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All forms of government are susceptible to political corruption. Forms of corruption vary,
but include bribery, extortion, cronyism, nepotism, patronage, graft, and embezzlement.
While corruption may facilitate criminal enterprise such as drug trafficking, money
laundering, and trafficking, it is not restricted to these organized crime activities. In some
nations, corruption is so common that it is expected when ordinary businesses or citizens
interact with government officials. The end point of political corruption is a kleptocracy,
literally "rule by thieves".
Economic effects
Corruption also generates economic distortions in the public sector by diverting public
investment into capital projects where bribes and kickbacks are more plentiful. Officials
may increase the technical complexity of public sector projects to conceal or pave way
for such dealings, thus further distorting investment. Corruption also lowers compliance
with construction, environmental, or other regulations, reduces the quality of government
services and infrastructure, and increases budgetary pressures on government.
Economists argue that one of the factors behind the differing economic development in
Africa and Asia is that in the former, corruption has primarily taken the form of rent
extraction with the resulting financial capital moved overseas rather invested at home
(hence the stereotypical, but often accurate, image of African dictators having Swiss bank
accounts). In Nigeria, for example, more than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury
by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.[2] University of Massachusetts researchers
estimated that from 1970 to 1996, capital flight from 30 sub-Saharan countries totaled
$187bn, exceeding those nations' external debts.[3] In the case of Africa, one of the factors
for this behavior was political instability, and the fact that new governments often
confiscated previous government's corruptly-obtained assets. This encouraged officials to
stash their wealth abroad, out of reach of any future expropriation. In contrast, corrupt
administrations in Asia like Suharto's have often taken a cut on everything (requiring
bribes), but otherwise provided more of the conditions for development, through
infrastructure investment, law and order, etc.
Corruption facilitates environmental destruction. Even the corrupt countries may formally
have legislation to protect the environment, it cannot be enforced if the officials can be
easily bribed. The same applies to social rights such as worker protection, unionization
and prevention of child labor. Violation of these laws and rights enables corrupt countries
to gain an illegitimate economic advantage in the international market.
As the Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen has observed that "there is no such
thing as an apolitical food problem." While drought and other naturally occurring events
may trigger famine conditions, it is government action or inaction that determines its
severity, and often even whether or not a famine will occur. Governments with strong
tendencies towards kleptocracy can undermine food security even when harvests are
good. The 20th century is full of many examples of governments undermining the food
security of their own nations – sometimes intentionally.[4]
Bribery (kyle)
Bribery requires two participants: one to give the bribe, and one to take it. In some
countries the culture of corruption extends to every aspect of public life, making it
extremely difficult for individuals to stay in business without resorting to bribes. Bribes
may be demanded in order for an official to do something he is already paid to do. They
may also be demanded in order to bypass laws and regulations. In some developing
nations, up to half of the population has paid bribes during the past 12 months.[6]
Graft ( kyle )
Patronage refers to favoring supporters, for example with government employment. This
may be legitimate, as when a newly elected government changes the top officials in the
administration in order to effectively implement its policy. It can be seen as corruption if
this means that incompetent persons, as a payment for supporting the regime, are selected
before more able ones. In nondemocracies many government officials are often selected
for loyalty rather than ability. They may be almost exclusively selected from a particular
group (for example, Sunni Arabs in Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the nomenklatura in the
Soviet Union, or the Junkers in Imperial Germany) that support the regime in return for
such favors.
Seeking to harm enemies becomes corruption when official powers are illegitimately
used as means to this end. For example, trumped-up charges are often brought up against
journalists or writers who bring up politically sensitive issues, such as a politician's
acceptance of bribes.
The Marcos regime, which has been described as a kleptocracy, literally “rule by
thieves,” made the Guinness Book of World Records in the late 1980s as the most corrupt
government of all time.[1] Fortunately, the situation has improved. In 2006,
Transparency International, the Berlin-based non-profit, non-partisan organization
founded in 1993 to curb corruption in international transactions, rated the Philippines less
corrupt than 51 of 163 nations, but ranking among Asian nations is not good.[2] The only
Asian nations in 2006 receiving a worse rating than the Philippines from the Political &
Economic Risk Consultancy, Ltd. (PERC), a Hong Kong firm specializing in strategic
business information and analysis, were Indonesia and Vietnam.[3] In 2007, the
Philippines dropped to last place of the 13 Asian economies studied by PERC.[4]
So, the Philippines has a relatively poor ranking, but quantifying graft gives a better idea
of the impact on the nation. In September 1998, President Estrada said stealing would
waste roughly 100 billion pesos (approximately USD2.5 billion), which translates to
about 20% of the national budget proposed for 1999![5] In June 1999, President Estrada
consistently applied this percentage, stating that 24.1 billion pesos (about USD600
million), or 20% of all government project funds spent the previous year, were lost to
graft and corruption.[6] The following month, Philippine Ombudsman Aniano Desierto
claimed the government lost 1.4 trillion pesos (perhaps USD100 billion, varying
exchange rate over 11 years) since 1988 when the Office began investigating government
corruption, and continues to lose 100 million pesos daily, or 36.5 billion (roughly
USD940 million) annually.[7] (The Office of the Ombudsman is a special independent
body to support the principles of honesty, integrity, and public accountability and to serve
as the people’s protector and watchdog.) Although there is some variance in the figures,
they serve to indicate the scale of graft.