Prehistoric Rites of Passage

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 16, 121 – 161 (1997)
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Prehistoric Rites of Passage: A Comparative Study

of Transegalitarian Hunter–Gatherers
D’Ann Owens
Millennia Research, 204-10114 McDonald Park Road, North Saanich, British Columbia V8L 5X8, Canada
and
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Brian Hayden
http://faculty.ksu.edu.sa/archaeology/Publications/Palaeolithic/A%20Comparative%20Study%20of%20Transegalitarian%20Hunter%E2%80%93Gatherers.pdf
Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia V5A 1S6, Canada
Received November 25, 1996; revision received January 13, 1997; accepted March 26, 1997
Footprints and handprints clearly indicate that adolescents took part in the cave rituals of Upper
Paleolithic Europe. We argue that the cave paintings were created by transegalitarian hunter – gather-
ers. To better understand the significance of adolescent involvement in cave rituals, we undertook
a study of maturation events involving rituals among ethnographic transegalitarian hunter – gather-
ers. Our results show that the costs associated with all of these events increase as social complexity
increases and as the rank of individuals within communities increases. Furthermore, on the basis of
the comparative ethnographic evidence and archaeological parameters pertaining to the different
types of ritual events, we argue that the presence of adolescents in Upper Paleolithic caves suggests
the initiation of elite children to secret societies. q 1997 Academic Press
INTRODUCTION knowledge which should soon enable pre-

historians to reconstruct the basic structure
What were cave rituals like in Upper Pa- of these rituals with relative confidence.
leolithic Europe? In informal archaeological These include recent discoveries of undis-
discussions and occasionally in the litera- turbed cave sanctuaries, as well as advances
ture, it is easy to find statements of despair, in direct dating of rock art, in recording
statements to the effect that we will probably traces and remains on undisturbed Paleo-
never really know the function and nature lithic cave surfaces, in understanding en-
of these events. This is reminiscent of the topic and shamanistic phenomena, in identi-
despondency of earlier generations regard- fying seasonal messages and thematic
ing other archaeological unknowns such as patterns, and in reconstructing painting
who built Stonehenge and the nature of techniques and acoustic effects. The goal of
their motivations (Camden cited in Clark this article is to provide pertinent informa-
1953:215). Subsequent methodological and tion on a little explored dimension of inter-
theoretical advances have often proven such preting ritual activities in cave sanctuaries:
pessimism unwarranted. the comparative study of rites of passage
In contrast to the despair expressed by among transegalitarian hunter – gatherers.
some authors regarding our ability to know Transegalitarian societies are societies that
the nature of the rituals performed in caves, are neither egalitarian nor politically stra-
we feel that there is a growing corpus of tified; they are thus intermediate between
factual, methodological, and theoretical generalized hunter – gatherers and chief-
121
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122 OWENS AND HAYDEN
doms in terms of the social and economic role and importance of maturation events
inequalities that characterize them (Blake in Upper Paleolithic societies? Did only a
and Clarke 1989). privileged few undergo maturation rituals
There are a limited number of plausible in the caves or were all band members in-
suggestions in the literature as to the basic cluded? Were such initiations limited to
nature of cave rituals. These include hunting boys and men only or were women and girls
magic, shamanistic rituals, initiations, and also involved? How rigorous were the initia-
band or inter-band rituals which either pro- tions?
mote the increase of animal species or pro- In order to obtain some notion of the so-
mote solidarity among participants for pur- cial and economic patterning common to
poses such as information or mate exchange. these phenomena cross-culturally, we de-
For recent reviews, see Bahn and Vertut cided to examine ethnographies of trans-
(1988) and Dickson (1990). Of course, none egalitarian hunter – gatherers covering the
of the above possibilities are mutually exclu- range of complexity that we viewed as pos-
sive. It seems almost certain that the caves sible for the Upper Paleolithic European
were used for more than one type of ritual hunter – gatherers that painted inside caves.
activity given the distinctly different organi- This has never been done before. The notion
zation of paintings in the main galleries of that at least some Upper Paleolithic bands
caves versus the deep recesses as docu- were transegalitarian hunter – gatherers may
mented by Leroi-Gourhan (1965) and others. be treated as a working hypothesis, how-
While all of these suggestions merit in-depth ever, we feel that it is firmly supported by
exploration, this is not possible in a single indications of relatively high population
article. Rather, given recent indications of densities, rich resources, specialized exploi-
the importance of rites of passage and other tation, food storage, increased seasonal sed-
maturation events in the initial development entism, prestige objects, the intentional
of transegalitarian societies (Hayden 1995), breakage of some prestige objects, status dif-
we decided to concentrate our analysis on ferences in grave goods, and possible human
the maturation events that may have oc- sacrifices (see Beaune 1995; Dickson 1990;
curred in the caves. We are not the first to Hayden 1990, 1993a, 1993b; Soffer 1989;
suggest that the total darkness of caves may White 1993). However, the identification of
have been used for initiations (Mithen 1988, transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures
Dickson 1990), and it is certain from the size requires refinement since the gamut of
of footprints and painted handprints in known transegalitarian hunter – gatherers
caves such as Gargas, Montespan, Tuc ranges from petty despots to entrepreneurs
d’Adoubert, Fontanet, Pech Merle, and Ni- to chiefs (Hayden 1995). Most important for
aux that adolescents were significant partici- the present analysis, the magnitude and role
pants in cave rituals. As Clottes (1992:59) has of various maturation events seems to vary
observed, in every case where footprints as a function of the socioeconomic complex-
have been preserved in Paleolithic caves, ity of the group and the amount of surplus
children were present. resources which are available.
Assuming that Upper Paleolithic caves
were used for rituals involving children and THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
adolescents, there follows a suite of subsid-
iary questions which archaeology alone is We realize that the analysis of ethno-
poorly equipped to deal with at this time. graphic data and the use of results to make
Such questions include: why was so much inferences about prehistoric societies are
effort expended on initiations at some times fraught with potential problems: cultural
and places but not others? What was the changes during early contact with traders

PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE 123
or colonists, observer biases and omissions, strictly unilineal or unidirectional terms.

Galton’s problem, and many others certainly There may be varying cultural expressions
exist. Nevertheless, to negate any relevance of complexity depending on such factors
of ethnographic observation to prehistory is as mobility, corporate exploitation of re-
to despair of ever being able to say much sources, or other factors. And, clearly cave
that is significant. We proceeded with cau- art, mobiliary art, and social and economic
tion, and with the conviction that if rela- complexity waxed and waned from stadial
tively robust, clearly defined trends are pres- to interstadial to postglacial conditions.
ent in cross-cultural observations of trans- However, we do assume that at some basic
egalitarian hunter – gatherers, then these are level, the magnitude of socioeconomic com-
most likely due to organizational principles plexity is dependent on the richness and na-
that transcended the various contact histor- ture of the resource base and in particular
ies and observer biases of individual cases that it is dependent on the ability to produce
(Carr 1995:149 – 150). If clear patterning is surpluses (Hayden 1992 1995). We take the
present in our data, it can provide one im- view that under similar conditions, with
portant source of inference concerning the similar technologies, cultures are likely to
relationship between maturation events and develop similar adaptations at a very basic
aggrandizive strategies among prehistoric social and economic level. Thus, while
hunter – gatherers organized at similar levels ethnographic Northwest North American,
of complexity. Asian, or Australian hunter – gatherers were
Given the theoretical debate concerning not and are not relicts of Paleolithic Europe,
the term complexity, we feel it is important data collected on many facets of their cul-
to clearly outline our perspective on the use tural, social and economic adaptations may
of the word. The term complex, by defini- be relevant to the understanding of Upper
tion, means ‘‘consisting of various con- Paleolithic groups with similar resource
nected or interwoven parts; composite’’ and characteristics. In the Upper Paleolithic, sur-
complexity is defined as ‘‘the state of being pluses would have been in the form of dried
complex’’ (Funk and Wagnalls 1986). These meat, dried fish, buckskin, or similar com-
strict definitions are associated with no judg- modities. As environments changed over
mental values; complex does not equate time and from place to place in Upper Paleo-
with superior. The association of the term lithic Europe, animal migration routes and
complexity with ideas of superiority — the herd sizes must have fluctuated resulting in
more complex the better — tends to limit our major shifts in socioeconomic complexity.
ability to describe and discuss differences These factors would, in turn, have affected
among societies. All societies are by their the methods used by aggrandizive individu-
very nature extremely complex; an outcome als to increase their social and economic
of the subtle and not so subtle interactions power. In particular, we argue that variation
of people and the environment, and of indi- in the availability and reliability of surpluses
viduals of varying dispositions with particu- could have influenced the importance of
lar needs and wants. When discussing the maturation events as aggrandizive strate-
complexity of a culture we recognize this gies.
truism. In this paper the term complex is Given the possible permutations of re-
solely associated with the number and na- source characteristics, aggrandizive strate-
ture of various practices and institutions gies, and ethnographic distortions, our anal-
which a society and the individuals of which ysis can only be considered a preliminary,
it is composed, use in relating to each other, coarse-grained, heuristic foray into the
outsiders, and the surroundings. realm of transegalitarian hunter – gatherer
Further we do not view complexity in maturation events. The patterns that we

have been able to document are certainly value of marriageable children by ex-
gratifying, and they reassure us that we are pending wealth at their maturation events;
probably on a productive avenue of explora- and the formation of secret societies to create
tion. We anticipate that many refinements special relationships of political, economic,
will be possible in the future. The working and supernatural support.
model that we used to structure our collec-
tion and analysis of data was based on Hay- If costly or exclusive initiation rituals can
den’s (1995) previous study of a wider range be documented in the transegalitarian socie-
of transegalitarian societies. This study indi- ties of the Upper Paleolithic, then they are
cated the pervasive and fundamental impor- probably of a broader importance in the
tance of the use of maturation events as one complexity and transformation of hunter –
of several basic strategies for creating and gatherer societies in Europe as part of these
maintaining inequalities in transegalitarian last strategies. Some of the cave rituals were
societies. Following this lead, the major con- certainly elaborate, time-consuming, costly,
cepts that have guided the theoretical for- and probably prestige-conferring events that
mulation of this analysis are that: involved adolescents. To what extent were
they strategies for transforming surplus eco-
1. Under conditions of scarce, unreliable nomic production into investments and re-
resources vulnerable to overexploitation, ciprocal debts including the transformation
sharing becomes mandatory. This limits the of egalitarian ethics into hierarchical rela-
development of prestige technologies as tionships, and the creation of incipient elites
well as economically based competition; ag- with more elaborate training, education, and
grandizive behavior is curtailed and pro- upbringing than others in the community?
scribed; Examining a broad range of transegalitar-
2. As resources become more abundant, ian hunter – gatherer societies for which eth-
more reliable, and less vulnerable to overex- nographic data is available as a special sub-
ploitation, private ownership and the use of set of transegalitarian societies can provide
surpluses for competition and prestige is tol- a much firmer basis for evaluating the above
erated as long as these activities do not ad- possibilities. Since transegalitarian hunter –
versely affect the subsistence prospects of gatherers arguably constituted the initial
other community members. These develop- context for the development of socioeco-
ments differentiate generalized from trans- nomic complexity, this inquiry is also of con-
egalitarian hunter – gatherers; siderable relevance to research on the very
3. Every sizable community has at least a origins of complexity itself. At the least, this
few individuals with aggrandizive and com- study will provide a better understanding
petitive tendencies; and of how transegalitarian hunter – gatherer so-
4. Under varying conditions of surplus cieties functioned in terms of brokering their
production, aggrandizive individuals use surpluses and socioeconomic power.
combinations of strategies to persuade other Given the above considerations, we sus-
community members to produce surpluses pected that there might be several basic
and to surrender some degree of control trends or patterns in our ethnographic sam-
over these surpluses. These strategies in- ple. Specifically, if maturation events were
clude fomenting disputes with other com- being used as a strategy to increase the value
munities to be settled by wealth payments; of children for wealth exchanges in marriage
obtaining marriage and war allies through it seemed likely that as resources and socio-
feasting; making reciprocal or interest-bear- political complexity increased, so would the
ing loans of wealth; establishing wealth pay- cost and exclusiveness of various matura-
ments as part of marriages, increasing the tion events. Alternatively, it seemed possible

that if such ceremonies were held for all Degree of authority/power of those in
members of the society regardless of gender political/leadership positions
or rank, those of the higher ranking individ- • Social complexity
uals would be more intense, more costly and Presence or absence of marked socio-
of a longer duration. It was suspected that economic inequality (Hayden 1993b:209)
membership in secret societies and other A system of structured social ranking
such institutions might be restricted to those Restriction of marriage partners to one’s
people with a high social status, and possi- own social status
bly only to high ranking males. Finally, it Use of titles or honorific names by the
seemed likely that the education which high elites of the society
status individuals or high status occupa- Presence or absence of slavery (Hayden
tional specialists received would be more 1993b:209)
detailed than that of lower ranking individ- • Economic complexity
uals, and that the costs associated with this Ownership of resource areas by indi-
training would be greater. viduals or lineages versus communal rights
(Hayden 1993b:209)
METHODOLOGY AND DEFINITIONS Presence or absence of systems of
tribute
Definitions Exclusion of elites from common labor
Presence or absence of economically
Transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. Trans-
based competition (Hayden 1993:209)
egalitarian hunter – gatherers, also known as
Presence or absence of occupational
complex hunter – gatherers, have been de-
specialization (Winters 1974:x)
fined as those hunter – gatherer societies that
display some degree of socioeconomic in-
The least complex socioeconomic systems
equality, follow a sedentary or semiseden-
included in our sample possessed a majority
tary settlement pattern with permanent
of the following characteristics. Population
dwellings grouped in relatively dense settle-
densities were relatively low in comparison
ments, and exhibit socioeconomic inequality
with other complex hunter – gatherer cul-
through the use of prestige goods or other
tures. Positions of leadership among these
such measures (Hayden 1993b; Winters
societies were generally achieved by
1974:x). Many groups also possess methods
wealthy, strong, intelligent individuals.
of storing surplus foods. Considering this
These leaders did not command but may
definition, the criteria used to identify trans-
have exerted a strong influence over other
egalitarian hunter – gatherers and to infer
community members. The cultures did not
relative complexity were:
have formal political councils although in-
• Population density formal meetings of influential individuals
A minimum value of 0.1 people per may have been held in certain instances.
square kilometer (Hayden 1993b) (Table 1) There was little socioeconomic inequality
• Settlement pattern within local groups, with no or few preroga-
Semisedentary yearly round (Hayden tives for leaders. Slavery was absent or infre-
1993b:209; Winters 1974:x) quent. Community ownership of property
• Political complexity was recognized, with members having com-
Presence or absence of formal political munal access to resources. Leaders or rich
councils individuals did not receive tribute. Econom-
Complexity of such councils ically based competition was expressed in
Degree of exclusiveness with regard to the attempts by leaders or wealthy individu-
political/leadership positions als to attract labor and spouses through gen-

erosity and feasting. There was no signifi- nity. Furthermore, it remained possible for
cant occupational specialization and all individuals to achieve positions of influence
members of the society were included in the through intelligence and the acquisition of
labor force. wealth. Leaders exerted a strong influence
The maritime Koryak of the Kamchatka over local group members but they could
Peninsula provide a good example of this not command obedience. The development
type of transegalitarian society as defined in of an elite group identified through preroga-
this study. The following description is tives and titles becomes more common. The
based on Jochelson (1975). In 1908 Jochelson payment of tribute to leaders may have been
recorded that the population of the Koryak practiced although it was not a common oc-
numbered only 3782. Presumably battles currence among these groups, and leaders
with Russians and deaths from introduced tended to remain as members of the com-
diseases seriously impacted the population. mon labor force. Slavery became more fre-
The traditional Koryak village was led by quent, as did corporate group or private
individuals who achieved higher social ownership of resources. Economically based
ranking through their bravery at war and competition between individuals and lin-
their success at hunting. These same individ- eages was important for the attraction of la-
uals ‘‘lost their influential positions during bor and spouses. This competition could ex-
famines in years when hunting and fish- press itself in competitive feasting practices.
ing had been unsuccessful’’ (Jochelson Occupational specialization was a common
1975:765). In times of war the ‘‘strong men’’ means through which individuals achieved
were accorded utmost authority, but this he- or augmented high social status.
gemony did not necessarily translate into The peoples of Northwest Alaska provide
power in times of peace. Leaders were not a good example of moderately complex so-
granted special privileges, although they cioeconomic systems. This region supported
tended to have polygamous marriages and a population density of 0.06 – 2.38 people per
many children, presumably as they were square kilometer (Burch 1975). Productive
able to support large households. Winter salmon and seal areas were privately owned
festivals in which whole villages and visitors (Nelson 1899:307), and the right of individu-
from neighboring villages participated, were als to hunt in certain areas was recognized
hosted by the owner of the boat from which (Giddings 1961:151). Slavery was relatively
the year’s last whale was killed. Although common. Strangers may have been en-
these festivals reconfirmed the solidarity of slaved, as were poor and orphaned individ-
the community, they presumably also pro- uals who depended on others for food,
vided opportunities for the development of clothing, and protection in exchange for
intervillage relationships and the attraction their services (Burch 1975:25, 209).
of spouses. Influential positions were achieved through
Moderately complex socioeconomic sys- one’s age and skill and through the acquisition
tems were recognized as having a majority and disposition of wealth (Burch 1975:210,
of the following characteristics. Population 226, 228; Murdoch 1892:429; Nelson 1899:304).
densities were relatively high among these Wealth, age, and skill were not sufficient
societies. Informal political councils com- alone to gain influential positions (Murdoch
posed of family heads and influential elders 1892:430; Spencer 1969:153); ‘‘to retain the
were common. With respect to the acquisi- public good will (these men) are forced to be
tion of leadership positions, preference was very open-handed with the community . . .’’
often shown to a relative of the deceased, (Nelson 1899:305). The distribution of wealth
although the acceptance of the position usu- in the form of food, clothing and skins, boats,
ally required the approval of the commu- and other equipment (Burch 1975:209; Spencer

1969:156) bolstered the position of influential most intense level among these cultures,
individuals. Men who acquired much influ- with high rates of interest charged on loans,
ence were known by the title umealiq (Mur- elaborate wealth displays, and wealth de-
doch 1892:430). The umealiq exerted a strong struction being common.
influence over his followers, and his prestige The Tlingit of the northern Northwest
was recognized even outside his community Coast typify highly complex hunter – gather-
(Nelson 1899:304; Spencer 1969: 152). The po- ers. The Tlingit were dominated by a com-
sition of umealiq may have been inherited by plex system of ranking individuals, ex-
the son (Nelson 1899:304), presumably as a tended house-groups, and clans. The rank
consequence of the wealth and influence of of an individual or house-group was pri-
his family. marily associated with wealth (Krause
‘‘In the political sphere, as in the economic 1956:77). Emmons and de Laguna (1991:27)
one, the traditional Northwest Alaskan Eski- state that the house-groups held rights to
mos were ranked, and some individuals had particular salmon streams, hunting, trap-
much more power than others’’ (Burch ping, sealing, and gathering grounds. Oberg
1975:223). This ranking and the wealth that (1973:55) states that these rights were owned
supported it were recognized by a few spe- by the clan to which the household be-
cial prerogatives, including the title umealiq. longed. Personal property included small
Other rights to which umealiq and wealthy canoes, tools, weapons, clothing, and some
individuals were entitled included tattooing ceremonial objects. The house itself, as well
and the wearing of special headdresses as slaves, large canoes, important ceremo-
(Murdoch 1892:139, 142). Umealiq were nial objects, and many utensils, were the
seated according to their prestige at the Mes- property of the house-group and were held
senger Festival (Spencer 1969:154). in trust by the house leader (Oberg 1973:30,
Finally, cultures with highly complex so- 62). This leader, called the yitsati (Oberg
cioeconomic systems were generally identi- 1973:62), controlled house-group activities
fied as the most densely populated societies (Krause 1956:77) and represented the family
in which leadership positions tended to be at public and ceremonial events (Emmons
inherited by a close relative of the predeces- and de Laguna 1991:27; Oberg 1973:30, 31).
sor. Often however, occupying the position Succession to the position was hereditary
still required the approval of community or (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:37) and was
lineage members. Formal political councils usually assumed by the nephew of the pre-
developed among some of these cultures, al- decessor (Krause 1956:77).
though informal councils of headmen and Clan leadership positions were hereditary
influential individuals remained common. within the principle lineage of the clan, but
Among these groups, socioeconomic in- also depended on the approval of male
equality was marked, with elites being ad- members (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:38).
dressed by special titles, receiving preroga- As with household leaders, the clan leader’s
tives and tribute, and often being exempt power was limited; he represented the
from common labor. Slavery was a common group to outsiders, led the clan in war, pre-
practice. Many resources were owned either sided over the clan council, assisted the
by lineages or by private individuals. As needy, settled disputes, and provided the
with moderately complex socioeconomic death feast for those whose family could not
systems, occupational specialization aug- (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:39).
mented one’s social standing; however, such Despite their limited authority, lineage
roles tended to become restricted to individ- and clan leaders were shown great respect
uals already possessing a high social status. and were entitled to certain prerogatives.
Economically based competition reached its High-ranking individuals and their families

were addressed with special titles, given the debtor may have been claimed until the
seats of honor at potlatches, and were ex- debt was returned.
cluded from the labor of commoners and During the potlatch, which could last for
slaves (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:27; several days, the host fed all the guests.
Krause 1956:84, 109; Oberg 1973:30, 126). Slaves belonging to the host’s family may
These individuals, known as anyeti, main- have been killed or freed. All who attended
tained their social standing, not through suc- were presented with a momento in return
cess at hunting or fishing, but through the for witnessing the event. Those who were
use of inherited resource rights and wealth formally recognized as witnesses were pre-
to produce economic surpluses and to obtain sented with more substantial gifts, including
the coppers and slaves necessary for hosting slaves, in recognition of their service (Oberg
a potlatch (Oberg 1973:103). Few poor fami- 1973:117, 123 – 124, 127; Veniaminov 1840 in
lies would ever acquire the wealth necessary Emmons and de Laguna 1991:321).
to become anyeti. This and similar examples of trans-
Within Tlingit society, economically based egalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures with
competition expressed itself most overtly in highly complex socioeconomic systems
the potlatch. Oberg (1973:121) notes that the clearly show the substantial increases in
Tlingit recognized two types of potlatch: an wealth, social, and political differentia-
intravillage ceremony given for important tion from moderately complex socioeco-
life events; the other was a forum in which nomic systems.
Life maturation events. Our research fo-
to display wealth and prerogatives to eco-
cused on four major types of ‘‘maturation
nomic rivals from outside the community.
events’’: (1) growth payments, (2) puberty
Regardless of the primary motivation, both
ceremonies, (3) initiations, and (4) training.
feasts increased the prestige of the host and
We use the terms ‘‘initiation’’ and ‘‘matura-
the host’s clan. The potlatch provided them
tion events’’ in a different way than social
with the opportunity to display their tangi-
anthropologists such as La Fontaine (1989)
ble wealth, their crests, songs and dances,
and therefore define these terms here.
and their generosity. Subsequent to each
Child growth payments include events at
potlatch, the host could add a cedar ring to
which payments were made, or feasts were
the clan crest hat and he received an ances-
held, in recognition of an important social
tral name (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:254;
stage in a child’s or adolescent’s life. Such
Oberg 1973:124, 128). His fame spread with events include birth; naming; tattooing; ear,
stories and songs relating the events of his septum, or lip piercing; a child’s first kill,
potlatch (Oberg 1973:128). first formal food gathering, or other similar
Potlatching was and is an expensive un- events.
dertaking, generally requiring years for the Puberty ceremonies are those rites that pro-
accumulation of necessary goods. In order vide a social marker symbolizing the adoles-
to finance a potlatch, the host was usually cent’s transition to adult status; these cere-
required to draw on the resources and labor monies may involve formal training in tribal
of both his immediate family and his clan. customs and mythology, payments to edu-
The host also could borrow goods and food cators, periods of seclusion and fasting,
from outside the local clan division. These feasting, and disposal of goods.
debts were to be paid back with 20% interest Initiation, as used by us, refers to a social
(Oberg 1973:118 – 119). The host was re- and/or ritual ceremony that introduces an
quired to invite all who had invited him to initiate to a potentially exclusive non-natal
their potlatches. Failure to do so could bring institution within the general society. Such
shame to the family and clan, and a crest of institutions include secret societies, as well

as religious and social councils. These insti- ture revealed a large absolute number of
tutions differ in several ways from cults transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. Because
found among a number of generalized of the broad nature of the research question,
hunter – gatherers. For example, member- it was therefore necessary to sample the eth-
ship in Australian totemic cults is patrilin- nographically documented transegalitarian
eally inherited or associated with one’s place hunter – gatherers. Twenty-one transegali-
of birth regardless of social status or individ- tarian hunter – gather cultures from varied
ual wealth. The cult leaders, or the custodi- geographical and cultural regions were se-
ans of mythology and ritual are simply those lected for inclusion in the sample. Every at-
individuals whose conception or birth is as- tempt was made to cover as broad a range
sociated with a sacred location and who of geographical and environmental zones as
have attained suitable age (Berndt and possible, and to include at least one or more
Berndt 1964:196 – 197). In contrast, secret so- societies from each geographic or cultural
cieties and elite institutions are identified as region as representative of that region.
those organizations in which membership or While the vast majority of the ethnographi-
leadership is restricted to a particular socio- cally documented transegalitarian cultures
economic status. While it could be argued are located on the Northwest coast from
that at one level, dance societies into which Alaska to Washington, we have tried to in-
all free members of the community are initi- clude a diversity of groups from this zone.
ated serve a similar function, our analysis As well we made efforts to gather informa-
suggests that influential positions in such in- tion on groups from northeast Asia, Japan,
stitutions are either exclusive to high rank- Australia, and Florida. The availability,
ing individuals or that the initiations are so quantity, and quality of ethnographic litera-
expensive as to preclude the involvement of ture was also an important criteria used in
all but those with wealth and position. Thus, the selection of these cultures. The groups
‘‘tribal initiations’’ or ceremonies which selected for inclusion are presented in Table
mark the social transition of an adolescent 1. Cultural groups which met the criteria of
to adulthood, or initiate him or her to full transegalitarian hunter – gatherers but which
tribal status (such as with Australian totemic were not included in the sample are listed
clans), are not considered initiations as de- below:
fined in this analysis, but are included in the
discussion of puberty ceremonies. • Aboriginal groups of Arnhem Land,
Training includes instruction received by Australia are not represented since not
any members of the culture as part of the enough information was available to the au-
general social and domestic education. But thors.
training also includes additional instruction • Haisla, Haihais, Bella Bella, Bella Coola,
received only by particular members of the Makah of the North American Northwest
society as a means of acquiring wealth, Coast. Northwest Coast groups were al-
power, and status. Shamanic training has ready well represented in the sample.
not been considered in this analysis because • Chilcotin, Shuswap, Okanagan, and
it appears to be structured according to dif- other Northwest Plateau cultures. Plateau
ferent principles (e.g., see Lewis 1989). cultures were already represented by the in-
clusion of the Lillooet and Thompson.
The Sample • Chilula, Whilkut, Gabrielino, and other
Californian groups. An analysis of many
Although the ratio of transegalitarian to Californian groups is hampered by the ef-
generalized hunter – gatherer cultures is rel- fects of early European contact. Those cul-
atively small, a cursory survey of the litera- tures included in the sample were ones for

TABLE 1
Population Densities of Sample Trans-egalitarian Hunter–Gatherer Groups
Geographical/cultural Pop. density

Cultural group region (per sq. km.)*
Tiwi (Goodale 1982) Australia 0.4

Koryak Siberia ?
Chukchee Siberia ?
Southeast Australia (Lourandos 1980, 1977) Australia 0.28 – 0.7
Northwest Alaska (Burch 1975) Northwest Alaska 0.06 – 2.38
Yurok (Cook 1976; Kroeber 1925) California 1.3 – 4.7
Hupa (Cook 1976; Kroeber 1925) California 0.55 – 5.2
Thompson (Teit 1900) Interior Plateau (B. C.) 0.23
Lillooet (Hayden 1993) Interior Plateau (B. C.) 1.0
Ainu (Watanabe 1983) Japan 0.17
Yokuts (Kroeber 1925) California 0.56 – 0.76
Aluet (Graburn & Strong 1973; Holmberg 1985; Kroeber 1939) Southwest Alaska 0.28 – 2.29
Koniag (Holmberg 1985) Southwest Alaska ?
Tlingit (Boyd 1990; Jorgensen 1980; Krause 1956; Schalk 1981) Northwest Coast 0.08 – 1.0**
Tsimshian (Halpin & Seguin 1990) Northwest Coast 0.18 – 2.12
Haida (Boyd 1990; Kroeber 1939; Schalk 1981) Northwest Coast 0.95 – 2.46
Kwagiulth (Boyd 1990) Northwest Coast 0.32 – 0.73
Nuu-Chah-Nulth (Boyd 1990; Kroeber 1939) Northwest Coast 0.35 – 1.7
Coast Salish (Suttles 1990) Northwest Coast 0.94
Chumash (Blackburn 1975; Cook 1970) California 1.08 – 2.04
Calusa (Goggin & Sturtevant 1964; Marquardt 1988; Widmer 1988) Southeast Florida 1.2 – 2.4
* Estimated range suggested by population estimates given by authors cited.

** Figures seem low; this may be the result of high incidence of warfare or the inclusion of unused space in
culture area.
which ethnographic materials were most event, both within and across levels of social
available. and political complexity, is provided. In-
• Several Russian hunter–gatherer–fishers cluded in our analysis of growth payments,
were excluded because little information re- puberty ceremonies, initiations, and training
garding these cultures was available in En- is a discussion of differences between elites
glish. and commoners, and between males and fe-
males of the same culture. These differences
This list is not exhaustive; however, it
are then examined across levels of socioeco-
should serve to illustrate the reasoning in-
nomic complexity in a search for patterning.
volved in the selection and exclusion of par-
It was anticipated that many maturation
ticular transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cul-
events would become more physically de-
tures.
manding and of longer duration as socioeco-
nomic complexity increased, mirroring the
Summary Distribution general trend toward increasing socioeco-
nomic complexity evident in our classifica-
Because the selection of cultures to be in- tion.
cluded in the sample was not random, a sta-
tistical analysis of our findings was consid- Organization
ered inappropriate. However, a discussion In order to facilitate analysis, the data
of the distribution of each life maturation were organized in a manner which approxi-

mates varying levels of complexity within Growth Payments

the sample. The categorization of the cul-
tures is best viewed as comprising three lev- The analysis of the ethnographic material
els of socioeconomic complexity (least com- in this study suggests that the presence of
plex, moderately complex, and highly com- costly ceremonies marking important stages
plex), as determined by the criteria outlined in a child’s life is an established phenome-
previously. non in highly complex hunter – gatherer so-
Within each level we have also attempted cieties (Table 2.1 – 2.3). In 8 of the 10 highly
to order the groups in terms of the relative complex cultures examined, payments,
complexity of their socioeconomic systems. costly feasts, and/or the distribution of gifts
However, the ordering of the cultures within was an established practice to mark certain
each level is less precise than the overall dis- physical or social stages in a child’s life. Five
tinction made between the levels. In addi- of the eight groups with moderately com-
tion, little gradation is implied for groups plex socioeconomic systems had similar
of the Northwest Coast of British Columbia practices. There is no record of growth pay-
since all are very similar in their degree of ments among the sample groups with the
socioeconomic complexity. Instead, their least complex socioeconomic systems. It is
listing reflects the geographical location of certain that body deformation was not a part
the cultures from the north to the south. of the maturation process of the Tiwi (Spen-
As a consequence both of the numbers of cer 1966:92) but there is no information re-
variables involved in this classification, and garding birth, naming, and other such possi-
by considering other variables such as tech- ble growth events for the Tiwi, Chukchee,
nology, religion, and artistic complexity, ar- or Koryak. As the quality of the ethnograph-
guments might be made for a somewhat dif- ies is generally high, either there is no infor-
ferent arrangement of the cultures in terms mation because there were no such events
of their relative complexity, both within the or, as seems more likely, no elaborate cere-
graduated levels and between them. How- mony accompanied the event and they were
ever we feel that, even with some modifica- therefore overlooked.
tions to the arrangement of the cultures Differences between the exclusivity of
based on alternative criteria, the general growth payment events in moderately and
trend toward higher population densities highly complex socioeconomic systems are
and increasing social, political, and eco- also evident. The most obvious difference is
nomic complexity would closely resemble the almost total lack of expensive events for
the sequence which we have developed. children of high status families in moder-
ately complex socioeconomic systems. Some
gradation between the growth ceremonies
ANALYSES of the poor and wealthy probably existed
even in moderately complex hunter – gather-
ers, but few ethnographers have recorded
The following analyses address the rela- such details. Of the eight moderately com-
tionships between gender, sociopolitical plex socioeconomic systems investigated in
complexity, individual social status, and the this study, Teit (1900), in his discussion of
costs associated with growth payments, pu- the Thompson is the only ethnographer to
berty ceremonies, initiations, and training. imply differences between the practices of
In addition to the analysis of each type of community members. He states (1900:322)
maturation event, we also discuss the theo- that only some Thompson families gave
retical importance of the specific event and feasts and distributed gifts at the birth of a
its potential archaeological implications. child. It may be inferred that the limiting

132
TABLE 2
AID
Child Growth Events
Event/general Gender Event/high Gender

Group population of child Costs status child of child Costs
JAA 0307
2.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi • ? • ?
/
Koryak • ? • ?
Chukchee • ? • ?
2.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

Southeast Australia • ? • ?
ai04$$0307
Northwest Alaska • Walking • F&M • Moderate • ? • •
(Giddings 1961:153; Murdoch 1892:139, • Introduction to kashim • F&M • ? • • •
144; Nelson 1899:286, 307; Spencer • First kill • M • Moderate • • •
1969:141, 241) • Lip pierced • M • Low • • •
• Tattoos • F • ? • • •
Yurok • ? • ?
Hupa • ? • ?
Thompson • Ear pierced • F &M • ? • (Birth) • F&M • (Moderate)
(Teit 1900:222, 291, 309) • Septum pierced • F • ?
• Naming • F & M • Moderate • ?
OWENS AND HAYDEN
07-01-97 17:37:55
Lillooet • Birth • F & M • Moderate • ?
(Teit 1975:220, 222, 260) • Ear pierced • F & M • ?
• Septum pierced • F & M • ?
• Tattoos • F • ?
jaaa
Ainu • Tattoos • F • Low • ?
(Ohnuki-Tierney 1974:61)
Yokuts • Naming • F & M • Moderate • ?
(Spier 1978:478; Wallace 1978b:455) • Tattoos • F & M • ?
• Ears pierced • F & M • ?
• Septum pierced • F & M • ?
AP: JAA
2.3: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aluet • ? • ?
Koniag • Introduction to kashim • F&M • Moderate • ?
(Lantis 1971:5, 30)
AID
Tlingit • Birth • F&M • Moderate • Birth • F& M • (High)
(Emmons 1991:220, 242 – 247, 253, 262 – • Lip pierced • F • Moderate • Lip pierced • F • High
264, 265; Kan 198987, 88; Krause • Septum pierced • F&M • (Moderate) • Hands tattooed • F • High
1956:162, 165, 166; Oberg 1973:81, • Additional names • ? • High
262 – 264) • Ears pierced • F& M • High
• Additional ear holes • F& M • High
JAA 0307
Tsimshian • Naming • F&M • Moderate • Birth • F& M • High
(Garfield, 1966:25, 26 – 27) • Ears pierced • F&M • Moderate • Naming • F& M • High
/
• Ears pierced • F& M • High
• Additional ear holes • F& M • High
• Tattoos • F& M • (High)
• Ancestral name • ? • High
Haida • Tattoos • F& M • Moderate • Tattoos • F& M • High
(Blackman 1990:252, 253; Dawson • Lip pierced • F • Moderate • Childhood lip piercing • F • (High)
ai04$$0307
1880:108, 109, 126, 127, 131; • Ears pierced • F& M • Moderate • Additional ear holes • M • (High)
Swanton 1975:169) • Naming • M • Moderate
• Septum pierced • F& M • Moderate
Kwagiulth • Naming • F& M • Moderate • Naming • F& M • High
(Boas 1966:79, 362; Codere 1990:366; • Head shaping • F • ?
Rohner & Rohner 1970:98) • Potlatch name • M • High
Nuu-Chah-Nulth • Birth • F & M • (Moderate) • Birth • F& M • (High)
(Arima 1983:85, 86; Drucker 1951:100, • Naming • F & M • Moderate • Naming • F& M • (High)
101, 124, 125, 137, 371) • Weaning • F & M • Moderate • Lobe & helix of ear pierced • F& M • High
• First kill/berry picking • F & M • Moderate • Septum pierced • F High
07-01-97 17:37:55
• Ears pierced • F & M • Moderate
• Head shaping • F & M • ?
PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
• Septum pierced • F & M • Moderate

Coast Salish • Head shaping • F&M • ?
jaaa
Upper Stalo • Septum pierced • F&M • (High)
(Duff 1952:80, 90, 91)
Lower Fraser • Head shaping • F & M • ? • Ancestral name • ? • High
(Barnett 1955:74 – 76; Suttles 1990:463) • Ears pierced • F & M • (Moderate) • (Septum pierced) • ? • ?
• Septum pierced • F & M • (Moderate)
Chumash • Ears pierced • F & M • ?
AP: JAA
(Grant 1978:509)
Calusa • ? • ?
Note. (?) No information available. Words in parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data or similar cultural group. F, female; M, male. Costs:
low, no public recognition; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch equivalent and/or payments.
133
factor on this practice was the wealth and cial position appears to have been much
status of the family involved. more secure than that of leaders among
The general absence of such displays communities with moderately complex
makes sense for two reasons. First, individu- socioeconomic systems. In general, public
als in cultures with moderately complex so- economic competition between leaders in
cioeconomic systems tend to achieve their highly complex socioeconomic systems also
status by recruiting a group of economic becomes more obvious. [Northwest Coast
supporters. These supporters are attracted potlatch hosts and Chumash financiers for
and maintained not only by the abilities of Annual Mourning Ceremonies exemplify
the leader but also by the personality of the such competition. In addition, Widmer
leader and the benefits provided for them. (1988:268) argues that the Calusa system
Excessive hoarding or too open displays of of wealth redistribution ‘‘would resemble
advantages by aggrandizers among these the competitive feastings and ‘giveaways’
groups would be resented or resisted by among lineages of the potlatch system in the
supporters (Hayden 1995:34, 66 – 67). As a Northwest Pacific Coast’’.] Under these con-
consequence, for most cases of moderate ditions, large expenditures of wealth on the
complexity there was no extreme social dif- growth maturation events of high ranking
ferentiation between leaders and the rest children were more tolerated than for chil-
of the community (Goddard 1903:58; Gold- dren of aggrandizers in moderately complex
schmidt and Driver 1965:104; Kroeber socioeconomic systems. Not only did the ex-
1925:3, 132 – 133; Nelson 1899:303, 305; Peng penditures accompanying the growth events
and Geiser 1977:170 – 171; Pilling 1978:141; serve to distinguish high-ranking children
Teit 1900:289; Teit 1975:255, Wallace from commoners but they could also be
1978a:171; Waterman and Kroeber 1965:1). viewed as another expression of economic
Given that a leader tended to be very depen- competition between socioeconomic groups.
dent on his followers for his wealth, that The number of names individuals pos-
his position was not necessarily a permanent sessed, the number of ear holes they had,
one, and that the symbols and prerogatives and the numbers or style of tattoos they dis-
associated with his position were a conse- played were all symbols through which high
quence of his wealth, it would follow that status individuals expressed their rank.
costly growth events for his children could Thus, the development of very elaborate and
be viewed by other community members as expensive growth payment events for high
unwarranted and boastful display. Never- status children can be seen to be a conse-
theless, aggrandizive individuals in these quence of the larger and more differentiated
communities undoubtedly viewed the in- social, economic, and political arena.
vestment of surpluses in their offspring as There are, in general, few differences be-
being in their own self-interest and probably tween the cost and nature of events associ-
made initial steps to develop child growth ated with males versus those associated with
payments in many groups with moderately females of moderately and highly complex
complex socioeconomic systems. socioeconomic systems. This is true both for
Among transegalitarian hunter – gatherer those events associated with the general
societies with highly complex socioeco- male and female population and for those
nomic systems, especially those with subsis- associated with high-ranking individuals.
tence based corporate groups, ascribed so- The most obvious exception is among those
cial status becomes much more common, as cultures in which females wore labrets but
do expensive and exclusive growth events. the males did not. Usually the piercing of
Although high-ranking individuals contin- the lip required payment to the person pro-
ued to provide for their followers, their so- viding the service and was followed by a

distribution of goods (e.g., Sergei 1989:87 – because of the marriage often result in
88; Emmons and de Laguna 1991:245, 247; continuing exchanges of commensurate
re: Tlingit lip piercing). amounts of wealth, and in an expansion or
This analysis of the child growth events reaffirmation of both military and economic
of transegalitarian hunter – gatherers has at alliances. The greater the investment in a
least two important theoretical and archaeo- child given in marriage, the greater the mar-
logical implications. First, as many events riage wealth and the stronger the military
are restricted only to children of high social and economic alliance. Such alliances and
status, it is clear that they serve as indicators continued exchanges result in increased per-
of ‘‘ascribed’’ social status. Typically, for sonal power for the individual or social
most hunter – gatherers, status is achieved group which finances the child’s maturation
through the actions of the individual and event. In this manner, child growth pay-
is therefore, associated with older persons. ments serve as one of several avenues which
Ascribed social status, that is, status which is increase archaeological manifestations of
a direct result of the social position of one’s economic inequality and general social com-
family or ancestors, has previously been as- plexity.
sumed to be associated only with stratified,
primarily agricultural societies. However, Puberty Ceremonies
ethnographic evidence indicates that as-
cribed social status was common in many Rites marking the social transition to
transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures. adulthood are common features of hunter –
For example, among the Tlingit the wearing gatherer societies. In our analysis, these ob-
of ear ornaments was almost universal servances include both spirit quests and
among adults, however children ‘‘of both practices which function as social markers
sexes of the higher class above the age of of the transition to adult status. Among
eight years, and even younger, . . . wore transegalitarian hunter – gatherers these cer-
some ornament in the lobe of the ear’’ (Em- emonies can provide a means through
mons and de Laguna 1991:243). Further, which the social position of high status indi-
Krause (1956:166) states that, ‘‘according to viduals is not only reflected but also en-
Veniaminof, the Indians with pierced ears hanced. By increasing the severity of the se-
are called angaschi meaning ‘of the nobility,’ clusion associated with puberty rites, and
and similar honor is supposed to be enjoyed by celebrating these with an elaborate and
by their descendants. . . .’’ costly feast, an adolescent’s sponsor can in-
Second, Hayden (1995:44 – 45, 54 – 55) has flate the social value of the youth. For our
argued that child growth payments were purposes, the severity of seclusion was
one means through which the social and judged on the basis of its duration and the
economic value of a child increased. Accord- number of associated restrictions, including
ingly, the costs involved in growth pay- those connected with foodstuffs, personal
ments (e.g., piercing a child’s ears, septum contacts, and limitations on activity. As with
or lips, having tattoos applied, names be- growth payments, the benefit of the in-
stowed, or those expenditures made in rec- creased social and economic value is in the
ognition of a child’s birth, first kill or first creation of marriage alliances and wealth ex-
gathering) can be viewed as investments. changes between families of superior wealth
The return on these investments comes in and power. The Salish provide a good exam-
the form of marriage arrangements for the ple of a severe seclusion and its conse-
child. Not only do the high child growth quences for marriage.
payments justify a large dowry or bride- The development of ‘conspicuous leisure’ for the
price, the ties established between families well born girl was carried to its fullest by the Sa-

TABLE 3
Puberty Ceremonies
Existence of Severity Severity

puberty (general (high status
Group ceremony population) Costs child) Costs
Tiwi • U • Moderate • Moderate • ?

(Goodale 1971:48 – 49, 205; Hart
1979:94; Hart 1955:136,
Spencer 1966:91)
Koryak • ? • ?
3.2 — Female: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
Southeast Australia • ?
Northwest Alaska • U • Low to • ? • ?
(Giddings 1961:153, 154; Nelson moderate
1887 – 88:291; Spencer
1969:244)
Yurok • U • (Low) • (Low) • ?
(Kroeber 1925:45; Erikson
1965:266, 290)
Hupa • U • Low • (Low) • Low • Moderate
(Goddard 1903:53; Wallace
1978a:173)
Thompson • U • Moderate • ? • ?
(Teit 1900:312 – 317)
Lillooet • U • High • ? • ?
(Teit 1975:263 – 265)
Ainu •
(Ohnuki-Tierney 1974:59 – 61)
Yokuts • U • Low • Moderate • ?
(Gayton 1948:30; Spier 1978:479;
Wallace 1978:455)
3.3 — Female: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aleut • U • High • Low • High • Moderate

(Graburn & Strong 1973:128;
Lantis 1971:4, 5)
Koniag • U • High • Low • High • Moderate
(Holmberg 1985:53; Lantis
1971:4, 5)
Tlingit • U • Moderate • Moderate • High • High
(de Laguna 1990:217; Emmons
1991:245, 264; Kan 1989:88;
Krause 1956:152, 153, 265;
Oberg 1973:33)
Tsimshian • U • Moderate • (Moderate) • High • (High)
(Garfield 1966:10, 16)
Haida • U • Low – moderate • Moderate • Moderate – high • (High)
(Blackman 1990:252, 254;
Dawson 1880:130; Swanton
1975:48, 49)
Kwagiulth • U • (Moderate) • Moderate • (Moderate) • High
(Boas 1966:368 – 370)
Nuu-Chah-Nulth • U • Low – moderate • Moderate • Moderate – high • High
(Arima 1983:74, 83, 87; Drucker
1951:138, 140 – 142)
AID JAA 0307 / ai04$$0307 07-01-97 17:37:55 jaaa AP: JAA

TABLE 3—Continued
Existence of Severity Severity

puberty (general (high status
Group ceremony population) Costs child) Costs
Coast Salish • U • Low • Low • High • High

(Barnett 1955:143, 150, 151, 180;
Duff 1952:92)
Chumash • U • Moderate • ? • ?
(Harrington 1942:11, 44 in
Hudson and Underhay
1988:45)
Calusa • ? • ?
3.4 — Male: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi • U • High • Moderate • ?

(Goodale 1971:48 – 49, 205; Hart
1979:94; Hart 1955:136;
Spencer 1966:91)
Koryak • ? • ?
3.5 — Male: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
Southeast Australia • U • High? • ? • ? • ?

(Dawson 1981:30; Howitt
1904:599)
Northwest Alaska
Yurok
Hupa
Thompson
Lillooet
Ainu
Yokuts
3.6 — Male: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aleut • ?
Koniag
Tlingit
Tsimshian
Haida
Kwagiulth
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
Coast Salish • • ? • Low • ? • Moderate
(Barnett 1955:143)
Chumash
Calusa • ?
Note. (?) No information available. Words in parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data
or similar cultural group. Severity — male: low, transition to adult status is gradual; moderate, transition involves
seclusion, fasting and whipping; high, significantly longer, harsher versions of the above. Severity — female: low,
transition to adult status involves seclusion and restrictions lasting several days; moderate, transition involves
seclusion and restrictions lasting several months; high, transition involves seclusion and restrictions lasting a year
or longer. Costs: low, no display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch equivalent and/or
payments.

netch, Nanaimo, and Sechelt, who secluded her cost based on socioeconomic status among
long before puberty and kept her incommunicado
these groups. The seclusion of Thompson
in a small compartment on or above the bed plat-
form. The girl was allowed to go outside only at
and Lillooet females (Teit 1900:264–265;
night and then in secrecy and accompanied by her 1906:312) could be quite severe, with the girl
mother. She did nothing, and her continued inac- spending much of her time in a pit dug in a
tivity and seclusion made her weak, pale, and in- separate lodge. Although at the time that Teit
competent to perform any physical task. As a result
was among the Thompson, the seclusion of
she often walked queerly the rest of her life. Yet her
very defects were valued as marks of the ultimate
girls generally lasted 4 months, in former
aristocrat, and noble families sought these secluded times it was noted to have lasted up to a year.
girls . . . in marriage for their sons (Barnett The duration of a girl’s seclusion among the
1955:180). Lillooet could run up to 4 years in length. It
may be that the duration of the seclusion was
The data regarding puberty ceremonies dependent on the girl’s status, as was com-
indicates that among moderately and highly mon among the highly complex socioeco-
complex transegalitarian hunter – gatherer nomic systems. Among cultures with the
socioeconomic systems, the first menstrua- least complex socioeconomic systems only
tion of all females, regardless of social stand- the Tiwi appear to have isolated girls at their
ing, was almost universally recognized with first menstruation, and it is interesting to note
a period of seclusion or restrictions (Table that she was isolated from the main commu-
3.1 – 3.3). Six of the 8 cultures with moder- nity for a somewhat lengthy period of 4
ately complex socioeconomic systems and 9 months.
of the 10 cultures with highly complex socio- It seems possible that a long period of se-
economic systems practiced seclusion (there clusion, which results in the removal of a
is no information available regarding seclu- female from the labor force, was not an eco-
sion of Calusa females). It is only for the nomically viable alternative for most cul-
Ainu and groups from southeastern Austra- tures with less complex socioeconomic sys-
lia that no mention of rites associated with tems. Similarly, less wealthy families in
the event were found. Among groups with highly complex socioeconomic systems may
less complex socioeconomic systems, the have been unwilling or unable to remove a
Tiwi recognized the first menses by an elab- female from food production activities for
orate symbolic ceremony which followed a extended periods. Ethnographers note fe-
4-month period of seclusion (see Goodale male seclusion at menses in 8 of the 10
1971, Spencer 1966). No record was made of highly complex socioeconomic systems and
ceremonies in recognition of female puberty many recorded that the seclusion of com-
among the Koryak or Chukchee. moners was clearly shorter than that of high
The data hint that as sociopolitical com- status females. As noted above, the seclusion
plexity increases, so does the severity of fe- of high status Salish women was extremely
male seclusion at puberty for girls of high severe.
ranking families. For example, among four of In terms of costs, ethnographers of the
the seven cultures with moderately complex sampled cultures with moderately complex
socioeconomic systems all girls were subject socioeconomic systems did not provide
to some restrictions and in two cases a short enough information to allow for a compari-
period of isolation (NW Alaska, 5–40 days; son of expenditures associated with puberty
Hupa, 10 days). Although ceremonies for ceremonies. Nevertheless, we think it is
higher status females among moderately likely that puberty ceremony costs increased
complex socioeconomic systems may have in conjunction with increases in sociopoliti-
been more rigorous, the ethnographers did cal complexity. That is, the cost of puberty
not generally note differences in severity or ceremonies of high-ranking youths in highly

complex socioeconomic systems was proba- this ceremony and the spirit quest, as we
bly higher than that of high-ranking youths have done in this analysis.
in moderately complex socioeconomic sys- Interestingly, spirit quests appear among
tems. We also think that costs probably in- cultures with moderately and highly com-
creased with the socioeconomic position of plex socioeconomic systems (Table 4.1 – 4.3).
families within communities, with ceremo- However, the sample included too few cul-
nial costs for high-ranking individuals being tures with spirit quests to allow for any de-
greater than those of commoners, regardless tailed analysis, and as a result, many inter-
of whether the socioeconomic system is esting questions remain unanswered. For
moderately or highly complex. Among example it is unclear whether the quests
highly complex hunter – gatherer groups at were generally associated more with males
least, it is obvious that the expenditures as- than with females, or whether both genders
sociated with the puberty ceremony of a participated equally. Females were known
high-ranking female far outweighed that of to be participants in the jimsonweed ritual
commoners. For example, Lantis (1971:4) of the Yokuts (Gayton 1948:118; Wallace
comments that among the Aleut the isola- 1978b:456) and Lillooet and Thompson fe-
tion is more frequently noted than the feast males may have sought spirits during their
which follows as ‘‘only the wealthy family puberty isolation (see Teit 1900:317, Teit
would make a public event out of the per- 1975:264 – 265); however, the degree to
sonal physiological change.’’ The greater ex- which females participated in vision quests
penditure by high-ranking families is true is unknown. There is evidence that within
for at least 8 of the 10 highly complex cul- communities, the acquisition of particular
tures included in the sample (Table 3.3). spirits was restricted to certain individuals.
For example, literature on the Yurok sug-
Recognition of a male’s puberty is limited
gests specialized quests on the part of high
to only one each of the cultures with less and
status heirs (Pilling 1978:142). Occupational
moderately complex socioeconomic systems
specialists among the Lillooet (Teit 1975:283)
(Table 3.4 – 3.6). Among the Tiwi and
and Thompson (Teit 1900:357) sought partic-
groups in southeastern Australia, adolescent
ular spirit helpers, and Hill-Tout (cited in
males are ‘‘kidnapped’’ by their male in-
Teit 1906:295) states that only those Lower
laws and undergo a period of seclusion and
Lillooet youths ‘‘who had a desire to excel in
restrictions. These may last up to several any particular thing underwent the regular
years among the Tiwi. Among groups with kwaza’ntcut (spirit quest), the ordinary youth
moderately and highly complex socioeco- possessing no personal totem.’’ For example,
nomic systems the transition to manhood the spirits sought by warriors, hunters, gam-
was generally a gradual process without re- blers, and runners among the Lillooet were
strictions on the youth’s activities. For exam- particularly powerful (Romanoff 1992:474).
ple, Giddings (1961:153 – 154) states that Furthermore, it seems likely that elites gen-
among the people of the Kobuk River in erally acquired more helpers or more pow-
northwest Alaska, ‘‘boys were subject to no erful ones (see Schulting 1995). As for costs,
special observances at puberty although although there is information regarding
their prestige was enhanced by some form feasts following Yokuts quests (Gayton
of open congratulation as they mastered one 1948:38, 118; Spier 1978:482), and although
after another of the accomplishments of feasts are probable for Chumash spirit
manhood.’’ Barnett (1955) states that all quests, it is not obvious whether any costs
Coast Salish males went through some form were incurred by Thompson, Lillooet, or
of puberty ceremony, but it is unclear Coast Salish participants. Given the costs in-
whether he is making a distinction between volved in most other areas of training, it

TABLE 4
Spirit Quests
Severity Severity
Existence of Gender of (general (high status
Group spirit quest participants population) Costs child) Costs
Tiwi
Koryak
Chukchee
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska
Yurok • U • M • Moderate • (Low)
(Pilling 1978:141)
Hupa
Thompson • U • M • Moderate • Low • High • ?
(Teit 1900:318 – 320) • F?
Lillooet • U • M
(Teit 1975:265) • F?
Ainu
Yokuts • U • F&M • Moderate • Moderate • ?
(Kroeber 1925:502;
Gayton 1948:38,
118; Speir
1978:482;
Wallace
1978b:456 – 457)
Aleut
Koniag
Tlingit
Tsimshian
Haida
Kwagiulth
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
Coast Salish • U • F&M • Moderate • (Low) • ?
(Barnett 1955:77,
143, 144; Suttles
1990:465)
Chumash • U • F&M • Moderate • (Moderate) • ?
(Grant 1978:511,
518; Hudson &
Underhay
1988:44)
Calusa
Note. (?) No information available. Parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data or similar
cultural group. Severity: moderate, transition involves seclusion, fasting and whipping; high, significantly longer,
harsher versions of the above. Costs: low, no display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch
equivalent and/or payments.

seems very likely that there would have the Coast Salish sxwaixwe dance, may have
been costs for elite spirit quests to obtain been strictly for elite families.
special powers (Schulting 1995:50 – 52). An analysis of the sample data suggests
that secret societies and exclusive institu-
Initiations tions are not a common feature of cultures
with less or moderately complex socioeco-
The sponsorship of youths into secret soci- nomic systems (Table 5.1 – 5.2). There is ei-
eties or elite social institutions is another ther an absence of data (suggesting an ab-
way in which the status of an individual can sence of initiations), or in some cases actual
be reinforced. It is generally presumed that statements as to the lack of exclusive socie-
the possession of esoteric knowledge, which ties or organizations. Given the quality of
can be acquired through such organizations, the ethnographic data and the general im-
is an important element in supporting and portance of these societies, the lack of infor-
increasing social status in all societies. How- mation regarding initiations seems more
ever, secret societies also played important likely to be the result of the absence of elite
roles in the creation of personal links involv- institutions, rather than an oversight on the
ing wealth exchanges and political support part of the ethnographers. Further, in view
(La Fontaine 1985:95). They were therefore of the social and economic complexity of
another key strategy in attempts by ambi- these groups the lack of exclusive institu-
tious individuals to restrict others’ access to tions is not surprising. For most of these cul-
power and to acquire power for themselves tures, there were few significant differences
or their corporate group. Membership in se- between the status and prerogatives of the
cret societies can provide such knowledge community leaders and those of other com-
but the initiations often involve such high munity members. The differences which did
expenditures, or are of such an exclusive na- exist tended to be the result of the wealth of
ture, that common individuals are absent or the individuals rather than their birth into a
play far less prestigious roles. For example, fixed rank (Goddard 1903:58; Goldschmidt
among the Chumash only high status indi- and Driver 1965:104; Kroeber 1925:3, 132 –
viduals were permitted entry to the ’antap 133; Nelson 1899:303, 305; Peng and
society (King 1990:57). This elite organiza- Geiser 1977:170 – 171; Pilling 1978:141; Teit
tion was responsible for performances at fes- 1900:289; Teit 1975:255, Wallace 1978a:171;
tivals and its members possessed esoteric Waterman and Kroeber 1965:1).
knowledge used ‘‘for maintaining, directing, Our data do show a strong association be-
and controlling man’s interaction with his tween the existence of elite organizations
celestial, physical and social environments’’ and secret societies on one hand, and the
(Hudson and Underhay 1988:29). As is fre- most socially and economically complex
quently the case in secret societies (La Fon- hunter – gatherer societies on the other (Ta-
taine 1985:188), in Northwest Coast commu- ble 5.3). Eight of the 10 groups with highly
nities membership tended to be open to all complex socioeconomic systems also had se-
members of a community, although ob- cret societies or elite organizations. Of the 8
taining the esoteric knowledge associated cultures, the Coast Salish and the Koniag
with certain ritual positions and particular had initiations into two separate societies,
dances was dependent upon wealth and so- which brings the total number of such insti-
cial status. ‘‘Certainly, only persons who tutions to 10. No information is available
had wealth could advance in the ranks of concerning such institutions among the Ca-
the (Tsimshian) secret societies’’ (Garfield lusa, and the Tlingit apparently did not have
1966:46), while other societies and dances secret societies (Oberg 1973:54).
such as the Kwagiulth cannibal society and The most socioeconomically complex cul-

TABLE 5
Initiations
Existence of Gender of Ranking within

Group initiations participants Inclusiveness organizations Costs
Tiwi
Koryak
Chukchee
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska • No initiations
(Spencer 1969:242)
Yurok • No initiations
(Kroeber 1925:4)
Hupa • (No initiations)
Thompson •
Lillooet •
Ainu
Yokuts
Aluet • U • M • All males • ? • ?

(Lantis 1971 (1947):27 – 30)
Koniag • U • M • All males • ? • ?
(Lantis 1971:27 – 30)
Whaler’s cult • U • M • Specialists only • ? • ?
(Hrdlicka 1944:54; Lantis 1971:30)
Tlingit • No initiations
(Oberg 1973:54)
Tsimshian • U • F&M • All (theoretically) • Through repeat • High
(Garfield 1966:44 – 47) initiations
Haida • U • F&M • (All) • Through repeat • High
(Swanton 1975:156 – 166) initiations
Kwagiulth • U • F&M • Exclusive • Different grades • High
(Rohner & Rohner 1970:106) • Females could not
hold all positions
Nuu-Chah-Nulth • U • F&M • All • Through repeat • High
(Arima 1983:156; Drucker 1951:366, initiations
391, 387 – 395, 413, 439, 440)
Coast Salish • U • F&M • All • (Through repeat • High
Spirit dances initiations)
(Barnett 1955:274 – 282)
Prestige dances • U • F&M • Exclusive • Different grades • High
(Barnett 1955:90 – 302)
Chumash • U • F&M • Exclusive • Different grades • High
(Blackburn 1976:236; Hudson & • Females could not
Blackburn 1986:58; Hudson & hold all positions
Underhay 1988:29; King 1990:57)
Calusa • ?
Note. (?) No information available. Parentheses indicate an inference made from listed reference or similar
cultural group. Costs: low, no public display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch equiva-
lent and/or payments.

tures are also the groups among which as- but that non-member males and females
cribed social status, elaborate growth pay- mixed. It may be that Aleut and Koniag fe-
ments, and definite status-based preroga- males belonged to societies separate from
tives become most evident. In terms of those of the men and that these were not
involvement in secret societies, this is re- recorded by male ethnographers. It is also
flected in restricted or costly access to certain possible that Koniag and Aleut females were
positions within secret societies and elite or- members of the secret societies, as Lantis
ganizations. For example among the Chu- (1971) believes these institutions were simi-
mash, training in the dances, songs and eso- lar to those on the Northwest Coast.
teric knowledge of the ’antap required the Beyond these exceptions, females were
‘‘parents of children who became members presumably initiated into all ranks of the
. . . to pay a considerable sum of money for elite organizations. The extension of mem-
the privilege; presumably, only high status bership in these societies to women is consis-
families could afford this . . .’’ (Blackburn tent with broader trends toward the recogni-
1976:236). Further, in 4 of the 10 highly com- tion of the importance of women with
plex socioeconomic systems, strictly exclu- increased surpluses and as marriage ex-
sive organizations existed. changes became increasingly important
Some male/female differences are directly strategies for establishing wealth exchanges
evident in the membership of Northwest and debts (Hayden 1995).
Coast secret societies and the ’antap organi- It is important to note that the presence of
zation of the Chumash (Table 5.3). Of the elite organizations, or elite positions within
seven cultures with female participation in organizations among the most socioeco-
secret societies, the data indicate that among nomically complex hunter – gatherers does
the Kwagiulth and Chumash they were lim- not appear to be characteristic only of the
ited in the type of positions they could hold. Northwest Coast. Furthermore, although se-
Kwagiulth females were not permitted to at- cret societies may have diffused among al-
tain the position of a ‘‘Sparrow,’’ or man- most all the Northwest Coast and Southern
ager, of the winter ceremonials (Rohner and Alaskan cultures, there is no indication that
Rohner 1970:106). Among the Chumash, fe- these elite organizations are a manifestations
males were not permitted as members of the of some larger Pacific Coastal pattern. The
siliy?q, a body of ’antap members which elite ’antap organization of the Chumash not
managed rituals and ceremonies (Hudson only differs enormously from the secret soci-
and Blackburn 1986:58; Hudson and Un- eties of the Northwest Coast, but groups sit-
derhay 1988:29). It is possible that additional uated between the Chumash and the Coast
limitations were made on the involvement Salish do not possess any organizations with
of females in the ceremonies but there can restricted social access. As well, those Inuit
be no denial of their active participation in cultures with moderately complex socioeco-
the affairs of secret societies. nomic systems and found in close geograph-
La Fontaine (1985:45,62,90,209,117) has ical proximity to the Koniag and Aleut, did
suggested that it is very unusual for males not have any initiations to elite institutions
and females to be members of the same soci- (Spencer 1969:242). If the presence of elite
eties. However, with the exception of the social institutions was simply a diffusion
Koniag and Aleut, the ethnographic data phenomenon dependent on geographical
suggests that females played an active, al- proximity then it would seem likely that
though possibly separate, role in the same elite institutions would appear in at least an
organizations as the men. Barnett (1955:282) altered form among these Inuit groups. If
notes that among members of Coast Salish however, as is argued here, the development
dance societies males and females sat apart of such institutions was associated with a

144
AID
TABLE 6
Training and Education
Training/general Severity/general Costs/general
JAA 0307
Group population population population Additional training Severity Costs
/
6.1 — Male: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi • Instruction in kulama • Moderate • (Low) • ?

(Goodale 1971:220; Hart & Pilling ceremony, tutored in all
1979:94) aspects of life
Koryak • ? • ?
ai04$$0307
6.2 — Male: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
Southeast Australia • ? • Specialized training of heir?

(Howitt 1904:314)
Northwest Alaska • Apprenticeship period as • (Low) • (Low) • ?
(Spencer 1969:241) runner, whaler or hunter
Yurok • Gradual training • Low • (Low) • Apprenticeship for chosen • Moderate • ?
(Erikson 1965:290; Pilling 1978:141 – heir
142) • Special training for elites
OWENS AND HAYDEN
07-01-97 17:37:55
Hupa • ?
Thompson • Sporadic periods of • Moderate • ? • Occupational specialization: • High • ?
(Teit 1900:317 – 318) training for 1 – 4 years great hunters, warriors,
gamblers & ‘‘extraordinary
men’’
jaaa
Lillooet • Sporadic periods of • Moderate • ? • Occupational specialization • High • ?
(Teit 1975:265 – 267) training for approx. 4 years
Ainu • Gradual training in • Low • (Low) • ‘‘Hunting people’’ trained • ? • ?
(Ohnuki-Tierney 1974:59; Watanabe hunting and fishing in performance of bear
1983:217) rituals
Yokuts • Taught of nature of the • Moderate • Moderate • Heirs received additional
AP: JAA
(Gayton 1948:38, 118; Kroeber world during jimson weed training in spiritual matters
1925:502; Spier 1978:482; Wallace ritual
1978b:456 – 457)
AID
6.3 — Male: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
JAA 0307
Aluet • Tutored in general • ? • ? • ?
(Graburn & Strong 1973:128) customs & techniques by
/
elders
Koniag • ? • Tutored in rituals • ? • ?
Male associated with whaling
(Hrdlicka 1944:540)
Tlingit • Trained in customs, • Moderate • Low • Heirs received additional • High • ?
(Kan 1989:86, 88, 91; Oberg 1973:25, manners & oral history training in spiritual matters
32, 33, 87)
ai04$$0307
(Oberg 1973:32) • Occupational specialization: • ? • ?
hunters, carvers, & shaman
Tsimshian • (Trained in customs & • (Moderate) • ? • ?
manners)
Haida • (Trained in customs & • Moderate • Low • Heirs received additional • ? • ?
(Swanton 1975:50, 70) manners) training
Kwagiulth • ? • Apprenticeship for heirs • ? • ?
(Boas 1921:1349 – 1350)
Nuu-Chah-Nulth • ? • Apprenticeship for heirs, • (High) • ?
(Drucker 1951:132, 266) more ritual knowledge
Coast Salish • (Trained in customs & • Moderate • Low • Apprenticeship for heirs • (High) • ?
07-01-97 17:37:55
(Barnett 1955:133, 142, 143, 144) manners)
(Barnett 1955:308) • Occupational specialization: • ? • ?
hunting, canoe making,

fighting, shamanism
jaaa
Chumash • Received training during • Moderate • Low • Elites trained in ‘antap • ? • High
(Blackburn 1976:236; Grant 1978:511, spirit quest rituals
518; Hudson & Underhay 1988:44)
Calusa • ? • Specialized warrior group • ? • ?
(Goggin & Sturtevant 1964:192; • Chief and head priest had
Marquardt 1988:171) esoteric ceremonial
knowledge
AP: JAA
145
146
AID
TABLE 6—Continued
Training/general Severity/general Costs/general

Group population population population Additional training Severity Costs
JAA 0307
6.4 — Female: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi • (Instruction in kulama • Moderate • (Low) • ?
/
(Goodale 1971:220; Hart & Pilling ceremony, tutored in all
1979:94) aspects of life)a
Koryak • ? • ?
6.5 — Female: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
ai04$$0307
Southeast Australia • ? • ?
Northwest Alaska • ? • ?
Yurok • (Period of training • (Low) • (Low) • Specialized training for • (Moderate) • ?
(Pilling 1978:141 – 142) accompanies puberty ‘‘real women’’
seclusion)
Hupa • Period of training • Low • (Low) • ?
(Goddard 1903:53; Wallace 1978a:172, accompanies puberty
173) seclusion
Thompson • Period of training, • Moderate • ? • ?
(Teit 1900:312 – 317) including exercise &
OWENS AND HAYDEN
07-01-97 17:37:55
production of goods,
accompanies puberty
seclusion
Lillooet • Period of training • High • ? • ?
jaaa
(Teit 1975:264 – 265) including exercise &
production of goods
accompanies puberty
seclusion
Ainu • ? • ‘‘Hunting people’’ trained
(Watanabe 1983:217) in performance of bear
rituals
AP: JAA
Yokuts • Taught of nature of the • Moderate • ? • (Additional training in
(Gayton 1948:38, 118; Kroeber world during jimson weed spiritual matters)b
1925:502; Spier 1978:482; Wallace ritual
1978b:456 – 457)
AID
JAA 0307
Aleut • Tutored in general • ? • ? • ?
(Graburn & Strong 1973:128) customs & techniques by
/
elders
Koniag • ? • ?
Tlingit • Trained in customs, • ? • Moderate • Trained for important • ? • High
(de Laguna 1990:217; Kan 1989:888, 91; manners, weaving, ceremonial roles, not taught
Oberg 1973:25, 32, 33, 86, 87) domestic duties, & to weave
ceremonial roles
Tsimshian • (Trained in customs, • Moderate • (Moderate) • ?
ai04$$0307
(Garfield 1966:25) manners, domestic duties)
Haida • (Trained in customs, • Moderate • (Moderate) • ?
(Blackman 1990:254) manners, domestic duties)
Kwagiulth • ? • ?
Nuu-Chah-Nulth • Trained in spinning, • (Moderate) • (Moderate) • ?
(Drucker 1951:136) basketry, cooking
Coast Salish • ? • ?
Chumash • ? • Elites trained in ‘antap • ? • High
(Blackburn 1976:236) rituals
Calusa • ? • ?
07-01-97 17:37:55
Note. (?) No information available. Parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data or similar cultural group. Severity — male: low, instruction is
gradual; moderate, instruction involves seclusion, fasting, whipping or use of narcotics, may last from days to years; high, significantly longer, harsher versions of
the above. Severity — female: low, instruction involves seclusion and restrictions lasting several days; moderate, instruction involves seclusion and restrictions lasting
jaaa
several months; high, instruction involves seclusion and restrictions lasting a year or longer. Costs: low, no display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments;
high, potlatch equivalent and/or payments.
a
Assumes females participated equally in the kulama ceremony which is a matter of debate among ethnographers (see Goodale 1971; Hart and Pilling 1979;
Spencer 1966).
b
Wallace (1978b) states that daughters sometimes assumed the position of lineage head. This being the case, the women would probably be trained in the same
esoteric knowledge as her male counterpart.
AP: JAA
147
high level of resource productivity as well erarchy, specialized training could be very
as economic and social complexity, it would important in this regard. Additional training
follow that they would be absent from both for respected specialized occupations oc-
the Southern Inuit groups and those moder- curred among four of the eight cultures with
ately complex cultures located between the moderately complex socioeconomic sys-
Chumash and the Northwest Coast. tems. For example, among the Lillooet, spe-
cialized hunters, warriors, and ceremonial
Training leaders could exert a powerful influence
over the actions of others because of their
The final social mechanism through which extensive training and claims of superior
the social position of a child or youth could knowledge (Nastich 1954:50, 58 – 59, 83 – 84,
be elevated in status and economic potential Romanoff 1992; Schulting 1995:50 – 52; Teit
was through specialized training and educa- 1975:255). Similar patterns occur with Ainu
tion. As Table 6.1 – 6.6 show, often both male bear hunters (Watanabe 1983:217) and occu-
and female youths received some type of pational specialists among the peoples of
formal education in the customs of their peo- northwest Alaska (Spencer 1969:241) and the
ple and in their domestic responsibilities, Thompson (Teit 1900:317). Among the Ainu,
usually around the time of puberty. This one was born either as a fishing person or
type of education was of a general nature, as a hunting person, with the latter being
with most youths of the same culture receiv- the higher ranking of the two. However, it
ing similar basic instruction. Such training was possible for a good hunter among the
could be an aspect of initiations and spirit fishing people to be elevated in status and
quests. For example, Ernest (1952:82) states for a poor hunter to be demoted (Watanabe
that during Northwest Coast secret society 1983:217 – 219). Presumably, hunting people
initiations, individuals went through a pe- were adequately instructed in their duties to
riod of training meant to instill qualities of prevent demotions from becoming a com-
strength, endurance, and courage. Among mon occurrence. The same privileged claims
the Yokuts, the jimsonweed spirit quest was and access to resources by trained specialists
a time for the instruction of youths in the is also true of those societies with a more
origin and nature of the world (Kroeber rigid social structure, although there is not
1925:502). Beyond this, one strategy for in- much information in this regard. Informa-
creasing the social value of a child was to tion on male occupational specialization is
expand on this general instruction, either by available for four of the ten groups with
extending its length and severity or through highly complex socioeconomic systems, in-
training in specialized occupations. cluding the Calusa, Coast Salish, Tlingit, and
Additional formal education in presti- Chumash (Table 6.3). For example, it has
gious occupations and in the development been suggested that ’antap members were
of qualities associated with leadership posi- associated with various brotherhoods of oc-
tions enhanced the social status of youths, cupational specialists among the Chumash
and could be a means through which indi- (Blackburn 1976:237).
viduals gained control over the labor, re- Among groups with ascribed status,
sources, or products of others. We view this high-ranking male children often received
frequently extensive and esoteric training as additional specialized administrative and
one strategy used by aggrandizers to claim esoteric instruction and were subjected to
privileged control over resources and activi- longer training periods than the general
ties that were held in common among gener- populous (Table 6.2 and 6.3) As has al-
alized hunter – gatherers. Among transegali- ready been mentioned, ascribed status
tarian groups with a more flexible social hi- tends to be associated especially with the

highly complex socioeconomic systems; tial, physical and social environments’’

however, specialized training of heirs to (Hudson and Underhay 1978:29). The lead-
high status positions is also evident among ing priest and the Calusa chief also main-
three of the six moderately complex socio- tained esoteric knowledge which was associ-
economic systems studied. This training ated with the legitimacy of the chief (Goggin
may be the first expression of a trend which and Sturtevant 1964:190, 192). As previously
becomes more evident in highly complex noted, the possession of esoteric knowledge
hunter – gatherers. For example, Howitt is frequently used to justify elite social posi-
(1904:314) stated that among the Yuin of tions on the ideological level.
southeastern Australia, ‘‘there was a head But the additional knowledge need not
Gommera, named Wadyyman, who died only be esoteric. For future community lead-
about 1884 at a great age. His account of ers to be both competent and respected rep-
himself was that, when a little boy, he was resentatives it was essential that they knew
taken by the then head Gommera, and important individuals from outside the com-
raised by him, so that he might take his munity and that they exhibited appropriate
place when he died.’’ Although there are etiquette for respectful reception and suc-
no other accounts of such training among cessful negotiations. Therefore, as youths,
the groups of southeastern Australia, it is high-ranking males of the Nuu-Chah-Nulth,
tempting to think that this was not an iso- Kwagiulth, and Coast Salish cultures were
lated case of administrative training. Simi- formally introduced to society, assumed
lar training of future leaders took place portions of their future responsibilities, and
among the Yurok. Pilling (1978:141 – 142) ‘‘hosted’’ potlatches that were financed and
states that older high-ranking Yurok indi- organized by their fathers, grandfathers,
viduals selected intelligent, responsible uncles, etc. (Barnett 1955:133, 142; Boas
males as protégés. Through training and a 1921:1349 – 1350; Drucker 1951:266). In this
spirit quest these young males came to be way, the economic and political influence of
known as peyerk, or elites. the reigning leaders was gradually trans-
With respect to highly complex socioeco- ferred to the heirs, with the full recognition
nomic systems, Kan (1988) has noted that of the community at large.
the additional and often strenuous training With the exception of the specialized cere-
of high-ranking Tlingit males served to rein- monial training received by high status Tlin-
force the dichotomy between the commoner git females (Oberg 1973:25), it is unclear as
and the elite, and resulted in what Kan to how the formal education of elite females
(1989:88) has called the ‘‘special purity’’ of among groups with highly complex socio-
the high status individuals. For example, economic systems differed from that gener-
elite Tlingit individuals were distinguished ally received by girls during their puberty
by a ‘‘lengthening of the periods of ritual seclusion. In general, the seclusion period of
seclusion and abstinence, as well as by in- elite females was more severe than that of
creasing the amount of physical training an commoners, but most ethnographies men-
aristocratic youngster underwent’’ (Kan tion little about the other activities of either
1989:88). Further, only young nobles were elite or commoner females during this stage
instructed in the complete origin myths of of life. It does seem likely however, that elite
the clan and the ‘‘esoteric’’ knowledge of the females did not learn many of the tasks com-
potlatch (Kan 1989:91). Similarly, members monly associated with female domestic du-
of the siliyik, a council of Chumash ’antap ties. For example, female Tlingit elites were
members, had esoteric knowledge which not instructed in weaving, as women who
they used in ‘‘maintaining, directing, and did not engage in menial tasks were highly
controlling man’s interaction with his celes- valued as wives (Oberg 1973:87). Further,

Swanton (1975:50) states, that an unmarried hunter – gatherers have been supported by
Haida female engaged in little labor, ‘‘so that the data in our sample. It was initially hy-
she might marry a chief.’’ Assuming that pothesized that maturation events would
Haida elites married only those of roughly become increasingly costly and exclusive as
equal status, Swanton’s comment only sociopolitical complexity increased. As an
makes sense if it was made in regard to alternative to this major expectation, we
high status females. Finally, Marquardt thought that, if maturation events were open
(1988:171) suggests that Calusa nobles were to all children rather than only to high-rank-
also excluded from common subsistence ing children, the growth events, puberty cer-
based activities. emonies, and training associated with high-
Among cultures with moderately complex ranking children might be more severe and
socioeconomic systems, high status women costly, thereby making them more exclusive
received additional training in three of the events. It was also thought that membership
eight groups, although among the Yokuts in secret societies and other such institutions
this may have been limited only to women might be restricted to high-ranking individ-
who were in a position to assume the role uals. These expectations were derived from
of lineage leader (Wallace 1978b). a model developed by Hayden (1995) in
The analysis of the training data suggest which surplus production is invested in ag-
two different types of training in addition grandizers’ offspring (and recuperated in
to the general education received by com- marriage wealth exchanges) as a major strat-
munity members: (1) male occupational spe- egy for accumulating wealth and power in
cialization and (2) administrative and eso- transegalitarian societies. In effect, aggran-
teric training of elites. We suggest that dizers use their children as pretexts for gen-
among cultures with moderately complex erating and investing surpluses and creating
socioeconomic systems, occupational spe- ongoing exchanges in surplus wealth. From
cialization was a means through which eco- this perspective, investments in the matura-
nomically advantaged individuals assumed tion events of children also serve to justify
positions of influence. By contrast, the ad- claims of social, political, and ceremonial su-
ministrative and esoteric training of elites periority. Thus, we expected that as resource
among cultures with highly complex socio- abundance, the ability to produce economic
economic systems was used to support and surpluses, and social complexity all in-
bolster the authority of persons already des- creased, so too would the importance and
tined for prestigious and influential posi- costs of some or all of the various kinds of
tions. In this scenario, occupational special- maturation events increase. These expecta-
ization was an additional means through tions can be viewed as one form of a limited
which such male individuals may have in- test of the initial model used to structure our
creased their influence. research. If no or little relationship had been
Moderately complex socioeconomic systems observed between complexity and matura-
• economic r • occupational r • increased tion events, we would clearly have had to
advantage training influence reassess our basic assumptions. Our results
Highly complex socioeconomic systems support the model expectations and indicate
• high social r • esoteric, r • reinforced
that further tests and explorations of it are
status & administrative & increased
economic & occupational influence warranted.
advantage training The analysis of our data shows the exis-
tence of a major trend toward escalating
SUMMARY costs and increasing severity of maturation
Many of the original hypotheses regard- events as overall social, economic, and polit-
ing the maturation events of transegalitarian ical complexity increases. As the initial

model led us to expect, these trends are es- though there are some instances of this
pecially pronounced for the highest ranking among the most highly complex cultures, in-
families at each level of complexity. We sug- cluding the restriction of tattoos to elites
gest this is because high-ranking individuals among the Tlingit (de Laguna 1990:220, Em-
in transegalitarian societies generally repre- mons 1991:253, Kan 1989:87, 88) and Tsim-
sent the most successful aggrandizive mem- shian (Garfield 1966:25). The occurrence of
bers of their communities. As the resource most types of child growth payments among
base becomes more productive and stable, elites and non-elites may reflect non-elite
elites are able, through wide economic, so- tendencies to copy elite behavior (Cannon
cial, and military support networks, to ma- 1989), especially where the acquisition of
nipulate surpluses in ways which further ex- practical benefits, such as in the formation
tend their personal powers. In terms of our of marriage alliances, is involved. Exclusive
basic model, increasingly severe and costly events were certainly not common among
maturation events are not only correlates of, the moderately complex cultures sampled,
but also a stimuli for, an escalation of social while child growth payments appear not to
and political complexity. For this reason, in- have occurred at all among the least com-
vestigations into the maturation events of plex groups in our sample. Among both the
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers may be moderate and highly complex cultures, child
critical for our understanding of general cul- growth events and/or payments were com-
tural change and more careful attention monly held for both male and female chil-
should be paid to any archaeological evi- dren, as might be expected where marriage
dence for maturation events. Results of our alliances are used as a means to establish
analysis indicate that the maturation events wealth exchanges.
identified in this paper should be viewed
as processes by which the aggrandizers of Puberty Ceremonies
transegalitarian hunter – gatherer societies
directly stimulated the evolution of more The analysis of puberty ceremonies indi-
politically, socially, and economically com- cates that not only did these ceremonies in-
plex cultural forms. The specific trends can crease in terms of severity, duration, and
be summarized as follows. cost for females in a community as sociopo-
litical complexity increased, but also that the
Child Growth Payments duration, severity and cost also increased
relatively more for high-ranking females as
The data support the assumption that the sociopolitical complexity increased. Similar
costs associated with child growth payments puberty ceremonies for male children are
increase in conjunction with increasing so- not apparent, with the exception of male cer-
cial and political complexity, and high social emonies among the Tiwi, Southeast Austra-
status. This is true both between the levels lian Aborigines, possibly the Coast Salish,
of complexity as well as between the elite and other groups with spirit quests.
and non-elite families within the same com- Spirit quests appear among several highly
munities of highly complex cultures. Despite and moderately complex cultures. Unfortu-
few differences in the types of events held, nately, there was not enough information re-
the costs of the maturation events associated garding these quests in our sample to allow
with elite children seems significantly for detailed comparison. As a result, several
higher than those for non-elite children. The important questions remain unanswered.
assumption of the exclusive restriction of For example, did females participate as fre-
certain growth events to elite children does quently as males, did all members of a com-
not appear to be generally supported, al- munity have equal access to all guardian

spirits, did expenditures or time constraints eral, subjected to a longer and more severe
limit the acquisition of certain spirits or the period of occupational training than were
number of spirits to elites or the wealthy? non-elite males. The specialized training of
Given our present database, it is possible to some males among the moderately complex
make two tentative suggestions. First, it hunter – gatherers may be a prelude to this
seems likely that occupational specialists en- more widespread phenomenon among the
dured quests of a longer duration and of most complex groups. No specific informa-
greater severity than did members of the tion was available regarding the presence
general population. Second, as suggested by or value of expenditures associated with
Schulting (1995:50 – 52) it also seems likely this specialized training; however, several
that the spirits acquired by these individuals sources suggest that significant costs were
were either greater in number or in strength incurred. Schulting (1995:14 – 15) has argued
than those acquired by other individuals that among transegalitarian hunter – gather-
and as a consequence involved more elabo- ers of the Plateau, access to occupational
rate and more costly acquisition procedures specialization was restricted by what Wer-
that only wealthy families could generally ner (1981) has called an ‘‘inequality of op-
afford. portunity’’ because the costs in terms of time
and finances were beyond the reach of many
Initiations families. In addition, Romanoff (1992:473)
notes that among the Lillooet, older men su-
Exclusively elite institutions appear to be pervised the training of hunters. It seems
a rare occurrence among all the transegali- probable that this supervision was supplied
tarian hunter – gatherers sampled. The only in exchange for some form of compensation.
truly elite organizations noted were the The lack of information regarding the cost
Chumash ’antap society and the Kwagiulth of training heirs on the Northwest Coast
dance societies. While exclusively elite insti- may be due to the tendency to inherit roles
tutions were uncommon, societies requiring from family members in order to maintain
initiation were a frequent feature of highly family status and wealth. Since both the
complex cultures. Although the fact that leader and the heir were members of the
these societies were open to all members of same lineage, some of the payments for
the community did not conform to our ini- training may have been internalized.
tial expectations, the finding that their inter- There is little or no information available
nal systems of ranking depended on wealth, regarding the training of elite females
social status, and gender did support the among the highly complex cultures, al-
general premise of our working model. This though it is clear that the duration and se-
internal ranking restricted leadership posi- verity of their puberty seclusion was longer
tions to the most wealthy within these socie- than that of non-elite females and that this
ties. High ranking females played a presti- involved some training in etiquette, myth
gious and significant role in all but the Chu- and decorum. Elite females seem to have re-
mash ’antap and Kwagiulth elite institutions. ceived less training in practical affairs and
No evidence exists for the presence of simi- were less involved in domestic duties. For
lar institutions in either the least or moder- example, it is known that the ‘‘higher the
ately complex cultures. rank of a (Tlingit) girl . . . the less work she
will be required to do . . .’’ (Oberg 1973:25).
Training Thus, she would not have received the same
intensive training in domestic duties as did
Finally, it is clear that high ranking males girls of lower status. In fact, Oberg (1973:87)
of the highly complex cultures were in gen- notes that elite Tlingit females did not en-

gage in ‘‘menial’’ tasks since a wife who had egalitarian hunter – gatherers in richer envi-
never worked was highly valued. ronments. Instead, severe rites of passage
Thus, it appears that high status females are used as signs of elite superiority in these
receive more elaborate puberty ceremonies circumstances.
while high status males receive more spe-
cialized training. Both probably serve the CONCLUSIONS
same function; to increase the socioeconomic
value of the children. What were cave rituals like in Upper Pa-
leolithic Europe? After the preceding excur-
It is important to note that the corporate sion into the ethnography of transegalitarian
group structure of the cultures of the North- hunter – gatherers, we feel we can answer
west Coast may have had some influence on this question with greater precision and in-
the development of costly maturation events sight than has heretofore been the case, and
among these groups. The lineage based resi- we feel that we can provide new insights
dence pattern, with extended family mem- into the structure and nature of the Upper
bers and ‘‘hangers-on’’ living in the same Paleolithic societies that created art deep in
house under the guidance and sometimes caves. As noted at the beginning of this arti-
influence of a lineage head, may have re- cle, in one context or another, it appears that
sulted in more internal differentiation and adolescents were involved in cave rituals.
specialization than generally characterized These rituals are unlikely to have been regu-
communities with nuclear family household lar community rituals involving the entire
communities. Lineage leaders were not only band because most decorated areas of caves
recognized as caretakers of lineage owned were too small to accommodate groups of
resources, they often controlled resource ex- 25 – 50 people and seem to have been used
ploitation, and in some cases received trib- too infrequently (Beaune 1995:238). Thus, it
ute from those utilizing its resources. This seems far more likely that adolescents were
concentrated influence over resources and present in cave rituals as part of maturation
labor could have been manipulated by elite events. Assuming that these groups were
administrators for their own personal ad- transegalitarian hunter – gatherers, what
vantage, and would very likely have been specific type of maturation event was most
expressed in elaborate maturation events for probably involved? Puberty rituals come
their children. Elites of non-corporate group most readily to mind, especially those simi-
communities might not have been able to lar to spirit quests. Certainly, this is a possi-
exert as much power over followers as elites bility, however, the distribution of painted
in communities where critical resources caves, the apparently low frequency of their
were owned by corporate groups. use (based on artifact remains, footprints,
The moderate and highly complex ethno- hearths) and the intensity of their decora-
graphic hunter – gatherer cultures sampled tion, the range of ages of children (see
do not exhibit the community-wide, egali- Beaune 1995:234; Clottes 1992:59), does not
tarian maturation events that seem to seem commensurate with their regular use
characterize generalized hunter – gatherers. for puberty rituals of adolescents. Moreover,
While generalized hunter – gatherer puberty spirit quests were individual endeavors,
rites can be severe (e.g., Australia) appar- whereas the cave sanctuaries were clearly
ently to reinforce adherence to values pro- used by small groups of people.
moting group survival in marginal environ- Nor are the caves suited for events involv-
ments (e.g., compulsory sharing and alli- ing child growth payments since these are
ances), severe rites of passage do not occur generally large public spectacles witnessed
at the community wide level among trans- and validated by as many people as possi-

ble. Given the burial of some Upper Paleo- from region to region depending on the abil-
lithic adolescents and children with surpris- ity of groups to generate food surpluses on
ing amounts of wealth and prestige objects a regular basis, e.g., by mass harvesting and
(as at Sungir) we can be fairly certain that drying of large numbers of migrating or ag-
substantial child growth payments were gregated animals or fish.
part of wealthy Upper Paleolithic family Viewing cave sanctuaries as being pri-
repertoires. However, deep caves would marily used for secret society initiations
have been inappropriate and ineffective ven- is also consistent with the role of secret
ues for these events. societies in generating and maintaining hi-
Special training, especially of shamans, erarchical esoteric knowledge available
may also have been the purpose of using only to members, as well as concentrating
deep caves. As cogently argued by Lewis- political and economic power in the hands
Williams and Dowson (1988) this in fact, of members (La Fontaine 1985:95; Lewis-
seems very probable. However, it does not Williams 1994; 1995:19, in press). The very
account for the great majority of the evi- location of the art and rituals deep in caves
dence for cave rituals. Training is usually an reflects their esoteric content, as does the
individual or person to person undertaking, distributional structure of the art (per
whereas the central cave sanctuaries (versus Leroi-Gourhan); the appearance of obscure
the remote recesses) make most sense in abstract symbols; the occurrence of mythi-
terms of small groups of individuals. cal animals, ‘‘ghosts,’’ human bodies with
This leaves the use of cave sanctuaries for animal heads; and an emphasis on danger-
the initiation of adolescents into secret socie- ous prey animals rather than the animals
ties or elite institutions. While to our knowl- usually killed for food (lions, rhinoceros,
edge such a use has not previously been sug- aurochs, bison, and mammoth versus rein-
gested for Upper Paleolithic caves, this nev- deer, and bouquetin — Clottes 1996). Wa-
ertheless appears to us to conform most son (1994: 150 – 151) also observes that re-
closely to the comparative ethnographic stricted access to ritual areas is an im-
data on transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. portant indication of socioeconomic
Initiation into such societies would not have inequality. The painted Upper Paleolithic
been open to everyone and the level, dura- caves certainly appear to have been places
tion, age at initiation, and elaborateness of of restricted access, and there are other in-
initiations into such societies would have dicators of inequalities mentioned in our
been a function of the ability of sponsoring introduction. The existence of secret socie-
families to pay for elaborate preparations ties is consistent with all these indicators
and ceremonies, the most costly of which according to our analysis.
could have involved deep and prolonged so- Finally, ethnographically, secret society
journs into the caves and the creation of new initiations frequently involved displays of
paintings or panels for the initiation. Initi- elaborate costumes (Beaune 1995:248) or art
ates of less wealthy families might simply to initiates and members or special visitors
undergo initiation ceremonies in open air (Eliade 1958:33). There were also costly pay-
camps at night, or in other contexts that ments to ritual specialists whose role was to
would have required less mustering of spe- induce ecstatic altered states of conscious-
cial labor and goods. This would account ness in initiates by prolonged sensory depri-
for the apparent relatively episodic use and vation, exhaustion, and various forms of
painting of cave sanctuaries by small groups stimulation resulting in a feeling of spiritual
of adults and adolescents (Beaune 1995:192, knowledge and power. Elites in most com-
226). It also implies that the intensity of cave plex transegalitarian societies sought to
use and cave painting would have varied dominate access to this knowledge and

power in order to reinforce their tangible yond those of the European Upper Paleo-
power within their own communities — a lithic? There seems little doubt that the same
strategy often found in chiefdoms and even basic types of rituals would have taken place
early states such as the classic Mayan city among other hunter – gatherers of compara-
states. Similar arguments have recently ble complexity, possibly involving many of
been advanced by Lewis-Williams (1994; the same art forms, such as painting, sculpt-
1995:19, in press) for the control of cave ing, costumes, and masks. Yet the recogni-
art by the socially and politically powerful tion and interpretation of these rituals might
members of Paleolithic societies, while be much more difficult due to local environ-
Beaune (1995:238, 274) has argued that high mental and historical differences. The form
status families painted the caves and that and nature of material remains from many
only the privileged members of society ac- of the maturation events that we have dis-
tually entered the caves. All these features cussed tend to vary in a historical particular-
are also consistent with the nature of cave ist fashion and may not even be preserved
sanctuaries and their art. Such features are at all, as in the case of leather or wooden
exemplified ethnographically by the Coast masks. This variability is due to the almost
Salish winter dances which in the 1960’s nonexistent practical constraints on ritual
required several thousand dollars for initi- items and the wide scope of variability that
ations in communities with low cash re- imagination, individual preference, and
serves (Jilek 1982). chance make possible between communities
However, it is not our goal to systemati- or regions.
cally evaluate each of the above possibilities The rituals with the most practical con-
in this exploratory paper. We only wish to straints are child growth payments because
establish conceptual foundations for analy- material manifestations must represent
sis and indicate promising avenues to ex- wealth (or control over labor) and they must
plore using more systematic development of be highly visible to a large public audience.
expectations based on cave art locations, Thus, it is common to find child burials with
contents, evidence of storage of parapherna- grave goods reflecting the magnitude of
lia, offerings, artifact density, frequencies of growth payments invested in individuals
painting events, frequency of visits to caves, prior to their death. It is pertinent to empha-
age frequencies of foot and hand prints, oc- size that conventional interpretations view
currences of feasting fires or other activities. rich child burials as occurring only in stra-
Such a study constitutes a much more ambi- tified societies, whereas there is now consid-
tious undertaking for the future. If our pres- erable evidence that they occur in transegali-
ent interpretation is substantiated, it will tarian societies as a result of child growth
mean that the Upper Paleolithic societies re- payments (Hayden 1995). However, even in
sponsible for cave art were quite complex in these cases, wealth may not occur in forms
their overall socioeconomic structure proba- that preserve well archaeologically, and
bly approaching the complexity represented some transegalitarian cultures may not in-
on the North American Northwest Coast. In clude grave goods with any burials due to
this regard, it is interesting to note that Fran- alternate ways of displaying wealth.
çois Bordes once remarked he thought Puberty rituals, initiations into special so-
Northwest Coast cultures might be better cieties, and special training are all much
models than the Kalahari hunters for the Up- more particularistic and idiosyncratic in
per Paleolithic cultures of southwest France. terms of material expressions, although with
Does the present study have any implica- some direct historical documentation, it may
tions for the interpretation of other prehis- be possible to detect some of these ritual
toric transegalitarian hunter – gatherers be- forms in specific archaeological cases. For

instance, Plateau female puberty ceremonies cific objects. Yet, this is an area of inquiry
may manifest themselves in the remains of which is just opening up, and awareness of
small structures, drinking tubes, scratching the potential role and importance of such
sticks, and other items during the restric- remains may lead to new insights, better the-
tions accompanying isolation. Schulting ories, refined methods of analysis, and prin-
(1995:13) states that among Plateau groups ciples of material manipulation in ritual or
at least, these items frequently appear in the maturation event contexts. We remain opti-
archaeological record but are often mistaken mistic and look forward to future contribu-
for fully utilitarian objects. On the North tions along these lines. Certainly, when cir-
West Coast, and perhaps elsewhere, the cumstances combine to make maturation
lengthy and severe isolation of elite females events or rituals highly visible in the archae-
may be visible in their skeletal remains. ological record, as in Paleolithic Europe, it
Spirit quests can be indicated by the exis- is essential to have a robust theoretical
tence of pictographs, petroglyphs, and in- framework in place in order to situate those
cised and painted designs appearing on util- remains in their proper interpretive context.
itarian objects (Marshall 1991; Sanger 1968; That has been our goal from the outset.
Teit 1930:283). The presence of initiations Whether the trends and patterns of associ-
into special societies may be indirectly visi- ated variables observed in this ethnographic
ble through evidence of specialized ceremo- study will be substantiated by data from
nial structures such as those reported for the transegalitarian hunter – gatherers elsewhere
Chumash ’antap. The restricted distribution in the world remains to be seen. However,
of non-utilitarian artifacts, such as the early given the strength of the trends and patterns
elaborately carved antler spoons buried with observed in the ethnographic cases re-
some individuals at Pender Island on the viewed here, there is strong reason for opti-
Northwest Coast (Carlson 1991), may also mism that they will be present and recover-
indicate membership in elite institutions in- able archaeologically through the careful
volving initiations. Finally, training might analysis of grave goods, skeletal remains,
be assumed to occur where there is clear rock art, caves, special structures, household
evidence for highly restricted occupational assemblages, sculptures and other prestige
specialization and should be reflected in items, and the overall economic productivity
highly specialized individual grave or do- of prehistoric groups.
mestic group assemblages.
In conclusion, the ethnographic analysis ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
of the maturation events of transegalitarian
hunter – gatherers has been shown to have The authors express their gratitude to all those people
widespread and important implications who helped in both the research and the production of
both for theories of social evolution and for this manuscript. Specifically, thanks to Thomas Black-
the interpretation of the prehistoric archaeo- burn, Jane Goodale, and William Marquardt for sharing
with us their knowledge of the Chumash, Tiwi, and
logical record. Given the strength of the
Calusa, respectively. Thanks also to reviewers of previ-
trends and patterns observed in the ethno- ous versions of this paper. Their comments and con-
graphic cases reviewed here, there is good structive criticisms helped us develop a clearer theoreti-
reason for optimism that they will be present cal focus on which to build our arguments.
and recoverable archaeologically.
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Prehistoric Rites of Passage

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JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 16, 121 – 161 (1997)

ARTICLE NO. AA970307 Edited by Foxit Reader

Prehistoric Rites of Passage: A Comparative Study

INTRODUCTION knowledge which should soon enable pre-

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or colonists, observer biases and omissions, strictly unilineal or unidirectional terms.

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Geographical/cultural Pop. density

Tiwi (Goodale 1982) Australia 0.4

* Estimated range suggested by population estimates given by authors cited.

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mates varying levels of complexity within Growth Payments

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Event/general Gender Event/high Gender

2.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

• Septum pierced • F & M • Moderate

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Existence of Severity Severity

3.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems

Tiwi • U • Moderate • Moderate • ?

3.2 — Female: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

3.3 — Female: Highly complex socioeconomic systems

Aleut • U • High • Low • High • Moderate

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Existence of Severity Severity

3.3 — Female: Highly complex socioeconomic systems

Coast Salish • U • Low • Low • High • High

3.4 — Male: Least complex socioeconomic systems

Tiwi • U • High • Moderate • ?

3.5 — Male: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

Southeast Australia • U • High? • ? • ? • ?

3.6 — Male: Highly complex socioeconomic systems

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4.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems

4.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

4.3: Highly complex socioeconomic systems

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Existence of Gender of Ranking within

5.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems

5.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

5.3: Highly complex socioeconomic systems

Aluet • U • M • All males • ? • ?

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Training/general Severity/general Costs/general

Tiwi • Instruction in kulama • Moderate • (Low) • ?

Southeast Australia • ? • Specialized training of heir?

hunting, canoe making,

Training/general Severity/general Costs/general

Tiwi • (Instruction in kulama • Moderate • (Low) • ?

6.5 — Female: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems

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