting cultivation and related
Aspects

The agricultural research aimed to generate technological

options/packages for shifting cultivation and slopping land agriculture
has been quite inadequate in Nepal. The agricultural development
work targeted to address the technological needs of the farmers
involved in shifting cultivation and slopping land agriculture by
government and non-government agencies in the region is also
lacking.

A number of technological options, commonly known as Sloping

Agriculture Land Technology (SALT), have been researched
internationally and proposed for such areas. In Nepal, ICIMOD and
NARC have been instrumental and active for testing various SALT
options for last few years and have found that these technologies are
effective in conserving soil and water, enhancing soil fertility and
increasing crop production. However, adoptions of such SALTs by hill
farmers have been very poor and limited, and not quiet appealing to
the farmers (Pratap and Watson, 1994; Tang Ya, 1999). Inadequate
consideration of farmers’ local knowledge and resources, and poor
participation of farmers in the research process are regarded to be the
main reasons for the poor performance of SALTs in the area.

39
There are very few programs and project aimed at shifting cultivation
areas. The program aimed were really limited and mostly focused on
research works. Many of the projects are aimed at only chepang
communities although they represent the largest group of shifting
cultivators. However, there are quiet greater number of project aimed
at agroforestry and other interventions (Table 4). Some of the projects
related to shifting cultivation areas are described below.

Table 4: Organizations involved in agroforestry and their key

research subject areas
Care Nepal Introduction of Fodder tree species in the farming systems in
upper Kali Gandaki areas
Forest Research and Survey Growth rates and yield of tree fodder species in the middle hills
Centre and Terai; Spacing effect on agriculture crop yield; optimum
spacing for maximum tree/crop productions; and productivity with
or without agroforestry
Herbal Crops Development Agroforestry models with tree and herb combination from Terai
and Extension Programme to the high altitude
Institute for Sustainable Interaction of tree crops with cash crops like coffee and ginger
Agriculture Nepal
Lumle Agricultural Research Fodder tree species introduction in the farming systems;
station application of fertilizer for tree growth enhancement; and tree
crop spacing study on the production of grain.
Nepal Agroforestry Species introduction in the farming systems of the middle hills
Foundation and lopping season, frequently and techniques
Pakhribas Agricultural Species introduction (including exotics) in the farming systems of
Research Station middle and high mountains and fodder tree-crop systems, the
main agriculture crops being maize and millet.
Palpa Development Bamboo growing techniques
Programme
Sagarnath Forestry Introduction of agricultural crops in tree plantation
Development Project
Tribhuvan University, Intercropping trees with agricultural crops
International Development
Research Centre
United Mission to Nepal Introduction of tree-crop combination.
Watershed Management Rehabilitation of degraded land through Slopping Agriculture
Project Land Technology (SALT), with agriculture crops with fruit trees.
Winrock International Policy analysis in agriculture and related resource management;
and Economics of fuelwood Vs food grain
Souce: S. M. Amatya. 1997 as mentioned by Regmi, 2001.

ICIMOD/NARC Research Trial

Recognizing the problem of mountain, ICIMOD/NARC realized that

there is urgent need to improve the situation of declining agriculture
productivity in the country by adopting the appropriate low cost
technologies of soil conserving farming systems that are easily

40
acceptable to the local farm community. With this view the appropriate
technologies for soil-conserving farming system (ATSCFS) project was
initiated by Soil Science Division of NARC in 1995 at Paireni village of
Chitwan district in Central Nepal in collaboration with ICIMOD. The
activity included testing of different SALT models, dissemination and
extension of the technologies among the farmers. Training on
establishment and development of hedgerows especially for farmers
was perceived to be one component of the project during the last two
years. Also, testing and demonstration of different leguminous and
perennial hedgerow plant species was an integral part of the project
(Annual Report/NARC, 2000).

The experience from 5 years project duration was quite appreciating. It

was found that 40-60% of soil erosion could be reduced by adopting
the hedgerow system. An another important finding was that the
productivity of the land could also be increased to greater extent by
incorporating the hedgerows in the farming system of sloping
agricultural land. It was also found that certain species of leguminous
tree were best suited for the area like ipil-ipil, sissoo, tanki etc.

ICIMOD also had research plot at Godavari. The results from Godavari
site indicate a similar trend, with the establishment of hedgerow
systems, runoff was reduced by 5-24%, 14-27%, 33-40%, 20-47% and
25-50% in 1-5 years after establishment. Although there have been
fluctuations in different years due to rainfall features, there has been a
clear trend that the efficiency in reducing runoff has increased with
time. The hedgerows have also helped to reduce soil loss. Five years
after hedgerow establishment, the efficiency of soil loss reduction
increased with time. Soil loss decreased by 37-83% in the first year
after hedgerow establishment. (ICIMOD, 2000) For fertile soil,
hedgerows can help to maintain soil fertility and prevent it from
declining, and for poor soil, hedgerows can help maintain soil fertility
effectively, both through application of hedgerow pruning and reduced
soil nutrient loss. Reduced soil erosion, nutrient loss, and improved soil
fertility effectively, both through application of hedgerow pruning and
reduced soil nutrient loss. Reduced soil erosion, nutrient loss and
improved soil fertility, through their use of biomass harvested from
leguminous hedge material, and moisture can enhance crop yield
(ICIMOD, 2001) and facilitate more reliable and predictable levels of
agriculture production.

INSAN's project on the shifting cultivation of Nawalparasi.

INSAN implemented Natural Resource Management Project' in

Nawalparasi since 1997 to 1999. Amongst many other activities,

41
Improvement in the existing Khoria management system was one of
the major activities. To compromise the interest of the Government
(DFO) and the people, INSAN developed a modified Khoria
management system in July 1997. There was a small meeting cum
workshop organized to discuss about the model and the conclusion
became to be positive towards it. Then INSAN implemented it in the
site in the form of 'Modal Khoria Management System'. As far as we
know, this is the first of such modal in Nepal and else where (Sharma,
2002).

Major modifications introduced in these modals were as follows-

1. While slashing the vegetation 2m wide horizontal belt was left as it
is. Distance between one belt to another used to be 20 - 25 m
approximately.

2. Slashed vegetation adjacent to the belt was thrown a bit apart from
it so as to protect the belt while burning.

3. When farmers put fire in the dried vegetation, it was found that
approximately 1m out of 2m belt remained alive.

4. Such belt would serve as a barrier for massive erosion and runoff. At
the same time it harbored many natural plant species there by
enhancing natural regeneration of diverse plant and animal species.

5. 12 such modals were established in Dhaubadi, Arkhala and

Dandajheri VDCs with in this 2 years time period. All the modals
were developed by farmers under technical facilitation of INSAN.

In our experiences, it was a successful method for the locality. As

the project was handed over to HICODEF just after the establishment
of the modals, the impacts of the project is yet to see (Sharma, 2002).
Discussion with HICODEF personnel in Kawasoti indicates that a lot of
community works has been initiated by the organization in many hilly
VDCs of Nawalparasi district.

Ecological Services Centre; experience in Slash and burn

Farming System

Ecological Services Centre has been working in Devghat, Kota,

Chhipchhipe and Baidee VDCs of Southern Tanahun for the sustainable
livelihood of farmers through natural resources management,
ecological Agriculture and income generation activities since 1994.

42
Gurung, Magar and Bhujel are major groups of that area where as
Brahmin, Chhetri and Kami are other groups which are very fewer in
numbers. Most of the farmers do not have sufficient food production
through out year and they don’t have other alternatives.

Almost all Gurung, Magar and Bhujel families do have their Lose/Khoria
for cultivation of different crops. In these areas, Lhose/Khoria is
popularly known as "Trisale Lhose" (rotation of cropping in every
three years). But due to the increasing demand of food for their ever-
growing family members, the number of years (3 years) for rotation
tends to be decreasing every year. Some of the Lhose has already
converted to regular farming system although the topography is not
suitable for this type of farming system.

Ecos-center has been trying to stop the burning of biomass in this

farming system and permanent management of these areas through
introduction of perennial plants. For this purpose, SALT technology is
being used as the effective tools to improve this farming system. With
in this SALT technology, short duration income generating herbal
plants are being introduced and is becoming quite popular. Since the
farmers don't have legal ownership of that land, farmers are not fully
cooperative for the introduction of perennial crop as well as for
permanent management system.

On the basis of Ecos-center’s few years of experience it can be

concluded that, only technological intervention is not sufficient for the
improvement of slash and burn farming system. For this purpose,
multisectoral effort and involvement is required. Social, cultural,
economical and ecological aspects of community should be taken into
due consideration for the effective and meaningful improvement of
slash and burn farming system in Nepal (Ranabhat, 2002).

Nepal Agroforestry Foundation action research on Khoria

management

Nepal Agroforestry foundation (NAF) had implemented the

conservation farming program in four hilly VDCs of Chitwan. During
this project period conservation farming program succeed to cover 46
groups representing 27 wards of four VDCs.

During the 3rd quarter of the program implementation an action

research on Khoria management was under taken within the project
area. During the project period a total of 61 Khoria have been
established and 61 farmers of 27 groups participated in this program.

43
The Khoria management program was intended to support to protect
the forest from deforestation and slash and burning by proper
management and permanent use of Khoria. The result showed that the
effective management of Khoria directly supported to increase food
production and cash income to the poor farmers. Taro, Chili, Ginger,
Onion, agroforestry seeds, NTFPs are found very good for earning of
cash income. The findings from the research also suggest that the
period of the Khoria at household level be profoundly affected by
changing access to both land and labor. If household possesses only
limited land, then the potential influence of the labor force become
influential in decreasing the fallow period of the Khoria. The longer the
period of the Khoria, the higher the income and vise versa. The size
and income of the Khoria has also influenced the total household
income, where total household income is found to be highest with
three year Khoria system (NAF, Annual Report, 2001).

SEACOW in Kandrang Watershed

SEACOW, the School of Ecology, Agriculture and Community worked

has been working intensively in Kandrang Valley since 1992. SEACOW
has been particularly targeting Chepang communities in Kandrang
watershed. It aimed to increase production and productivity of the land
while promoting multiple use crops for cash in the marginal lands and
helping people to gain confidence and enhance awareness about their
relationship with the society and nature. Major activities include
agroforestry, training and education, enterprise development and
health service (SEACOW, 1999).

LI-BIRD’s Initiation on Shifting and Sloping land cultivation

areas

a) IDRC/LI-BIRD (A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and Planning for

Sustainable Rehabilitation): LI-BIRD in collaboration with IOF and with
financial support from IDRC had done a research titled “Degraded
Lands in Mid-hills of Central Nepal: A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and
Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation.”

44
The main objective of the study has been to identify degraded lands
and associated socio-economic conditions of the people for planning
sustainable rehabilitation in the Mid-hills of Nepal.

The study assessed the degree of degraded lands and dynamics of

landuse changes with the help of aerial photographs taken at different
time interval, land utilisation map prepared by LRMP (1986) as the
base maps. Latter information was digitized and different overlays
were developed in order to interpret the results to see the land use
changes in the selected study area. The second most important part
of the study was the socio-economic situation and agriculture and soil
fertility assessment in the study area.

Two sub-watersheds, namely the Kali Khola watershed and the

Andheri-Khahare Khola watersheds of Chitwan and Tanahu districts,
were selected for the study. The geographic area of the former
watershed is 992.40 ha and the later 846.21 ha respectively. In the
Kali Khola watershed, agriculture and forest occupy 366.45ha and
436.96 ha in 1999 whereas it was 194.90 ha and 537.36 ha in 1978
respectively. The study found out that shifting cultivation is practised
in 66.84 ha 88.02 percent increase in area under agriculture comes
from conversion of forest, shrub and shifting cultivation to agriculture.

b) HARP/SSLC Project: LI-BIRD with the financial support from Hill

Agriculture Research Project (HARP)/DFID is implementing a project
titled: Participatory identification of integrated agricultural
technologies packages suitable for shifting and sloping land cultivation
areas of western hills of Nepal. The main purpose of the project is to
increase the sustainability of agricultural production in the shifting
cultivation and slopping agriculture land areas of Western hills of Nepal
by promoting integrated agricultural technological packages for
enhanced food production and on-farm cash income.

The major activities of the project include documentation of farmers’

local knowledge on shifting and sloping land farming and combining
them with scientific knowledge to design modified Sloping Agriculture
Land Technologies (SALTs) and other improved soil and water
management technologies in active participation of research farmers.

The project activities is implemented on-farm at two research sites of

Thumka and Chimkeswori VDC of Tanahun and Gorkha districts in
Western hills of Nepal. The farming communities are mostly dominated
by Chepang ethnic group. The project activities have been
implemented in close collaboration with research farmers and

45
stakeholders like District soil conservation offices, District Agricultural
offices and some NGOs.

The outcome of the project has been very impressive. Now farmers
have established the hedgerow trials. The trials have four different
treatment and three replication in each which include:
Flamengia+Coffee+Banana; Flamengia+ Pineapple+ Citrus;
Flamengia+Morus alba+ Cinamomun ; and Flamengia+Morus alba+
Banana.

Various alternative livelihood packages have been explored. Farmers’

organization has been formed and farmers have initiated to establish
permanent nursery. The trial of various hedgerow species have been
established and closely monitored by the farmers and other
stakeholders. Farmers are now receiving various kinds of training
related to their farming system.

c) DFID NRSP Project R7412- LI-BIRD in collaboration with NARC and

with financial support from DFID has implemented a research project
entitled “ Incorporation of local knowledge into soil and water
management interventions which minimize nutrient losses in the
Middle Hills of Nepal”. The main purpose of this action research is to
ensure that nutrient losses due to leaching and erosion are minimised
by devising economically and culturally viable land, soil and water
management techniques. The protocol builds upon the sophisticated
local knowledge of the movement of water across soil, as well as
existing scientific data will be incorporated into participatory
technology development.

Major activities include initial participatory appraisal and knowledge

acquisition, participatory technology development, evaluation of
adoption and dissemination and promotion. The project has been
implemented in mid hill areas like Landruk, Nayatola and Bandipur.
Basically SALT technology like hedgerows has been introduced in those
areas. With the major participation of farmers different alternatives in
hedgerows have been explored and used in the trial designs.
Preliminary findings about the project seem to be very satisfactory.
Successful hedgerows have been established and the overall impact on
soil and other aspects of project is yet to come.

d). DFID NRSP Project R 7958- LI-BIRD in collaboration with NARC and
University of Reading, UK has been implementing project entitled
“Developing supportive policy environments for improved land
management strategies”. This project is funded by DFID.

46
The main purpose of this project is to develop ways to accelerate and
upscale pilot research experiences to the wider community determined
through developing supportive policy environments for improving land
management strategies. The project is focussed on the mid-hills of
Nepal.

The activities of the project has identified at least six land

management strategies like application of inorganic manure, increased
dependency on chemical fertilizers, cutting rather than pulling legume
when harvesting, plating hedgerows (live barriers), stall feeding and
fodder tree plantation. Based on the survey outcome,with hedgerows,
a major constraint is the lack of seedlings. Facilitating the development
of local nurseries and supporting the farmer-to-farmer supply ot
seedlings, are obvious starting points in areas where hedgerow
planning is a viable option for farmers. Participatory technology
development to adapt (species, spacing management) the technology
to new areas will be important.

Community Forestry Program

Community forestry program has been one of the successful programs

in Nepal. Government support, strong legislation and public
commitments are the key factors for the growing success in Nepal.
Nepal has undergone many changes in the program and policy level
i.e. from the bureaucratic way of doing to participatory models. The
transformation in the forestry sector in Nepal was not just an easy task
rather a trial and error process. The paradigm shift in the forestry
sector was a product of the recognition of indigenous practices and the
democratization of forestry sector.

To show its determination and commitment for restoration of mountain

environment, the government took significant step to build as sound
policy to support community based forest management which was
manifested in the Master Plan for the Forestry Sector 1988 which
strongly advocated the participation of communities in the form of
Forest User Groups to manage the forest handed over to them as
community forest. This was backed by legal base of Forest Act 1993.
Since then a large part of National forest, more than 10,00,000
hectares had now been handed over to about 13,000 Forest User
Groups for management. The programme has largely been successful
in its objective to protect forest resources and meeting the basic needs
of the communities to whom the forests have been handed over. The
community forestry programme has helped regenerate substantial
areas of degraded forest along with the increasing activities of wild
animals. Many watersheds have been re-charged with water which is
manifested in continues flow of water in springs and rivulets. Many

47
community-managed forests are now capable of meeting more than
the basic needs of the communities. The communities are engaged in
many income generation activities amassing funds for community
development activities (Shrestha, 2002).

Hill Leasehold Forestry and Forage Development Project

Hill leasehold forestry and forage development project has been

implemented with the technical assistance grant from Government of
Netherlands, IFAD and UNOPS. Leasehold forestry and Forage
Development Project has been aiming to develop a new and promising
approach to manage forest lands by group of people living below
poverty line. Specifically the project aimed to raise the income of poor
families who are below the poverty line and to improve the ecological
conditions in the hills.
The project started in 1993 in four districts which expanded to ten hilly
districts of Nepal; Kavre, Makawanpur, Sindhupalchowk, Ramechhap,
Dolakha, Dhading, Sindhuli district of Central Development Region and
Tanahun and Gorkha districts of Western Development region. Ethnic
group like Magar, Thami, Praja and Tamang are targeted by the
project. Various stakeholders are involved in this project like
department of forests, department of livestock services, agriculture
development bank, and Nepal agricultural research council.

Major achievements include; handing 65551.72 ha of land to 10532

families, forming sixty five inter groups, distribution of 10 million tree
and 112,850 fruit seedlings, providing various types of training,
distributing 2.6 million loan to farmers for various purposes,
developing gender sensitization activities, building infrastructure like
trail, schools, water supplies etc, developing strategies for income
generating activities etc.

Impact of project has been very positive. Records shows that species
diversity in the area has increased, Leasehold households have
increased food security by 16% in between 1996-1999. Female
decision making capacity has increased by 25% and many more
(Source: Hills Leasehold Forestry and Forage Development Project,
Project Brochure, 2000).

However there are concerns over the social inclusion and benefit for
the poor households. Many reports have criticized that leasehold
forestry has not really addressed the need of poor and only benefited
the middle class and rich families. There is need for further study on
this.

48
MAKALU-BARUN National Park and Conservation Area Project

The Makalu-Barun National Park and Conservation Area (MBNPCA)

covers and area of 2,330 sq. km and is located on the northern parts of
Sankhuwasabha and Solukhumbu districts in the Eastern Development
Region of Nepal. The project area is divided into national park area (64
percent of the project area) and conservation area (36 percent of the
project area) for management purposes.

The Makalu-Barun Conservation Project (MBCP) was implemented in

1992. One of the main objectives of the project is to protect
biodiversity in Makalu-Barun area and to uplift the socio-economic
status of local communities. To achieve these objectives, the
management plan of the
MBCP has considered the impact of slash and burn cultivation practices
as one of the top research priority areas (Sharma et.al. 1995).

Various studies were done at the context like surveying and mapping
of slash and burn areas, studying the feasibility of alternative crops
and studying socio economic and environmental role of slash and burn.

Other innovations

The agricultural research aimed to generate technological

options/packages appropriate for shifting cultivation and sloping land
agriculture has been quite inadequate in Nepal concentrating mainly
on permanent cultivation and bench terracing, such as the SAPPROS
Nepal terrace improvement programs in Chitwan and Dhading districts
of central Nepal. SAPPROS has mainly focused on development
oriented works such as promoting vegetable production in Kalikhola
and Paireni areas. Various types of agriculture interventions were also
initiated by SAPPROS.
Besides, many individuals have tried to do some type of research on
slash and burn cultivation and sloping land. Various literatures could
be found related to research done on sloping land. The innovations
done in the Far Western region of Nepal has not been explored and
captured since literature in those areas is not available to this time.

Conclusions

Past program and initiatives related to Shifting Cultivation are grossly

limited and only focused on particular areas and target groups. The
future direction of research and program should aim at wider populace

49
of shifting cultivators targeting both the socio-economic as well as
ecological aspects of shifting cultivation. Development intervention
targeted at the region should acknowledge the positive aspects of the
system and think ways of improving the sustainability of System rather
introducing entirely hostile research programs.

CHAPTER FOUR
Institutional Aspects of Shifting Cultivation

Agriculture policy in all countries has not incorporated many

environmental concerns. It has been much more concerned with issues
of food security and especially the introduction of improved or high-
yielding varieties. Hill particularities (niche, fragility, diversity, and

50
remoteness) have not been substantially recognized by national
agricultural research agendas and extension policy. While local,
environmental knowledge has been recognized in academia. Imported
conservation packages (e.g. sloping agricultural Land technology
{SALT} have seldom been widely adopted. In summary there has been
little in the way of widely implemented agricultural policy in the
indigenous technologies of terrace design, cropping practice,
composting, and water management – all more or less left unaffected
by agricultural policy – that have driven the direction and pace of
environmental change in agricultural lands (Ojha 1999; Sharma and
Jodha 1992).

The main goal of this section is evaluation of the impact of land

management policy related to shifting cultivation as well as its
subsequent effect on research intervention and livelihoods. This
section will analyze some of the established customs and tradition
related to shifting cultivation and government policy implications in the
use and management of land resources as a whole.

Laws and Regulations

Shifting cultivation in Nepal is a traditional practice since generations.

Ethnic group involved in it used to practice Khoria according to their
own custom and culture. Land settlement of 1938 mostly focused on
land revenue registration where private cultivated lands were
registered under individual households. However, the cadastral maps
were not prepared at that time. Such maps were prepared only in the
settlement of 1980. Shifting cultivation were not registered under LRR.
The LRR process involving survey and mapping of the privately
cultivated land in the rugged mountain district is difficult enough; but
to do so in case of shifting cultivation is almost controversial if not
impossible. The registration process is also complicated which did not
allow minority peoples to register their Khoria. The Land Act and Land
Management Act have made the provision for land registration but due
to complex bureaucratic process posses difficulty for farmers to do so
(Bajracharya et.al. 1993).

There are some norms of shifting cultivators which could be regarded

as unwritten laws. The unwritten laws are mostly related to their
livelihoods. People have rules regarding the grazing system. The
Parma system is also another norm related to their farming system as
well as if a family is unable to use the land, such land is leased to
another in free of cost.

51
The village elders are respected by all and they are the decision-
makers and mediators. This elderly group of men forms an informal
council in decision-making. When a development plan is approved
these elders will then inform the members of each household about
the meeting and ask for the required input and help for its execution
(Rayamajhi and Pokharel, 1995).

Land Tenure Issue

Majority of the shifting cultivation families have problem with land

tenure. Various reports published indicate that almost 42% of chepang
communities do not have land registration certificate (Table 5).
Chepang families who have not registered their land during cadastral
survey in 2027 have not got any opportunity to register their land.
These communities have been victims of land encroachment and
oppression.

The introduction of community forestry and leasehold forestry program

in chepang settlement has brought negative impact on people’s
livelihood. The failure to recognize the indigenous land ownership of
chepang communities will be disastrous in the future which can be
seen in Korak and Saktikhor VDC of Chitawan district. Similar examples
could be cited from different parts of the country where shifting
cultivators land has been converted to government or community
ownership.

Table 5. Showing the situation of Chepang communities

without Land registration Certificate in two districts.
VDC/District Total Household Remarks
Household without Land
registration
Certificate
Dahakhani- 30 11
9/Chitwan
Sidhhi- 37 13
5/Chitwan
Saktikhor- 36 12 The land of 7
5/Chitwan household is
encroached by
Community forestry
and leasehold
forestry
Kaule-5/Chitwan 71 34 The land of 4
household is

52
 encroached by
Community forestry
and leasehold
forestry
Korak/Chitwan 52 20
Kabilash- 27 15
9/Chitwan
Manahari- 36 20
3/Makawanpur
Raksirang- 26 19
8/Makawanpur
Kankada/Makaw 25 5
anpur
TOTA 309 131
L
Source: Working paper of Nepal Chepang Association cited by Mulyangkan Jan-Feb
2003

Past and Current Policies Affecting Land Management

Strategies in Nepal

The policy making process was started in the mid 1950s.Since then,
there are many policies made affecting the land management
strategies in Nepal. The policy making process in the past was central
based where as nowadays government do give considerations to the
targeted stakeholders in policy making process. Land use policies and
strategies were realized and initiated only from the Fifth Plan (1975-
80). Table 5 provides major past policies, their objectives and likely
effects of Land management strategy at farm and landscape level. The
land tenure laws constitute a major constraint upon environmentally
sound agricultural/land management practices in Nepal. Gross
disparities in land ownership are one of the major causes of poor land
management, poverty, social discrimination and injustice. Amendment
on previous land Act (1964) in 1997 also could not be enforced
effectively to eliminate prevailing dual ownership in land.

The various other land or land-based Acts are Forest Nationalization

Act (1957), Forest Act (1993) and Forest Regulations (1995 Amended
in 1997). The forest Act (1993) provides legal authority on Forest User
Groups (FUG) to control on the overall all management of community
forestry activities. Land management related Acts on Soil Conservation
and Watershed Management Act (1982) and Pastureland
Nationalization Act (1974), which have more influence on land
management at the landscape level (Table 6).

53
Table 6. List of past Policies, their objectives and likely effects on
Land Management Strategies at Farm and Landscape Level.
Act/Policy Objectives and Strategies Likely effect of
Act/Policy on LMS
Land Act (1964) To undertake land reform Not very much
measures and fix ceiling on effective, unequal
land holding land holding and dual
tenancy still exist,
thus poor incentive for
land management at
the farm level
Amendment of To remove dual ownership Not effectively
1964 Land Act in of land enforced. Many
1997 people still lack
knowledge of
amendment of this
land act, poor
dissemination
Forest To manage pasture land Enforcement of this
Nationalization from increasing livestock Act remain ineffective
Act (1974) pressure and fee demand and reversal of
pasture land
degradation was not
possible, very poor
dissemination about
the Act
Soil To conserve soil and Measures were taken
Conservation watershed from land reducing land
and Watershed degradation caused by poor degradation but
Management Act land management, participation of local
(1982) deforestation, soil erosion, people was not
floods and landslides possible because of its
lack of recognition of
local indigenous
practices of land
management
strategies.
Forest Act Provision of legal rights to Reverse the trend of
(1993) and local “ user group” for forests and forestland
Forest control and management of degradation, increase
Regulations community forests farm plantation of
(1997) trees and stall feeding
of livestock due to
restrictions on
community forestry
land. Private forest

54
 establishment and
improved land use
system at farm level.
Source: NPC/IUCN, (1991); Blaikie and Sadeque (2000); Chapagain, (2000); Bhatia
(2000); Upadhyaya (2000); Subedi (2002)
Among the current plans, the Ninth National Five Year Plan (1997-
2002), the recent Tenth National Five Year Plan (2002-2007),
Agricultural Perspective Plan (1996-2016), Forestry Master Plans
(1988) and Environmental Actions Plan (1993) are the main policy and
planning documents of the government guiding land management
strategies at the farm and landscape levels. Table 6 provides current
policies that have likely effects on the adoption of land management
strategies at farm and landscape levels in Nepal.

Table7. List of Current Policies and its likely effects on Land

Management Strategies at Farm and Landscape Level.

Expected Impact of Likely effect on land management strategies at

Current Policies farm and landscape level in Nepal
Poverty alleviation Poverty reduction of the farm households will
policy of the Ninth enhance their capacity to manage land in a
Plan (1997-2002) sustainable way.
and Recent Tenth
Plan (2002-2007)
Agricultural It emphasizes accelerated growth in
Perspective Plan agriculture with a few priorities and packages:
(1996-2016) focus on fertilizer supply and integrated soil
fertility management will enhance productivity
and management of land.
Master Plan for It has strong emphasis on community forestry
Forestry Sector and envisages protection of land against
(1988) degradation by soil erosion, floods, landslides
and desertification.
Elimination of dual If effectively enforced it will have expected
land ownership impact on adoption of better land
through revision of management practices such as use of plant
1964 and Land Act in nutrients and soil conservation measures.
1997
Private sector Easy availability and access to chemical
participation in nutrients and incentives to use alternative and
fertilizer import an organic source of nutrients due to higher price
delivery and of chemical nutrients
withdrawal of
subsidy on fertilizer
(1999)
Recent emphasis on Participatory approach to development of

55
public private relevant land management technology and
partnership in flow of technical information including easy
technology and cost –effective delivery of plan nutrients
generation and input at the farm and landscape level.
delivery (R&D)
MoAC.AREP (2000)
Adoption of Development of appropriate technology and
competitive information for sustainable land management
Research Policy on in Hills (e.g. IPNMS, high value fruit trees,
Hill Agriculture agroforestry etc.)
(HARP, 1999)
Credit subsidy on tea Fragile hill slopes will have perennial
and fruit trees on vegetation of tea (in some eastern hills) and
selected Hill districts fruit trees (in some Hill districts) that will
(Budget Speech, reduce soil erosion and land degradation.
2001 July HMG,
Nepal)
Source: Ninth Plan (NPC 1997); Tenth Plan (NPC 2002); HMG/MoF (2001); Blaikie and
Sadeque (2000); Chapagain, (2000); Bhatia (2000); Upadhyaya (2000); Subedi (2002)

Policy Constraints and Gaps

Many policies and program such as forest, agriculture, environment,

soil and water management etc have affected the livelihoods of
shifting cultivators. Policy designed on land use management is only
geared at ecological and environment aspects rather ignoring the
social and cultural aspects of communities living in the hilly slopes.

Agriculture policies are more geared towards commercialization of

products without due consideration to the topography and ecological
circumstances. The subsistence level of farming has been neglected
regarding it as inefficient and useless system. Government promotion
of organic fertilizers and less investment in soil conservation measures
adds fuel to the burning problem of hills. Poor farm levels incentives
and isolated, fragmented and scattered commodity approach adopted
by the line agencies has resulted in poor adoption and redundancy.
The promotion of green legumes is also not effective.

The current forest policies have legally created a big problem to

shifting cultivators. Many shifting cultivators own the land from
generations but do not have the land registration certificate. The
Forest Act 1993 clearly stratifies various forest classifications like
community forest, national forest, leasehold forest, religious forest and
protected forest. Customary rights of farmers like the collection of

56
fuelwood, wild foods and grasses were prohibited from the government
and protected forests. The area they are tilling since many years is
often claimed by the district forest office and in many cases the
shifting cultivators were tortured and harassed by the authorities (as in
case of Nawalparasi). Some farmers expressed that the land
registration process is too complicated and others mentioned that they
were not aware about the registration process.

To some extent, the expansion of community forestry and leasehold

forestry program is also being obstacle for shifting cultivators. In many
instances their lands have been claimed by the neighboring
communities for community forestry purposes. Some of the farmers
have to leave their farming practice and be involved in other activities
in accordance with the government. The conservation programs aimed
t protection of flora and fauna have also discouraged slash and burn
practice as in case of Makalu Barun Conservation areas.

Conclusions

Shifting cultivation has been very negatively perceived and official

attitudes have been almost universally hostile from past, although
there are a group of academician and researchers who regard some
positive aspects of shifting cultivation. It is true that banning on
shifting cultivation is not socially feasible as “Banning is easy-
compensation is not”. So, government should primarily reflect the
alternatives or safe landing of thousand of shifting cultivators in its
land management policies. Unless and until government does not
regard shifting cultivation as one of the land use practice, the problem
associated with it remains ever burning and unsolved.

CHAPTER FIVE
Literatures Related To Shifting Cultivation

There are very limited literatures regarding shifting cultivation. One of

the aims of this report is to document the available literatures and
publication related to shifting cultivation. Listing of documents is
expected to increase the curiosity level among researchers and
academicians regarding the practice which in turn will help in filling the
knowledge gap in shifting cultivation related issues. There might be
more publication regarding shifting cultivation which is still under
research and exploration. This listing is just the initiation so this report

57
will be updated as more research and publication will be made in the
future. The listing of documents with available details and contact
person or address is given below (Table 6).

Table 6. Listing of Available documents regarding shifting

cultivation.

S.N Literature Title Contact

person/organizations
1 Slash and Burn Agriculture in Makalu and Chiranjivi Sharma
Yaphu VDCs of Makalu Barun National Park and Janardan
Conservation Area Project (report 27) Kharti-Chhetri
(MBCPA, DNPWC)
2 Application of Knowledge Based Systems P.K. Shrestha (LI-
Approach in participatory Technology BIRD), Morag
Development: A case of Developing Soil and McDonald and
Water Management Interventions for Fergus Sincliar
Reducing Nutrient Losses in the Middle Hills (University of
of Nepal. Wales, Bangor, UK)
3 Shifting cultivation in Southern Gorkha K.M. Bajracharya,
M..K Bajracharya,
K.B.Malla and P.B.
Thapa (Forestry
and Conservation
Technology
Services P Ltd.)
4 Natural Resources (Agriculture, Forestry, Bharat Shrestha,
Livestock and Soils) Analysis of AAN Raju Babu Shrestha
Development Area in Nawalparasi District. and Durga P. Giri
(INSAN/ACTION
AID)
5 After Five Years Chepangs of Kandrang School of Ecology,
Watershed Agriculture and
Community Works
(SEACOW)
6 Nepal Agroforestry Foundation: Praja Nepal Agroforestry
Agroforestry Research Project, Chitawan: Foundation (NAF)
Annual Report 2001
7 Incorporation of Local Knowledge into Soil P.K. Shrestha (LI-
and Water management interventions BIRD) and G.
which minimise nutrient losses in the Middle Acharya (Lumle
Hills of Nepal (DFID NRSP Project R 7412- ARS)
project report)
8 Synthesis of Farmers’ Knowledge: A Case LI-BIRD, Pokhara
study of Kholagaun and Thumka of Gorkha
and Tanahun Districts.

58
9 Participatory identification of integrated LI-BIRD, Pokhara
agricultural technological packages suitable
for shifting and sloping land cultivation
areas of Western Hills of Nepal. Findings of
the Site selection Survey.
10 Participatory identification of integrated LI-BIRD, Pokhara
agricultural technological packages suitable
for shifting and sloping land cultivation
areas of Western Hills of Nepal. Findings of
the baseline survey.
11 Agroforestry in Mountain Areas of The Hindu ICIMOD Library/
Kush-Himalayan Region. ICIMOD Occasional Jeannette Denholm
Paper No. 17
12 Indigenous Knowledge of the Chepangs on S. Rayamajhi and R.
Khoriya Cultivation Pokhrel (IOF,
Pokhara)
13 Agroforestry Systems and Practice In Nepal S.M. Amatya
(DNPWC)
14 Slash and Burn in the High Hills of Nepal B. K. Singh
15 Forest Management: Some Legal Aspects: A S. Thapa
Case Study of Manebhanjyang Village In
Okhaldhunga District (MA. Thesis/TU)
16 Study on the Ecology of Barun Valley- An S.B. Bajracharya
exploration of some of the Ecological
Factors of Barun (M.sc. Thesis TU)
17 The Potential Role of Forest for Socio- N. R. Yadav
economic Development of Chepang
Community (A Case Study of Korak VDC,
Chitwan District) (M.A. Thesis , TU)
18 Forest Landuse Change and Management in L.N. Sharma
the Western Middle Hill of Nepal: A Case
Study on Bishkharka VDC Gulmi District.
(M.A. Thesis)
19 Ecology of Slash and burn Charles Pradhan
Agriculture(Shifting cultivation in
Himalayas): A case study of Barun valley –
Msc. Thesis , T.U
20 Nepalma Khoria kheti Ra Yasko Durgami Poudel
Prabhav D/Gorkhapatra
21 Agroforestry Concepts and Applications Keshar M.
(Compendium of lecture presented in a Bhajracharya and
short training course) Swoyambhu M.
Amatya
22 The Makalu Barun National Park and Dr. Tirtha B.
Conservation Area (Scientific Research Shrestha, Dr.

59
 Component) Keshab Raj
Rajbhandari, Mr.
Rodney Jackson
and MR. Narendra
Raj Khanal
23 Makalu Barun Conservation Project – Frances Klatzel,
Natural History Hand book and staff KTM
Training Manual (Draft)
24 Khoria Le Gharieko Gaun-Lhape. A study Him P. Sedai,
ACTION AID
25 Study of Geo hydrology, Land-use and N.R. Khanal
Population of the Makalu-Barun
Conservation Project Area.
26 Community Resource Management: The R.K. Nepali
Makalu Barun National Park and
Conservation Area.
27 Sloping agriculture land technology (SALT); Pratap and Watson
A regenerative
Option for sustainable mountain farming.
ICIMOD, occasional paper 23. ICIMOD
Kathmandu.

28 Sloping agriculture land technology (SALT). Tej Partap & Harold

A Watson
regenerative option for sustainable
mountain farming, ICIMOD occasional
29 NARC. Annual Report FY 2056/2057 NARC/Soil Science
(1999/2000) Division
30 Policy in High Places – Environment and Piers. M. Blaikie
Development in the Himalayan Region And Syed Zahir
Sadeque
31 Degraded Lands in Mid-Hills of Central P.K.Shrestha (LI-
Nepal: A GIS Appraisal in Quantifying and BIRD), M.K. Balla
Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation. (IOF)
32 GIS for Planning and Monitoring Land Use D. P. Sherchan
Practices in Shifting Cultivation Areas (NARC)
33 Samuhik Krishak Bhrawan Sankalan,
Pakhribas Ag.
Research Station
34 Shifting cultivation ; A case study from LI-BIRD, Pokhara
Central and Western Hills of Nepal
35 The Makalu Barun National Park and Mr. Lhakpa Norbu
Conservation Area – Park Management Sherpa, Mr. Ang
Component Rita Sherpa and Mr.
Jayapal Shrestha

60
36 The Makalu Barun National Park and Mr. Rohit Kumar
Conservation Area- Community Resource Nepali, Mr.
Management Component Khagendra
Sangam, Dr.
Charles Rambe and
Mr. Chandi
Chapagain
37 Leasing Khoriya Cultivation plots to farmers: Bhisma P. Subedi
Scope, opportunities and constraints and Laurent Umans
38 Shifting Cultivation in Nepal and Thailand A Dietrich Schmidt-
comparative Assessment Vogt,
39 Himalayan Subsistence Systems: Schroeder, R. F.
Indigenous Agriculture in Rural Nepal. 1985.
Mountain Research and Development 5, 31-
44.
40 Traditionelle agroforstliche Schmidt-Vogt, D.
Nutzungssysteme in Nepal. Die Erde 130, 1999b.
315-30
41 Ecology and Forest and Agrobiodiversity In RRN/SEEPORT
the Arun valley
42 Inside the Rural Communities: An action Mechi Hill
oriented Anthropological Research Carried Development
out at Nalbu VDC of Taplejung District Programme.
43 Shifting Cultivation in the Arun Valley: An S. Dhakal, Central
Anthropological Case Study Department of
Sociology and
Anthropology

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Bajracharya, K.M.;Bajracharya, M.K; Malla, K.B; and Thapa, P.B. 1993.
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Bajracharya, S. B. 1988 Study on the Ecology of Barun Valley- An

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Balla, M.; Awasti, K.W; Shrestha, P.K; Shechan, D.P & Poudel, D. 2000.
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Bhatia, A. 2000. Participatory Forest Management (PFM): Rediscovery

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Bhatta, B.R. 1990. Watershed management guidelines for monitoring

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Blaikie, P.M & Sadeque, S.Z. 2000. Policies in High places. Environment
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Nepal.

Chapagain D. 2000. Land Tenure and Poverty: Status and Trends Land
Systems in the Hills and Mountains of Nepal.

Country Report. 2002. Shifting Cultivation in Bangaladesh. Literature

Review. Unpublished document.

Denholm, J. 1991. Agroforestry in Mountain Areas of the Hindu Kush-

Himalayan Region. ICIMOD Occasional Paper No. 17

Dhakal, S. 2000. Shifting Cultivation In the Arun Valley: An

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