Eaplicati t'emploi d’un méme vocabulaire technique. 1 Maxime exposé li signification de Méglise, édifice du eulte, et de la iturgie eucharistique fui y est celébrée dans: (PG 94, 697717), Cest Youwrage Kiturgique le plus important gu Con- teseur. On peut y ajouter quelques passages second Hidrarchie eclésiastique du Pseudo-Denys (PG 4, 110-184) ment, il est de entitrement garantie, méme si l'on soustrait les passages qui doivent étre 1és & Jean de Seythopolis. la Mystagogie se situe vers le: /¢ des grands commentaires bibliques et patristiques 5s les Quarstionss et dubia tst done proche ps du Confesseur de problemes 'Beriture, us adoptoneR. Bowser 7 du Confesseur ropos de montrer que la mystagogie liturgique met Q 's suffisent pour le prouver, ba assy : : Dict d'un rite sont appelés des Jewpiat (e 8: an le méme terme désigneles diférentesinterprétations avanoées pour tmtestosoripturnire (par exemple Amb II, 10: 4117-1203), Identiques dans tars visées, ln théoria soipturaire et la théorialturgique procédent par une MB sine dimacche et offrent les mémes caracté P Plus pris le genre littéraire. Maxime donne liturgique le nom de 3ystagog it done d’une ini aux mystéres dont Véglise de pierres et les rites A lexteption du titre, le terme wvoraywyfa ne revient plus qu'une sea sans i corps de Vouvrage (c. 2: 669); mais dans ce dernier passag ne présante pas un sens bien caractérisé et équivaut seulemens Cest par Vanagogie (Seayarr4) que Vesprit ¢ : Ea reyanch nt plus iréquemment dans les co} t vrai tant pour V'intelligence de I'Eeriture que pour lexpli bibliqtes, of on au mystére de I'Reriture. C'est it demandé & Maxime une interprétation moray 0: 1160 A) qui serute la lettre de I'Keriture. ues (xara vip draywyeny ewglar: déeou ns spirituel. Cependant eriture se livre en effet & da contem- 63, 67: 277 C, 676 A, 746D). La méme Ne (ff xavd dvaywryiy Deopia) Aéoouvre la signification 684 A), le Verbe divin joue le rile de guide. effet abaissé jusqu’s nous pour nous conduire au sommet de la général d’introduction au mystare, ne se li Afxime‘en étend Vemploi & raisons (Aéyor) jusqu’a In contempl (Amb II, 32, 47: iia 1360 C; Cent 5, 94: 1388 D). 1 ressort de cet emploi du terme que Maxime congoit la my = e Ia science. Le Logos nous fait connaitre les Aéyos des créatures comme ye initiation at mystire a, “Tui nous a te rene an Et '4 B), comme il nous donne intelligence des paroles (ee histoire. “Crest en effet par I'éconor i Bq (Geriture (Thi 93 A; Amb TI, 33; 1285 C-1288 A). De méme, A terme, que nous pouvons entre: @ ‘contemplation liturgique qui a liew au cours méme de la célébration des Aceéder & la connaissance de ce mystare, Ia eréatio, le Verbe fait chair conduit I’ame hore des signes sensibles offrent des voies d’accds paral ‘manifestent le Verbo oréateur. La lettre de Par ‘cu. Les signes liturgiques, & leur tour, dévoilent et cachent & li action divine dans le culte de I'Bglise. Cette vision unitaire mabye ‘out naturellement & adopter un méme genre littéraire pour dimsasions profondes do lunivers orés, pour expliquer le sons @ "Eoriture et pour exposer la signifieation spirituelle des rites lit la vision déifiante du mystare de la Trinité (c. 24: 704 B-105 A). LEsprit-Saint remplit une fonction non moins importante dans cet acte & ir les objete sensibles es Se nse des étres et déjé Ia contemplation de & att guste, Seagia: Thal a 1 Dans ce triple domaine, la contemplation ou la de ss propre pour entree la conn:généralement, mais non zmatiquement, caractérisée par Fadverbe rexixds; la seconde qui ap- jont & la anystiques est le plus souvent: qualifige de pvors s de contemplat certaine négligence pour es figures et les eym spirituelles jugées seules intéressantes. Déj n’étre qu'une image de l'univers 6} a peu d’importance & la matérial Myelagopie de fagon plus systématique les adverbes yevvuii; (ea général) et ics (en particulier). L'histoire générale du salut, intéreseant "humanité histoire particuliére, concernant chaque membre du peuple de Diew. Pour étre complet, il faudrait ajouter les exégéses concrétes que Maxime propose a la fois pour un rite liturgique et un texte biblique. Mais les traits Flutdt formels que nous venons d’énumérer démontrent de fagon plus pressive une attitude commune YEoriture, et de Uaction de Dieu, transmet en grande part Liniluence du Pseudo-Denys est également transparente, On doit ‘Maxime une certaine technicité sont les réalités éternelles, présentes sous des signes temporela et. 8 des signes temporels et pro Comme les cérémonies de l’Ancien Testament ont été la venue du Chri «A mesure que la brillante et sans ombre de la Le lien que Maxime éta liturgique résulte done, en du salut. ¢ le Confesseur peut encore servir, non dede Si ra DISPERSACONGREGAS Dans un article Notes liturgiquest dom @. Mi "eects 4 Bais or ee Ge oe «une lettre bien connue du pape Zachari t emprunt & une ancieane formule pour la bénédiotion d Suivrait que cette bénédiction, et par conséquent. au: cession de Is DOMINICA IN PALMIS, était adj moins dés le pontificat de Zacharie, & savoir les a serait done pas seulement en Espagne, en Gaule ou & implanté de bonne heure, mais Rome elle-méme, ne Pugnante aux usages liturgiques d'autres régions, aurait quand adopté assez t6t eetto coutume hagiopolite. Tl mo semble utile de confronter en premier lieu les deux te: tionnés taut--l’heure. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Missale Romanum: Dominica Epistolae TIT, 87, p. 369, iss of. Sacramenlaire de Zacharias papa Bonifatio O1, saeo, IX? respondet .. nedictus DEUS, pater domini es Ohristi, QUI DISPERSA CONGREGAT ET CONGREGATA CONSERVAT augetque fidem ef fiduciam servis suis ad praedicandum It saute aux yeux que la teneur de cette antienne correspond presque complétement & V'exorde de la lettre de Zecharie. Au contraire l'accord avee le début de la formule de la bénédiction des rameaux s'arréte déj au verbe conservas, la finale du premier membre de phrase. Par contte locution separas de Vantienne au lieu de consereas parait étrange. D sagit probablement d'une allusion au récit de la création du firmament, de la ; rieurs et du continents de la Evidemment les trois textes relevés ci-dessus ont une jendr les Actes do saint Valentin’, mais on ne I’y trouve point. Tout ne sont que le second chapitre d'un autre document, & savoir les Actes des ts Marius, Marthe, Audifax et Habacue dont la mémoire se célébte le ‘quel’on trouve dans une formule de pritre attribuée au ape saint Calliste la source commune de nos trois textes. Cette fois il ya une conformité parfaite entre les paroles attribuées au fmeux pape et martyr du toisiéme sitcle et I'exorde solennel de la lettre de Zacharie & Boniface. Monumenta Germaniae Historica ,— Epistolae 111, 87 (p. 368) die 4, novembris Rerom Eee ita, Seria Mair.e du ment aux Actes des saints Marius et compagnor Zacharie ne fait qu'adapter ia formule de reise dans ces Actes. Il est intéressant de faire observer familiers. On peut lire encore dans !ORDO RO. sanctorum vel gesta ipsorum usgue Adriani ibi legebantur ubi ecclesia ipsius sancti vel iussit et in ecclesia sancti Petri legendas es gélasien se montre encore des martyrs?, ~ Une deuxi e et de saint Sébastien ne fournis- tion de ce rapprochement....92 L’expli- est plus simple, et Hesbert a été fourvoyé par son Antiphonaire au du XIII¢ siécle. Dans l’antiphonaire de Hartker on a joint la de saint Sébastien du 20 janvier la mémoire des saints Marius et com- ugnons du jour précédent. Ainsi tout s'explique, car on y trouve plusieurs jennes en honneur de ces derniers mélées & celles de V'office de saint ‘Sébastien. Ainsi comme 6¢ antienne du second nocturne: Beatissima Martha callegit sanguinem et filiorum ... et comme 4° antienne Ad uesperas: ‘et Ambacum sanguinem swum fuderunt propler qu'un autre emprunt aux Actes des saints Marius es, entre dans la méme ligne et ne constitue 3. Une autre énigme est celle de Vorigine de la procession des rameaux Chavasse dans son livre: Le Sacramentaire Gélasien> reléve la TCA IN PALMIS dans les gélasiens etlesgrégoriens. Selon st probable que cette Passion’ comme semblabler, date pour lo moine di ™ ii d’Agimond, prétre de In basilique des Seint- "3, N° I-X s,Leonis papae de passione domini ‘wigilia osannae. Il s‘agit alors d’extraits de 8. Jérome annem 51, c. 12, n.1-8 de S, Augustin. Chavasse Evangéliaires ro- 13 Rameaux fusse célébrée & Jérusalem, le soir ede Ssspirituolles ou purement morales. Pp. LJ. Cains, Ysford The earliest clear testimony to Septuagesima Sunday is contained in heading of the s0-called Homily XIX of S. Gregory the Great ‘given to the people in the Basilica of Blessed Laurence on Septuagesima Sunday”. A careful examination of the destructive criticism which Fr. Antoine Chavasset has brought to bear on this testimony in my mind the witness of S. Gregory, but has types of Homily which accord with the Temporale and the Sanctorale of the Sacramentaries, both types being illustrated by the Homilies of S, Gregory. Fr. Chavasse asserts that Homily XIX cannot have been preached on Septuagesima Sunday, but must have been given in the Basilica of 8. Laurence on the Feast of Title, August 10th. The passage in the Homily to which he takes exception is well-known and reads as follows: “In this very year (praesenti anno), in my monastery, which church of the blessed martyrs John and Paul, a repentance, entered the monastery, was devoutly accepted, and became himself yet more devoutly changed in life. it the m i the spirit is end he was urged to put his soul in order.” As 8 of the brethren he vowed to serve God and to that moment until now he lies oppressed by st of S. Laurence has been hag pointed out that theK. Gamper, Regensburg In seinen Liturgischen Texten I. Zur Geschichte der orientalischen ‘auje und Messe im 2. und 4, Jahrhundert hat H. Lietemann bereits i.J.1910 eine Stelle aus dom 2. Buch der Constitutiones Apostolorum, abgedruckt, da sie eine kurze Beschreibung des frithchristlichei# ienstes, wobl gegen Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts, bietet. Dabei fat er leider die iltere Textfassung dieser Stelle in der Didascalia ‘jpostolorum, der Vorlage der Constitutiones Apostolorum, nicht berilck- dieser Kirchenordnung ist verloret folgenden zuerst den fir uns in Frage kommenden Text Apostolorum nach der Ausgabe von Fr. X. Funk’, wobei daB die oben erwihnte altlateinische Ubersetzung erst t (cum disciplina et sobrietate . ..) case duri neque tyranni_ neque iracendé neque asperi in ims nee sovile doowim Domini nejue disperpite populum ‘per doctrinam ef oration fanquan. convents rearan faite quoriavida eat dul fie deereto loco vedere. fem presbyter de eclesia parochiae cenerit,suscipte curs niler i loco vesiro. Et a eptacops , aper 4'Si- autem com ‘tut peregrinus aut de ipso loco, ta, 0p Bropler permnarum acceplionem relinguere miniueron toon sed pertiane quictus et nli mediareverbums fratres sete ae 5 Sin vero locus nom fuerit, qui dite see perrorinus superven i Loe de7, 5-6) eine andere Einfigung inden urspringlichen Text, die von uns oben in die FuBnote gesetzt worden is. Sie betont die Ostung beim Gebet® und verlangt aus diesem Grund eine «atsprechende Anordnung der Sitze. In Vers 6 wird von den Aufgaben der Diakone gesprochen. DaB es sich bei diesen beiden Versen um eine spitere Einfiigung handelt, leweist das Feblen eines entsprechenden griechischen Textes, vor allem aber Vers7, der eine direkte Weiterfuhrung von Vers 4 darstellt. Daboi ist dhs ,qui intus est des syrischen Textes ebenfalls als sekundair zu betrachten, aes im griechischen Text von Codp fehlt und es eine Klammer aum ein- sfigten Vers 6 darstellen soll, wo von Diakonen am Eingang und Diakonen im Saal die Rede ist. igeoro¢- 'd nun unsere Aufgabe sein, die Erweit 6 tors der Coustitutiones Apostolora enden Cop abectas tors der sea \Postolorum (im folgenden Coap abgeliiey Inc. 58 werden Vorschriften erlassen fiir den Fall, daB Fremde in die Versammlung kommen. Die beiden ersten Verse 1 und 2 stimmen dabei in Dip und Cop bis auf kleine Zusitze in Cop uberein. Grofite Beachtung terdient Vers 3. Hier ist davon die Rede, was 2u tun ist, wenn ein aus- Wértiger Bischof 2u Besuch da ist. Es wird geraten, daB der Heimatbischot jur Versammlung zu sprechen. Er soll ihm auch das An- Leitung der Eucharistieteier zu tibernehmen. Es heiSt ablehnen, In diesem Fall Heimatbischof ihm nahelegen, wenigstens das Segensgebet (eifo- iw) aber dea Keleh 2u spree! Sou folgenden Verson 3 und 4 liegen die Ding fit Hilfo des Textos in DiAp die Uetssune werden. Si deutscher Ubersetzung: der Text in Cop. W. im Wort von i ae(anit Abbifungen). jitzordaoung der Teilnehm nur dann einen rechten Sinn haben, wenn man annimmt verschiedenen Tischen gesessen habe und die Presbyter an der Ostwand des Ri ie ein Tisch fur die Manner und die Frauen im ubrigen Te vorhanden waren2, er eegebes t, da Tisch fiir de 2 Diese Tische waren entweder flr Antike und Christeatum 8/9 (1985/68) ursy E.R Hose 8 J, Kursong, West Bengal The Antiphon The daughter of the king stands in glory (Ps 45, 9) The Church is like a dove — who builds her nest near the holy altar, And the accursed serpent — threatens her, To tear up her nest ~ and destrcy her young, Do not, 0 my Lord, do not, 0 my Lord ~ relaz your hold on her, Which was redeemed — by your living blood. yy comD~ONA Cio Nd} (Lise Lad /La Le, Be L>0an sho b> [SiN woo DA wm IS on oi® yao que feaay AN Le. B34 pico 110 Jaw 049 she? This antiphon, ‘ont{é, belongs to the sublépé of the first qdld in the first, ett of the funeral office for lay peop! preceded by ‘generally inspires the text of the p or West Syrian tra “onttd occurred e else. Since it deals with the Church, I expected to find it in the of the Church, or in the feria! office of the twouur altars, Yahweh also urgy 5 " K how can you say to me, “Bird, fy back to your the office for the Sup i hiding in the cleft ¢ Supplication was and to Jeremiah 48, 28: “Learn from at makes its nest in the walls of the gaping gorge’. Itis important to note that the poet, after likening the Church to a dove, lus added to its allegorical use of Ps 84, the threat of the devil. The threa- tening serpent may well come from Rev. 12, 4 and 17. The prayer that concludes the ‘onitd and the mention of the ‘hold (literally: ‘hands') of the ord’, may have come from Ps 88, 3 and 74, 11. The use of allegory is common practice of the East Syrian exegetes and poets, at least in liturgical texts, This is in spite of the restraining action df Theodore of Mopsuestis, the time-honoured Interpreter’, and his fol. es, St Ephrem had opened the way for such allegorical, metaphi ‘use of scriptural texts, and his influence on all Syrians was. 3d lasting. iny direct influence of Origen, e.g. through his commentary of Canticles? It is difficult to say. The identification of the 1¢ dove may have ultimately come from Origen and perhaps abo from St Hippolytust ‘mong the Syrian authors, the grouping of such themes as Dove, Nest, ‘ar, Serpent and Young is first found to some extent in the writings of hrem?. Thus in Madrdsé XXIV, stanza 3, of his hymns on Virginity, ‘esead:: ‘Blessed are you Heavenly Bird — whose nest is the cross of light — ‘you did not want to make the nest on earth — lest the serpent come destroy your young..." and in the funer troduced about A. D. 570~581!, Background body — is prefigured and represented in various ways by wot th ideal Newel ene ash edn Tae nethig sad this again is a proof of their emphasis on the Church crate, cnlia also, though not using the name mother" wurch as a mother. And, as wo shal see presently ores use {2Picalof the Syrian attitude. Hence, the appreria the West Syrians holds good for the East S; r text and from many others as wel itd alludes to threats to the Chui secutions ftom non-Christians, Aw turch was the target of a iong-diraw religion was Mazdeism. During fort is f d Pram (52) 2 0h fo SS. ,> Sos foo [Sle] La; Ho} + ead Now] Lo. (Nad fh] Jn Vaterkommentare 21m Holen 105--H0,wepee 405-122; Origen,our young people jour altars, attached getting from you ee food. For cue eyties and our nests and our enjoyment t1e sour boly altars, For close to them, like gaping young, we receive fram ie passage from Isra: cation with the dove could be expected. St Cyril of Alexandr dove as symbol of the Church’. their Christian pupils, near the deo fa wal roves, ai wer 51) xai of addou dgvtdes, nda “Kaddixeg yig orgovdia xa topes, cuir 3) re, ae frag fete dias yar éxdardueba, ral rds 85 eigdrtes omprds, wag fovs éxnaubevouer veortots, werd vir iecéouw aot st ower sean nanan mores, pr fp ebgetorees naiber, xai vy mveyuareniy Toy aapd: oo8 xoM Sue | Mag’ éxeiva yig, xaddaco veortoi xeynrétes, mapa cov xomCéueba iy Beier joret, almost in the same vein as St Oysi, mentions the Church teacher or the mother of the young. At any rate the sym- of the nest-altar and the young come again clase to the “cn it refers to spiritual instruction, regeneration and the Eucha yest and altar we find in the ‘oniid, With Theodoret of Cyrus we come back to the exegesis of Ant epeganinded one. For Theodoret refused to follow Theodore of Men llegories and metaphors freely, and with often fence than many others. He himself admitted openly borrowed ffom Origen, In his commentary on the Ca1 le of Canticles (II, 11-13), hi = 14 of Ps 84 and writ murished, where they grow. ‘The grace Conclusion juenced both by St Ephrem, and by i, including perhaps that of Theodoret. { Thid., madrid 1, pp. 2-3, and p. 7, A. Robert ot R’Toamay, Le Cunt 963, p.Quelle est de Vagape? wax 0. FM, Besangun ‘La question de agape a passionné nos ainés, Funk, Battifol, au début ‘du sidele. Il faut reconnaitre que cette ferveur, entretenue de temps & autre aa cours des quarante demnitres années, s'est considérablement affai- ie. Il reste que le probléme est loin d’étre clarifig. Bo Reicke a d’ail- cars fourni un état de diverses positions que défendent les auteurs con- temporains. diverses thises avancées. Le présent article se limite & étudier Vorigine de Vagape. Est-elle juive ou pafenne, lige ou non & 'eucharistie? Nous raméne- rons & trois les conclusions de notre ana! 4, Le repas rituel et eucharistic Ia eélébration eucharistique en milieu judéo-chrétien est demeurée lige quelque temps & un repas, qui la précéde et lintroduit. Celui-ci eet: motivé sans doute par le repas pascal, qui encadre la derniére céne et 'institution de la céne nouvelle. La Didaché semble témoigner encore de cet état des oses, Ten est sans doute de méme d la apostolorum, dans la for-ia deseription de la co Lorigine de lagape est d’abord et essenti découverte de l'agapé de Dieu, révélée dans le Christ par le don de Iui-méme, jlisé dans Veucharistie, sacrement de l'agapé, comme Ignace semble Jer. Elle est une maniére de vivre la charité, sans se payer de mots; aussi, car le mystére du Christ est act Sere we eux. Pare : lement une extrapolation. Pour 4 annir absolument le mot dgepe: quand il eos & V'eucharistie, pour écarter toute ambig ‘utions postérieures sur un rituel if, La se projeter des affirm doute jam Tl n’existo déja. plus davantage visé par ion est que le repas rituel introductoin dans ‘eu in 's communautés d'origine purement smote Letansan’ Hit des sts, Troe Ile seal fe . ‘potre dans sa premigre lettre aux Corint Ges abus sont inconcevables & qui connait le earactére strictement rel epas rituel qui disposait & Peucharistie?. Le commentaire de Jea sostome les place d’ailleurs aprés la célébration*, "i commandées par le repas, les assistants, le lieu et le temps. Célébrée le soir, agape est lide & la bénédiction du lucernaire. Ce rituel demeure secondaire et dépendant. De toute maniére l'utilisation d'un rite ou la resse dun formulaire ne permettent pas de conclure & une dépendance de l'aga} et ne suffisent pas & expliquer Vorigine de V'institution. Encore resemblance ne peut-elle fournir une explication de Pagape par les repas été affirmée. surs frappant que l’agape n'est jamais appelée fraction du pain, que le président n'est généralement pas dit erompre le paine, le mot est pour écarter toute ambiguité. Ce sont les fidéles qui compent le pains want de le manger, dans les divers rituels. 2. Liagape 1 faut atfirmer fermement I solution de introductoire & Veucharisie et le repas de chaste agape, et passe tel quel dang le voeabulaire ie entre le repas rend un nom Ce terme, 3. Autres formes de repas Pauvres, Lragape est une inst APeuch: de se tenir sur ses gardes qui, des ressemblan- . iques peuvent avoir des entes. Dans la mesure oi inspiration de est normal de trouver des jen des origines chrétiennes est obliign Dana diverses formes de repos niseent par eh leur donne leur réf te Passel ‘our le Sele, comm t lans sa I au on ier eee Pa Role dn messianique, ol le partage est une expression de la communion fra spy teste que leur origine paienne les gréve lourdement. La pasto elise, & leur endroit, peut varier de Ia tolérance & accueil ou au e. ermet de tirer une der conclusion, Les Insitutions ehréiennes, comme Tegape elon fenaps de Ter & Carthage, ont pu se mettre a 'abri d’un statut 1g maner une couverture juridique. I] _Youloir tirer Ia conelusion que autres institutions qui lui lement en besogne, mais faire un con , Tertullien dans sa démonst Ce qui le conduit &lEglise, Fupture avec le paganisme, de maura aux ai ‘Toute sa description de 'agape repose sur Poppos une dépendanee? wi faut cepérer que between canticum and psalmus; they do this with great in, ‘Tradition . The Gradual Psa F. Hockey, quare ‘These fifteen short psalms have from earliest times been grouped together, cach of them bearing the same titulus, whether in Hebrew, Greek or Latin. The Greek drafaduoi was rendered by the Latin gradus, a much more couvrete expression. We do not propose to examine here the exegesis of on tifulus, for though canticum produ , we find that the Fathers, both Greek and Latin, have applied to it all their exegetical procedure ithad been a text of Hol . ‘Taking this fitulus in its literal sense, the Fathers are seen distinguishing Ke but with little conviction. Next, search is made for ‘steps’ and ‘ at the existence of 1 le has finally to depend solely on rabbinical traditio ding to turn to the other possible translations of the Greek t to replace gradua by ascensus or ascensio afforded an admiral starting-point for a more spiritual interpretation. But fist, ascending, £0 ‘up, when considered literally or historically, had to be either the return of the exiles from Babylon, their journeying up to Jerusalem, or else the solemn pilgrimages to the holy city for feasts, ascensiones. The number 16 offered inore profitable ground, for it wae early discovered that 7 + 8 = 15. Now. both 7 and 8 are numbers whose mystique profoundly moved early Christian two numbers are shown to be was the seventhways for the unanimity of the Eastern witness to ceclesia?, They have stressed the fact that the numerical majority of MSS. upporta that reading, and they have used the ambiguity of the Syriae ( and Ethiopie (Q) prepositions in certain MSS. in which the text is uncertai toargue that the East uniformly witnesses that phrase. They have th the process, made a probable case for at least an Egyptian creedal tradition with the wording in eancta ecclesia, On the strength of their findings, th and by virtue of the theological congentality of that phrase to Hippolytus’ other works and to the 4p. Trad. itself, these echolars have proceeded to attribute that reading to the Hippolytan original. ‘Against those suggestions, however, it can be noted that the very MSS. ‘upon which those scholars rely so heavily also give every sign of being highly interpolated, especially with respect to the baptismal interrogations. Moreover, the Latin MS. of the Verona Palimpsest, which attests ¢fsanctam jcareely a more important or enigmatic work in the wl rature than the Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus. Tt many factors, but especially in that, as Bernard Botte : Hippolyte est sans doug témoin le plus ancion d’un symbole baptism: Yet the extrem problematic character of the text of the Ap. Trad. renders all judg: cerning it almost equally uncertain. Even such basic ques ether the” 4p. Trad. represents Roman or Alexandrine (or 0 tradition and whether it is by Hippolytus and, if so, by which have evoked the most diverse scholarly judgments and pose probl which we cannot enter here. Since both of these questions bear problem under examination in this paper, however, suffice it to cay that numing the Ap. T'rad. is Roman and the work of the famous saint, ‘The specific problem to which we shall be directing our attention whether the text of the baptismal interrogation coneerning the Holy Si in Ap. Trad. xxi, 17, should be assumed to read Credis in Spiritum sone ecclesia? (iv vf dyig éxxdqaia) as proposed by Nautin?, Bot lowing the Egyptian MS. tradition, or wh Spiritum sanctum et sanctam cecle ») as Connolly’, Elfers?, and othe ion, suppose, .an) ereedal tradition and acquire that tradition’s support for the ef sanctam ecclesiam reading. Hence, one should witness only under compulsion, Furthermore, it becomes clear dismiss that is one assumes two creedal traditions, one Reman and one Egyptian, th are still reasonably distinguishable in there MSS. today and which, shen the 4p. Trad. was translated in the Ea: their separate identities, one can account for every probiem raised by those382 pure Bride of Christ (De Ep. 14. 7; and frequently of the ear re concluded that the Hippol we know of that creed as it develop nd Sth centuries toward its final Creed. When the weight of that i pares Come tion and communion hr tm te ls regenerating domain ith im, Bap which cleanses (Ep. ly a rite which partakes be original and that Hippolytus wrot oiay). {With these proposals in mind, T have wondered if there were not’ other historical data which could serve as external i controversy between Popes Stephen of Rome and Cy setve that purpose. We do not, of course, require a troversy here!, but a looks at Cyprian’s py description of every aspect of that ogg’ 4 6 i ; ‘tion on the question of rebaptis zh one should not, of course, suppose as ee iol to be sufficient for authentic baptism (Ep.370 sehatolegy; ou, con ‘son aang spiritael, cesta rg de Jésus? cest avoir part 8 costale de Eg! e s'est traduite, sur manuels appellent I’ehérésie aquarienner, «’ eau pure au vin mélé a’ Eglise!, voire par 'éli observé Schiirmann ot semble bien quo cette contestatigg Jaissé des traces dans le Nouveau Testament, sous ls forme duns compensatoire sur la coupe, sur le sang du Chri v » c'est la polémique anti-aquarienne qui semble bi res & souligner cette implicati eschatologique du vin. insi, Irénée de Lyon, au livre V de l'Adversus ic 1 force du Logos eat le Pnewma, com ais cette abstinence absolue n’est plus t encore dans le déverts, Mais ee ene signe pour ceux qui, de Verranee, ont ét6 introduits par ans le repos, que la grande Grappe, le Logos broyé pour mee le Logos a voulu que le sang de Ia greppe soit melé b Veaus. «Sang ‘Fistuele, ceatadize porteur W'Esprt, le vin méle dean de la coupe s test Te sg e de union intime, désormais ‘ont eu part dans Ta foi sont car la volonté du Pere réalise sacramentellement Vhomme avee Esprit et le Logos»? sans considérct qu isu de Die tu 's de comps et d'ime,parece confir el Obispo de Zaragoza San Braulio, amigo de San Ieidoro. El biégrafo vivid altimos del siglo VI y primera mitad del siguiente. Su obra entra de lleno en el género literario, de origen oriental, de la hagiografia monéatica, del desierto, pudigramos decir. E] mismo lo conflesa, al decir de su héroe quo fué xere ut comiceo cacli per omnia similis}, y como aquellos, i preestantius a los antiguos filésofos paganos en sabiduris, prudencia y gudeza, a pesar de no haber sido capaz de aprender de memoria sino tos ocho primeros salmos del salterio‘, O alterum Martinum, exclama otra vez San Braulio’, Y ya pasamos a enumerar las facetas del ideal monéstico que esta bio- sraffa nos depara. |. El bidgrafo recalea el sacerdocio de Millén. A pesar de haber sido itorio, y debido a Ia obediencia su periodo de pérroco, la ordenacién iteral alcanza un rango definitorio de su personalidad. Empiezs aque? lo que sus hermanos Juan y Frominiano (el prélogo tiene forma l monaroa que Nadie ha puesto en duda que en el sular tiene su primera época de pleni una extendida opinién en torno tuvo aquella Volkerwanderungszeit. Se ha barbaros detuvo el desarrollo de Al acercarse las bandas invasor: huir, y Su existencia estuvo rodenda de zocabis siglo V abre en Ia historia d cl toria de la texto narrative comienza enunciéndose ique viri Emiliani pres-nobio? Pero parece que, ber existido una comunidad, no se hubiera acordado sélo de uno de sus miembros. Pudo muy bien tratarse de una laura, o de una mera amistad entre ermitaios. b) Al referirse a como se cuidaba de alimentar ¥ introduce en escena a un mi e delinea como la de un may -mporales y procurador 5, Pero del texto no se excluye que fuera un mero familiar in aetiuam’, 3. Pero nada puede hacernos olvidar que ante todo Su vida careceria de sentido al margen de la dedicacidn c principio se siente el bidgrafo acom llegé a esas alturas interiores, y haber practeritis saeculi conlatus, Desde el su existencia se expergefactus, se va vrnaell Sempre culm ae meditatur witam: Eva contemy angélica’, Asi, en su retiro cuaresmal absoluto en remotiora Direr sortio hominum priuatus angelorum solummodo fungebatur consol ¥ su nombramiento de pérroco le supone quasi de coelo traduci ad de quicte iam paene nancta ad officia laboriosa, a pesar de continuar viviendo. fen su nueva tmisién todo lo mas mondsticamente posible, pues tunc relics quibus dediti solent esse istius ordinis, nostri quidem homines tempor sanctam impertiebat curam in hanc in quam retractus fucrat uitam’, Jo cual aprovecharon sus enemigos para calumniarle, Creemos que con basta para concluir que no vivid jez. Los indicios son de que ésta se desarroll incipiente cenobio doble? (j 0 en uno ya femenino' 4d) ;Continué la vida monéstica, a la muerte del hombre de Dios, en el lugar por atreveriamos a asegurar que no hubo hasta 1.885 solucién de continuidad en ese de los més ilustres monasteries caste- anos? Lo afirman, sin més, Fray Justo Perce de Urbel® y Dom Lambert?,Palladius and Eat! BT. Meven, Washington purpose of the Lausiac History was to edify. Here we find no theory spiritual life laid down as is to be found in chapters 1643 of St. nasius’ Life of Saint Antony of Egypt. If, as Dionysius of Halicarnaseus material, pero a la vez, espiritual mente después de su suetio providenci ad heremi loca?. En segundo término hay una pri ‘eos in montes ... En este caso so trata ya de un ‘spiritual, y de un recurso necesario para sustraerse a las mul de algo intrinseco. Los cambios de residencia del santo siempre le més a las cumbres. Celsiora petit leuesque per ardua 9 Promptus ut non solum corde sed etiam corpore, plorat de wirtute in uirtutem uideretur Iacob quodammodo ology taught by means of the biographies of the monks of the Egyptian id Syrian deserts'. To be sure the influence of his teacher Evagrius was make itself felt and the Prologue addressed to Lausus the royal chamber- lain stresses certain Evagrian tenets. Monsignor René Draguet has shown. how the whole work reflects the teachings of Evagrius?. Palladius not only gave us biographies of monks, many of them aa St. Paul the Hermit, who were contemporaries of the great St. Antony, but he has handed down ny of the ideas of Evagrius, who waa suspect of Origenism for a long and it was only some 40 years ago that he was finally cleared of this Much of our knowledge of Bvagrus’ own personal history is contained ©.38 of the Lausiae History. He is noted there as being a man of truly ic stature, of good education, finally ordained deacon by Gregory Bilibium, a gin de prestarle servicio y ser adocti tabundum possit ad supernum regniim diri ejemplo de que neminem sine maiorum ins tendere posses. jPero esta concepei6n ests muy alejad: ¥ al erudito bidgrafo de esto jerdrquico como vooacién contemp! Puede hacer entear on Ia p: ~ert and lived 14 years in penance, earning his living by the eopying of ‘manuscripts, Finally he reached the state of true “enowledge with wisdom," and the gift of discernment of spirits. This in iteelf is a practical ion of Evagrius’ own theory of the spiritual life: yrdous could come ter the body had been purged by ascetio practices. At the time of his us that he wrote the Antirsheticae only after he had attained .xddeut. This work in eight books dealt with the eight evilpart in the history of I lers it a sort of catechism of its technical vocabulary which is largely that of spirituality found its way to the West through La ide aod mageifes the ch ‘harm or the abundance of his knowledge not to God, but to hit owt ic practices or his own knowledge, then God removes the Angel of Providence from ‘When the Angel is removed, then he is distressed by the Adversary and brags of his tural ability, and thus f gh bi Big of bis own prudence is taken of his own epeschex mm as an end in itself. We have sone 2 happen and it led to arrogance, one ofthe cusreal Seay ee destruction with it. The accounts of Valen, d ‘monks who fell because of va by proper treatment. Abramius (6 before death cartied them off forms us at the onset that he is | ‘with, Why doa thow declare my justices, and take my covenant in thy mouth? (Ps. 49-16) To every monk, whether in the Thebaid, or in Syria or Palestine, the great figure of St. Antony was ever the model of the ascetie life. St. Athana- “for thus they call Antony...” 6 wéyag... ofto. The Lausiac History records the virtuous and es of the holy monks, fathers, and anchorites of the desert (Fore- ord 1). But in so doing he must commemorate men, and women too, who timed at the highest virtue, but who in some cases were pulled down toward the deep pit of hell by vain-glory, the so-called mother of pride. The Perfection of asceticism which they had desired, and for which they had zgled and worked hard for so long a time, was lost in one moment by Fride and self-esteem, But they were snatched from the snares of the Devil by the grace of our Savior, the vi sake. One sees of Heron (26) the monastic show-off months, livipg meanwl any come his way (26. the blessed Albani396 SP ahs Petastien ad ne not spit upon the g Sindonite converted a family of actors and after their bap: performing on the stage (37.3). Baptism waa looked upon conversion from the ways of the world. Penance is mentioned as a confession “to the fathers” (26.4). Was this to be understood possibly public confession similar to # public chapter of faults? Or ace we to stand it as a publi penance which may have been imposed upon H had left the monastery, went to Alexandria, frequented theatres, races, and the brothels, so in a way was public sinner and so was r to do a public penance? Confession of sin is mentioned (18.24). W might call « concelebrated confession occurred when the nun who madness was shown by the blessed Piteroum to be more saintly th fell at her feet, confessing f her plate over her; sven deemed worthy of the ty years of age and had already made great ances in the spiritual life, fighting evil spirits and in propheo; Bipidius was at length “deemed worthy of the priesthood” (4 | 5 course there were some who preferred not to be ordained as in the ease of | Ammonius cited above (11.1), or the monk who helped the women in childbirth on the church porch (68.3). The priests of a village were called upon to pray in time of a great calamity (17.6). Reverence to the priests was traditional with the Desert Fethers. St. Antony had a great respect for bishops and priests (VA 67 = ACW 10.76), and Palladius mentions Olym- pias a noble woman who had great respect for priests and paid honor to hops (56.2). ‘he monks lived by the labor of their own hands. Pambo when dying id this to Origen and to others just as he was ready ta depart: “From the 1d built my cell and dwelt here, I do bread for nothing, but only thet which was the work 6). The reference is, of course, to 2. Thess, 3.8. An- wal \ahot for his monks, saying that he had heard ‘Thess. 3.40). Philoramus (45.3) ated and born again on up to fen from another's hand without charge. that which I got by my own labor.” He had not yet h he was eighty yeurs old. Chronius too (47.2) could he priestly function, I did not Ordination is mentioned, the term yeigororéw being used whet ordination as lector, deacon, priest or consecration of a bishop. I from the account of Ammonius that thethe old adage: paginam pin seindit aratro! oe" pagina Binet Manual labor could fall to the more robust, whilst those of a more delicate constitution transcribed manuseripts?. This was known as dovots yonpudh However, Apollonius (13.1), a business man, was too old to learn a oralt ort. work as a scribe. He lived on the mountain for 20 years, buying medicing and groceries an i Bape, pomegranates, eggs, cakes, ete. to the sick” where the rule was relaxed. He found this a profitable business, and whap’. he died (13.2) he left his wares to one just like himself, and he eneot him to cagry on with this service, In the triad: prayer, asceticism, fasting, the last. mentio ‘one of the best means of subduing the flesh. But we are Prologue that fasting and abstinence are in themselves of na avail if we have not charity (13). We are informed of the various types of fasting at 1 monastery, of Pachomius during Lent (18.14). “One ate only at evenin ‘other only every other day, another only every five days.” Moses the but dry bread, he stood u cht to prayy water for the old men, or the more ascetic, whio could nok: Perfect dad¥eia was the end sought so that one could have a vision of the Holy Trinity. Christian dddeua — perfect self-control, freedom from passion ~ is mentioned in the same way as it was used by Evagrius. In the Letter to Lausus, prefixed to the History proper in most of the manuscripts, he tentions that many paid great attention to the means of obtaining éxdde.a, but never reached it. Amoun of Nitria is pointed out (8.4) as one who with his bride — for virgin she remained, since the marriage was forced by an ambitious uncle — reached a state of dade, which I translated there as ‘a state of insensibility to Tust.” Sarapion achieved periect self-eontral (Axddeua) id he proved it by miraoles he worked (37.16). On one ocession he said 4 that he had fought greed and unchastity from his youth, By this time he had conquered covetousness and impurity, but he said that he could not shake off greed: “For four days now I have not eaten, and my stomach persiste in imbling, accustomed ss it is to daily fare, without which I eannot live.” idius exercised such self-control that he overshadowed alltherest. ‘Such a high degree of axddeiahad he reached and 20 waated away hisbody that the sun shone through his bones (48.3). Amma Talis, eighty years of age, and superior of a convent of 60 younger women, was noted also for her highAt the heart of nearly every work which deals with the eighth century Gelasian sactamentaries can be found a reference to an article by Dom Cunibert Mohlberg, Elementi per precisare Vorigine del Sacramentario Ge- ste and origin of this ‘of sacramentary. Dom Mohlberg’s thesis is briefly this: that Gelasianum caeculi octavi came into being in substa: its present form between the pontificates of Gregory IIT (731-741) and Paul I (757—767), that it was part of Pepin’s work in his romanizing policy, and that it has a close depen- dence on # sacramentary from the church of San Crisogono in Trastevere. As the basis of his work Mohiberg notes the different forma provided for he feast of St Chrysogomus in the eighth century Gelasians and in Gregoria- vm, and he seeks to link the change in text with some important event in history of the titulus CAryeogoni. This event: he finds in the foundation iregory IIL of the monastery attached to the church3, which he con- oper preface “which marks the feast as and he proceeds to ask when and how thi ay into the frankish domiMJ. Mounzos, Bxewe The Sanctus, according to the Li Ambroso in vol. XVII of the Latin Migne, was rected by prieet "astern churches, and in some western. In an ibellus a few years ago, Lucien Chavoutier re fanctus had not been de Spiritu Sancto ascril the ten commandments have disappeared, their place being taken by a second benediction, and the concluding bene- dictions have been reduced to one in the morning and two in the evening?. rd scripture pericope appears not to have been regarded as obligatory atboth morning and evening until the early part of the second century. It has thus been argued that the preliminary benediction referred to in the tractate Tamid was in fact the first and not the second of the present pre- liminary benedictions, on the grounds that its opening clause has the character of an acclamation ~ ‘Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, King of the universe, who formest light and createst darkness, who makest peace, snd createst igs’ — and that such an acclamation is consistent both the time of day and with the liturgical setting in whic sxtent of this benediction cannot be determined with ce ast, where it had been introd vunderstane by this ‘tres tat’, The Qedusha of Isa. vi and after the reading of the Torah’. The latter, e latter, the though of earliest date‘ — in which the Hebrew tex Aramaic paraphrase, is is fall ited privately by the worshipper. In the e troduced at the third benediction rifies the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; the the living and the dead. istocratic source, which is unlikely to have conceded the existence It seems possible that the Qedusha already existed in Pharisaic this source that it even | with the purpose of jetion brings into review of the Torah and the land, and the concluding third benediction the redemption from Egypt, both with the object of sustaining the faith and hope of Israel under Roman persecution®, ‘Thus in the Roman period, when Ju: the one hund, and persecuted and proscribed or re assumed the character of a ered. It the unity and universality of God and place”’s. The introduction of the the Babylonian, Amidah was by the Romans after 4. D. synagogue service, the Shema. ReSher confession soon Ted to its being superseded by ape Christian eredal formate. But the case of the Qedusha stands one n’s reference to the Sanctus rm, seems to be most sati . Where would the faithful im in de iymn of the angels, but in the Eueh, the Passio S$. Perpetuae may be de lement of Alexandria's Stromateis from Isa, ference to Dan. vii 10 reappears, and sedi Preceding paragraph’, rherewith to make bricks, It isi to the Yotzer prayer. ‘Subsequent devel i for benediction and the Qedusha int not only for the presence of the but also for the fact that, like the Qedusha, as the Libellus de Spiritu Sancio says, una sacerdote voce populus. ory the Great, Eng. trans. JA. Sungmana, Ths Batly liturgy to the time of Gregory the Great, Eng.Addendum ad p. 403, n, 2: J. M. Scymusiak, Pour un: Nazianze, dans: ianae, 20 (1966), p. 183-189, . d, que la question de la Régle ou des ien difficile. Certes elle est une 6s de résoudre des multiples pr ine, des destinataires, de la t |. Heureusement nous pouvons af- grande partie des problémes — plus exactement les plus graves problemes — est déja résolue grice & In these extraordinaire du Pére Luc Verheijen qui a travaillé pendant des années, aveo une patience vraiment. be , sur les innombrables questions concernants la Régle de saint Augustin. La publication de sa these doctorale constitue une tree considérable aide dans les études augustiniennee?. ‘Nous savons que, sous le nom de saint Augustin, il y a au moins trois firmer que, pour le moment, la pl Le terme de Regula prima, d'aprés le Pere Ver se trouve employé pour désigner la Régle féminine, ls combinaison de YObiurgatio ct la Regularia Informatio, ou, @’une fagon plus restreinte, la seule Regularis les plus anciens la Régle wtement par une pitee que la tradi- iastrrii a ausei son pendanta BN oe corrampats a ih Satin Unrtinem, eco ire ehibrs Linton, quip nc epentbas ate pouper 4. ~ Vnde et studere iiadem custon debe, ‘wt summam in hit weatibue diligendte habeat sole, ot cuigue, ut dictum et pla distr Nee quisguam de hoc murmurare praceu- ‘mat cum sibi diatributa aliorem conspict findumenta weatiri 5. — Cum hora nora ad wescendurm " conuenitur, dicto poatmo, resdentibus alii, surgatie, quod aobie tout on uaut legat in medio. In cibo ait strepitus gitur, sine tumuliu ef contour nuldus, nemo comedens loquatur. dite. frnet operibus edulis 20, — Ter per omnem hebdomadam collects Iienda eet repulae Patrum legendac, . smcrrndum, ot procacibus sive dureceruic ba itera irroganda ceneara, Ne pray in commune refcint com Quand ale aliquam pa cori al potion fcr sont cr hn pond Nous avons recueilli une série de paralléles qui permettent d’atfirmer la présence de la Régle de saint Augustin dans la Regula monachorum de saint : am ingress nullos sanctilalem repitua neque waltue amplos tense paceibun Jacerent ae $. ~ Manus denigue 9 “Piatulas, nes monacha 2. De ornione eb divino offciv, La Regie de saint Auguatin, rol. yp. S71746 ents Is place du libellus Le jetidi-saint ne comporte qu'une sommes done pas, comme par exem: une longue suite d’offices différenci pilation actif esse chrismale, unique messe de Wabord cette messe chrismale nous Pouvoir indiquer sa place dans 'histoi celle du sacramentaire de Ménar de Soissor Aprés cette postulatio le sermon donné au peuple, sermon que nous croyons encore inédit?. Ce sermon, it: Prout potwero ista diei sacramento s Tl commence par un rappel des Genése: eau, le sang, I'huile; création et l'histoire du monde se résume en cette journée: moins une pat Wilmart3, a i Prononcer pour la deuxitme moitié ianuscrit dg 4 lettre de saint Jacques infirmatur quia in cobis il Leyde peut done fournir une confir : e une étude plus approfondie de co trés Le ritwel du Codex Sancti Hh ous di «lieu de mettre le sermon en avité du moment, le pontife les met rde contre la révidive et fait remarquer que c'est Dieu qui va juger de‘The Mandaean ritual for the ordination of a ‘armida or priest has not been sufficiently studied. Lady Drower has described the ritual as she saw it?, and Prof. Rudolph has commented on it without study- the ritual text®. A few years ago Lady Drower published a des- cription of the entire rite according to manuscripts found in the British Museum and in her own collection, now in the Bodleian Library‘; ion is Sark d frge d tage ¢ Siam Ho, formule spéciale d’absolution®, renfore, alae “The order of the putting on the crown on Sidlam the Great’. Together formule apéil d'aboktion’, renforete pr le get with the teats forthe Canonical Prayerbook, it enable us to'get 8 Apres une fairly accurate picture of the ritual as it has been practised until our encore par t own time, In his Mandaiscke Liturgien, Lidzbarski hes published some ~ I hymns belonging to this interesting faite aux pénitenta & se proste 4 se prosterner, is des oraisons gélasiennes et une derniée mon; Conclusion Te toni de Berwin , | week to perform. The following scheme gives a fairly good picture of the de sa compo: i le dossier de la comps En méme temps, son rituel devant le grand nombre de f sommes devant une cor pees pet | | Joost Oxford 1997, reprintterminological study will help us to that the Mandaeans and iat of the Church: enthronerent, ferred another word, semak!, In no prayer said at the imposition with Rab! of hands, whiel tradition and usage. exchanged between the Rba and should number at least seven. It is not certain i is performed in silence without a prayer, while there is no evidence for a similar Christian practice?; Christian ordination has of hands accompanied by prayers. Thus t! seems more likely. We should, however, be aware of @ possible Jewish- juence as well. In the Church of Jerusalem the chair of James was regarded as most important and so it might be postulated that the Jerusalem Church preserved the Jewish order in laying particular emphasis upon the enthronement. This must remain a hypothesis, but it should be 4 >om in mind, for, given suitable evidence, it would be possible to derive the ntral part of the Mandaean ordination from Christian sourcee, as well as he details mentioned above, The question of the origin of the kiss, whether Jewish or Christian, must here remain an open question, LL. The coronation section of the ritual, which is seen as co characteristic as , consists of the tng on ofthe apa ¢ assisting priests? postulant is also gz pare mouth sand blessed be this hymn. Blessed igthe dkinta in which kinge sit ‘trom beginning to end 3" It should be noted that king is at ‘used at the coronation form a group which is characterized a oye the role layed by Sidlam Rha, w the other parts of the ritual, he exception of the , culminating as itmention a very interesting hymn ¢ initial words of each hymn, wi sourves for the Mandacan coronation, one has to look elsewhere. There are a number of possible sources in the ancient near East, a region richly imbued with the theory and practice of the Sacred Kingship, and it may therefore seom quite artiitrary to indicate one possible source as against many, Never: theless it_may serve to show in which direction research should be directed. 4 may be suggested that in certain Jewish or Ji the Mandaeans were receiving the Hast bed cannot be derived from any of the sourees mentioned, namely Rabbinic or Christian, An influence from a late Jewish tradition such a8 that seen in the Testament of Levi is suggested. The ceremonial thus rom what has been said, evidence for the Jewish background at ‘Wester origin of the Mandaean ordination may beseen, andalsoan of Christian influence which date back to a time when the attitude was not so pronounced as it was during the Byzantine when Sunday was accepted as the Mandaean ‘Sabbath’,The Anaphera of Apostolic Trait M.A. Sy ‘er point is very uncertain, But now have two more texts, fh emanate from Syria, and both of which do not possess Sanctus, Unlike Testamentum Domini, neither of these two new toxts has any verbal links with the anaphora of Apostolic Tradition, and so may be considered as separate witnesses to the practice in certain parts of Greek-speaking Syria, ‘The first text is the Anaphora of Epiphaniua, contained in a 14th century prov i Sinai MS?, Tt is one of a catena of passages directed against those who use open to criticism. But with more texts a fresh look at the {an unmixed cup at the Eucharist. The liturgies of James and Basil, and whole question of this anaphora is needed. * Irenaeus Adv. Haer. V, 2,2, (in @ version following the Armenian) are Apostolic Tradition, or the Egyptian Church Order, first reached prominence J quoted before the entry that concerns us. It is likely that an Armenian ‘when Haul8rs published the ancient Latin version of it which oc: version intervenes between the present Greek and the original. Since age Sein et La rere Armenia derived most of its liturgical material from Syria we may safely Syriag work’, just as the other two cont ‘assume that this originated from Syria too. The quotation of the anapl Didascalia and the Apostolic Church Order). No col refaced as follows: “And the great Bpiphen it in this MS or in any of the later versions to tel ypostle and prophet in the recent times (2 1 was, and the ascription to Hippolytus was only g: work of Achelis and then Connolly®, The Attached to this work because it occurs in the list of wrt statue discovered in Rome and believed to be a stat Paschal calender also on the st that the st i works of Hippolytus that on the statue, and neither cont ‘The snaphora of Apostolic Tradition ovcupies a Since the work of R. H. Connolly! over 50 years ago thought to be the anaphora of the Ro: material for comparison, and it runs on without @ break to the Institution Narrative. This is my translation of it. “It is worthy and just, O our God, to give thanks to Thee without ceasing for all Thy blessings which Thou hast given to us, first of ull because Thou didst send Thy Holy Child to us from heaven, Him Who is the ebarer of the throne of Thy kingdom, Thy co-cternal Son, God the 08, Who coming at 1 ‘our manhood the Logos yg two, but one King, one mut confusion and withoutian and the Way of Tears Sorin Seivta Maty €.8.3f. Vi, Wantage been worked ly trom Apostolic Tradition. I woul treatment of the Didacke by Serapion a have an ancient prayer take source is Syrian, it is reasonable to suppose that th Testamentum Domini has adopted a similar proved About thirty years ago the Archimandrite Lev Gillet suggested that the “gift of tears’ had not yet received the attenti historians of christian spirituality , Few studies have been devoted to this subject, though it is mentioned by St. Augustine and other western writers, and in the east by many masters of the spiritual life. Tt has always been accorded a higher place in the east than in the west, probably because the east lays more emphasis on the affections and on the ‘heart’ as a vessel of slices of Apostolic Tradition inserted into it at two init : : rted into it at two po the spirit. Though the eastern schools of spirituality are fundamentally in agreed that Testamentum Domini is Syrian, and’ voy agreement on this matter, there are certain dffeonoes of approach, souroes are Syrian too. + ‘theology of tears might be formulated from the writings of Evagrius, sminical ache augment i this. in the Anaphora of Epiphanius sod | sana of Sete, the porclo Mace fee ea age Eras Pominical Eucharistia of Theodore we have tw Prayer has no Sanctus and possesses « general anaphora in the document known as Apostolic Apostolic Tradition was also used to provide cert Sprian works, namely the Testamentum Dom without a Sanctus, and Apostolic Constitutions book tolic Tradition, with one exception are all Eastern pic, Arabic). The exception, the Latin version of Vy ve been made from a Gree! not without significa jon of Apostolic Con orks Ww ‘writers it is chiefly to be found in St. Symeon the New whom Gillet regarded as ‘the most original Byzantine mystic hing on this matter as first received from his master, Symeon the Studite, though he would have found much of it in the Ladder of St. John Climacus, which he e entered the Studios monastery. He trans- ed his teaching to his disciple Nicetas Stethatos. St. Isaae the Syrian said that ‘the fruit of fe begins with tears’,it follows that there inediate souree. So far one cannot fail to be eon- jinced by the argument, of Professor Chavasse. He is surely cofrect when he es that the £ can be traced to common sources, but he hardly the existence of a single document. close exami- 16 and Missale Francorum, far from providing wineing evidence that the two service books depended upon a single common source, provides hints that both depended upon 2 number of common sources, or upon & quantity of common source material. Such hint is found in the prayers of consecration for Bishops, Priests Deacons. A comparison of Verona 85 tand Cambrai 1642reveals that at, ne point at least there ase two textual traditions, In the ordinati n Verona 85 the words hos famulos tuos are oonsistently found in the plural, yhereas Cambrai 164 uses the singular form, hunc famulum tuum. In Reginensis 316 the Verona pattern is to be found, whereas Mieeale Fronco- [| rum follows the Cambrai tradition (with the exception of the mass for Bishops). These facts create a dilemma for those who suggest that Reginensis 16 and Missale Proncoram both derived their ordination material from a single source. If the source contained the words in the singular, why do hey appear in the plural in Regi 316? If, on the other hand, the com- source contained these words in the plural, why do they appear in isaale Francorum in the singular? If again the source was equipped with ‘natives, and the words were to be found in singular and plural forms, ion is found in the exception noted above. In the mass for the + ordination of Bishops Missale Prancorum uses the plural form, It would ‘more probable that this variation existed in the writer's sources than hat he forgot that he had decided to use the singular form, A similar objection ¢o the suggestion that there were alternatives is und in Reginensis 318. In the masses for the minor orders the words rune famulum iuum are found in the singular. If the writer was faced with ‘ent, method and either Professor Chavasse argues that the toa seventh century Roman Gelasia ordination masses, In this Chapt Reginensis 316 and Missale Francorusi, dependence between these two books, source, This source is called an inte1 from the more distant. sources, Thi Romano-Gallican’ which was compost Roman and Gallican origin. It is as single unit, Having established the existence fessor Chavasse moves on to the secon anticipates what he sets out to prov Reginensis 316 was based upon a sev Since, he argues, the Gelasian s in book, and since the na tradition, whereas the most part it& of priests and deacons, appear in a later part of the book than the masses 4 with which they are concerned? Since the three groups in Reginensis 316 appear to be whereas in Reginensis 316 the order is as follows 4, Priests Deacons the ordering of the material in Reginensia 316 is , late, In other words, Reginensis 316 derived its ordination material from | anumber of sources, not from a single document. A comparison of Reginen- 4 sis 316 with Missale Francorum and the Indez of St. Thierry! shows that the three groups can be distinguished in each of the three Mas. Although there are variations in the order and content of these groups, each group is autonomous. That is, (with a single exception), material from one group in one book is not to be found in another group in one of the other two. ‘omparative evidence therefore supports the view that the ordination Reginensis 316 came not from one, but from a numberof sources. previous paragraphs attention has been drawn to the fact that first group of ordination material in Reginensis 316 is to be distinguished from the second and third groups by its position in the Ma. In the last section of this paper I wish to make a few comments on this first group. petion af the Ma of Regnensis 316 in te Vatican Library abv If the two books depend upon a common source, we one or both of the editors deliberately re-arranged the ord Is it not equally possible that the two books depende: common sources? Although a comparison of Reginensis 316 that there was considerable variation material was used, further examination shows that th order in. the two books, and that the ordicopied the ordination masses in their original context, and added supplementary terial at the end of book one. If this suggestion is correct then it is um likely that the ordination material in Reginensis 316 is 1. From a single Index of S!. Thierry. Further examination suggests that the material in Reginensis 316 is i disorder because it comes from a number of sour it The numbering of Reginensia 316 suggest here may have been some kind of document behind book one of Reginensis 316, The first group of ordination masses belonged to this document, whereas the second did ‘not. This is the explanation for the division of the Grst group irom the second and third groups Tn conclusion, therefore, it is suggested that tion, masses are an inherent part of a p: doubtful whether 1. There was a Presbyte1 was a seventh century Roman Gelasian muss he first group of ordina- 1 Crexemplar en added extra material, He included” ‘Baptismal grace, the presence within us of the Holy Spirit — inalienable and personal to each one of us ~ is the foundation of all Christian life’ such a statement as this, picked at random from the work of a moderit jan theologian, few would wish to disagree. But while the importance of baptism as the foundation of the spiritual life is generally acknowledged in theory, scarcely ever are the implications of this principle effectively ‘worked out in practice. All too many modern works on spirituality contain no more than a few pages concerning the sacraments, and even i they speak in some detail about the eucharist, usually they accord to baptism simply a passing mention. Nor is it only modern authors who ate to blame of Pontus, for example, in the course of his 153, chapters On Prayer? nowhere thinks it necessary to mention either the in general or bay particular. neglect of baptism, if widespread, is not universal, Among the ‘writers of the Christian east, there is at least one notable 5 he terms it ~ of the grace that we received originally when we were baptized:1 exper e al grace, but will merely discover more and m implicit in the sacrament. How does Mark work out these ideas in detail, and how far doe teaching agree with that of other Patristic writers? in particular whom it will be of value to take as a ‘Macarius is especially interesting, of the Homilies. Mark, although he never mentions the Messalians by nami, is the anti-Messalian writer par excellence, and this is true above all of his work De baptismo*, It is natural, therefore, to expect a sharp contrast beti ween Mark’s view of baptism and that of the Homilies. As it turns ouf however, there is a surprising amount that the two authors shar Mark’s preYominant concern — and here his anti-Messali pation is clearly apparent — is to stress the completeness of holy ‘The Messalians, if we are to trust the evidence of their oppone: tained that baptism ‘profits nothing’, or at best is gravely in \g like a razor but cannot root them Baptiam and the Asceti Life squence of the fal, all \ Byen supposing that he transgression” (xa yi ‘The sacrament of bapti ‘residue’ from the ‘sin of Adam’ Here Mark’s view is in direot position to that of the Messalians, who taught that the indwelling demon mankind's fatal inheritance from the fall —is not expelled by the sacrament baptism, but continues to remain active within us. Baptism confers Ztevdcola, liberty. In consequence of the fall, so Mark , 1s become liable to an inherited inclination towarde evil. never actually compelled to sin’, yet as a result of Adam’s lavery, restoring to him the fullness and primal integrity of his and liberating him In Mark's worthe Spirit is m baptism, but is reserved to the climax and conc fe. In Mark's teaching, by contrast, the gift of the placed at the beginning of our Christian path, and not at the en our baptism that His descent occurs?, For the Messalians, baptism effects at most a coexistence of good and evil within us, the devil still remaining — even after baptism — entrenched in the depths of our heart. But Mark ieves that from the moment of our baptism there is an innermost, hidden a ayihe grace of Christ you have become anew Adam... chamber in our heart where Christ dwells: and to this inner chamber the fd renews a tvagh Been esi death {gareacs diva i devil and his temptations have no access?, . SE Eom reg treo that growain Paradise ~ tata tolovel tax nboleee sonberces Ce ere eee nny) obey aumnng Hania ) Thus far the effects of bap in negative fgtms, as a cleansin, But baptism has mui baptizatur . . the otherhand, would have regarded such teaching a ‘ment upon the completeness of baptism. Heis entirely uncom The Sisy ment, 99 he believes, restores man to the same po gccupied before the fall; the newly-baptized is set by God Paradise ~ ‘the Paradise of the Chur: ° ER 55, (sree ‘s our aim as Christians to become aware of this grace ‘actively’ or ‘cl (éreoys, agyas)5, Baptism, in other words, plants a seed of perfect vwithin us; it reste with us to make that seed grow. While we cannot ‘add’ to the grace of baptism. God nevertheless demands a certain response on side: and if we fail to make that response, although the Spirit will remain present within us, we shall not jee! His presence nor become consciously aware of His ac ‘of the ascetic life: a progress from baptismal Paratinei Mark she Mons 4 to affirm that Adam not bestowed on the -baptized. A similar approximation to may be discerned in Diadochus of Photice, whose attitude to tho spiritual js in general closely parallel to that of Mark, but who on this particular point differs from him. Diadochus teaches that baptism frees us from the doflement of sin’ (zdv ée wis Guagrlas guinor) — what Aug reatus ~ bat it does not remove that ‘duality of the Dedsjgews), which Adam acquired as a result of the fall and which all his duality is eliminated only by prolonged the waters of baptism bring ab: of break in the continuity of ory tig 108 xaxo8 ovrezetas) altogether from our nature’ at the moment is something that can only be achieved aseetie struggle. Nor does (Gregory stop required moral change is not apparent in the baptized not fulfil the commandments but continue to act aft. did when unbaptized — then in that case » really regenerate’ Tf, when the washing of a itself from the stains of the tit wna before ~ then, thovg to the Homilies, mankind acquired a ‘veil of the passions’ (xdeqa in consequence of Adam's disobedience, and this apparently still persists after baptism?. ‘a difference between Mark and Macarius over the nature ‘more generally, do the two authors compare in their Mie to the sacrament? It might be thought, at first sight, that they does not seemse, : iro almost diametrically opposed. Mork sets baptism at the very centre of eae a theology: Mucarius, in the standard collection of fifty-seven ‘oly once refers clearly and specially to saeramental baptism, Id be interpreted in a Messalian sense. Elsewhere s, when Macarius speaks of being ‘born from on “baptism with fre and m that he bas in mind, isunderstood ‘ved in the necessity re such effortThe Ceremonies of Initiation in the De Sacramentis and De Mysteriis of S. Ambrose B,J. Yansouo S.J. ‘This paper is a commentary on the ceremonies of initiation deséribed in 8 [Ambrose, De Sa It will appear that” S. Ambrose often hints at ceremonial details which he does not explicitly describe. I shall euggest that, once S. Ambrose’ allusive style is understood, evidence will be recognized for ceremonies not generally believed to exist in Milan, This method will probably seem tenuous and wishful. like, therefore, to begin by taking a ceremony out of its proper is an instance in which the method can be proved to 1. The White Garment ‘The early practice of clothing the newly-baptized in a white garment is attested by Cyril of Jerusalem?, ‘Theodore? and Chrysostom in the East, and by John the Deacons (Rome) and Gregory of Tours¢ in the not be surprised to find that, although S contains he ceremon; newly-bapti els repeating the question from Canticle:454 : EJ. Yanvou - ‘The Corenionies of Initiation in 8. Ambrose 455 ane narwe tpertio aur a | chat S. Ambroce deseribed. We are therefore left it PrESTehUNisctaneeTeO ieee = | tence the evolution of the earlier aperio. It would be a nest solution if one eee cea ene arality t Eaters rE sepa tin tM, not 8 ht conan te Ge dang |S Sune ul fmt ire am let eat dot e ceremony. Usually the opposite is true. for M, the published work, dfs must not reveal secrets. The most likely reason i lack of direct ‘mentlen oo imple lapse of memory. The haphazard order of 84 shows that §. Ambrose was not even speaking from note omit a detail. Another possible explanation is writer who took the sermon down as it was “Accordingly it is difficult to decide whether Ambrose said nothing about the material used in the apertio because no material was used or because _ | he was preserving a bashful silence about the use of spittle. Dom B. Botte | therefore would easily 4 pointe out? that, in deseribing Christ’s action in healing the deaf mute of mission by the shorthand- j Mark 7, S. Ambrose again says nothing about spittle, and Botte hints that preached. | the saint makes this omission because the detail in the gospel is irrelevant if saliva was not used in the apertio, A | This argument in unconvincing, When S. Ambros dacuses the healing ‘shop touches’ {ofthe blind man in John 8, he again omits the uso of spite, tis time even ‘hrist i ee 8 in a direet quotation from the gospel®, although there can be no connection ‘poke over with the apertio here. Therefore the reason for the omission from both ‘gospel passages is probably the same: delicacy, the same delicacy which ‘makes him recoil from touching a woman's mouth. ‘Therefore when 8. Ambrose describes the apertio with no mention of it is unsafe to conclude from his silence that it was not in fact used. ‘Ae the pattern of liturgical evolution has been seen to offer no guidance, ‘we must be content to leave this point undecided. + 2, The Opening (S 1. 2-3; M34) As 8, Ambrose describes this ceremony the neophyte’s ears and nostrils, repeating the deaf and dumb man, Effetha, quod est 'S.Ambrose’s delicacy, not to say prude Why, he asks, does not the mouth? Because, he replies, mouth of the women who were being ba Biographer of S. Augustine has found good rea~n to speak of S. Ambros feminine intensity’ ¥. - This is due partly to ves about the effects the fact that the Fathers do no ambiguity of such they ascribe to the various anciand addresses to and all your wo He then turns fron the darkness of or the In come churches t of fuith?, This act of faith becomes in the Antiocben 'y appears to be ‘Chrysostoin? and Theodore of Mopsuestia‘ an explicit act of adi need of the services | Christ. St. Jerome, describing presumably the Palestinian usage, gives a of a deacon as well as a presbyter?sugg ‘he ceremony is complicated. description similar to Cyril’s, though the adhesion to Christ is made a anderen mony. Simiacly in Cyr erusalem the whole body was ann.” le more explicit, ted®. The wording of the Apostolic Tradition suggests this too, as the can- Ambrose’s description is much less detailed. In S he describes a triple didates havo already stripped for baptism before the anointing: ‘They will | seauncation by qrotion and avater and rotting aeecte al egal oe ake off their clothes let him snoint him .. . and in this way he bands" | \ecreey leads hem to quote the renunciation only ip indirect speech but he him over naked to the rter who stands by the water to adds the detail that the candidate faces the devil to renounce him and then i turns to the East to face Christ®. Here again we catch Ambrose hinting at tro ceremonial details: In the first anoi treated. For it is th go ical of S, Ambrose’s delicacy not to mention either the stripping - ‘oF the fact that the whole body is anointed. Cyril® and Chrysostom*have no oe os ade sacing such inhibitions; they both comment on the surprising fact that the eandi- ( ato must have made his enunciation facing Wests on Se naked, were not ashamed: they have returned to primitive estas Os eeateee a tae aoe ern Te Tenet ethan toe There is no mention w! One can detect in S possible references to this formula of adhesion: there ion of words describing a promise or bond’. Chrysostom, nly, and Jerome, who probably knew of a formula of adhesion used similar bond-language in the passages cited above. Mf. Righetti# and thers think that these two details, the turning to the Bast and the ad- J.M. Hanssens® believe 1g Christ to be purely jever of this first anointing in M. As will be seen the third anoint- the motive must be secree ‘The purpose of this first tian’s struggle in this worl though not s0 clear as in the 4; direst connection between this rite an is to give the neophyte a share with destroy the traces of sin und # figurative. This explanation, however, see aa there seems to be further confirmation of some form of adhesion in the } Latin chureh in Tertullian’s description of the rites: “When we enter the ry (aquam ingress’) and profess Christian faith in the words of fis‘The Ceremonies of Initistion in S. Ambrose the triple interrogation but Indeed, inclusion 98. 19. °F itis customary in eastern qources such as the Didache*, Chry- tad Theodore’, ‘The Western practice seems to have been to uss sign of the crass: Quid est «nim agua seston” rintarian act of faith consisting of question and answers, Cyril “tmbiguous allusion in S but some passages may contain a referen, of Jerusalem, however, follows the Western use®, sOeurs at the end of his description and explanation of the immers! Rene the later Ambrosian liturgy contained both the triple interrogstice when you submerge you receive the liken receive the sacrament of the crose’”?. The lik jmmersion: one would therefore expect the Totnother ceremony — presutnably the cross of Mf 20. There is perhaps pe alier reference: just as Moses’ rod sweetened the bitter water of Mara, during the threefold interrogetion which contained the triple name was {oo every eroature is, so to speak, bitter water; “but when it receives Tig: during on iafy the Matthacan precept. Besides, in S, but not in ‘the later cross of Christ and i tol Jon liturgy, the immersions take place during the pofesion of faith, ‘parallel passage in M 14 contains three ment dimer perefore hard to gee how the other formula.“ baptize ‘thee in the ‘Securs the phrase ‘‘the preaching of the Lord’ name ...” oF its equivalent could be fitted in. Seeninioae crucis). Both here and in § 3. 14° this reference to preaching tha | | therefore justified in suggesting that the inclusion ‘back to Ambrose’s time? ‘Thad not, B. de Puniet proved® that in the early church ‘he immersion qnire cross seems to refer to words spoken at the ceremony of fhe | 4. Second anointing (S 2. 24-3. 1; 29-30) secration of the font. 1 __ Another interpretation of these passages is possible: perhaps the “cross” ‘This anointing took place immediately after the immersion. The material 1 the sign traced by the bishop's hand but the cross which he carries ‘used an chrism; M comments on the scent. 3 a8 usval does not desoribe the 3 aot hand: ‘This would inake the reference to Moses’ staff more appropriate, ‘ar ning, but instead gives its explanation in the form of commen’: At Ta some Coptic rites the bishop blesees the font with the eross he aor Se three Old Testament texts concerning ointment. ‘S's phrase supra caput 3 —Thlien that the chris is poured, not traced on i the sign of the cross. 6. The Immersion (S 2. 20; M 28) & ACs allusion to the ointment running down on to ‘Aaron's beard confirms ae this pousing of oll as post-boptismal anointing is Known ‘leo to In $ the triple immersion is linked with a triple act of faith®. Yet ‘oth Tertullian, for be describes i thus: cwrrit uncto®, red M say that the candidate was baptised “in the name of the ‘Father rtuliae’ Ambrowe quotes the words used, which state the elect of the ceremony ste unguc in tam acteraam. He inks tis phrase oh regeneration. Jn Mi he gives different significance to the reference he says we are united in regn' ‘cally S. Ambrose makes the same ite: with obvious seriptural 1 sacerdotium. Characteristi- in § only in a later allusivecof it, It passed into the Got ‘There is perhaps archeo ing — an attrac- basins have been a two places in Palestine, As there is no literary evidence for he practice of pedilavium in this region (Prof. Davies says ‘in the Fast’, but he does not consider Aphraates), he is forced to suggest another purpose for these ian basins — economy of water when it seems unlikely that there should be East for similar basins. Moreover the ba: early 4th-century Council of Elvira suggest not for foot-washing ". et ina basin thus: “The priest presbyters let into the ground? 8. Ambrose (sacerdos, ie. bishop) gitded hims sn sources! allude to the Zectio of John 13, which was pre- course of the ceremony. 9. Consignation (3 3. 8-10) It is generally moted that, in the rite of consignation by which the Holy Spirit is conferred, during the patristic period the anointing is emphasized in the Bast, the imposition of hands in the West®. Thus, Cyril of Jerusalem ‘and Serapion* connect the gift of the Spirit to the anointing with chrism; | Tertullian’ and Cyprian’ with the imposition of hands (though by the time | of the Gelasian Sacramentary both rites are used)’. ‘The foregoing generalisation, however, requires qualification. On the ‘one hand, the Ap. Trad. connects the giving of grace with both imposition fof hands and chrismation®; the Didascalia and the Apostolic Constitutions give the name ‘imposition of hands’ to the anointing with chrism®. On the Other hand, the late 4th-century Antiochene rites do not fit smoothly into the scheme. In Theodore's description of the signing the use of oil ean only ' be somewhat doubtfully inferred from the use of the text: ‘The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me . ..’®, Chrysostom does not connect the gift of the Holy Spirit with an anointing at all, but with the imposition of hands performed during the immersion “Ambrose’s rite does not fit into the pattern either. The rite in $ is a sign- ough the use of oil is not explicitly mentioned. Botte suggests that word consignare implies the use of chrism. This may be correct; there ‘adifferent context in San oblique reference to an anointing ‘the sort of indirect allusion that we have come to expect. . tention here is to prove that all three persons of the Sea. Hhorpuon, The Oftccs of Baptisa and Confirmation (Cembridge 1914), p. 3 ok, pe 83. Ap. Const. 4H463 and Honey tus states thet the newly baptized at Rome in the early 6th century‘. He repeats Hippolytus’ expla of the symbolism. The ceremony is also inchided in the Leonine Sacra- mentary, but at Pentecost. We should therefore not be surprised to find ‘Ambroce also referring to the ceremony. Tn the first half of book 5 of S, Ambrose applies scriptural passages to the first communion of the newly baptized. One of these quotations is from Canticles: ‘Thave come down to my garden. I have gathered myrrh with my perfumes (wnguentis). I have eaten my bread with my honey. I have drunk iny wine with my milk’, He gives this passage a mystical meaning; yet can it be coincidental that the details of the passage ‘aken literally aro extremely ‘appropriate to the occasion? The neophytes have received myrh with perfumes (i. chrism). They receive bread and wine. It is therefore possible that the reference to milk and honey refers to the cup described by Hippo- lytus and others. He refers to this Why should 8. Ambrose refer to such ceremonies so indirectly! Perhaps eucharistic kis, because there is no need for him to describe them more explicitly: his hearers have recently experienced them. His purpose is to explain their significance. In this case he gives a fully adequate explanation: the milk and honey denote sweetness and innocence. In fact he briefly repeats two of the three points made earlier by Hippolytus. he says: Signavit te deus pater, confirmavit te 10. The Kiss prescribes that immediately after the consignation, bishop shall kiss the newly-baptized on the f 3 discussion’ of infant baptism associates @ kiss sostom says that as soon as the newly-baptis they are kissed by all present and led to the ai kiss is probably different from the one deseribi before Communion. In jon both Theodore of he quotes Canticles 4. 1, He quotes the same text in $5. 5, while dis altar. Yet, when one remembers his eense of jouth of the candidate ie the approach to the ness of touching the ° o find him shrink- Conclusion aristie, not © Lam therefore suggesting that, by employing the method which proved valid when applied to the white garment, we can learn from hints in S Aetails about 4th-century Milanese baptismal ceremonies, some of whi the notice of liturgists — the stripping before an