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Psicologia

Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica


La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie
Lo sviluppo e l’età evolutiva
Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche
Individuo e società
Elementi di psicopatologia

SIMONE
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Gruppo Editoriale Esselibri Simone


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Capitolo 1
Profilo storico delle scienze psicologiche
Sommario
1. Genesi e concetto. - 2. Le svolte del Novecento. - 3. I processi dinamici.
4. L’ipotesi psicogenetica. - 5. Il modello contestualista. - 6. Cognitivismo e neuroscienze.

1. Genesi e concetto
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Capitolo 1: Profilo storico delle scienze psicologiche 9

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L’empirismo
Sviluppatosi in Inghilterra tra Seicento e Settecento grazie all’opera di John Locke
(1632-1704) e David Hume (1711-1776), l’empirismo costituisce uno dei più rilevanti
orientamenti della filosofia e dell’epistemologia moderne. Il punto centrale è il rilievo
conferito all’esperienza nella formulazione di costrutti teorici. Per gli empiristi alla base
della conoscenza esistono solo dati di esperienza sia per quanto riguarda il fenome-
no dell’apprendimento, sia per la possibilità di verifica delle informazioni acquisite.
Viene decisamente rifiutata qualsiasi teoria innatista in cui si postuli l’esistenza di co-
noscenze pregresse. Gli orizzonti conoscitivi, secondo gli empiristi, restano rigorosa-
mente circoscritti nell’ambito delle possibilità esperienziali. Non esiste alcun nucleo di
verità ab origine: le nozioni di cui il soggetto progressivamente si appropria si basano
esclusivamente sulla registrazione e codificazione di associazioni sensibili (mente
come tabula rasa).

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16 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 1: Profilo storico delle scienze psicologiche 17

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18 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 2
Metodi e tecniche di analisi
Sommario
1. Metodi empirici. - 2. Metodi psicometrici. - 3. Tecniche di neuroimaging.

1. Metodi empirici
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20 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Un esempio di metodo sperimentale


L’esperimento che riportiamo può essere considerato come il modello della speri-
mentazione in generale. Il problema trattato è quello dell’inibizione mnestica retro-
attiva: l’apprendimento di nuovo materiale cancella o riduce il materiale appreso in
precedenza? Tenendo conto che il termine apprendimento viene assunto qui in sen-
so generale (apprendimento di una lezione, di un nome, di una strada, della guida di
un’automobile ecc.), l’ipotesi iniziale è che tale cancellazione o riduzione avviene.
Nell’attuazione dell’esperimento per dimostrare tali ipotesi, un soggetto (o, meglio, un
gruppo di soggetti) deve apprendere, per esempio, una lista di aggettivi: la ritenzione
di questa lista rappresenta la variabile dipendente. In una seconda fase dell’esperi-
mento, il soggetto affronta un compito diverso da quello precedente: per esempio
apprendere una lista di numeri. Questo nuovo materiale, che si ritiene possa modifi-
care la ritenzione del primo, rappresenta la variabile indipendente (in quanto potreb-
be anche non essere presente). In una terza fase, infine, si misura quanto il soggetto
ricorda della lista di aggettivi appresa all’inizio. Quando la situazione è allestita in modo
che sia costante qualsiasi altro elemento che potrebbe modificare la variabile dipen-
dente, l’esito dell’esperimento viene a definire una relazione fra l’andamento di questa
e la variabile indipendente (la cui presenza o assenza, o il cui grado d’intensità, è
regolabile dallo sperimentatore) e il comportamento del fenomeno oggetto dello studio,
cioè la variabile dipendente. Dunque, l’esperimento si compone di tre fasi:
³ apprendimento di una lista di aggettivi: variabile dipendente;
³ apprendimento di una lista di numeri: variabile indipendente. L’esperimento vuo-
le, pertanto, verificare gli effetti della seconda variabile sulla prima. È evidente che
lo sperimentatore manipola, ossia fa variare a suo piacimento la variabile indipen-
dente, detta anche sperimentale, in quanto rappresenta l’oggetto di studio. Ad
esempio: può comporre la lista con 10 o 20 numeri e stabilire che la sua lunghez-
za produce effetti diversi;
³ la verifica dell’ipotesi (nel senso scientifico del termine): si passa a stabilire se la
variabile indipendente (l’apprendimento della lista di numeri) ha modificato la va-
riabile dipendente (il ricordo della lista di aggettivi appresi in precedenza). Infine,
è necessario che nessun altro elemento intervenga a modificare la variabile dipen-
dente, altrimenti non si può ritenere corretto l’esperimento e dunque il suo risultato.
Capitolo 2: Metodi e tecniche di analisi 21

Per esempio, se nel laboratorio c’è un sottofondo musicale, questo costituisce una
variabile di disturbo (tali variabili sono dette intervenienti), che può agire sulla
variabile dipendente e dunque essere la vera causa della modificazione di quest’ul-
tima. Ecco perché è indispensabile mantenere costante qualsiasi altro elemento.
Nell’ipotetico esperimento sull’inibizione mnestica retroattiva, una prima indagine,
detta qualitativa, può dimostrare una diminuzione della ritenzione nel primo compito
(la lista di aggettivi), superiore a quella prevedibile per il semplice intervallo di tempo
che intercorre tra la prova di apprendimento e quella di richiamo. Se desideriamo,
tuttavia, approfondire e quantificare tale risultato, dobbiamo appunto eseguire una
ricerca quantitativa. Vari sono i fattori che possiamo prendere in considerazione (per
esempio, la lunghezza della lista di aggettivi, la bontà dell’apprendimento). Si può
ragionevolmente prevedere che quanto più la lista è lunga (a parità di grado di ap-
prendimento), tanto peggio sarà ricordata nella fase finale e che, a parità di lunghez-
za, quanto meglio sarà appresa, tanto meglio sarà ricordata alla fine della prova.
Viene introdotta qui una distinzione tra indagine qualitativa e quantitativa. L’indagine
qualitativa rappresenta sempre la prima tappa di una ricerca sperimentale; essa ci
dice che c’è una variazione, ma non permette di stabilire da quale quantità della va-
riabile sperimentale dipende questa modificazione. Occorre allora passare ad un’in-
dagine quantitativa, ossia ad un’indagine in cui, da una parte si fa variare l’intensità
della variabile indipendente, per stabilire gli effetti prodotti da queste diverse quantità
e dall’altra si valuta anche il livello della stessa variabile dipendente (una lista compo-
sta da 10 aggettivi è diversa da una composta di 20). È qui che possiamo parlare di
misurazione vera e propria. Quando si entra in questa dimensione, occorre prendere
in considerazione molte cose e non solo riguardanti la variabile sperimentale.
Sintetizzando dunque, il fondamentale principio del metodo sperimentale può essere
così formulato: variare la (le) variabile (-i) indipendente (-i) per osservare e valutare le
modificazioni della (-e) variabile (-i) dipendente (-i). Per rendere questo possibile,
occorre tuttavia poter isolare la variabile indipendente, mantenendo costanti tutte le
altre variabili che possono entrare in gioco nella situazione sperimentale; si tratta di
una condizione necessaria per essere certi che le modificazioni della variabile dipen-
dente siano dovute alle manipolazioni della variabile indipendente (detta anche «va-
riabile sperimentale»).
L’ultimo punto consiste nello stabilire il modo per mantenere costanti le altre variabili.
Esistono a tal proposito due principali tecniche:
³ la neutralizzazione: si riferisce alla possibilità di tenere sotto controllo gli effetti
delle variabili intervenienti o addirittura di eliminarli;
³ la costruzione dei piani sperimentali: allude al fatto che invece di eliminare le
variabili intervenienti, le si fanno entrare nell’esperimento per studiare il loro peso.
Per esempio, in una prima fase, si studia l’effetto congiunto del sottofondo musi-
cale e della lista di numeri sulla ritenzione della lista di aggettivi. In questo caso si
prendono in considerazione gli effetti prodotti da un’interazione tra variabili indi-
pendenti. In una seconda fase si esaminano gli effetti delle singole variabili, per
stabilire il peso di ciascuna. Per esempio, ci si accorge che il sottofondo musicale
di per sé determina la dimenticanza di 6 aggettivi, mentre la lista di numeri da sola
ne produce la dimenticanza di 10. Si può concludere che la lista di numeri ha
comunque un peso maggiore nella dimenticanza degli aggettivi e, dunque, l’ipo-
tesi iniziale è confermata.
Le fonti delle variazioni, dalle quali occorre isolare la variabile indipendente, possono
essere sia nella situazione sia nel soggetto. Per situazione si intende l’ambiente fisico
22 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

e sociale in cui avviene l’esperimento, nonché il compito (materiale e consegne) che


il soggetto è invitato a svolgere. Mentre è abbastanza facile tenere costanti l’ambien-
te fisico e sociale, occorrono particolari accorgimenti per neutralizzare le possibili
variazioni nel compito. Le consegne che vengono impartite ai soggetti devono essere
uguali per tutti, sia nella loro formulazione esterna, sia nella comprensione. Di solito,
si eseguono delle prove preliminari per trovare una formulazione delle consegne che
obbedisca a tale criterio dell’uniformità. La consegna è un momento importante,
quello in cui il ricercatore comunica al gruppo il compito che deve svolgere. Si capisce
allora la necessità di un linguaggio chiaro e identico per tutti i soggetti dell’esperimen-
to (criterio dell’uniformità).
Un altro aspetto importante è l’uso, nella maggior parte degli esperimenti, di differen-
ti situazioni (successione di compiti diversi, suddivisi in parti tra loro dissimili ecc.). Il
soggetto, dopo aver reagito ad una situazione, non è più lo stesso: la prima reazione
può provocare un effetto di facilitazione (per esempio, con l’apprendimento), oppu-
re di inibizione. L’ordine di presentazione delle situazioni ha, quindi, una grande im-
portanza. Nell’esempio della inibizione mnestica, gli aggettivi della lista da imparare
costituiscono tante situazioni-stimolo, cui il soggetto deve associare una risposta
verbale corrispondente: le eventuali relazioni (semantiche, fonetiche, emotive ecc.) tra
i vari aggettivi possono costituire altrettanti fattori di facilitazione o di inibizione
dell’apprendimento (un aggettivo che ha un legame con il successivo può facilitarne
il ricordo). Lo sperimentatore può, spesso, neutralizzare l’effetto derivante dall’ordine
di presentazione delle situazioni (quando, naturalmente, tale ordine non sia una varia-
bile), utilizzando uno dei due metodi seguenti:
³ la rotazione: si fa corrispondere ad un ordine dato l’ordine inverso (per esempio,
se si hanno due stimoli S1 e S2 li si può presentare diverse volte di seguito in un
ordine alternato S1 S2 e S2 S1... );
³ la presentazione a caso: l’ordine è variato a caso da una presentazione all’altra
(la lista di aggettivi del nostro esempio, presentata più volte per la memorizzazione,
sarà ogni volta in un ordine diverso, casuale).
Si noti la complessità implicita di ogni esperimento. In effetti, non è indifferente se met-
to prima un aggettivo o un altro. Allora, per poter essere certo del risultato, devo fare
in modo di valutare le diverse possibilità. Solo questo mi permette di considerare valido
l’esperimento. Quando però le modificazioni introdotte dalle variazioni nelle situazioni
sono troppo importanti e, in certa misura, irreversibili, questi due metodi non sono più
sufficienti. L’unica soluzione, in questo caso, è quella di fare appello a due o più grup-
pi di soggetti. Nell’esempio fatto, l’ipotesi della ricerca era, come si è detto, che l’ap-
prendimento di un nuovo materiale, di qualsiasi natura, tende a cancellare o a diminu-
ire il ricordo di materiale appreso precedentemente: una possibile fonte di variazione
può derivare da fattori generali presenti nel periodo di tempo che trascorre tra il primo
apprendimento e il momento in cui si fa la valutazione della diminuzione del ricordo,
dopo l’apprendimento del secondo materiale. Se si considera la situazione come l’in-
sieme del materiale da apprendere, non si può evidentemente sottoporre uno stesso
soggetto a due situazioni diverse: una in cui egli apprende il secondo materiale, l’altra
in cui non apprende il secondo materiale e viene ugualmente sottoposto alla valutazio-
ne finale dopo un periodo di tempo uguale a quello trascorso nell’apprendimento del
secondo materiale. Bisogna sottoporre queste due situazioni a soggetti distinti e, quin-
di, ricorrere a due gruppi di soggetti equivalenti sotto ogni aspetto, tranne che per le
diverse situazioni a cui vengono sottoposti: di solito il primo gruppo viene denominato
gruppo sperimentale, mentre il secondo gruppo di controllo.
Capitolo 2: Metodi e tecniche di analisi 23

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24 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 2: Metodi e tecniche di analisi 25

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26 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 2: Metodi e tecniche di analisi 27

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Capitolo 3: Fondamenti anatomo-fisiologici dell’attività psichica 35

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1. La percezione: definizione e teorie


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Capitolo 5
Processi di apprendimento e struttura della memoria
Sommario
1. L’apprendimento: definizioni e concetto. - 2. L’ipotesi comportamentista.
3. Modalità e forme dell’apprendimento. - 4. L’apprendimento verbale.
5. La facoltà mnestica. - 6. Struttura della memoria.

1. L’apprendimento: definizioni e concetto


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2. L’ipotesi comportamentista
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56 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 5: Processi di apprendimento e struttura della memoria 57

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58 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 5: Processi di apprendimento e struttura della memoria 59

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60 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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I meccanismi di difesa
Si tratta di strategie, più o meno coscienti, che costringono l’individuo a organizzare
in maniera più o meno rigida il suo ambito percettivo e cognitivo. La persona è co-
sciente del proprio pensiero e degli sforzi per far apparire logiche le proprie convin-
zioni: ne soffre, ma non riesce a evitarlo volontariamente. Questo tipo di pensiero è
caratteristico di molti disturbi psichiatrici: A) nevrosi d’ansia: si vive una condizione
di paura continua e immotivata, talvolta con un’importante componente somatica
(palpitazioni, tremore, nausea, attacchi di panico). A volte il soggetto mette in atto
condotte di compenso (iperattività, controllo) che mascherano la sua condizione; B)
nevrosi fobica: esistono tre gruppi principali: fobie semplici (le paure vengono rivolte
ad un oggetto o situazione: insetti, sporcizia, altezze), agorafobia e fobie sociali; C)
nevrosi ipocondriaca: si concentrano le paure sul proprio corpo, con sintomi a cari-
co di organi o apparati, spesso non riscontrabili obiettivamente, ma non per questo
meno reali per il soggetto; D) nevrosi isterica: un tempo ritenuta peculiare del sesso
femminile, viene oggi fatta rientrare nei disturbi dissociativi, somatoformi e nel disturbo
istrionico di personalità. Anche in questo caso possono manifestarsi sintomi somatici,
accompagnati a una certa teatralità nelle manifestazioni, a distacco emotivo dalla
sintomatologia, a disturbi della coscienza, come fughe o amnesie; E) nevrosi depres-
siva: il pensiero è rallentato e orientato verso l’apatia, la colpa e il pessimismo; F)
nevrosi ossessivo-compulsiva: si manifestano ossessioni, cioè pensieri, immagini,
impulsi (poter dire o fare qualcosa di non voluto), contro i quali vengono messe in atto
delle compulsioni, cioè comportamenti rivolti a evitare l’ossessione e ridurre la tensio-
ne. Particolarmente frequenti solo le ossessioni e le compulsioni di controllo o di
pulizia.
74 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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76 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Le sette forme di
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Capitolo 7
Motivazione ed emozione
Sommario
1. Genesi del comportamento motivato. - 2. Teorie sulla motivazione.
3. L’emozione. - 4. Sfera emotiva e sfera della coscienza.

1. Genesi del comportamento motivato


A) Definizioni e campi di studio
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Capitolo 7: Motivazione ed emozione 79

B) Livelli della motivazione


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80 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

C) La «piramide» di Maslow
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2. Teorie sulla motivazione


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Capitolo 7: Motivazione ed emozione 81

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86 Parte I: Temi e sviluppi della psicologia scientifica

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Capitolo 1
Introduzione alla psicologia della personalità
Sommario
1. Definizioni preliminari. - 2. Origini storiche della psicologia della personalità.

1. Definizioni preliminari
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2. Origini storiche della psicologia della personalità


A) Dalla cultura greca alla modernità
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94 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

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Cosa sostiene l’evoluzionismo darwiniano?


Da un punto di vista biologico, secondo le ipotesi del naturalista inglese Charles
Darwin (1809-1882), le variazioni ambientali e l’accrescimento numerico degli indivi-
dui di una stessa specie determinano per gli organismi viventi costanti problemi di
adattamento. La resistenza a tali variazioni, e dunque il processo di adattamento
stesso, è garantita soltanto per gli organismi che presentano, nella loro organizzazio-
ne biologica e nelle loro funzioni, alcune variazioni genetiche in grado di renderli
compatibili con le nuove condizioni: gli altri, inesorabilmente, si estinguono. Nei so-
pravvissuti, i nuovi caratteri — una volta stabilizzati — si trasmettono per via eredi-
taria. Acquisiti in modo irreversibile, questi caratteri determinano una trasformazione
tanto radicale da rappresentare una mutazione della specie. A questo processo
Capitolo 1: Introduzione alla psicologia della personalità 95

Darwin dà il nome di selezione naturale: l’ambiente funziona come un elemento di


pressione selettiva che tende a generare una specifica lotta per l’esistenza.
Nella teoria evoluzionista questa «lotta» acquista un aspetto positivo e creativo, oltre
a quello negativo di elemento che produce l’estinzione delle specie più deboli: gli
individui che hanno caratteri favorevoli alla sopravvivenza sono favoriti anche riguardo
alla riproduzione. Solo i più adattabili all’ambiente trasmetteranno i loro caratteri ai
discendenti. Centrale è a questo proposito la teoria delle variazioni fortuite: le diffe-
renze, anche quelle che si riveleranno vantaggiose e che quindi verranno conservate,
si generano casualmente.
Viene in questo modo contestato alla radice il finalismo evoluzionistico del più importan-
te predecessore di Darwin, il francese Jean Baptiste Lamarck (1744-1829), che aveva
postulato una rigida influenza dell’ambiente sull’individuo (principio secondo cui «la
funzione crea l’organo»). Nella teoria darwiniana entra invece prepotentemente l’idea
che una totale casualità (ad esempio l’azione meccanica del clima e del tempo) domi-
ni i destini delle specie e le stesse mutazioni genetiche. Su tali basi, l’altra ipotesi inno-
vativa, confermata dalla successiva genetica del Novecento, riguarda proprio l’eredita-
rietà dei caratteri. Questa teoria, secondo cui ogni specie superiore discende, nel
corso di un arco temporale lunghissimo, da una forma meno organizzata, mette in
crisi una serie di paradigmi tradizionali — tra cui l’idea di creazione, quella di un disegno
divino nella natura, il postulato della fissità delle specie — e riformula totalmente il pro-
blema della presunta collocazione «privilegiata» dell’essere umano nella natura.

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Capitolo 2
Teorie dinamiche della personalità
Sommario
1. La psicoanalisi freudiana. - 2. Gli sviluppi della psicoanalisi post-freudiana.
3. La psicologia individuale di Adler. - 4. La psicologia analitica di Jung.
5. L’orientamento strutturalista: Lacan. - 6. La psicoanalisi dell’Io.
7. Psicoanalisi delle relazioni oggettuali. - 8. La psicoanalisi del Sé.

1. La psicoanalisi freudiana
A) Definizioni generali
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Breve storia del concetto di inconscio prima di Freud


Nella sua accezione più vasta il termine «inconscio» può essere utilizzato in relazione
a parti o processi della mente permanentemente o momentaneamente inaccessibili
alla consapevolezza. Più specificamente sono distinguibili due accezioni del termine,
che nella storia della psicologia in senso lato si sono ora radicalmente differenziate,
ora riavvicinate, ora addirittura sovrapposte. Da un lato l’inconscio appare come una
sorta di intelligenza ausiliaria irrazionale, occulta, dotata di sue proprie regole proces-
suali e produttive, e di una propria simbologia di difficile decifrazione. Dall’altro lato
l’inconscio può essere inteso come l’ambito neutrale di forme di attività psichica irri-
flessa e di elaborazione non consapevole (memoria a breve termine, meccanismi
subliminali, risposte automatiche ecc.). Secondo i recenti modelli dell’attività cerebra-
le, in effetti, questa si distribuirebbe attraverso numerosi sottosistemi specializzati,
nessuno dei quali sarebbe conscio, e che non farebbero capo a nessun luogo «cen-
trale» del cervello in cui si ricomporrebbe un’esperienza conscia attraverso la fusione
dei vari processi. L’identità conscia sarebbe allora una sorta di effetto di superficie di
molteplici processi inconsci non riconducibili ad unità, un’onda sul mare dell’inconscio.
Per John Locke (1632-1704) la mente può essere completamente rivelata dall’attività
introspettiva (Saggio sull’intelletto umano, 1690). L’analisi interiore può chiarire ogni
aspetto del funzionamento mentale, proprio come l’analisi dei meccanismi di un orolo-
gio ne chiarisce il funzionamento senza alcuna oscurità. Leibniz assume una posizione
critica nei confronti di Locke. Nei postumi Nuovi saggi sull’intelletto umano (1765) Lei-
bniz considera la mente come unione di parti consce e inconsce, non operando una
distinzione assoluta tra consapevolezza e attività psichiche inconsapevoli, ma ipotiz-
zando una sorta di continuum della coscienza. Le appercezioni (rappresentazioni
98 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

mentali chiare e distinte) costituiscono l’estremo positivo, per così dire, del continuum
digradante della consapevolezza, seguono le percezioni e quindi le piccole percezio-
ni, che in ragione della loro eccessiva invarianza o numerosità o per il loro carattere
infinitesimale si realizzano al di fuori della sfera consapevole. Non necessariamente le
piccole percezioni rimangono inconsce. Esse possono, talvolta, divenire consapevoli
attraverso la focalizzazione dell’attenzione (ad esempio prestando attenzione ad un
rumore prima ignorato, benché presente). Leibniz attribuisce alle piccole percezioni un
ruolo determinante. Secondo una metafora prettamente illuministica, esse, come molle,
assicurano e distribuiscono il funzionamento del meccanismo psichico umano. Lo
stesso senso dell’identità del soggetto deriva da un substrato di memorie inconsce, di
piccole percezioni, talvolta destinate a rimanere per sempre ai margini della consape-
volezza, e tuttavia, come «stimoli insensibili», in grado di influenzare le scelte e il
comportamento dell’individuo senza che egli ne sia cosciente.
Nel XIX secolo sembra prevalere in Europa la prima accezione del termine inconscio.
Per la riflessione estetica tardoromantica e decadente, e per la filosofia che di essa
rappresenta il nucleo teorico iniziale o la successiva rielaborazione, l’inconscio rap-
presenta un serbatoio oscuro di simboli, presagi e ricordi inesprimibili nella lingua
della coscienza, uno scrigno di allegorie immemoriali, preziosi geroglifici, immagini
oniriche e fantasmi, che permettono al soggetto di decifrare il lato più segreto e al
contempo essenziale, il senso e il non senso, non solo della propria anima, ma, in via
analogica, della natura stessa.
In una prospettiva differente, Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) sviluppa una meta-
fisica al cui centro c’è il concetto di volontà, che anticipa un’interpretazione dei pro-
cessi inconsci che possiede molti punti di contatto cone le teorizzazione della succes-
siva psicoanalisi freudiana (Il mondo come volontà e rappresentazione, 1818). La
volontà è infatti per Schopenhauer l’essenza noumenica di ogni cosa, dal più insigni-
ficante oggetto inanimato sino alla creatura più complessa. Una volontà irrazionale,
inconscia, al di qua delle forme, eternamente avida di nuove forme e perciò eterna-
mente dolente, si individua nelle rappresentazioni che essa stessa produce e distrug-
ge. Tutto ciò che è, è illusione, apparenza, velo e rappresentazione di una volontà
priva di consapevolezza, che ciecamente si modula attraverso sempre nuove confi-
gurazioni. In un certo senso la volontà è una sorta di inconscio metafisico (atempora-
le, impersonale, non razionale), e il mondo che appare non è altro che il suo sogno.
Anche l’uomo è solo una delle tante rappresentazioni. Una rappresentazione estrema
in grado di rappresentarsi a sua volta il mondo e la natura, sino al vertice della rap-
presentazione concettuale operata dalla filosofia. La via d’accesso all’essenza del
mondo, al noumeno in quanto volontà, eccede però sempre l’ambito della rappresen-
tazione. Ciascuno può cogliere in sé la volontà, ciascuno può sentire operare in sé
quella volontà che innerva ogni cosa essendone la condizione. Si tratta però di una
conoscenza non solo inesprimibile, ma anche parziale, legata al soggetto ed al ples-
so di interessi ed affetti che definiscono la sua vita particolare in quanto rappresenta-
zione specifica.
Nella Filosofia dell’inconscio (1869), Eduard von Hartmann (1842-1906) riprende
molti dei temi schopenhaueriani. Anche in Hartmann l’inconscio diviene un principio
metafisico che innerva tutti i fenomeni. Viene però accentuato l’aspetto finalistico e
antropomorfico dell’inconsciente. Hartmann era allievo di Karl Gustav Carus (1789-
1869), autore dell’allora celebre volume Psyche (1846), primo tentativo di articolare
una teoria esauriente della vita mentale inconscia. Carus aveva proclamato l’autonomia
della sfera inconscia rispetto alle altre esperienze psichiche. Per Carus l’inconscio ha
sue proprie leggi, è in continua trasformazione ed è inesauribile (non necessita di
Capitolo 2: Teorie dinamiche della personalità 99

periodi di riposo). Rappresenta inoltre una sorta di deposito delle esperienze più
rappresentative dell’umanità. Carus aveva distinto tre differenti livelli dell’inconscio in
base al grado di accessibilità. Analogamente Hartmann descrive differenti livelli dell’in-
conscio, dall’inconscio assoluto sino all’inconscio psicologico, in quanto fondamento
della coscienza individuale.
La rielaborazione più geniale e complessa della filosofia schopenhaueriana viene
realizzata da Friedrich Nietzsche(1844-1900). In effetti tutta la sua opera è incen-
trata sul tema dell’inconscio, dell’irrazionale, del rapporto la tra l’unità della soggetti-
vità cosciente e la molteplicità di quelle forze profonde, inconsapevoli e irriducibili
che la rendono possibile in superficie (La gaia scienza, Crepuscolo degli idoli, Ge-
nealogia della Morale, La volontà di potenza). Nella Nascita della tragedia (1871) il
tema dell’inconscio emerge con estrema forza. Il problema classico della spiegazio-
ne dell’origine della tragedia greca viene colto da Nietzsche come un’occasione
esemplare per riflettere sul problema più generale del rapporto tra la dimensione
«dionisiaca», impersonale, irrazionale, inconscia, e quella «apollinea» della sogget-
tività definita, della forma compiuta, dell’individuazione. Se il senso della tragedia
greca può intendersi come una miracolosa, irripetibile compenetrazione dei due
aspetti attraverso la mediazione del coro, che funge quasi da proiettore di immagini
sulla scena, e instaura una sorta di distanza estetica tra spettatori e azione tragica,
per molti versi le pagine più attuali del libro rimangono quelle dedicate all’ebbrezza
dionisiaca e all’esaltazione della forza lato sensu creativa, irrazionale dell’inconscio.
Nietzsche lascia, infatti, intendere come dietro ogni forma compiuta e razionale sia
da scorgere l’azione di una forza inconscia e irrazionale, e come l’unità della bella
apparenza e la coerenza formale siano possibili solo a prezzo di un’ardua lotta con
il caos dionisiaco dell’inconscio.

B) Freud: cenni biografici


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100 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

C) La nascita della psicoanalisi e il concetto di inconscio


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Capitolo 2: Teorie dinamiche della personalità 101

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E) Teoria della sessualità infantile


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102 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

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4. La psicologia analitica di Jung


A) Jung e Freud: dall’inconscio collettivo al processo di individuazione
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B) Il processo di individuazione
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5. L’orientamento strutturalista: Lacan


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Capitolo 2: Teorie dinamiche della personalità 127

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Capitolo 2: Teorie dinamiche della personalità 129

Il concetto di «organizzazione borderline di personalità»


Kernberg, con questa espressione, circoscrive un gruppo di pazienti, con diversi di-
sturbi di personalità, accomunati da alcune specifiche caratteristiche (debolezza dell’Io,
relazioni oggettuali problematiche, uso di meccanismi di difesa primitivi). Tra i mecca-
nismi di difesa maggiormente utilizzati dai soggetti di «area borderline» vi sono la
scissione e l’identificazione proiettiva, tramite i quali sezioni scisse del Sé o dell’og-
getto vengono proiettate sugli altri per controllarli.
All’interno dell’organizzazione borderline, Kernberg include diversi disturbi quali,
appunto, il borderline, lo schizoide, lo schizotipico, il paranoide, il narcisistico, l’ipo-
condriaco, l’antisociale ecc. Si tratta di disturbi che generano disfunzioni nelle rela-
zioni interpersonali, diffusione di identità, problemi nelle relazioni intime e nei
rapporti lavorativi. Kernberg propone una sistematizzazione dei disturbi di persona-
lità che integra la diagnosi categoriale del DSM-IV (cfr. infra, Sezione Sesta, Capitolo
Quarto) con la diagnosi evolutiva di stampo più prettamente psicoanalitico.
Capitolo 3
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Sommario
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Capitolo 3: Dimensione fenomenologica e approccio umanistico 137

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C) L’analisi esistenziale di Binswanger


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138 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

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Capitolo 3: Dimensione fenomenologica e approccio umanistico 139

5. L’orientamento umanistico
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A) Personalità e autorealizzazione: Rogers
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140 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

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La psicologia organismica
Il modello teorico-clinico noto come «psicoterapia organismica» è stato formulato
dallo psicologo americano Malcolm Brown assieme alla moglie Katherine Ennis,
dell’Organismic Psychotherapy Training Institute di Atlanta (USA), nel corso della sua
attività professionale e di ricerca. I presupposti epistemologici di questo modello sono
ravvisabili nel pensiero di varie correnti della psicologia umanistica ed olistica, un
movimento sviluppatosi nella prima metà del Novecento in contrapposizione alle con-
cezioni meccanicistiche ed associazionistiche. La psicoterapia organismica si colloca
nel filone delle terapie a mediazione corporea, assumendo come principale paradig-
ma di riferimento la teoria organismica e olistica del neuropsichiatra statunitense di
origine tedesca Kurt Goldstein (1878-1965), dal cui libro The Organism. A Holistic
Approach to Biology Derived from Pathological Data (1936) prende il nome. La man-
cata traduzione italiana dell’opera principale di Goldstein e la scarsa diffusione delle
sue idee in Europa, fatta eccezione per gli studi neuropsicologici sul pensiero concre-
to ed astratto nei pazienti cerebrolesi, hanno costituito un limite per l’adozione della
teoria organismica come modello di riferimento per le osservazioni cliniche ed hanno
inizialmente reso difficoltoso il confronto con le altre scuole psicoterapiche, comprese
quelle ad orientamento corporeo ispirate all’opera di Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957).
Brown adotta una concezione multidimensionale del Sé, introducendo quattro po-
larità psicodinamiche strettamente legate al vissuto corporeo che definisce, con un
lessico mutuato dalla psicologia esistenzialista europea e dagli scritti di Binswanger
«centri ontologici dell’Essere». Questi possiedono in uguale misura uno statuto
metapsicologico, in quanto regolatori della dinamica energetica dell’organismo, e
psicologico, quali attivatori di significati, immagini archetipiche e modelli di interazio-
ne: esprimono il tentativo di ancorare nella dimensione «incarnata» della corporeità i
fondamenti strutturali del Sé nucleare.
L’attività psichica, se disconnessa dalla totalità organismica, assume, secondo Brown,
i connotati di una «mente-cervello» a carattere essenzialmente compulsivo che ri-
chiama alcuni concetti di Winnicott e di Fairbairn. Definita anche con l’espressione
«circuiti cortico-spinali chiusi», la «mente-cervello» di Brown rappresenta un’attivi-
tà psichica a carattere inibitorio, conseguente alla frammentazione organismica, che
impedisce il libero fluire dell’energia nel sistema e che, ostacolando la consapevolez-
za dei bisogni emotivi primari del Sé (di natura relazionale), dà luogo alla formazione
della «corazza carattero-muscolare», locuzione con cui già Reich descriveva una
modalità difensiva costante dell’Io finalizzata a contenere l’angoscia, una sorta di
schermo somato-psichico protettivo nei confronti degli stimoli esterni ed interni.
La terminologia organismica di Brown fa riferimento sia alla tradizione umanistica
(Maslow, Rogers) ed esistenzialista (Binswanger, Boss), sia alla scuola reichiana,
impiegando costrutti di elevato livello di astrazione.

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Capitolo 3: Dimensione fenomenologica e approccio umanistico 141

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FRQÁLWWL/·HPSDWLDUDSSUHVHQWDLOPH]]RFKHSHUPHWWHDOWHUDSHXWDGLDLXWDUHLOSD]LHQWHDYLYH
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B) La teoria della motivazione umana: Maslow

$OFHQWURGHOORVWXGLRGHOODSHUVRQDOLWjFRQVL
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WLYHQRQSUHGHWHUPLQDWHELRORJLFDPHQWH,ELVRJQLQRQVHPSUHVRQRFRQQHVVLGLUHWWDPHQWHDOOH
SXOVLRQLHVRSUDWWXWWRQRQVLOLPLWDQRDOODVIHUDELRORJLFRLVWLQWXDOH(VLVWHLQIDWWLXQDDUWLFRODWD
©JHUDUFKLDªGHLELVRJQLVWHVVLFKHVLVLWXDDOODEDVHGHLSURFHVVLGL©PRWLYD]LRQHªHFKHDLOL
YHOOLDOWLJHQHUDFRPSOHVVLSHUFRUVLGL©DXWRUHDOL]]D]LRQHªGHO6p

$TXHVWRSURSRVLWRO·DXWRUHLQXQDLQWHUHVVDQWHVFKHPDWL]]D]LRQH QRWDFRPH
©SLUDPLGHGL0DVORZª GLVWLQJXHFLQTXHWLSLGLELVRJQLIRQGDPHQWDOL
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TXHOOLLOFXLOLYHOORGLLQWHQVLWjqSLHOHYDWRDOODQDVFLWDHQHOSHULRGRGL
VYLOXSSRLPPHGLDWDPHQWHVXFFHVVLYR
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142 Parte II: La personalità: modelli, approcci, teorie

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B) L’approccio fattoriale di Raymond Cattell


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La svolta cognitivista
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3. Prospettive attuali sul concetto di motivazione. - 4. I sistemi motivazionali di McClelland.
5. L’azione sociale e la sua dinamica: Atkinson. - 6. Il modello della social cognition.
7. L’apprendimento cognitivo-sociale di Mischel

1. La teoria del campo di Lewin


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2. La teoria dei costrutti personali di Kelly


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Capitolo 6: La svolta cognitivista 161

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3. Prospettive attuali sul concetto di motivazione


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4. I sistemi motivazionali di McClelland


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5. L’azione sociale e la sua dinamica: Atkinson


A) Tendenze motivazionali
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Capitolo 1
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1. Concetto e storia della psicologia dello sviluppo. - 2. La teoria dello sviluppo cognitivo di Piaget.
3. Ambiente e sviluppo: Vygotskij. - 4. Etologia e attaccamento: Bowlby

1. Concetto e storia della psicologia dello sviluppo


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2. La teoria dello sviluppo cognitivo di Piaget


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Uno dei campi di studio in cui emerge maggiormente la differenza teorica tra Piaget
e Vygotskij riguarda l’origine e il significato cognitivo del linguaggio umano. Secondo
Piaget nelle prime fasi dello sviluppo infantile il pensiero è «autistico», ossia non
comunicabile e non rispondente alla realtà. Nelle fasi successive il pensiero diventa
«egocentrico», per cui il bambino non concepisce punti di vista diversi dal proprio e
anche il linguaggio è egocentrico e non aperto alla comunicazione interpersonale. Il
linguaggio egocentrico scompare progressivamente a mano a mano che il pensiero
diventa più completo e si razionalizza. Per Vygotskij il rapporto tra pensiero e linguag-
gio è inverso: il bambino è fin dalle prime fasi di sviluppo immerso in relazioni inter-
personali. Il primo linguaggio è soprattutto sociale e riesce ad esprimere emozioni e
affetti. La funzione interpsichica del linguaggio precede, dunque, quella intrapsichica.
Solo in seguito, con il processo di interiorizzazione, il linguaggio diventa uno strumen-
to del pensiero contribuendo alla strutturazione dei processi mentali. Quando il pro-
cesso di interiorizzazione è completato, il linguaggio diventa interiore: è una forma di
pensiero che si struttura utilizzando le regole della lingua, le parole e i loro significati.
Per un approfondimento del dibattito e dei suoi esiti generali al livello psicolinguistico,
cfr. infra, Sezione Quarta, Capitolo Terzo.

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2. Crescita e sviluppo pre e postnatale


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e neonatale
Capitolo 3
L’evoluzione della funzione percettiva
Sommario
1. Il processo percettivo. - 2. Ipotesi sullo sviluppo della funzione percettiva.
3. La percezione dall’età neonatale all’età della fanciullezza.

1. Il processo percettivo
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2. Ipotesi sullo sviluppo della funzione percettiva


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A) La teoria della Gestalt


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E) La teoria della differenziazione percettiva


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3. La percezione dall’età neonatale all’età della fanciullezza


A) La percezione nella vita intrauterina
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Capitolo 4
La dimensione sociale dello sviluppo dell’individuo
Sommario
1. Quadro teorico e concettuale. - 2. Lo sviluppo sociale e le sue tappe.

1. Quadro teorico e concettuale


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1. Una nuova scienza del linguaggio


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Il linguaggio degli scimpanzé


Negli ultimi decenni sono state svolte numerose ricerche per tentare di insegnare il
linguaggio alle scimmie antropomorfe (scimpanzé e gorilla). I risultati sono stati
controversi e non conclusivi. Si è constatato che alcuni primati non umani (in parti-
colare gli scimpanzé pigmei), se opportunamente addestrati, sono in grado di ap-
prendere un vocabolario di qualche centinaio di parole e di produrre frasi sintattica-
mente semplici, che quasi mai superano le tre parole di lunghezza.
Sebbene questi esperimenti non permettano di trarre conclusioni definitive sulle ca-
pacità linguistiche delle scimmie antropomorfe, tuttavia mostrano chiaramente che
esiste un’enorme differenza con le capacità umane, che permettono ad un bambino
di sei anni, senza addestramento particolare, di conoscere un vocabolario di circa
14.000 parole e di formare in maniera creativa strutture sintattiche di una complessità
irraggiungibile per qualsiasi animale non umano.

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Capitolo 3: Linguaggio e pensiero 233

2. Linguaggio ed esperienza percettiva


A) Il lessico dei colori
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La percezione dei colori


Il colore viene percepito quando il sistema visivo umano interpreta certi aspetti delle
proprietà fisiche della luce. Gli psicologi della percezione lo descrivono in base a tre
variabili: la tonalità (che corrisponde alla lunghezza d’onda dominante nella luce e
dunque ad una certa frequenza della radiazione); la chiarezza o luminosità (che di-
pende dall’intensità dell’energia radiante, sicché ogni tonalità può variare dal bianco
al nero, passando attraverso le sue gradazioni chiare, medie e scure); la saturazione
(il grado di vividezza di una tonalità, che dipende dalla purezza della luce, cioè dalla
perspicuità della lunghezza d’onda dominante; misura di quanto un certo colore dista
dal grigio). Non vi è prova che le popolazioni umane presentino differenze nella fisio-
logia del sistema visivo.

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234 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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La categorizzazione
In psicologia cognitiva la categorizzazione è il processo mentale, o l’insieme dei pro-
cessi mentali, che presiedono alla formazione di classi di oggetti, di eventi ecc.,
trasformando il «continuo» dell’esperienza in una serie di entità mentali «discrete».
Queste sono strutture conoscitive o insiemi significativi, organizzati e relativamente
stabili, di aspetti della nostra esperienza, che ci servono in primo luogo ad ordinare
l’esperienza stessa, a memorizzare e riconoscere (spesso anche, ma non necessa-
riamente, attraverso nomi) i dati che si presentano o ripresentano.

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I deittici
Si chiamano deittici tutti quegli elementi linguistici che fanno riferimento a colui che
parla e alla sua collocazione spaziale e temporale. Parole come qua, là, laggiù, ora,
ieri, oggi, questo, quello e pronomi personali come io, tu ecc. sono interpretabili solo
se si conosce la situazione in cui sono usati (in semiotica questa viene chiamata la
situazione enunciativa o contesto). Il pronome personale io è un deittico tipico, che
designa “colui che emette l’enunciato” e, dunque, si riferisce ad una persona diversa
a seconda di chi parla. Ugualmente qua si riferisce al luogo in cui si trova l’io che par-
r
la, mentre ora si riferisce al momento in cui l’enunciato viene prodotto. Sono deittici
anche i verbi andare e venire. Se, per esempio, ascolto qualcuno dire «Tizio sta venen-
do a scuola», so che colui che parla si trova a scuola, mentre se egli dice «Tizio sta
andando a scuola» so che non vi si trova. I deittici sono chiamati anche ‘indicali’ (il
termine deriva infatti dal greco deíknymi che significa «indicare», «mostrare»), poiché
il modo in cui si riferiscono può essere considerato analogo al gesto dell’indicare.
Capitolo 3: Linguaggio e pensiero 239

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240 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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I fondamenti biologici del linguaggio e le patologie
Sommario
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4. Patologie del linguaggio scritto: dislessie e disgrafie.

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Capitolo 4: I fondamenti biololgici del linguaggio e le patologie 245

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248 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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E) La genesi della lateralizzazione del linguaggio nel cervello


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2. Fisiologia del linguaggio


A) Fonetica e fonologia
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Capitolo 4: I fondamenti biololgici del linguaggio e le patologie 249

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I suoni del linguaggio
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HVVHUHXQDSDURODLWDOLDQDPDLQVORYHQRqLOQRPHGHOODFLWWjGL7ULHVWH 

I sistemi di trascrizione fonetica e fonemica


Alla distinzione tra fonetica e fonologia corrispondono due diversi sistemi di trascrizio-
ne dei suoni del linguaggio che vengono usati in linguistica: in quello fonemico, che
è più astratto poiché tralascia i tratti che non sono distintivi nella lingua, i simboli foni-
ci vengono racchiusi tra barre oblique (ad esempio /r/); in quello fonetico, che viene
usato per rappresentare aspetti più dettagliati della pronuncia, i simboli sono racchiu-
si tra parentesi quadre (ad esempio [R]). Il doppio sistema di trascrizione mostra la
sua utilità particolarmente quando si tratta di distinguere un fonema dai suoi allofoni.
Così, ad esempio, possiamo distinguere il fonema giapponese /r/ dai suoi allofoni (le
sue concrete realizzazioni) come [r] o [l]. Per quel che riguarda i simboli fonici utiliz-
250 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

zati, entrambi i tipi di trascrizione di solito fanno uso dei simboli dell’Alfabeto Fonetico
Internazionale. Un efficiente sistema di trascrizione dei suoni linguistici, infatti, dovreb-
be basarsi su una corrispondenza biunivoca tra suono e simbolo. Tale caratteristica
però manca nei sistemi ortografici delle lingue naturali (si pensi, ad esempio, alla
differente pronuncia della stessa lettera F nella parola «cucire», per non parlare dell’in-
glese che presenta delle anomalie ancora maggiori dell’italiano); i linguisti quindi
hanno messo a punto degli alfabeti fonetici, che associano ogni suono ad un simbolo
diverso o ad una diversa combinazioni di simboli. L’Alfabeto Fonetico Internazionale
(noto come IPA = International Phonetic Alphabet) è quello più usato.

B) I suoni e il sistema uditivo


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Capitolo 4: I fondamenti biololgici del linguaggio e le patologie 251

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C) Il sistema fonatorio
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La fonazione
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ODWXUDFKHUHJRODLPRYLPHQWLGHOODOLQJXDHGHOOHODEEUDQHJOLXRPLQLqPROWR
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IDWWLQHOO·XRPRGDROWUHFHQWRPXVFROLDWWUDYHUVRLTXDOLJOLHVVHULXPDQLVRQR
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252 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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JOHVHQRQqFRQVLGHUDWDXQDFRQVRQDQWH 
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Capitolo 4: I fondamenti biololgici del linguaggio e le patologie 253

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PROWLWUDWWLGLVWLQWLYLLQFRPXQH FRPHQDHPD SLXWWRVWRFKHGXHFKHQH
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3. Patologie del linguaggio orale: le afasie


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Capitolo 4: I fondamenti biololgici del linguaggio e le patologie 255

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256 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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Neuropsicologia cognitiva
La neuropsicologia cognitiva studia gli effetti delle lesioni cerebrali sui processi co-
gnitivi come il linguaggio, la percezione, l’attenzione e la memoria. La ricerca viene
condotta principalmente su soggetti che hanno subito un danno cerebrovascolare,
sono affetti da un tumore cerebrale o da qualche altra forma di lesione al cervello. I
suoi obiettivi sono soprattutto: a) spiegare le capacità danneggiate e quelle rimaste
integre dei cerebrolesi in base al danno ad una o più componenti fra quelle ipotizza-
te da una teoria o da un modello del funzionamento cognitivo normale; b) arrivare a
delle conclusioni sull’organizzazione del sistema cognitivo nel cervello normale. La
neuropsicologia cognitiva si basa su alcuni assunti fondamentali: a) che la mente sia
un sistema di elaborazione composto da numerosi diversi componenti semi-indipen-
dendenti, detti moduli, che possono essere danneggiati selettivamente; b) che le
capacità intatte e quelle compromesse esibite dai pazienti forniscano una sorta di
guida per comprendere il tipo di deficitt sottostante; c) che i moduli possano andare
perduti a causa di una lesione cerebrale e non se ne possano sviluppare altri nel
cervello degli adulti.

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4. Patologie del linguaggio scritto: dislessie e disgrafie


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Capitolo 4: I fondamenti biololgici del linguaggio e le patologie 257

A) La dislessia acquisita
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258 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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B) La dislessia evolutiva
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260 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

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Capitolo 5
La grammatica generativo-trasformazionale
Sommario
1. La sintassi. - 2. La realtà psicologica della grammatica.
3. L’elaborazione sintattica.

1. La sintassi
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La grammatica
Il termine “grammatica” nel linguaggio quotidiano ha vari significati; di solito con esso
si intende una teoria prescrittiva, cioè una serie di regole su come le persone istruite
“dovrebbero” parlare e scrivere. In linguistica, però, una grammatica è una teoria
descrittiva, cioè un insieme di regole che descrivono una certa lingua o, nel caso
della grammatica universale, qualsiasi lingua. Compito di una grammatica è descri-
vere tutte le frasi possibili in una lingua (cioè grammaticali), distinguendole dalle
sequenze di parole illegittime (ossia non grammaticali). Nella linguistica chomskiana,
in particolare, una grammatica può essere considerata come un meccanismo capa-
ce di generare tutte e soltanto le frasi grammaticali di una lingua.
Inoltre, secondo Chomsky, una grammatica deve essere in grado di generare un nu-
mero potenzialmente infinito di frasi nuove, a partire da un vocabolario finito e da un
insieme finito di regole, deve cioè permettere di “fare un uso infinito di mezzi finiti”.
Questo è possibile perché i parlanti di una lingua, pur conoscendo un numero finito
di parole (il lessico) e un numero finito di regole (la sintassi), possono applicare e ri-
applicare queste regole un numero indefinito di volte (in virtù della proprietà che i
262 Parte IV: Il linguaggio: teorie, modelli, ricerche

matematici e i linguisti chiamano “ricorsività”), per formare un numero illimitato di


combinazioni nuove, cioè frasi mai sentite o prodotte in precedenza. Dal punto di vista
della psicolinguistica, l’idea di creatività del linguaggio messa in evidenza in tal modo
da Chomsky è stata di grandissima importanza. Essa ha, infatti, messo fuori gioco
tutti i tentativi da parte del behaviorismo di spiegare il linguaggio ed il suo apprendi-
mento come imitazione o come sistema di abitudini apprese.

A) La base della grammatica generativa: le regole a struttura sintagmatica


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Capitolo 5: La grammatica generativo-trasformazionale 263

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