Permanency in Early Medieval Emporia: Reassessing Ribe

European Journal of Archaeology 18 (3) 2015, 497–523
Permanency in Early Medieval Emporia:

Reassessing Ribe
SARAH CROIX
Department for Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Denmark
This article seeks to demonstrate the permanent character of at least parts of the marketplace in Ribe
(Denmark) from the first decades of its existence at the beginning of the eighth century. As with other
early medieval emporia in northern Europe, it has been debated whether the marketplace was a perma-
nent or seasonal site, the conclusion generally being that it would not have become permanently occupied
until the AD 780s–790s. Although other markers of ‘urbanness’ can be found in the archaeological evi-
dence from eighth-century Ribe, permanency is here considered as a decisive argument for its definition.
Indeed, it is believed that it is through year-round, long-lasting occupation that a distinctively un-rural
daily life could take shape. The material from the excavations conducted in 1985–1986 at Sct Nicolaj-
gade 8 forms the empirical basis for this reassessment. By integrating artefacts in the contextual
interpretation of the well-stratified deposits that characterize the archaeology of the marketplace, it is
possible to identify several markers of permanency (site foundation, domestic life, and houses). Among
them, particular focus is put on houses, whose presence at the site has been the object of controversy in
previous research. By reconsidering the evidence and by comparing it to house finds from contemporary
urban sites in northwestern Europe, former statements about the presence of houses at the marketplace
in Ribe are challenged.
Keywords: urbanisme, emporia, Viking Age, Ribe, urban houses, permanency
INTRODUCTION whether the early medieval emporia can be

described as ‘urban’.
The emergence of emporia as stations of The so-called marketplace in Ribe, on
long distance maritime trading networks is the west coast of Jutland, Denmark, has
often seen as a decisive step in the urban- long been at the core of this discussion.
ization of northern Europe in the early Early Ribe has traditionally been seen as a
Middle Ages (seventh–eleventh centuries). seasonal marketplace that emerged at the
The development of urban culture assumes very beginning of the eighth century and
the existence of stable, settled commu- developed into a permanently settled town
nities distinct from their respective rural in the AD 790s, with the appearance of
hinterland. Yet, the permanent character what seem to be the first houses solid
of the trading sites that emerged in the enough to allow year-round occupation.
eighth century in Scandinavia and around This article will discuss the question of
the Baltic Sea have often been questioned permanency in early medieval emporia in
by archaeologists, raising doubts as to northern Europe, based on a reassessment
© European Association of Archaeologists 2015 DOI 10.1179/1461957114Y.0000000078

Manuscript received 4 April 2014,
accepted 10 October 2014, revised 18 August 2014
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498 European Journal of Archaeology 18 (3) 2015
of the evidence from the excavation con- long-lasting settlement, has been men-
ducted in 1985–1986 at Sct Nicolajgade 8 tioned by several authors (e.g. Hines,
in Ribe. It will be argued that there was 1994: 17–19; Urbańczyk, 1994: 124; Skre,
already a permanent settlement at the 2008: 196–97).
marketplace in Ribe from the first phase This factor is not unambiguous in an
of occupation of the site, c. AD 705–730, early Viking Age context since trade,
which continued throughout the eighth which was the primary function of these
century. Consequently, the development sites, had a strong seasonal character
of the marketplace and, by extension, the (Capelle, 1987: 391; Sindbæk, 2008: 154).
early stages of urbanization in northern Although their activities varied seasonally,
Europe in the early Middle Ages, can be the permanent marketplaces still differed
reconsidered. from the strictly seasonal sites, which were
only active at specific times of the year.
Another difficulty is that several of these
PERMANENCY IN EARLY MEDIEVAL sites seem to have developed from a seaso-
EMPORIA IN NORTHERN EUROPE nal to a permanent occupation. This
evolutionary perspective is encountered,
The eighth to ninth centuries’ wave of for example, in Hodges’ (1982: 50–52)
urbanization in Scandinavia and northwes- model of ‘gateway communities’, moving
tern Europe was to a large extent triggered from seasonal type A to permanent type B
by trade developments and saw the cre- emporia; discussions of the Seehandelplätze
ation of specialized trading stations also of the Baltic Sea (Jankuhn, 1971, 1985;
known as emporia (e.g. Clarke & Ambro- Herrmann, 1978, 1982: 96–112; Steuer,
siani, 1991). In the western European 1987; Müller-Wille, 2002); and Callmer’s
urban landscape, in Frankish Gaul and three-tier ‘evolutionistic construction’
Anglo-Saxon England, these new foun- (Callmer, 1982: 137–38). In light of these
dations differed markedly from the still models, sites such as Hedeby Südsiedlung
existing post-Roman towns, which, (Jankuhn, 1971, 1985), Åhus (Callmer,
besides holding various economic func- 1982, 1984), and Ralswiek (Herrmann,
tions, were also centres for religious and 1978) have all been interpreted as repre-
political powers. These roles were probably senting a ‘primitive’ phase of occupation
not present at first in the emerging characterized by loosely organized, tem-
emporia, which represent an original form porary structures (sunken-featured
of urban settlement. buildings), to be followed later by more
These trading stations do not all fit into permanent establishments. Permanent
the definition of town. In medieval settlement traits are usually found in struc-
archaeology and history, what makes a tural evidence, as this transition does not
town a town is often defined according to seem to have been accompanied by
a number of criteria (e.g. Ennen, 1972: changes in connection to international
11–12; Biddle, 1976: 100; Reynolds, trading networks and specializations in
1977: ix-x; Cowgill, 2004: 526–27; Helle, non-agrarian activities at these sites
2006). The early medieval towns in north- (Hodges, 1982: 56–57).
ern Europe are no exception (e.g. Olsen, This continuity of occupation, as
1975: 229–34; Hodges, 1996: 295; opposed to that of seasonal sites, allowed
Callmer, 2007: 234–36; Steuer, 2007: the urbanites ‘to form their own commu-
134). As a discriminating criterion, perma- nity’, which developed differently from
nency, understood as year-round and those who lived in rural areas (Skre, 2008:
Croix – Permanency in Early Medieval Emporia 499
197). Specifically ‘urban’ cultural practices remained to be found (Bencard, 1991:

and social strategies could only emerge 12). The idea that the eighth-century mar-
through permanent occupation. Signs of ketplace was exclusively dedicated to
this urban life style have been seen by seasonal activities was followed by Frand-
archaeologists in specific assemblages of sen and Jensen (1988a, 1988b, 1988c;
finds, such as coins, bone as diet indicator, Jensen, 1991) in their interpretation of the
or imported pottery (Näsman, 2000: 46– excavations at Sct Nicolajgade 8.
52; Blackmore, 2001; Hamerow, 2007). Based on the evidence from the exca-
Glass beakers have also been discussed in vations at the Post Office (1990–1991)
this light (Stiff, 2001), ‘as a feature of the and a reassessment of previous excavations,
material culture associated with an emer- Feveile (2006: 78–79) added an important
ging cosmopolitan class of artisans and nuance to the interpretation of the mar-
merchants in the early market towns ketplace by suggesting a change of
around the North Sea’ (Gaut, 2011: 255). character in the late eighth century, when
it went ‘from being a seasonal marketplace
to being the site of year-round buildings’.
REASSESSING RIBE The presence of contemporary settlements
with traces of craft activities in Ribe’s
Despite its direct links with the Frisian vicinity was explained by the site’s seasonal
sphere and the wic network of the seventh character, its inhabitants relocating to the
and eighth centuries, the marketplace in hinterland in the winter months (Feveile
Ribe has been included in the discussion et al., 1998; Feveile, 2001). Feveile (2012:
of the two-staged development of the See- 114) also stressed the existence of a per-
handelplätze that appeared around the manent settlement in Ribe next to the
Baltic Sea at the very end of the eighth marketplace, but cautiously emphasized
century, such as Hedeby Südsiedlung, the difficulty of creating a coherent picture
Ralswiek, Gross Stromkendorf, Åhus, of the finds made in relatively small exca-
Menzlin, Paviken, and Staraya Ladoga vation areas and of connecting it
(Lundström, 1981; Müller-Wille, 2002). chronologically to the marketplace
Hodges classified eighth-century Ribe as a (Feveile, 2006: 79–81).
seasonal market site (gateway community This new evidence allowed Dagfinn
of type A), in opposition to permanently Skre to suggest, twenty years after Richard
settled urban communities (type B; Hodges, a two-phased classification for
Hodges, 1988: 42–52, 90). This was based the site, categorizing Ribe I (i.e. until AD
on the results of the excavations conducted 790) as a nodal market where the actors of
by Mogens Bencard and Lise Bender an international trading network met sea-
Jørgensen in the 1970s (most importantly, sonally, and Ribe II as a proper town
Kunstmuseets Kælder, 1973; Dommerha- (Skre, 2007b: 336–37). Although it has
ven, 1974; Kunstmuseets Have in 1975), for long been clear that the marketplace in
which revealed the existence of the site Ribe was, from the very beginning, an
with massive evidence of specialized crafts international trading site with specialized,
and imported objects (Bencard, 1973, non-agrarian activities, it was its seasonal-
1974: 23, 1979: 114–19, 1981; Bencard & ity, judged from the presence or absence
Bender Jørgensen, 1990: 144, 158). It was of markers of year-round occupation,
then believed to be related to a permanent which ultimately determined its status.
agrarian settlement nearby (Bencard & Understanding the development of early
Bender Jørgensen, 1990: 144) which medieval towns is thus an absolute
condition for defining a rather ambiguous archaeological contexts were recorded, and
phenomenon. The recent publication of more than 13,000 artefacts retrieved. All
other early Viking Age sites, Birka and finds were recorded according to their
Kaupang, has shown that a detailed strati- deposition context, regardless of whether
graphic analysis of the structural evidence they were treated as bulk or made through
can contribute to this question by provid- sieving, cleaning of the profiles, or manual
ing important insights into their excavation. In the latter case, the position
chronology and the nature and temporality of each find was also measured with 3D
of activities in their early phases. Much coordinates with a precision of one
can therefore be gained by applying a centimetre.
similar approach to Ribe. As planning The finds represent about a hundred
new excavations of the marketplace in a years of occupation, from the first traces of
still densely populated urban area is cur- activities at the site at the very beginning
rently difficult, a reassessment of the early of the eighth century to the beginning of
development of Ribe can best be achieved the ninth century (Frandsen & Jensen,
by considering already existing documen- 1988c, 1990). The excavators divided this
tation. Besides, it shows the contrast period into phases, to which broad absol-
between earlier and newer interpretations ute dates were given on the basis of find
of the site and highlights the interpretative typologies (essentially combs, beads, sceat-
problems encountered throughout the tas, and casting moulds). These dates can
research history. be made more precise through comparison
Among the earlier excavations, the with the absolute chronology of the Post
1985–1986 campaign at Sct Nicolajgade 8 Office excavations (Table 1), which was
offers the most potential for bringing out built by combining dendrodates with the
new results. Indeed, although the finds relative dates informed by finds’ typology
and excavation records were roughly pro- (Feveile & Jensen, 2006: 126–30). The
cessed in the late 1980s, the stratigraphy application of these dates to Sct Nicolaj-
worked out in a Harris matrix, and the gade 8 is enabled by Feveile’s (2006: 67)
chronology discussed (Jensen, 1986; correlation of the chronology of the differ-
Frandsen & Jensen, 1988b, 1988c, 1990), ent excavation campaigns, established
the material has only been presented in a through stratigraphic correspondences and
preliminary form (Frandsen & Jensen, comparison of artefact typologies.
2006) and remains essentially unpublished The excavation at Sct Nicolajgade 8
(Den Antikvariske Samling Ribe j.nr. 7, covered a total area of 73 m2. Parts of two
unpublished documentation). The field parallel ditches were found on both sides
documentation and the archaeological of the excavation area, indicating that the
remains are also of high quality. The complete width of a town plot had been
archaeological deposits were sometimes found, as well as a small section of a
extremely thin, but their stratigraphic second one. Thanks to the Post Office
sequence was generally well preserved over excavations a few years later, the layout of
approximately 1 m. It was therefore poss- the marketplace could be reconstructed as
ible to excavate them individually and consisting in two rows of regular plots
stratigraphically and to record them using separated by a median street (Jensen,
the single-context method that had then 1991: 7). It then appeared that the area
been recently developed in urban exca- investigated at Sct Nicolajgade 8 corre-
vations in Britain (Harris, 1975, 1979; sponded to parts of two plots located at
Lucas, 2001, 56–58). In this way, 283 the ‘back’ in relation to the median street,
Table 1 CORRESPONDENCE TABLE OF THE RELATIVE CHRONOLOGIES (IN PHASES) OF THREE

EXCAVATION CAMPAIGNS AT THE MARKETPLACE IN RIBE AND MATCHING ABSOLUTE DATES*
Kunstmuseets Kælder (6M73, area 5) Sct Nicolajgade 8 Post Office Absolute dates AD
Dommerhaven (5M74) Kunstmuseets Have (ASR 7) (ASR 9) (Post Office)
(4M75)
4 G2 H/I 820–850
3 G 800–820
F 790–800
3–6 + 2a
E 780–790
D 760–780
2 2 C 725–760
1a 1 + 1a + G1 B 705–725
L
A
1 AA
*Asr: Antikvarisk Samling Ribe (Journal Number)

SOURCES: Feveile (2006): 15 (modified). Absolute dates for the Post Office added from Feveile and
Jensen (2006: 124–30).
but looking towards the river Ribe 2007: 333–52; Pilø, 2007; Skre, 2007c:
(Figure 1). 453–54, 2011: 403–15; Pilø & Skre,
2011: 26). A reassessment of the entire
stratigraphic sequence at Sct Nicolajgade 8
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SEQUENCE AT using techniques of contextual analysis,
SCT NICOLAJGADE 8 detailing the stratigraphic relationships
between individual layers and including
Proving permanency at early medieval artefacts in their functional interpretation,
urban sites relies on the identification of a has facilitated the reconstruction of
number of archaeological markers. Most distinct occupation horizons and the
recently, it was argued that Kaupang was a sequence of events that characterized
permanent site during its phase II on the the dynamic life of the marketplace in the
basis of (1) evidence for site foundation eighth century. The results are particularly
attesting long-term planning and the interesting for its earliest phase and chal-
expectation of a sustainable investment; lenge previous knowledge about the
(2) artefacts’ distribution and qualitative emergence of the settlement.
value as indicators of household activities;
(3) the presence of houses, not encoun-
tered on the seasonal market sites, which Site foundation
were identified by virtue of structural evi-
dence and analysis of indoor floor deposits The first potential marker of permanency
by soil micromorphology; (4) eco-facts as at Sct Nicolajgade 8 concerns the foun-
markers of over-wintering—or, in the case dation of the site. The establishment of a
of Kaupang, the lack thereof (Barrett layout of plots of fairly equal size along a
et al., 2007: 301–03; Milek & French, median street marked the foundation of
Figure 1. Reconstruction of the layout of the eighth-to-early-ninth century plot system at the market-
place in Ribe. Excavation campaigns before 2006 are outlined. Excavation campaigns associated with
each area are 5M74: Dommerhaven (1974); 4M75: Kunstmuseets Have (1975); ASR 438: Biblioteket
(1984); ASR 7: Sct Nicolajgade 8 (1985–86); ASR 951: Plejehjemmet Riberhus (1990); ASR 963:
Nicolajgade 14 (1990); ASR 9: Post Office (1990–1991); ASR 1075: Posthusskulptur (1993); ASR
1077: Sct Nicolajgade 14 (1993).
Modified from Feveile (2006): 29. By permission of Sydvestjyske Museer
Figure 2. The turf-block layer at Sct Nicolajgade 8, marking the foundation of the marketplace in the
first decade of the eighth century.
Drawn by the author after original field documentation
the marketplace in early Ribe, possibly layer of rectangular turf blocks (all of
under the initiative of a superior authority similar size and levelled to the centimetre),
(Frandsen & Jensen, 1988a: 8; Bencard & which covered a large part of the western
Bender Jørgensen, 1990: 146–48; Jensen, plot as well as some of the eastern plot
1991: 9–11). The existence and role of and respected the edges of a shallow plot-
such authority is, however, debated separating ditch (Figure 2). According to
(Olsen, 1975: 245–57; Feveile, 2010b: 27– the excavators, it is because of the damp-
28). ness of the ground in this area that
The evidence from Sct Nicolajgade 8 preparation was required in order to
further indicates that, while the plot accommodate later activities (Frandsen &
system was established, shortly before AD Jensen, 1988a: 4–5, 8, 1988b: 25).
710, some of the plots were also prepared The use of rectangular turf bricks as a
for later activities. This preparation is way of stabilizing the ground is known from
shown by the well-preserved remains of a the Netherlands, where it is encountered as
floor levelling in a late-ninth-century house fragmented loom weights were found in

at the ring fortress in Domburg (Ufkes stratified Viking Age deposits at Sct Nico-
et al., 2011: 43–52, fig. 5.16). Other cases lajgade 8. They are first recorded in the
are known from northern Germany, such as pre-market phase of occupation (phase L,
at the seventh-to-thirteenth century wurt Table 1), before the plot system was estab-
settlement of Hessens, where turf bricks lished, in the form of a small waste
were laid as a reinforcement for an embank- deposit, which was not registered among
ment, to create platforms for the the finds but briefly described in the
construction of buildings, and to erect house recording sheet during excavation. The
walls (Haarnagel, 1941: 137, 152; Siegmül- number of finds remains relatively low
ler, 2010: 27–77, 218, 225–26). In Ribe, the throughout the following phases
use of turf blocks for flooring is also attested (Figure 3). The slight chronological vari-
in twelfth-century houses (e.g. 1999–2000 ation observed is difficult to interpret for
excavations at Nygade: Andersen, 2003; such unimpressive figures, as it might just
Søvsø, 2010a: 48–49, 2010b: 68–69, 2013). as well reflect depositional circumstances,
The turf installation at Sct Nicolajgade 8 including waste disposal practices, as
cannot be related to structural evidence developments in activity level or specializ-
that would suggest its connection to build- ation. Such interpretation is possible,
ing foundations, but it is likely that it was however, at the Post Office, where loom
intended as way of consolidating and weights are well represented for the first
levelling the ground for later occupation. phase of occupation of the site (B), but are
As it would seem an unnecessary effort to markedly more numerous in phases H/I,
secure a stable, horizontal surface for light, hereby supporting the idea of a change in
portable craft activities occurring on a sea- the nature of the occupation at this time
sonal basis, one could speculate that at this (Feveile & Jensen, 2006: 138; fig. 9.27).
early stage in the development of Ribe The connection between textile pro-
there were already some plans for having duction and permanency in Ribe was
heavier constructions in the near future. first suggested by Bender Jørgensen
Together with the remarkable investment (1991) in her publication of the textile
of establishing the plot system and its tools from the 1970s excavations, in
marking of ditches and fences, documen- which she put a particular emphasis on
ted in several areas of the site, this the many loom weight finds
levelling might indicate some form of (eighty-eight whole and 507 fragments,
long-term planning at the origin of the plus unregistered, unfired examples). At
creation of the marketplace. the same time, the bone material studied
by Hatting (1991: 48–50) revealed that
sheep were kept until old age, and were
Household economy: textile working therefore used for their wool rather than
and cereal grinding for their meat or milk. Bender Jørgensen
(1991: 75) concluded that ‘as textile pro-
Another interesting set of evidence is arte- duction is a lengthy process, the presence
factual and indicates domestic life at Sct of textile implements, along with old
Nicolajgade 8 from the very beginning of sheep, among the otherwise market-
the site and throughout the eighth oriented find material, manifests perma-
century. The first group consists of tools nent settlement’. However, this
for textile production, especially loom conclusion did not apply to the market-
weights. Approximately 200 whole and place but to the rural settlement that was
Figure 3. Chronological distribution of stratified loom weight finds (total = 199) at Sct Nicolajgade 8
(per phase).
assumed to have existed nearby. The weaving took place both in year-round
textile tools would have been brought and seasonal contexts in Viking Age
from that settlement to the marketplace Denmark, in houses and sunken-featured
along with other waste and the manure buildings in agrarian settlements, and in
that formed parts of the layers of phase 2 at sunken-featured buildings at production
Dommerhaven (Bencard & Bender sites and assembly sites (Croix, 2014;
Jørgensen, 1990: 69, 144)—to what effect Croix et al., 2014). Therefore, the pres-
is unknown. The authors also considered it ence of textile tools does not necessarily
‘unreasonable to imagine that the weaver contradict the seasonal character of the
may have turned up as a craftsman at a per- marketplace, and there is no reason to
iodic market’ (Bencard & Bender believe that they had to be redeposited
Jørgensen, 1990: 144) due to the time- there from a former location.
consuming nature of textile working. While it is difficult to assess the charac-
Even if we admit that some loom ter of textile production at Sct Nicolajgade 8,
weight fragments may have been brought the activity did exist continuously and in
in from another location during phase 2, close connection with the activities of the
Bencard and Bender Jørgensen’s (1990) marketplace. While it may not necessarily
conclusion omits the fact that, just as at indicate permanency, it reflects the pres-
Sct Nicolajgade 8 and at the Post Office, ence of women among the inhabitants of
textile tools were found throughout all the marketplace from the very beginning
phases of the 1970s excavations (Bender of the eighth century, hereby opening the
Jørgensen, 1991: 67). Also, while it is true possibility for domestic life and permanent
that textile production was time- occupation over several generations (cf.
consuming, it is now well known that Croix, 2012: 36–66).
The second category of finds showing a few centimetres—suggests that quer-

domestic life on the plots at Sct Nicolaj- nstones were actually used as household
gade 8 is fragments of quernstones for implements at the site. They would have
cereal grinding. Twelve fragments were entered in the daily preparation of meals,
found in stratified Viking Age deposits. which implies some form of domestic life
Six were scattered in five different layers, from the beginning and throughout the
the rest were found by sieving or find col- existence of the marketplace, also at Sct
lection from two or more layers. Due to Nicolajgade 8.
the small number of finds, their chrono-
logical distribution cannot be analysed, but
they appear in all phases. Five fragments
HOUSES
are associated with the latest phase of
occupation (phase 6), and four fragments
The most important archaeological evi-
with phase 1, so already during the first
dence for permanency in urban context is
period of occupation of the site.
houses. The investment in materials
Finds from other areas of the market-
involved in their construction reflects
place shed light on this unimpressive
long-sighted economic management, also
number and its chronological distribution.
visible in the adaptation of the structure’s
For the 1970s excavations and at the Post
design to the needs generated by specific
Office, quernstone fragments were present
activities. Also, because they provide the
through all phases and from the very
framework for the daily life of households
beginning of the eighth century (Feveile &
all year-round, they contribute to sustain
Jensen, 2006: 140, fig. 9.30; Feveile,
stable social relations and reproduction in
2010a). While their amount increases
the long run.
abruptly during phases H/I at the Post
Office, i.e. when it is normally considered
that the marketplace was permanently
occupied, the fragments with traces of Building remains at Sct Nicolajgade 8
wear caused by grinding diminishes (Phase 1a)
through time for the 1970s material.
Unfortunately, the truncation of the The identification of a building through
early-ninth-century layers at Sct Nicolaj- reassessment of the field documentation
gade 8 makes it impossible to evaluate for Sct Nicolajgade 8 provides most
whether a possible increase contemporary ground for a critical discussion of the
with that observed at the Post Office took alleged seasonality of the marketplace. At
place. some point between c. AD 710 and 730
As underlined by Feveile, the presence (phase 1a), a floor of hard trampled clay,
of quernstone fragments throughout the about 8 cm thick, was laid out on the plot
eighth century does not fit the general to the east (Figure 4). Its edges were
conviction of the seasonal character of the sharply defined and coincided on two
marketplace. Besides, as ‘the everyday sides with the course of a wall trench,
work of milling corn to flour would be about 20 cm wide and 10 cm deep. The
multiplied by all-year settlement compared wall trench forms a right angle, marking
with seasonal use’ (Feveile, 2010a: 139), it one of the corners of the clay floor, with a
is surprising to see the number of 1970s longer section approximately 5.3 m long.
finds diminishing over time. The frag- Similar patches of clay were observed a
mentary state of the finds—not more than little further to the north in association
Figure 4. House horizon and associated layers at Sct Nicolajgade 8, phase 1a, on plan and during
excavation.
Drawn by the author after original field documentation. Photo by permission of Sydvestjyske
Museer
with a sand layer aligned with the main There is, therefore, no reason not to
clay floor. interpret this clay floor as belonging to a
In the field documentation, this clay building. The full extent of this building is
floor was described without reservations as not documented, both the clay floor and
‘husgulv’ (ASR jr. no. 7, notebook 2, the wall trench continue beyond the limits
context sheet A214); yet in the publication of the excavation area, which makes it dif-
this interpretation was considered unlikely ficult to determine how much space the
because of the shallowness of the wall house would have occupied on the plot.
trench, which would have been unable to The wall trench runs parallel to the plot-
receive a sufficiently strong construction. separating ditch and at a distance of
The floor was then seen as associated with approximately 40 cm from it, perhaps
a hut or working area (Frandsen & Jensen, indicating that the width of the building
2006: 13). However, when clay layers were was a little under that of the plot. With
found in later phases F and G at the Post the addition of the sand layer to the north,
Office, they were connected by Feveile one can postulate a minimum length for
(2006: 78) to actual buildings on the the building of approximately 6 m.
ground that they were ‘hardly practical in There is no structural evidence indicat-
association with light wind-shields and ing the presence of a roof in association to
tents, where they would rapidly turn to the house, but the clay floor implies its
sticky mud after even a light shower of existence. The charred remains of a roofed
rain, but they would form a natural part of structure that may have covered a glass-
a real dry building’. bead workshop on the plot to the west
during phase 1 indicate that planks were activities. The clay floor and the associated
then used in construction in Ribe, as well sand layer have revealed a number of finds
as straw, perhaps for a thatched roof. which can be connected to domestic life,
Evidence for a wattle-and-daub wall including a few glass beaker sherds and
construction can be seen in the twenty-one twelve loom weight fragments (Figure 6).
fragments of daub found in connection The sand layer was relatively richer in
with the clay floor. Although the finds are craft-related waste, thus probably indicat-
very small, rarely measuring more than a ing an indoor, specialized workspace
few centimetres, some bear probable dedicated to glass-bead production, whose
wattle impressions (Figure 5). This is the structures may lie outside the excavation
largest assemblage of daub recovered from area.
any eighth-century context for this exca-
vation campaign. In all, 110 fragments
were found in stratified deposits at the Comparison and tentative
site; they mostly occur as waste deposit in reconstruction
a ditch and in assemblages of a dozen
fragments. This assemblage is the only A comparison of the evidence from Sct
one associated with a floor layer at Sct Nicolajgade 8 with finds from other urban
Nicolajgade 8. sites across northern and western Europe
The use and internal layout of the for the period c. AD 670–820 (Figure 7;
building are equally difficult to assess, but see the section below on the architecture
it is likely that it hosted spatially organized of emporia for further references) supports
Figure 5. Daub fragments with impressions associated to the house horizon at Sct Nicolajgade 8, phase
1a.
Photo: Sarah Croix
Figure 6. Selected find categories associated to the layers of the house horizon at Sct Nicolajgade 8,
phase 1a.
the identification of the remains from hypothetic plan for the house at Sct Nico-
phase 1a as a house and allows further lajgade 8 can be reconstructed, as well as
hypotheses regarding its construction and its position on the plot (Figure 8).
use. Early medieval urban houses are gen- The construction of urban houses often
erally rectangular, framework consists of vertical posts set in the wall
constructions, with an average width of lines and with few or no internal roof
approximately 5–6 m and a more variable bearing posts, the weight of the roof being
length of 6–8 m to 10–12 m. In many normally carried by the walls. Where post-
cases, their size and shape seem to be con- holes in the wall lines are not documented,
ditioned by that of the plot they sit on. it is likely that the walls rested on sill-
Assuming dimensions falling within this beams or consisted of planks directly set in
range (5.5 m × 11 m), such as those of the ground. It is unclear what kind of
contemporary house 5 at Hamwic Six structure the wall trench at Sct Nicolaj-
Dials (Andrews, 1997: 63–65), a gade 8 would have supported. Whereas
Figure 7. Early medieval urban sites in northwestern Europe with house remains mentioned in the
text, c. AD 670–820.
Basemap: © Esri 2009. Drawn by the author
doubts were raised by Frandsen and traces of vertical planks (Andrews, 1997:
Jensen (2006: 13) regarding its function, 86). The same situation is met at Birka in
its interpretation is supported by the house B263 (Ambrosiani, 2013: 100–07,
similar dimensions (20 cm wide, 10 cm 214). The wall trench and the daub frag-
deep) of the wall trench of contemporary ments at Sct Nicolajgade 8 might indicate
house 5 at Hamwic Six Dials (Andrews, a similar combination of materials.
1997: 63–65), for example. Identifying urban houses as structures
The materials and techniques used for primarily dedicated to permanent domestic
the walls of houses in contemporary life relies on a number of functional fea-
emporia are varied, the most common tures that distinguish them from workshops
being vertical planks and wattle-and-daub. or houses for temporary use. In Kaupang,
Sometimes these two types of fillings can these features included the presence and
be found in the same building. This is the type of fire places, indoor layout and the
case at Hamwic Six Dials, building 15, functional organization of space, as well as
which is dated to the first half of the the diversity of activities other than dom-
eighth century. One wall was marked by estic (Skre, 2011: 413–15). No fireplace
an alignment of post-holes, hence presum- was found in connection with the building
ably indicating a structure supporting at Sct Nicolajgade 8 but, if it ever existed,
panels in wattle-and-daub, and another by it would probably have been located, as in
Figure 8. Suggested reconstruction of the house plan at Sct Nicolajgade 8, phase 1a, Ribe, in relation
to the plot system of the marketplace. Based on comparison with structure 15 at Hamwic Six Dials (cf.
Figure 9).
Drawn by the author
most urban houses, in the middle of the Kaupang, it has been argued that houses in
main dwelling room—and, in the present phase SP II B were permanent because
case, outside the excavation area. they hosted, besides domestic life, a single
Also, a functional organization of space craft activity throughout their occupation
into dwelling and workshop areas, as (Skre, 2011: 413). This specialization
suggested earlier for Sct Nicolajgade 8, is suggests continuity rather than frequent
documented through differences in the change of usership, as the combination of
nature of floor layers at various sites in various crafts in earlier buildings seems to
Scandinavia, including Kaupang and indicate. The finds from Sct Nicolajgade 8
Birka, and in England, at Hamwic and can be interpreted along the same lines.
Lundenwic. At Hamwic Six Dials, the Glass bead manufacture is the only craft
floor in the northern part of house 31 was securely associated to the occupation of the
made of clay and the southern part by the building, other activities (ferrous and non-
natural earth (Andrews, 1997: 115–11). ferrous metal working, comb manufacture)
Specialized surfaces are also observed at being represented by less than a dozen
Lundenwic house B30, whose eastern finds out of more than 200 connected to
room was occupied by a clayey brickearth the structure. While it cannot be excluded
floor 10 cm thick (Malcolm et al., 2003: that the building at Sct Nicolajgade 8 was a
76–77, 154). workshop marginally used by craftsmen as
These various functions are primarily dwelling, the comparative evidence tends to
documented by the artefact material. In support its identification as a house.
Urban houses as permanent structures? Concerns about the weakness and

smallness of urban houses in opposition to
This interpretation contradicts what has the solidity and largeness of rural houses
previously and consistently been stated have rarely been raised in the discussion of
about the eighth-century development of urban architecture in early medieval north-
the marketplace in Ribe. Indeed, the ern Europe, with the exception of Ribe
‘assumption—that the site was seasonal— and Kaupang. In his critical review of the
was mainly based on the absence—within first volume of the publication of the
the excavated areas—of really solid con- Kaupang excavation project (Skre, 2007a),
structions that could be interpreted as Urbańczyk (2008: 180, 184) found the
buildings for all-year use’ (Feveile, 2006: suggested buildings at the Norwegian site
76; cf. Bencard, 1979: 118; Bencard, ‘quite small’ and ‘lightly constructed’,
1981: 10; Frandsen & Jensen, 1988b: 187; implying that they ‘might not have been
Bencard & Bender Jørgensen, 1990: 144; built for the same kind of long-term per-
Jensen, 1991: 7). Craftsmen visiting the manent occupation as the more solidly
site have been assumed to have worked constructed rural buildings’. To this, Skre
outdoors, under sheds or behind wind- (2008: 200) replied that ‘the lack of solid-
breaks, although these lighter structures ity in urban as compared to rural buildings
have left few identifiable traces in the is a well-known feature of the following
archaeology. A small number of sunken- centuries’, for example, in Oslo, where the
featured buildings are also known, but apparent fragility of the structures did not
whether these could function as year-long prevent them from being used all year
dwellings is dubious. At the Post Offices, long.
more solid buildings only appeared from In the Scandinavian context, one can
phases F and G onwards, thus marking see several reasons for which urban
the emergence of Ribe as a town in the AD houses were not built as solidly as rural
790s (Feveile, 2006: 78–79; Feveile & houses. Urbańczyk (2008) is certainly
Jensen, 2006: 187). right in saying that the former were not
What these substantial, ‘proper’ or built for the same kind of long-term per-
‘solid-enough’ houses should be like was manent occupation as the latter. Urban
not explained by any of these authors. houses undoubtedly had a shorter life-
One can find some clues about what may cycle than rural houses. They were fre-
have been meant by ‘proper houses’ in the quently repaired or entirely rebuilt, and
context of Danish archaeology in the were almost always destroyed by fire. Fire
1970s and 1980s. Denmark witnessed in hazard was great in these small structures
this period the first large-scale open exca- with open fire-places used for cooking as
vations of rural settlements (Becker, well as for fire-using crafts. In Lun-
1980). Examples of 30-m-long farm denwic, for example, the same building
houses, revealed through the slightly was rebuilt six times with minor modifi-
curved alignments of massive post-holes, cations (Malcolm et al., 2003: 72–78,
became more and more numerous at now- 156). The likely risk of destruction by fire
famous sites such as Vorbasse, Sædding or may explain the cheaper construction of
Omgård. Perhaps it was then assumed urban houses; any major investment may
that, if there were houses at the market- have not been seen worth the cost,
place in Ribe, they should resemble these especially if building materials were
rural houses and would have left similar more difficult to acquire than in the
archaeological traces. countryside.
Figure 9. Comparative house plans from early medieval urban sites in northwestern Europe, c. AD
670–820. From top to bottom and left to right: Birka, house B263; Kaupang, house A200; Hamwic
Six Dials, house S15; Lundenwic, house b6; Valkenburg De Voerd, house (phase 1). The poor degree of
preservation, the lack of structural elements and the size are similar at all sites.
After: Bult et al. (1990): 152; Andrews (1997): 85; Malcolm et al. (2003): 39; Pilø (2007): 197;
Ambrosiani (2013): 212. Reproduced by kind permission of Björn Ambrosiani, Dagfinn Skre,
Southampton City Council and the Council for British Archaeology, MoLA, and Daan Hallewas
and Epko J. Bult.
In addition, urban houses were not use reflect some form of stability, continu-
designed for the same purposes as rural ity, and a strong connection with ancestry
houses. Both were multifunctional build- —the house representing the physical
ings, combining domestic and economic anchorage of the kin in its land, as its
activities. However, their different econ- occasional intentional destruction by fire
omic profiles impacted the size of the might indicate (Herschend, 2009: 146,
constructions to a large extent. For most 151–52). The monumentality of some of
of the Viking Age, Scandinavian rural these houses, including the halls encoun-
houses hosted a byre next to the dwelling tered at a number of aristocratic sites in
room(s), which could occupy about a third Scandinavia but also, at a smaller scale, of
of the indoor area. Extensive roofed space numerous farm houses, probably acted as a
was also needed for the storing and pro- status marker and as a means of social
cessing of crops, placed in one or several competition.
rooms, which also created the need for These two aspects—ancestral connec-
additional dwelling spaces for farm hands. tion to the land and social competition
The aggregation of space-consuming agri- between kin groups—may very well have
cultural activities under one roof thus lead played a lesser role in towns. It has been
to particularly large buildings, hence to suggested that ‘the emporia were con-
sturdy constructions. These functions were sciously transgressing the ethos of
by definition absent in the urban context. kin-based society’ (Hodges, 1996: 299).
While some animals were probably kept There was no ancestry connecting the
on the town plots, economic activities in town inhabitants to their plot, which was
the early medieval emporia were mainly probably owned by someone else and
dedicated to trade and craft production. rented out (Skre, 2008: 200). In Ribe, the
Most of the crafts that have been docu- change of use of the plots over time, with
mented in Ribe, such as the manufacture a succession of specialists in different
of combs, glass beads or copper-alloy crafts (Jensen, 1991: 42), supports the idea
objects, required relatively little space and that, although a trade may have been
could have occupied a single room in passed on through generations, it was not
houses. Similarly, the performance of these the case of the tenancy of the plot. We
crafts was specialist work and involved know little about the social structure of
fewer people, leading to households of a the towns in the early Viking Age and
smaller size than those of the farms. how important social competition would
Social aspects indeed played a major have been, but it is very likely that it
role in the design of house construction, would have used other means than the
and a further explanation for the small size monumentality of houses.
and weakness of urban houses compared When considered in this light, one
to rural houses could be the lack of sym- cannot be surprised that no traces of large
bolic connection between the small piece post-built constructions were found during
of land represented by the town plot and the successive excavations of the eighth-
its inhabitants. Rural houses, both in century layers of the marketplace. Their
Viking Age Scandinavia and Anglo-Saxon absence is not a sufficient argument to
England (Hamerow, 2011: 134–36), could exclude the possibility of houses since
stand with occasional repairs and exten- solidity, which has been so strongly
sions from forty to fifty years for most emphasized when interpreting the Ribe
farm houses and up to over 200 years for material, is not a characteristic feature of
the greatest halls. These long periods of early medieval urban houses. Different
economic and social needs can be taken as however, the fence hypothesis gained pre-
explanations for differences between rural ference, due to the absence of holes for
and urban houses. Therefore, further evi- roof-bearing posts and with regard to the
dence for houses in Ribe throughout the size of the vertical posts, which were not
eighth century may also be found in other judged strong enough to carry heavy
excavation areas. roofing; consequently, the structure
became a windbreak or a plot-dividing
fence (Bencard & Bender Jørgensen,
Other building evidence at 1990: 38–40, 136). It should also be noted
the marketplace in Ribe before that it is in this area that most finds of
c. AD 780–790 basalt quernstone fragments discussed
earlier were made for phase 2 (Feveile,
As mentioned earlier, Ribe’s research 2010a).
history has been marked by the recurrent Furthermore, after rejecting the idea
statement that there were no proper, real that the clay daub fragments found in the
or substantial houses at the marketplace in 1970s belonged to furnaces, Bender
the eighth century. However, this sup- Jørgensen suggested that they must have
posed absence of houses clearly contradicts originated from the walls of buildings
not only the evidence from Sct Nicolaj- (Bender Jørgensen, 2004). While the frag-
gade 8 presented here, but also several ments are clearly more numerous for all
preliminary interpretations of the results of areas during phase 3 (ninety-six fragments
other excavations. In the published report in total), they are present throughout the
of the 1970s excavations, it was suggested eighth century (fifteen fragments in phase
in a few instances that some of the archae- 1 to 1A and thirty-six fragments in phase
ological features may relate to house 2). The finds in phase 1 to 1A in particu-
construction. It was only later that these lar indicate that ‘buildings must have
interpretations were either radically modi- existed in the area immediately before or
fied or rejected altogether. around the establishment of the market-
At Kunstmuseets Kælder, a double row place’ (Bender Jørgensen, 2004: 272).
of vertical posts holding in place a wattle
structure stratigraphically belonged to the
latest part of phase 2 or the earliest part of
phase 3. Two of the posts were dendro- The architecture of the emporia and the
dated with an earliest felling year in c. 730 early medieval urban way of life
and c. 759 (Bencard & Bender Jørgensen,
1990: 40). The structure was interpreted While caution should certainly be applied
soon after it came to light as the wall line when interpreting building evidence at the
of a house (Bencard, 1973: 37–38). The marketplace in Ribe, the archaeological
alternative idea that it could be a fence material relating to houses corresponds
instead was at the time suggested for good well to that of other contemporary urban
measure, although it was found to be very sites. This does not only open the possi-
unlikely as the construction was unnecess- bility of applying similar methods to the
arily sturdy simply to mark a plot division, identification and interpretation of house
and because of the presence of a lighter structures at these sites, but suggests that
structure perpendicular to the former, housing in Ribe shared several functional
which could have functioned as an internal and architectural principles with other
room partition in a building. Later on, early medieval emporia.
Studying urban housing by cross- de Voerd (Bult et al., 1990), Lundenwic

regional comparison for the period con- (Malcolm et al., 2003; Cowie et al., 2012:
sidered here (late seventh-early ninth 119–26), Hamwic (Andrews, 1997), Birka
century) is limited by the degree of preser- (Rosberg, 2009; Ambrosiani, 2013), and
vation of the archaeological structures. At Kaupang (Pilø, 2007: 203–17), where the
sites such as Dorestad (van Es & Verwers, identification was completed by the use of
2009: 77–79, 81–82, fig. 235), Wolin micromorphology (Figure 9). The quality
(Stanisławski, 2011: 226–28), Truso/ of the evidence from Sct Nicolajgade 8 is
Janów Pomorski (Jagodzinski & Kaspr- thus no worse than that of most contem-
zycka, 1991: 699–700; Auch et al., 2012: porary urban sites where houses have been
140–41, fig. 63–64), and Domburg identified.
(Capelle, 1980: 6–8, tables 41–42; de The similarities observed in house con-
Man, 1899: 37–43), building structures struction in the early medieval emporia are
are too poorly documented for the relevant far from coincidental. Although various
period to allow comparison with the Ribe techniques were employed, and several fea-
material. tures, such as fireplaces, presented
On the other hand, well-preserved different designs, urban houses shared a
houses are known at a number of sites, number of architectural principles across
some of which display the remains of northwestern Europe. This does not
entire wooden structures at ground level. necessarily mean that they were built by a
For example, this is the case at Staraya single ethnic group. Regional differences
Ladoga, where two types of building are can probably be explained by local con-
encountered throughout the second half of ditions, in terms of resources and
the eighth century (Sedov, 1985; Kuz’min, inspiration from rural architecture. Conse-
2000). One consists of a log-built struc- quently, it would seem that the local
ture constructed in a square plan of population had a preponderant role in the
relatively modest size (4 m × 4 m), while erection of buildings in the early medieval
the other combines different timber- emporia.
construction techniques into a structure of While it follows that the similarities
rectangular plan very similar to, for hitherto observed at the early medieval
example, house 2/structure 200 in emporia cannot be explained in ethnic
Hedeby, first built in AD 833 (Schultz, terms, they can be seen as the results of
2008: 201–16). Other well-preserved similar responses to similar needs, gener-
houses were found at the wurt settlements ated by a common life style. These needs,
in Hessens, Emden, and Groothusen exposed above in connection with the
(Haarnagel, 1963: 25–27). The rectangular argument about the lack of solidity of
houses built on the plots of these ‘street urban houses, were both of an economic
villages’ founded in the seventh and eighth and social character, and included the
century were generally small (5–6 m × 8 m), limited access to building materials, often
and with walls consisting in lines of verti- observed in the recycling of timber (includ-
cal planks. ing ship-parts); the combination of
In most cases, however, urban houses dwelling and specialized workspace under
are identified through a combination of one roof; the minor spatial requirements of
structural evidence, in the form of shallow most craft activities; the spatial restrictions
wall trenches and post-holes, floor layers enabled by the regulated size of the plot;
and associated finds, such as daub, and and the smaller households, which did not
fire-places. This can be seen at Valkenburg necessarily transmit their trade and tenancy
from one generation to the next. These make a town, and the extent to which the
aspects are not culturally or even ethnically results suggested for Sct Nicolajgade 8 can
specific, but diametrically opposed to the be applied to the entire marketplace, which
conditions of living in rural areas through- is still only very partially investigated,
out northwestern Europe at the time. remains to be seen. The combination of
Through house forms, one can gain several markers of permanency has been
insights into the particular way of life of noticed for different areas and different
these communities, which can, in turn, be periods—for example, at Kunstmuseet
characterized as truly urban. Kælder phase 2/3, and Post Office phases
H/I. This diachronic distribution needs to
be explained, but it is very likely that,
CONCLUSION although there was probably a permanent
occupation throughout the eighth century,
For the past thirty years, it has been recog- not all plots were in use at all times.
nized that the eighth-century marketplace Furthermore, even if the existence of a
in Ribe fulfilled several of the traditional permanent marketplace in eighth-century
criteria for the definition of an early med- Ribe seems at present likely, the tempor-
ieval town. Markers of long-distance trade ality of its occupation requires more
and specialized craft activities were unpro- detailed consideration. The site certainly
blematically recognized in the experienced peaks of activity at certain
archaeological record. On the other hand, times of year; the composition of the town
the eighth-century occupation has never population was also highly variable and
been raised to the status of town because even permanent plots, houses and work-
of the absence of evidence for permanency. shops needed to be maintained on a
This reservation was fully understandable regular basis, in a cycle which should not
—it is only through permanent occupation be mistaken for seasonal occupation. The
that daily routine can lead to the develop- temporality of use of workshops and
ment of an urban culture and identity that buildings at the marketplace in Ribe
would clearly distinguish life at the site should be a priority in future research.
from that of the countryside. Finding As a result, further investigations will be
traces of the seemingly trivial actions that needed in order to assess the argument of
make up daily life appear to be just as this article; if it were proved correct, it
crucial for the definition of the site as the would have direct consequences not only
well-documented specialized crafts and for the history of Ribe, but also for the
international trade. The identification of presumed dates of the beginning of urban
some of these traces in the archaeological development in Scandinavia, and for the
material from the 1985–1986 excavation evolutionary paradigm directing the
at Sct Nicolajgade 8 suggests that the interpretation of the emporia in the North
marketplace in Ribe may have been and around the Baltic Sea.
planned to be occupied permanently—and
perhaps was so—from its creation and
throughout the eighth century. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This approach represents a first step in
the reconsideration of the sites at Ribe. This article presents the results of my
Before any final conclusion can be drawn, post-doctoral research conducted in the
it is important to express one or two reser- frame of the project Entrepot—Maritime
vations. Obviously one house does not Networks Urbanism in the Early Medieval
World, funded by the Danish Council for Bencard, M. 1974. Ribes ældste udvikling.
Independent Research (2011–2014). I Mark og Montre, 10:20–27.
would like to thank the members of Bencard, M. 1979. Wikingerzeitliches
Handwerk in Ribe. Eine Übersicht. Acta
Entrepot for their invaluable help, in par- Archaeologica, 49 (1978):113–38.
ticular Søren M. Sindbæk for his support Bencard, M. 1981. Introduction. In:
and his comments, as well as Jason M. Bencard ed. Ribe Excavations 1970–
Hawkes for his thorough reading of the 1976. Vol. 1. Esbjerg: Sydjysk
manuscript. I am also grateful to Morten Universitetsforlag, pp. 9–14.
Bencard, M. 1991. Introduction. In:
Søvsø, Sydvestjyske museer and Claus M. Bencard, L. Bender Jørgensen &
Feveile, Østfyns museer, for sharing their H. Brinch Madsen eds. Ribe Excavations
material and expertise. 1970–1976. Vol. 3. Esbjerg: Sydjysk
Universitetsforlag, pp. 9–15.
Bencard, M. & Bender Jørgensen, L. 1990.
Excavation and Stratigraphy. In:
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Permanence dans les emporia du haut Moyen-Âge: une réévaluation de Ribe
Cet article cherche à démontrer le caractère permanent d’au moins certaines zones du site commercial de
Ribe (Danemark) dès les premières décennies de son existence au début du 8e siècle. Comme pour
d’autres emporia du haut Moyen-Âge en Europe du nord, il a été longtemps discuté si le site était à
l’origine permanent ou saisonnier, et il a été généralement accepté qu’il n’était pas occupé de façon per-
manente jusque dans les années 780–790 ap. J.-C. Bien que d’autres marqueurs d’’urbanité’ se
retrouvent dans le matériel archéologique datant du 8e siècle à Ribe, la permanence est considérée ici
comme un argument décisif pour sa définition. En effet, c’est seulement à travers une occupation tout au
long de l’année et à long terme qu’une vie quotidienne distinctement non-rurale pouvait prendre forme.
Le matériel des fouilles de 1985 à 1986 à Sct Nicolajgade 8 représente la base empirique de cette rééva-
luation. En intégrant le mobilier dans l’interprétation contextuelle des dépôts nettement stratifiés qui
caractérisent l’archéologie du site commercial, il est possible d’identifier plusieurs marqueurs de perma-
nence (fondation du site, vie domestique, structures d’habitat). Parmi eux, une attention particulière est
accordée aux structures d’habitat, leur présence sur le site ayant suscité des controverses lors de recherches
précédentes. En réexaminant le matériel et en le comparant à celui d’autres sites urbains contemporains
du nord-ouest de l’Europe, les affirmations antérieures sur la présence de structures d’habitat sur le site
commercial de Ribe sont contestées.
Mots-clés: urbanisme, emporia, période Viking, Ribe, habitat urbain, permanence
Permanenz auf frühmittelalterlichen Handelsplätzen: Eine Neubewertung von Ribe
Dieser Beitrag versucht, den permanenten Charakter zumindest von Teilen des Marktplatzes von Ribe
in Dänemark seit den ersten Jahrzehnten seiner Existenz Anfang des 8. Jh. zu demonstrieren. Wie
auch bei anderen mittelalterlichen Handelsplätzen in Nordeuropa ist diskutiert worden, ob es sich bei
dem Marktplatz um einen ständigen oder temporären Ort gehandelt hat. Diese Überlegungen gelangen
gemeinhin zum Schluss, dass eine solche Verstetigung nicht vor den 780/790er Jahren erfolgt sein kann.
Obwohl andere Merkmale einer ’Urbanität‘ in den archäologischen Hinterlassenschaften des 8. Jh. in
Ribe gefunden werden können, wird hier deren Permanenz als entscheidendes Argument für die Defi-
nition betrachtet. Und so wird angenommen, dass es langfristiger, ganzjähriger Besiedlung bedarf,
damit sich ein explizit nicht-dörfliches tägliches Leben herausbilden kann. Das Material von den
1985–86 in der Sct Nicolaj Gade 8 durchgeführten Ausgrabungen bildet die empirische Basis dieser
Neubewertung. Durch die Einbeziehung von Artefakten in die kontextuelle Interpretation von gut
stratigraphisch eingebundenen Komplexen, die die Archäologie des Marktplatzes repräsentieren, ist es
möglich, verschiedene Merkmale von Permanenz herauszuarbeiten, darunter die Gründung des Platzes,
das häusliche Leben und die Häuser selbst. Hierbei wird ein besonderer Fokus auf die Häuser gelegt,
deren Anwesenheit bei früheren Untersuchungen sehr kontrovers betrachtet wurde. Durch diese Neube-
trachtung und den Vergleich mit Hausbefunden von gleichzeitigen städtischen Plätzen in
Nordwesteuropa werden frühere Aussagen über die Anwesenheit von Häusern am Marktplatz von Ribe
hinterfragt. Translation by Heiner Schwarzberg.
Stichworte: Städtewesen, Handelsplätze, Emporia, Wikingerzeit, Ribe, städtische Häuser,

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European Journal of Archaeology 18 (3) 2015, 497–523

Permanency in Early Medieval Emporia:

Keywords: urbanisme, emporia, Viking Age, Ribe, urban houses, permanency

INTRODUCTION whether the early medieval emporia can be

© European Association of Archaeologists 2015 DOI 10.1179/1461957114Y.0000000078

197). Specifically ‘urban’ cultural practices remained to be found (Bencard, 1991:

Table 1 CORRESPONDENCE TABLE OF THE RELATIVE CHRONOLOGIES (IN PHASES) OF THREE

*Asr: Antikvarisk Samling Ribe (Journal Number)

floor levelling in a late-ninth-century house fragmented loom weights were found in

The second category of finds showing a few centimetres—suggests that quer-

Urban houses as permanent structures? Concerns about the weakness and

Studying urban housing by cross- de Voerd (Bult et al., 1990), Lundenwic

Frühgeschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie, Arkæologisk Selskab & Nationalmuseet,

Frandsen, L.B. & Jensen, S. 1988c. 1970–1976, Vol. 3. Esbjerg: Sydjysk

Non-Roman Europe: Ireland, Wales, Olsen, O. 1975. Nogle tanker i anledning af

Permanence dans les emporia du haut Moyen-Âge: une réévaluation de Ribe

Mots-clés: urbanisme, emporia, période Viking, Ribe, habitat urbain, permanence

Permanenz auf frühmittelalterlichen Handelsplätzen: Eine Neubewertung von Ribe

Stichworte: Städtewesen, Handelsplätze, Emporia, Wikingerzeit, Ribe, städtische Häuser,

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