The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Thai:รัฐธรรมนู ญแห่งราชอาณาจักรไทย) is

the supreme law of Thailand. Since the change from an absolute monarchy to aconstitutional
democracy in 1932, Thailand has had 17 charters and constitutions, reflecting the high degree
of political instability and frequency of military coups faced by the nation. After successful
coups, military regimes abrogated existing constitutions and promulgated new ones.

All of Thailand's charters and constitutions have allowed a constitutional monarchy, but with
widely differing balances of power between the branches of government. Most of them have
stipulated parliamentary systems. However, several of them also called fordictatorships, e.g.,
the 1957 Charter. Both unicameral and bicameral parliaments have been used, and members
of parliament have been both elected and appointed. The direct powers of the monarch have
also varied considerably.

Thailand's current constitution was promulgated in 2007, replacing an interim constitution

promulgated in 2006 after an army-led coup. The 2007 Constitution was written by ajunta-
appointed group of drafters, but was approved by a public referendum. Prior to the
referendum, the junta passed a law making it illegal to publicly criticize the draft.
[1]
Controversial features in the constitution included a partly-appointed Senate and amnesty
for the leaders of the 2006 coup.

The 1997 Constitution, often called the "People's Constitution," was considered a landmark in
terms of the degree of public participationinvolved in its drafting as well as the democratic
nature of its articles. It stipulated a bicameral legislature, both houses of which were elected.
Many human rights were explicitly acknowledged for the first time, and measures were
established to increase the stability of elected

Overview

Siam (today known as Thailand) has had 17 constitutions and charters since the overthrow of
the absolute monarchy in 1932.[2][3]

1. Temporary Charter for the Administration of Siam Act 1932

2. The Constitution of the Siam Kingdom 1932
3. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1946
4. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Temporary) 1947
5. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1949
6. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1932 (Revised 1952)
7. Charter for the Administration of the Kingdom 1959
8. Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1968
 9. Temporary Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1972
10. Constitution for the Administration of the Kingdom 1974
11. Constitution for Administration of the Kingdom 1976
12. Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1977
13. Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1978
14. Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1991
15. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1991
16. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1997
17. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim) 2006
18. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2007

Charters have traditionally been temporary instruments, promulgated following

military coups. However, some charters, for instance the 1959 Charter of military
dictator Sarit Dhanarajata, were used for years at a time.[4]The 2006 coup resulted in an
interim constitution rather than an interim charter.

The great number of charters and constitutions is indicative of the degree of political
instability Thailand has faced in its modern history. The majority of charters and constitutions
were the direct or indirect result of military coups. Charters and constitutions for much of
Thai history can be thought of, not as instruments of the people to control the government,
but as instruments by which a government controls its people.

All of Thailand's charters and constitutions have allowed a constitutional monarchy. Widely
varying, however, have been the strength of the legislature, the extent to which the legislature
is appointed vs. elected, the power of the monarch, and the strength of the executive. These
parameters have been influenced by the political and military strength of the regime and the
degree of support from the king and the palace. For instance, the 1959 Charter gave Sarit
Dhanarajata absolute power over the executive and the legislature, which reflected the
overwhelming strength with which he executed a coup over Plaek Pibulsonggram as well as
his strong support from the palace.

Based on the degree by which the legislature is elected, Thailand's 17 constitutions and
charters can be categorized into 3 groups:
 1. Elected legislatures: The legislature is completely elected. This included the
1946 Constitution (where the elected House selected the Senate) and the 1997
Constitution(where both the House and Senate are elected).
2. Appointed legislatures: The legislature is partly elected and partly appointed
by the executive. The appointed members of the legislature are sufficient to limit the
power of the elected representatives. The Prime Minister is either a military leader or
a figurehead of the military or the palace. This includes the (after 1937), the 1947
Charter, the 1949 Constitution, the 1952 Constitution, the 1968 Constitution, the
1974 Constitution, the 1978 Constitution, and the 1991 Constitution.
3. Absolute executives: The executive has absolute or near absolute power, with
either no legislature or a completely appointed legislature. The Prime Minister is
usually a military leader or a figurehead of the military or the palace. This includes
the 1932 constitutions (before 1937), the 1959 Charter, the 1972 Charter, the 1976
Constitution, the 1991 Charter, and Thailand's last charter, the 2006 Interim Charter.

[edit]1932 Temporary Charter

See also the Siamese Revolution of 1932

On 24 June 1932, the People's Party, a coalition of civil servants, princes, and army officers,
seized power in a bloodless coup. A provisional constitution was sent to
King Prajadhipok along with an ultimatum from Party leaders. On 26 June, the King met the
Party leaders and refused to sign the charter. The next day, the King met the leaders again
and signed the charter.

The People's Party leaders generally followed the British parliamentary structure for the
temporary charter. However, there were key differences, particularly regarding the powers of
the monarch.

The charter began by stating that sovereign power belongs to the people of Siam.
[5]
Empowered to exercise power on behalf of the people were the People's Assembly
(the legislature) a 70-member, all appointed by the Khana Ratsadon, a 15-member People's
Committee of Siam(the executive), the courts of law (the judiciary), and the monarch.
Members of the People's Assembly and the People's Committee were initially appointed.
After 10 years or after half the population had completed primary education, the Assembly
would be completely elected.[6][7]

The monarch was not held to be infallible. He had a limited degree of sovereign immunity:
although he could not be prosecuted in an ordinary court of law, the Assembly
could impeach and try him. The monarch did not have the right to grant pardons.

Several other features would be mirrored in later constitutions. The monarch would not have
an absolute veto - any law sent back to the Assembly, which could approve it with a simple
majority. The charter followed the 1924 Palace Law with regards to succession - however,
the Assembly reserved the right to formally approve the successor.

In practice, the People's Party made many concessions to the palace in putting together the
new government. The Premiership and the Foreign Ministry were given to 2 hard-line
royalists: Phraya Manopakorn Nitithada and Phraya Srivisan Vacha. A total of 4 members of
the People's Committee were royalists who were not part of the People's Party.[5] Of the 70
members of the legislature, less than half came from the People's Party, while the majority
were high-ranking officials of the old regime.[7]

Despite this, the charter provoked fierce resistance from the palace. The new government
reduced the palace budget and passed a taxation law that burdened the Kingdom's largest
landowners, who were mostly nobles. In September 1932, a senior prince threatened the
King'sabdication if a permanent constitution did not grant the palace greater power.[8]
[edit]1932 Constitution
King Prajadhipok (Rama VII) signs The 'Permanent' Constitution of the Kingdom of Siam on
December 10, 1932

The People's Party, facing an internal power struggle and opposition from the King,
promulgated a permanent constitution in 10 December 1932 that gave the monarchy a
significant increase in authority compared to the temporary charter. The day is currently
celebrated as Constitution Day.

The constitution continued to state that sovereign power belonged to the people of Siam.
However, unlike the temporary charter, the monarchy would now be the direct exerciser of
that power, rather than the branches of government. This royal power would be exercised by
and with the advise and consent of the People's Assembly, the State Council (the cabinet),
and the Courts. However, the monarchy lacked any say in the composition of any of the
branches of government and the royal veto could still be overruled. The monarchy was also
made "sacred and inviolable", in contrast to the temporary charter.[5]

After the new Constitution was promulgated, a new 20-member Cabinet was formed; 10 of
whom came from the People's Party. On 7 January 1933, the Nationalist Party (Thai: คณะ
ชาติ) was officially registered, with Luang Vichitvadakan, Phraya Thonawanikmontri, and
Phraya Senasongkhram as leaders; the People's Party had been officially registered in August
1932.[7] The Assembly was expanded to 156 members, 76 elected and 76 appointed.
[edit]Demands for constitutional reform
On 31 January 1933, the King sent a letter to the Premier requesting that all political parties
be abolished. On 14 April, the Premier disbanded the People's Party. He later adjourned the
legislature and reshuffled the leadership of the Army, giving leadership to Phraya
Phichaisongkhram and Phraya Sri Sithi Songkhram, both military leaders during the absolute
monarchy. On 20 June, the remnants of the People's Party military faction seized power and
reinstated the legislature.[7]
In August 1933, the government began registering candidates for village representatives who
would cast votes in indirect elections for half of the legislature. It also started registering
candidates for the legislature. Elections in some provinces started in October, but most were
held in November.

During the midst of the elections, in October 1933, royalist factions led by
Prince Boworadej and Phraya Sri Sitthi Songkhram led a rebellion against the government.
After two weeks of violent fighting, during which Bangkok was bombed and Sri Sitthi
Songkhram was killed, the People's Party defeated the rebels. Prince Boworadej fled abroad.
Prince King Prajadhipok, who claimed neutrality during the conflict, fled to England a few
weeks after the defeat.

From London, the King issued an ultimatum: in exchange for his return, and the legitimacy it
lended to the People's Party, the King demanded several constitutional reforms. This included
the right to select half of the legislature, control over the royal budget, and veto power that
could be overridden only by a 3/4's majority of the legislature. The King also demanded the
right to try capital cases, in this case, to free rebel soldiers. At the time, the New York
Times reported that the King also threatened to sell the throne's substantial assets, including
land, palaces, and the Emerald Buddha.[9] The People's Party rejected the ultimatum, and in
March 1935, Prajadhipok abdicated.

Direct democratic elections for half of the People's Assembly were first held in 7 November
1937.[6] Women had the right to vote and stand for elections.
[edit]1946 Constitution

After the end of the World War II, the collaborationist leadership (including Marshal Plaek)
was arrested and tried for war crimes, democratic elections for the entire People's Assembly
were first held, and the young King Ananda Mahidol returned to Thailand for the first time in
7 years. King Ananda Mahidol had just come of age, turning 20 in September 1945, and
returned with his mother and Prince Bhumibol in December 1945.

A new constitution, Thailand’s most democratic to date, was drafted in his honor.[10] Pridi
Banomyong called it the constitution that gave the Thai people the most complete democratic
rights.[11] One key difference with previous constitutions was that the House of
Representatives would, for the first time, be fully elected by the people (176 members). A
Senate (80 members) was also established, which would, unlike the British House of Lords,
be elected by the House for 6 year terms. In addition, active civil servants and soldiers were
banned from serving in the Parliament or Cabinet, thus reducing the power of the military. A
ban on senior princes from participating in electoral politics was repealed, thus precluding
only the King and four other people from politics.[5]
The Constitution was promulgated in 9 May 1946. One month later, in 9 June 1946, the King
was found shot to death. His death was soon followed by a military uprising in 8 November
1947 that abrogated the 1946 constitution.
[edit]1947 Charter

The military overthrew the elected government of Admiral Thamrong Navasavat in 8

November 1947, amid the political chaos that followed the official finding that
the mysterious death of King Ananda Mahidol was not due to suicide. The coup restored
power to Marshal Plaek, and was supported by Phin Choonhavan, Seni Pramoj, and the
palace. The coup leaders alleged that government corruption had demeaned the sacredness of
King Ananda's 1946 Constitution, as proven by the appearance of vultures at the royal
cremation ground. Vultures had also appeared in Ayutthaya before it fell to the Burmese, and
this was used as justification for the military's coup.[12]

The Regent, Prince Rangsit officially accepted the coup within 24 hours and immediately
promulated the new charter the coup leaders had drafted.[13] The King, who at the time was
studying in Lausanne, endorsed the coup and the Charter on 25 November, noting "Those
who were involved in this operation do not desire power for their own good, but aim only to
strengthen the new government which will administer for the prosperity of the nation and for
the elimination of all the ills suffered presently."[14]

The new charter gave the palace a persistent demand: a permanent Supreme State Council
(later to be transformed into the Privy Council) to advise the monarch and handle his personal
affairs. The Council would be composed of 5 members, appointed by the monarch and acting
as a regency council in his absence. The Supreme State Council had been banned after the
1932 revolution.[11] The palace was also given increased control over its own operations,
including the Royal Household, the Privy Purse, and the Royal Guards. The King was given
several emergency prerogatives, such as the ability to declare war and martial law.

A monarch-appointed Senate was established, and, with 100 members, equal in size to the
House of Representatives. Like previous Constitutions, the monarch still did not have an
absolute veto. However, the monarch-appointed Senate could, through a simple majority over
the combined houses of Parliament, sustain a royal veto. The chairman of the Supreme State
Council had to countersign any royal orders in order to make them official (when the
constitution was announced, Bhumibol Adulyadej was still a minor and the Privy Council
performed the king's regnal duties on his behalf; thus in practice, the Supreme Council of
State itself selected and appointed senators and had the power of veto).[11] The ban on civil
servants and soldiers from serving in Parliament and the Cabinet was removed. Another key
change stated that the policies of one government could not be altered by a succeeding
government without royal approval. A multi-member constituency system replaced the single
member constituency system which had been in effect since 1932.[10] The minimum age of
electoral candidates was raised from 23 to 35. Numerous MPs elected under the 1946
constitution had been under the age of 30, but were ineligible under the junta's constitution.[11]

Surprisingly, the Palace/Privy Council rejected the slate of Senate appointees proposed by the
military. It instead filled the Senate with princes, nobles, and palace-friendly businessmen,
leaving only 8 appointees from the military's slate. With control over palace operations, the
palace purged nearly 60 officials, clearing out earlier appointees from previous governments.
[15]

Khuang Aphaiwong was appointed Prime Minister, and it was agreed that a new constitution
would be drafted following House elections, which occurred on 29 January 1948. The Seni
Pramoj and Khuang Aphaiwong-led Democrats won a majority and appointed a Cabinet
packed with palace allies. Tension between the military and the palace increased, until in
April, a group of generals met with Khuang and Prince Rangsit, successfully demanding that
Khuang resign and Marshal Plaek be appointed Premier.
[edit]1949 Constitution

The Constitution of 1949 was promulgated on 23 January 1949, a permanent instrument to

replace the temporary 1948 Charter. The drafting committee was headed by Seni Pramoj and
dominated by royalists under the direction of Prince Rangsit and Prince Dhani.[5]

The 1949 Constitution elevated the throne to its most powerful position since the 1932
overthrow of the absolute monarchy.[5] The Supreme Council of State was transformed into a
9-person Privy Council. For the first time, members this council would be selected by
the King alone. A 100-member Senate would also be selected by the King alone. The
President of the Privy Council, rather than the Prime Minister, would countersign all laws.
The King's veto was strengthened, with a 2/3's vote of Parliament required to overrule it.

The King could issue his own decrees with equal authority to the government. The King also
gained the power to call for a plebiscite - the ability to amend the constitution via public
referendum, bypassing Parliament and the Government. At succession, the Privy Council
would name an heir - not the Parliament.
[edit]1952 Constitution

On 29 November 1951, as the King was returning to Thailand from Switzerland via ship, the
military seized power from Privy Council President Dhani, abrogated the 1949 Constitution,
and appointed Marshal Plaek as regent. A single 123-member National Assembly was
appointed, 103 of which were from the military or police.

The Assembly re-used the 1932 Constitution with some additional amendments, namely
allowing a Privy Council rather than a Supreme Council of State and using multi-member
legislative constituencies rather than single-member constituencies.[10] Half of the legislature
was appointed. After much confrontation between the government and the palace in early
1952, the King promulgated the Constitution unchanged in 8 March 1952.[5] Democratic
elections were held for half of the legislature in March 1952; nearly all of the appointed
parliamentary members were army officers.[16] Legislative elections were held again in March
1957.
[edit]1959 Charter

On the evening of 16 September 1957, General Sarit Dhanarajata seized power from the
government of Marshal Plaek (for additional information on the King's role in the coup,
see Bhumibol Adulyadej's role in Thai politics). Sarit abrogated the 1952 Constitution,
abolished the National Assembly, declared martial law, and ruled via a Revolutionary
Council. Sarit and his successors deified the throne and relied on royal sponsorship to
legitimize their dictatorship.

A temporary charter was promulgated in February 1959 and remained in place for 9 years,
even after Sarit's death in 1964. The charter has been called "perhaps the most repressive in
Thailand’s history."[10] It granted the Premier near absolute power, including the authority to
order summary executions.[17] It banned political parties and called for an appointed
unicameral parliament, consisting of 240 mostly military appointees.[10] It contained only 20
articles, making it the shortest charter in Thai history.
[edit]1968 Constitution

General Thanom Kittikachorn succeeded Sarit as dictator of Thailand, ruling amid a

rising communist insurgency in Thailand and an escalating US presence in Indochina. The
United States provided the Thai government with a billion US dollars in aid, but corruption
was rampant.[5] During a trip by King Bhumibol to the US, The American anti-war
movement pressured the US government to reduce its support for the regime.

Despite resistance from Thanom, a new constitution was promulgated in 20 June 1968.
Although democratic on the surface, the 1968 Constitution legitimized Thanom's military-
dominated regime. A bicameral Parliament was established, with an elected 219-member
House and a royally-appointed 164-member Senate. Contrary to the principles
of parliamentary democracy, members of the House were banned from serving in the
Cabinet. In addition, the Senate had the power to delay any legislation for up to a year, and
the Senate President was the Parliament President. King Bhumibol approved Thanom's entire
slate of mostly military Senate nominees. The new constitution also validated all legislation
previously made by the regime, including the sweeping Anticommunist Act used to repress
dissent.[10]

In February 1969, the first democratic elections in over a decade were held, resulting in
parties aligned with Thanom winning a majority in the House.[5]
[edit]1972 Temporary Charter

Amid rising social and political conflict, in 17 November 1971 Thanom Kittikachorn and his
deputy Praphas Charusathien overthrew their own government, dissolving Parliament and the
Cabinet, declaring martial law, abrogating the Constitution, and running the Kingdom
through a National Executive Council. Thanom made himself Premier, Supreme Commander,
Defense and Foreign Minister. Praphas made himself deputy Premier, Interior Minister, Chief
of Police, Army Commander, and head of the Communist Suppression Operations
Command. Declaring the coup on television, Thanom opened a letter of approval from the
King presented on a gold tray.[18] Along with Narong Kittikachorn (Thanom's son and
Praphas's son-in-law), the regime was called that of the "Three Tyrants."

Massive protests and strikes resulted, coinciding with a recession and high inflation. A
disastrous offensive against the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) was launched. As
tensions reached a boiling point in December 1972, Thanom drafted a new charter. Similar in
many ways to Sarit's 1959 charter, it reinforced the power of the military dictatorship.
Political parties were banned, and a wholly-appointed unicameral 299-member National
Legislative Assembly, 200 of which were military and police, was established. The executive
retained strong control over the legislature.[10]
[edit]1974 constitution

Thanom's interim charter failed to stem opposition to the "Three Tyrants". On 13 October
1973, a 400,000-person protest took place at theDemocracy Monument. The exact
circumstances of 13 and 14 October remain controversial to this day.[19] Late in the afternoon,
KingBhumibol summoned Thanom and Praphas to the Palace, where they agreed to draft a
new constitution within 12 months. As demonstrators dispersed that evening and in the next
morning, the police and army began shooting at the remaining demonstrators, killing at least
70. Narong Kittikachorn personally shot into the crowds from a helicopter.[5] Amid the chaos,
Thanom and Praphas resigned from their political appointments, but continued to lead the
military. They ordered more troops to confront the remaining demonstrators, but were
blocked by Krit Srivara, Army Deputy Commander. Thanom and Narong then resigned from
their military positions. The king appointed Sanya Dhammasakdi, Privy Councilor, as
Premier.

Sanya appointed a constitution drafting committee consisting of Justice Minister Prakob

Hutasing, Kukrit Pramoj, and a number of academics. They produced a first draft by 8
January 1974.

There were concerns that the Thanom-appointed parliament would be inappropriate for
approving the draft. The king suggested a royally-appointed 2,347-person group, who would
appoint a 299-person committee, who would nominate a 100-person convention to scrutinize
the draft.

The first draft of the drafting committee swung the balance of power to an elected legislature
for the first time since 1946. Political parties would once again be legalized. A hybrid
between single-member and multiple-member constituencies was created: constituencies
were once again province-wide with one MP for a population of 150,000, but a province with
over three MPs was to be divided into two or more constituencies, each with at least one but
not more than three MPs. This prevented populous provinces from dominating the legislature.
[10]

The draft allowed the elected House to appoint the Senate. A simple majority could override
the royal veto. Cabinet members had to be MPs. In an unprecedented move, the drafters
required a popular referendum on the draft prior to the King's approval.

The draft faced staunch opposition by royalist members of the convention, led by Kasem
Chatikavanich. A new draft was demanded, granting the executive greater power and
increasing royal powers to the level granted by the 1949 Constitution. The monarch would
appoint a Senate with the countersign of the Privy Council President. The royal veto could be
overridden only with a 2/3 majority of the combined parliament. Furthermore, the Senate
could kill any laws by not voting on them for six months. Civil servants and soldiers could
not become MPs, but could form up to half of the Cabinet. The new draft would not require
approval by a public referendum.

The palace added two clauses. First, in the absence of a prince, Parliament could select a
princess as successor to the throne. The 1924 Palace Law on Succession banned female
monarchs. Second, the Palace Law could be amended. Previous constitutions declared the
law immutable.[20]

The new draft was very different from the intentions of the drafting committee, and at one
point, Sanya actually resigned from the Premiership, only to be pressured back into position.
[5]
The new draft was approved by the convention and promulgated in 7 October 1974. The
majority of the constitution conformed to the convention's alternative draft. However, the
Premier, rather than the Privy Council President, was allowed to countersign the Royal
Declaration appointing Senators.[10] Legislative elections were held in January 1975, resulting
in none of the 22 parties coming close to winning a majority. The Democrats, led by Seni
Pramoj, formed a coalition government in February 1974. The coalition was highly unstable,
and was replaced in less than a month by a Social Action Party-led coalition which
appointed Kukrit Pramoj as Premier.
[edit]1976 Constitution
Kukrit's coalition government was highly controversial, and governed amid escalating anti-
leftist violence. Kukrit's own house was attacked and ransacked by police in August 1975.
The palace was increasingly involved in the political maelstrom, and in January 1976, the
military successfully demanded that Kukrit dissolve Parliament. Elections were scheduled on
14 April. The months leading up to the election were extremely violent.[21] Seni Pramoj's
Democrats won the most seats in the election, and formed a shaky coalition government.

Seni's government came under great pressure. A bill to extend elections to local levels was
passed by Parliament 149-19, but the King refused to sign the bill or return it to Parliament,
effectively vetoing it.[22] As anti-leftist hysteria escalated, Praphas Charusathien returned
shortly from exile to meet the King. Protesting student were attacked by Red
Gaur paramilitary units. On 19 September 1976, Thanom returned and was immediately
ordained as a monk at Wat Bovornives. Massive protests erupted. The King and Queen
returned from a trip to the South to visit monk Thanom, leading Seni to resign from the
Premiership in protest. His resignation was refused by Parliament, but initial attempts to
reshuffle his Cabinet were blocked by the King.[23] The political tension finally exploded in 6
October 1976, when Village Scoutsand Red Gaur joined with military and police to rape and
massacre at least 46 students protesting at Thammasat University.[24] That evening, the
military seized power and installed hard-line royalist Tanin Kraivixien as Premier.

The military coup was clearly endorsed by the King, who declared that it was "a
manefestation of what the people clearly wanted."[25]

The new constitution, promulgated on 1976, gave the Premier near absolute powers,
including the power of summary justice. Political parties were banned. The King was allowed
to appoint a 360-member unicameral National Assembly of bureaucrats and soldiers. In
addition, the King was granted a new prerogative, the power to introduce his own legislation
directly into the assembly.[10]

Tanin made criminal cases the jurisdiction of military tribunals and gave police sweeping
powers to detain people without charges for up to 6 months. The penalty for lese-majeste was
toughened and the law's scope was expanded.[26] Dozens of people were charged.[27] All
protests were banned (although royal rallies were allowed), the media was strictly censored,
and the police scoured homes and schools to confiscateblacklisted books. The communist
insurgency escalated to nearly a full-scale war.

Symbolically, Tanin planned to renovate the Democracy Monument.[5] The monument, built
to commemorate the constitution and the overthrow of the absolute monarchy, consisted of a
gold-painted constitution atop giant offering bowls, situated in the center of the historic
section of Bangkok. Tanin wanted to replace the constitution with a huge statue of
King Prajadhipok. Engineering challenges prevented this, so he instead placed the statue in
front of Parliament. As for the Democracy Monument, the government planned to demolish
it.[28]
[edit]1977 Charter

Tanin's dictatorship provoked harsh opposition, even from the military, whose slate of
legislative appointees was largely rejected by Tanin. On 20 October 1977, the military, led
by Kriangsak Chomanan, overthrew Tanin's government. The King's opposition to this can be
seen from his immediate appointment of Kriangsak to his personal Privy Council. However,
he did consent to signing the military's draft Charter.

The 1977 Charter was virtually the same as the 1976 Constitution. The only key difference
was that the name of the junta was changed to the National Policy Council.[10]

The new regime pledged a permanent constitution and elections in 1979. The National Policy
Council appointed only 3 of its members to the Cabinet. Relations with communist China,
Laos, and Vietnam were improved. This foreign policy, as well as reconciliary government
policies, weakened the Communist Party of Thailand and greatly reduced domestic political
tensions.

Kriangsak's government continued to be snubbed by the King. Deposed Premier Tanin was
appointed to the King's Privy Council. Amnesty to protesters and students tried by the Tanin
regime was denied for years.[5]
[edit]1978 Constitution

Kriangsak drafted a more democratic constitution in 1978. The constitution established a

bicameral National Assembly, consisting of an elected 301-member House of
Representatives and an appointed 225-member Senate. The Premier, not the King, appointed
the Senate. The House could submit a motion for parliamentary debate for vote a of no-
confidence. However, the Senate could block House legislation concerning national security,
the economy, the budget, and votes of no confidence. Most significantly, the Constitution
created a transitory period, to end in 21 April 1983, after which military and civil servants
would be banned from appointment to the Premiership and Cabinet.

House elections, for which political parties were banned, were held in April 1979, resulting in
a coalition government which continued to appoint Kriangsak as Premier. The oil crisis later
caused rampant inflation, leading to Kriangsak's resignation (without a dissolution of
Parliament) in February 1980. A coalition government was formed that appointed
Kriangsak's Defense Minister, Army Commander Prem Tinsulanonda as Premier.

Prem ruled for another 8 years, never once running in an election. He retained power
despite several military coups with strong palace support. Prem legalized political parties.[10]
In early 1983, facing the end of the constitutional transitory period in 21 April, after which he
would be banned from appointment to the Premiership, Prem planned to amend the
Constitution to make the transitory period permanent. Prem's aid, Pichit Kullavanich, hinted
at a military coup if the amendment was not ratified.[29] The amendment faced harsh public
opposition while the military itself was distracted by internal conflicts[30], leading to the
failure of the amendment its 3rd reading on 16 March 1983.

On 19 March 1983, Prem dissolved Parliament and scheduled House elections on 18 April.
The new government would thus be formed under the transitory clauses, allowing Prem to
continue as Premier for up to 4 more years. Prem's plan was successful and allowed him to
consolidate his power base. Prem noted that "The armed forces will play an important role in
the defense of the country, national independence, and the democratic system under the
monarchy."[31]

Parliament revolted again in 1986, prompting Prem to dissolve Parliament and schedule
House elections in 27 July. The Democrats campaigned against Prem's domination and
managed to win the most seats. But the government coalition they formed still reappointed
Prem as Premier.[32] Later, Prem's became accused of using the King's name and the military's
strength as the means to retain power.[33]

Prem was finally brought down by a series of corruption scandals and the humiliating defeat
of Thai troops in a border skirmish with Laos.[34]Parliament was dissolved and House
elections scheduled for 24 July 1988, with Prem again not standing for election. As in 1986,
the election resulted in no single party winning enough seats to govern without a coalition.
Thousands protested in front of Prem's house against the prospect of an unelected Premier,
until Prem finally announced that he would not accept the Premiership.[35] The Chart Thai
party, led by General Chatichai Choonhavan, won the most seats in the election,
and Chatichai became the new Premier.
[edit]1991 constitutions

In 23 February 1991, Army Commander Suchinda Kraprayoon led the military in seizing
power from the Chatichai government, abrogating the 1978 Constitution, and replacing it
with a temporary charter.[5] Calling themselves the National Peace Keeping Council (NPKC),
the coupmakers appointed a new unicameral National Assembly of 292 military officers and
supporters, headed by Ukrit Mongkolnavin.[10] Ukrit and appointed Premier Anand
Panyarachun were tasked with drafting a permanent constitution.

The drafting of a new constitution became a virtual battleground between the military and its
opponents. The military favored a position of continued strength, a larger and more
powerful NPKC-appointed Senate with power over an elected House, a larger Privy Council,
and the ability for non-elected officials to become cabinet members. This last clause allowed
an acting military leader to become Premier. The public mobilized to protest the draft, with
50,000 people demonstrating at Sanam Luang on 19 November 1991, the largest protest in
Thailand since 1976. The King intervened in his 4 December birthday speech, urging the
public to accept the draft and noting that "procedures or principles that we have imported for
use are sometimes not suitable to the conditions of Thailand or the character of Thai
people."[36][5] The constitution allowed Suchinda Kraprayoon to be appointed as Prime
Minister, which led to a violent public uprising in May 1992 that brought down the
government.
[edit]1997 Constitution
Main article: 1997 Constitution of Thailand

The 1997 Constitution was widely hailed as a landmark in democratic political reform.
Promulgated in 11 October 1997, it was the first constitution to be drafted by an elected
assembly, and hence was popularly called the "People's Constitution".[37]
[edit]The constitution drafting process
The "Black May" public uprising against the NPKC-dominated government that arose due to
the 1991 Constitution provoked public calls for a more accountable system of government.
[3]
In June 1994, the Prawes Wasi-led House Committee for Democracy Development
amended the 1991 Constitution but was unable to push through significant reform. After the
collapse of the Chuan government, the 1995-1996 government of Banharn Silpa-
archa amended the 1991 Constitution again in 22 October 1996.

The 1996 amendment called for the creation of an entirely new constitution by a 99-member
Constitution Drafting Assembly (CDA). Seventy-six members would be directly elected from
each province and 23 members would be selected by the Parliament.[38] Anand Panyarachun,
PM in 1991 under the military regime, was elected as a member of the CDA and appointed
Chairman of the Drafting Committee. Political scientists and jurists Chai-Anan
Samudavanija, Amorn Chantarasomboon, Uthai Pimchaichon, and Borwornsak
Uwanno played key roles in the Assembly. Public consultation took place on a nation-wide
basis. Some clauses, particularly the requirement that all MPs hold bachelor degrees,
the Constitutional Court, and decentralisation provoked strong criticism.[38] The Asian
Economic Crisis of 1997 has been cited as a major impetus for the constitution's successful
approval.[37]
[edit]Key features
The 1997 Constitution has several innovations compared to previous constitutions, including

 Election reform.[38] Voting was made compulsory in order to ensure high-turn out
reduce vote buying. A mixed electoral system based onGermany's was adopted for the
House of Representatives. 100 members of the House are elected from party lists, and the
 remaining 400 are elected from single-member constituencies. MPs were required to have
a bachelor's degree. An independent Election Commissionwas established.
 Strengthening the executive branch.[38] A 2/5's vote of the House was required for
a vote of no confidence debate against a Prime Minister. A successful vote of no
confidence required a majority of 1/2 of the House. Only 1/5th of the House was required
for a no confidence motion against an individual Minister. These measures were aimed at
increasing the stability of governments.[39]
 Greater separation between the executive and legislative branches. MPs were forced
to resign from the House in order to become Cabinet Ministers.
 Human rights. A plethora of human rights were explicitly recognized, including the
right to free education, the rights of traditional communities, and the right and duty to
peacefully protest coups and other extra-constitutional means of acquiring power.[3] The
right to protest coups was banned following the 2006 coup.
 Decentralization of government, including the establishment of elected Tambol
Administrative Organizations (TAOs) and Provincial Administrative Organizations
(PAOs). School administration was also decentralized.
 Increased checks and balances, including new independent government agencies like
the Constitutional Court, the Administrative Court, the Office of the Auditor-General, the
National Counter Corruption Commission, the National Human Rights Commission,
the Consumer’s Protection Organization, the Environmental Conservation Organization,
and an Ombudsman.

[edit]Praise and criticism

The Constitution was highly praised for the participative process involved in its drafting, its
enshrinement of human rights, and its significant advances in political reform.[3] It was
viewed as successful in fostering democratic development and increasing political stability.
[40]
Its measures to politically empower and protect citizens were also praised.[41] The January
2001 House elections, the first House elections contested under the 1997 Constitution, were
called the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history.[6] Political parties were
effectively strengthened, and the effective number of parties in the legislature fell.[42]

Most criticism was based on the perspective that the Constitution was too effective in some
of its reforms. One of the members of the Drafting Committee, Amorn Chantarasomboon,
claimed that an overly strong and stable government brought on a "tyranny of the majority"
and a "parliamentary dictatorship."[43] Following House elections in April 2006, the Election
Commissioners were jailed and the election results overturned by the Constitutional Court.

The constitution was also criticized for the lack of clarity with which it defines the King's
role in politics (see Royal powers and 2006 demand for royal intervention). The Senate's role
in scrutinizing Constitutional Court appointments came under much criticism
(see Appointment of the first Constitutional Court). Although the Senate was supposed to be
non-partisan, bloc voting became common.[44][45] A constitutional crisisalmost occurred
following April 2006 House elections (see April 2006 House election results). Governments
were criticized for politicizing appointments to independent agencies.[45]
[edit]2006 Interim Constitution
Main article: 2006 Interim Constitution of Thailand
[edit]September 2006 Thailand coup
Main article: September 2006 Thailand coup

On the evening of 19 September 2006, less than a month before scheduled nation-wide House
elections, the Thai military led a coup against the government of Thaksin Shinawatra.
The military junta abrogated the 1997 Constitution, suspended the Parliament, banned
demonstrations and political activities, censored the media, and dissolved the Constitutional
Court, National Human Rights Commission and other agencies created by the 1997
Constitution. For the first weeks, the junta ruled by decree.

International condemnation and several local protests against the coup were conducted,
despite the junta's ban. In subsequent weeks, condemnation of the coup transformed into
criticism of the junta-appointed government of General Surayud Chulanont and the
constitution drafting process.
[edit]The drafting process
The junta appointed a legal panel to draft an interim charter (later officially called a
"constitution"). The team was led by former Senate speaker Meechai Ruchuphan, and
originally included jurists Borwornsak Uwanno and Wissanu Krea-ngam. Both had played
key roles in drafting the 1997 Constitution and had served under the deposed government,
although they had resigned several months before the coup. Both resigned from the panel
after public criticism that they were members of the ancien régime. Thammasat
University vice-rector Prinya Thewanaruemitkul harshly criticized the two, saying that they
were "not honourable enough to look after the democratic system." Both refused to play any
further role with the military junta.[46][47]
[edit]Key features and criticism
A draft of the interim charter was released on 27 September 2006, to much criticism. The
drafter interim charter allowed the junta, which would be transformed into a
permanent Council for National Security (CNS), to appoint an extremely powerful executive
branch. The junta would also appoint a 250-member unicameral legislature.[48] Other major
concerns included:
  The lack of controls for the drafting of a permanent constitution. The CNS would
appoint a 2,000-member National People's Assembly which would select 200 of its
members to be candidates for the Constitution Drafting Assembly. The CNS would select
100 of those candidates for royal appointment to the Assembly; it would also select the
Assembly head. The Assembly would then appoint 25 of its members as constitution
writers, with the CNS directly appointing 10 writers. This process effectively gave the
junta complete control over the drafting of the permanent constitution.
 The use of an old charter if the permanent constitution was not completed by a CNS-
set deadline. The specific charter to revert to was not specified - the CNS and the Cabinet
would choose which of Thailand's 16 previous charters to use.
 The lack of a clear timeline for a permanent constitution.
 The inclusion of King Bhumibol's theory of a self-sufficient economy in the
preamble.
 The granting of legal authority for the junta's post-coup announcements and orders,
including bans against demonstrations and political activities (Article 36).
 The granting of amnesty to the junta for executing the coup (Article 37).
 The inability of the public to file comments on parliamentary bills.[49]

The draft's content as well as drafting process met with much public criticism.[50][51] However,
the interim charter did call for one democratic innovation: it required that a permanent
constitution would have to be ratified by public referendum. Nonetheless, the referendum
proposal too was condemned, as the junta would have complete authority to propose a
permanent alternative constitution if the draft were to be rejected.[52]

The draft interim charter was promulgated unchanged on 1 October 2006.

[edit]2007 Constitution
Main article: 2007 Constitution of Thailand

The 2006 Interim Constitution specified the terms and conditions for the drafting of a
permanent constitution. The drafting committee consisted of drafters both directly and
indirectly appointed by the CNS junta. The draft was subject to a public referendum, but
under the terms of the 2006 Constitution, the CNS would be allowed to promulgate any
constitution of their choosing if the draft failed the referendum. The draft was criticized by
the Thai Rak Thai party and supported by the Democrat party. Criticism of the draft was
banned. The CNS attempted to link loyalty to the King with support for the draft, and ran a
campaign with the slogan "Love the King. Care about the King. Vote in a referendum.
Accept the 2007 draft charter."[53][54] The draft was approved by 59.3% of the voters on 19
August 2007, with 55.6% of qualified voters voting.
Under the 2007 Constitution, only half of the Senate was elected; the other half was
appointed. The executive branch was weakened, and half as many MPs were needed to
propose a no-confidence vote compared to the 1997 Constitution. The judiciary was
strengthened and high ranking judges became part of the appointment committees for the
Senate, the Election Commission, and other independent agencies.
[edit]Etymology

The word "constitution" in Thai (รัฐธรรมนู ญ; ratha thama noon) can literally be translated as
"rule of the state with dharma" or "charter for the rule of the state".

The Royal Thai Government or the Government of Thailand (Thai: รัฐบาลไทย) is

the unitary government of the Kingdom of Thailand. Thailand since 1932 has been
a constitutional monarchy under a parliamentary democratic system. The country has existed
in some form since the 13th century, but the country emerged as a modern nation state after
the foundation of the Chakri Dynasty and the city of Bangkok in 1782. TheRevolution of
1932 brought an end to absolute monarchy and replaced it with a system of constitutional
monarchy. However from then on the democratic system has been weak and the country was
ruled by a succession of military leaders installed after coup d’etats, the most recent in 2006.
Under the 2007 Constitution(drafted by a military appointed council, but approved by a
referendum) the present structure of the Government of Thailand was established. Thailand
has so far had seventeen Constitutions; however the basic structure of government has
remained the same. The Government of Thailand is made up of three branches: the executive,
the legislative and the judiciary, the system of government is modelled after the Westminster
system. All branches of the government are located within Bangkok, the capital city of
Thailand.

The Monarchy

King Bhumibol Adulyadej has been on the throne since 1946.

Main article: Monarchy of Thailand

The King of Thailand, currently King Bhumibol Adulyadej (or Rama IX) is the world’s
longest reigning monarch, and has reigned since 1946. The Constitution stipulates that
although the sovereignty of the state is vested in the people, the King will exercise such
powers through the three branches of the Thai government. Under the constitution the King is
given very little power, but remain a figurehead and symbol of the Thai nation. As the Head
of State however he is given some powers and has a role to play in the machinations of
government. According to the Constitution, the King is the Head of the Armed forces,
required to be Buddhist as well as the defender of all faiths in the country. The King also
retained some traditional powers such as the power to appoint his heirs, power to grant
pardons and the royal assent. The King is aided in his duties by the Privy Council of
Thailand.

The King is head of the House of Chakri, the ruling house of Thailand founded by
King Buddha Yodfa Chulaloke (or Rama I) in 1782. The Monarchy and the Royal family
commands huge respect in Thailand. The present monarch has a great deal of popular respect
and moral authority, which has been used at times to resolve political crises. The monarch’s
official home is the Grand Palace, however the present King lives primarily in the Chitralada
Palace in Bangkok or the Klai Kangwon Villa, in Hua Hin. The Monarch's household is
managed by the Bureau of the Royal Household and his finances by the Crown Property
Bureau.

The heir to the throne is the Crown Prince of Thailand: Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn. The
succession of the Throne is govern by the 1924 Palace Law of Succession, promulgated by
King Vajiravudh. The Palace Law follows the male Agnatic Primogeniture, where males are
only allowed to succeed and inheritance is passed only from father to son and through male
line only.
[edit]Executive

Government House of Thailand, where the office of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of
Thailand are situated

[edit]Prime minister
Main article: Prime Minister of Thailand

Since 1932 the Head of Government of Thailand has been the Prime Minister of Thailand:
usually the leader of the largest party or the largest coalition party in the lower house of
Parliament. The Prime Minister is, in accordance with the constitution selected; first by an
election in the lower house then officially appointed by the King.

The Prime Minister as head of the executive branch is also the leader of the Cabinet of
Thailand. The Prime Minister therefore retains the prerogative to appoint or remove any
Minister he so chooses. As the most visible member of the government the Prime Minister
represent the country abroad as well as the main spokesperson for the government at home.
The Prime Minister’s official residence is Baan Phitsanulok a mansion located in
the Dusit district of Bangkok.

The current Prime Minister is: Abhisit Vejjajiva of the Democrat Party, who was appointed
on the 17 December 2008. Although he was not the leader of the majority party in the House
of Representatives, the smaller parties after the 2008 political crisis decided to defect from
the majority-party led coalition and support Abhisit’s third bid for the Premiership. He was
elected by the House on the 15 December.
[edit]Cabinet

Abhisit Vejjajiva, Prime Minister since December 2008.

Main article: Cabinet of Thailand

Main article: List of Cabinet Ministries of Thailand

The Cabinet of Thailand or the Council of Ministers of Thailand is a council composed of

35: Ministers of State and Deputy Ministers. Who runs the cabinet ministries of the Kingdom.
There are currently 20 cabinet ministries, which comprises the main portion of state
employees. The Cabinet is also responsible for the formulation and execution of policies of
the government. Members of the Cabinet do not necessarily need to be a member of the lower
house, as in other countries but most often are. The Office of the Prime Minister and the
Cabinet offices are located in a building complex called the Government House of Thailand.

The present Cabinet has been active since the 17 December 2008, when its members were
officially sworn in by the King. The Cabinet is made up of five parties that form the current
governing coalition: Democrat, Chart Thai Pattana, Bhumjaithai, For the Motherland and
theThai United National Development Parties and the Friends of Newin Group. The Cabinet
comprises: 21 Ministers of State, 3 Deputy Prime Ministers and 11 Deputy Ministers.

Cabinet of Thailand[1]

Position Name Party

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva DEM

Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban DEM

Deputy Prime Minister Dr.Trairong Suwankeeree DEM

Major General Sanan

Deputy Prime Minister CTP
Kajornprasart

Minister for Office of the Prime Minister Satit Wongnongtaey DEM

Minister for Office of the Prime Minister Ongart Klampaiboon DEM

Minister of Defence General Prawit Wongsuwan DEM

Minister of Finance Korn Chatikavanij DEM

Deputy Minister of Finance Pradit Pataraprasit RC

Deputy Minister of Finance Dr.Mun Pattanothai MP

Minister of Foreign Affairs Kasit Piromya DEM

Minister of Tourism and Sports Chumphol Silpa-archa CTP

Minister for Social Development and Human

Issara Somchai DEM
Security

Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives Theera Wongsamut DEM

Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives Suphachai Phosu BJT

Minister of Transport Sophon Saram BJT

Deputy Minister of Transport Kuakul Danchaiwijit CTP

Deputy Minister of Transport Suchart Chockchaiwattanakorn BJT

Minister for Natural Resource and Environment Suwit Khunkitti SAP

Minister of Information and Communication Juti Krairerk DEM

Technology

Minister for Energy Dr.Wannarat Channukul RC

Minister of Commerce Pornthiva Nakasai BJT

Deputy Minister of Commerce Alongkorn Pollabutr DEM

Minister of Interior Chaovarat Chanweerakul BJT

Deputy Minister of Interior Boonjong Wongtrairat BJT

Deputy Minister of Interior Thaworn Senniam DEM

Minister of Justice Pirapan Salirathavibhaga DEM

Minister of Labour Chalermchai Sri-on DEM

Minister of Culture Niphit Intharasombat DEM

Minister for Science and Technology Dr.Virachai Virameteekul DEM

Minister of Education Chinnaworn Boonyakiat DEM

Deputy Minister of Education Chaiyot Jiramaetagron PPD

Deputy Minister of Education Narisara Chawaltanpithak PPD

Minister of Public Health Jurin Laksanawisit DEM

Deputy Minister of Public Health Pansiri Kulanartsiri BJT

Minister of Industry Chaiwuti Bannawat DEM

[edit]Legislative

Parliament House of Thailand the meeting place for both the House and the Senate since
1974.

[edit]National Assembly
Main article: National Assembly of Thailand

The legislative branch (also called the Parliament of Thailand) of the Thai government was
first established in the ‘Temporary’ Constitution of 1932. The assembly first met on the 28
June 1932 in the Ananda Samakhom Throne Hall. The National Assembly of Thailand is a
bi-cameral legislature and comprises two houses: the Senate and the House of
Representatives. The legislative branch took its current form in 2007. The National Assembly
has 630 members. Both houses of the National Assembly meet at theParliament House of
Thailand.
[edit]The Senate
Main article: Senate of Thailand

The upper house of the legislative branch was first established in 1946. However for most of
its history the Senate has been the stronghold of the military and the elite. The current Senate
has 150 members. 76 members are elected each from one per province from the 75 provinces
of Thailand and 1 from the Bangkok Metropolitan Area. The other 74 are selected by the
Senate Selection Commission, made up of both elected and appointed officials.
The chamber is strictly a non-partisan chamber, and members may not be a member of a
partisan organization, House of Representatives, judiciary and the Cabinet for five years. The
Senate has little power legislative -wise, but retain considerable powers of scrutiny and
appointment. As the Senate is vested with the power to ‘advise’ on the appointment of several
members of the Judiciary and independent government agencies. The Senate sits for a set six
years non renewable term, the Senate cannot be dissolved. The Senate is presided by a
President of the Senate, who is also the Vice President of the National Assembly. He is
assisted by two Vice Presidents of the Senate. The last election to the Senate was in 2008.
[edit]The House of Representatives
Main article: House of Representatives of Thailand

The lower house of the legislative branch has been in existence in some form since 1932. The
House of Representatives is the primary legislative house of the government of Thailand. The
House comprises 480 members. 400 of the MPs are elected directly from constituencies
around the country. The other 80 members are selected using ‘proportional representation’
through party-lists. The MPs are selected from 8 electoral areas (each consists of several
provinces), 10 members from each area. This system is called the ‘Mixed Member
Majoritarian’ in which a voter has two votes one for the constituency MP and the other for a
party in the voter’s electoral area.

The House is a partisan chamber with 7 political parties. The House is the primary legislative
chamber and the more powerful of the two houses. The House has the power to remove both
the Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers through a vote of no confidence. The House sits for
a term of four years however a dissolution of the House can happen anytime before the
expiration of the term. The House is led by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, who
is also the President of the National Assembly. He is assisted by two Deputy Speakers. The
leader of the largest party or largest coalition party will most likely become Prime Minister,
while the leader of the largest party with no members holding any ministerial positions will
become the Leader of the Opposition. The Leader of the Opposition is a powerful position
with considerable influence, he is assisted by a Shadow Cabinet. The last general election for
the House was in 2007.

After the 2007 election the People’s Power party won the most seats with
the Democrats and Chart Thai party trailing behind. However after the 2008 political
crisis and the ruling of the Constitutional court on the 2 December 2008, in which the PPP
plus the Chart Thai and Neutral Democratic Parties (coalition partners), the Prime Minister
and several party executives were banned from politics for five years, the composition of the
House changed. The successor of the PPP still retained the most seats, however the remainder
of the coalition partners defected and joined a Democrat led government which was
inaugurated on the 17 December. Leaving the For Thais Party (successor of the PPP) and
the Pracharaj Party in the opposition.

e • d Composition of the House of Representatives of Thailand, Since December 2008,

and then after the January 2009 by-Election

Previous Current
Parties Leader Changes
seats seats

Yongyuth
Pheu Thai Party formerly PPP 232 (-43) 189
Wichaidit
 Democrat Party‡ Abhisit Vejjajiva 165 (+7) 172

Bhumjaithai Party‡ Chaovarat

11 (+21) 32
formerly NDP Chanweerakul

Chanchai
For the Motherland‡ 24 (+8) 32
Chairungrueng

Thai Nation Development Chumpol Silpa-

34 (-9) 25
Party‡ formerly CTP archa

Thais United National Dr. Varnarat

9 (0) 9
Development Party‡ Chanukul

Royalist People's Party Sanoh Thienthong 5 (+4) 8

Social Action Party Thongphun Diphrai - (+5) 5

Sonthi
Matubhum Party - (+3) 3
Boonyaratglin

Total 475

Source: The Nation.com, The Nation.com

‡ Coalition partners

[edit]Judiciary

The Judiciary of Thailand is composed of three distinct systems: the Court of Justice
system, the Administrative Court system and the Constitutional Court of Thailand. There are
no stenographic records kept by the trial court and the record is composed of what the judges
decide.

Research judges assist the sitting judges. Judges must take an examination and two different
examinations are given: one exam is for judges trained in Thailand and a different
examination is given for judges who graduate from foreign law schools. All Judges are
formally appointed by the King.

The Asian Human Rights Commission called the Thai legal system a "mess" and called for a
drastic overhaul of Thailand's criminal procedures. It cited the rampant use of forced
confessions, and the fact that even a senior justice ministry official admitted that 30% of
cases went to court with no evidence. It also criticized the judiciary for failing to ensure that
trials are conducted speedily, citing the case of four Thai men accused of plotting to kill
Supreme Court President Praman Chansue (Thai: ประมาณ ชันซื่อ). The accused were present
in court for 461 times before 91 different judges since proceedings began in 1993 and ended
in 2008. While Mr. Praman peacefully died of intrapulmonary infection in 2007.[2]
[edit]Courts of Justice
The Courts of Justice of Thailand is the largest of the court system and makes up the majority
of courts in the Kingdom. The Courts as mandated in the Constitution is made up of three
tiers: the Court of First Instance, the Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court of Justice of
Thailand.
[edit]The Administrative Courts
The Administrative Court system is made up of two tiers: The Administrative Courts of First
Instance and the Supreme Administrative Court. The court system was first created in 1997,
the court’s main jurisdiction is to settle litigation between the State or an organ of state
(government ministries, departments and independent agencies) and private citizens.
[edit]The Constitutional Court
Main article: Constitutional Court of Thailand

First set up in 1997, the Constitutional Court of Thailand was created solely as a high court to
settle matters pertaining to the constitution. The court has since accumulated huge amounts of
power and influence; gaining many controversies on the way. This has become especially
clear during the 2006 and 2008 political crises, settling political deadlocks and social unrests.
[edit]The Legal system
Main article: Law of Thailand

Thailand's legal system blends principles of traditional Thai and Western laws; the western
sourced laws are often misused and corrupted. The traditional 'Thai' laws are the product of
Hindu-Brahmin laws used by the Khmer Empire. There is no discovery in the Thai legal
system. Slander and libel are not civil torts in Thailand but criminal offenses.

Thailand’s legal system has been often criticized by other countries for having penalties of
life in prison or even death for crimes such as drug possession or smuggling, while having
lenient penalties for crimes such as terrorism and marital abuse resulting in spousal death.
The criminally accused are entitled to have a court-appointed certified translator present in
court if they cannot afford one. Appeals must be filed with the trial court within thirty (30)
days of the judge reading, signing and issuing the verdict. There are no juries in trials. Only
Thai citizens can be admitted to the Bar and can practice before the courts. Attorneys must
carry their current, yellow, bar card when in court and may be required to produce it on
challenge.

In Thailand's southern border provinces, where Muslims constitute the majority of the
population, Provincial Islamic Committees have limited jurisdiction over probate, family,
marriage, and divorce cases.
[edit]Local government

Thailand is divided into seventy-six provinces (changwat, singular and plural). The Ministry
of the Interior appoints governors for all but two provinces - the metropolis of greater
Bangkok and the city of Pattaya, where the governor is popularly elected. Thailand's
provinces are listed below. Note that each provincial capital takes the same name as the
province.

Amnat Charoen, Ang Thong, Buriram, Chachoengsao, Chai

Nat, Chaiyaphum, Chanthaburi, Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Chon
Buri, Chumphon,Kalasin, Kamphaeng Phet, Kanchanaburi, Khon Kaen, Krabi, Krung
Thep (Bangkok), Lampang, Lamphun, Loei, Lop Buri, Mae Hong Son,Maha
Sarakham, Mukdahan, Nakhon Nayok, Nakhon Pathom, Nakhon Phanom, Nakhon
Ratchasima (Khorat), Nakhon Sawan, Nakhon Si Thammarat, Nan, Narathiwat, Nongbua
Lamphu, Nong Khai, Nonthaburi, Pathum Thani, Pattani, Phang
Nga, Phatthalung, Phayao,Phetchabun, Phetchaburi, Phichit, Phitsanulok, Phra Nakhon Si
Ayutthaya, Phrae, Phuket, Prachin Buri, Prachuap Khiri
Khan, Ranong,Ratchaburi, Rayong, Roi Et, Sa Kaeo, Sakon Nakhon, Samut Prakan, Samut
Sakhon, Samut Songkhram, Sara Buri, Satun, Sing
Buri,Sisaket, Songkhla, Sukhothai, Suphan Buri, Surat Thani, Surin, Tak, Trang, Trat, Ubon
Ratchathani, Udon Thani, Uthai Thani, Uttaradit, Yala,Yasothon.