New Religious Movements

in Oceania

Garry w. Trompf
Guest-Editor

This essay is a brief introduction to the long-term histoty of new religious

movements in the Pacific Islands (Micronesia, Polynesia and Melanesia)
while tracing the social scientific study of them as group adjustments
to colonialism and rapid social change. Providing background to the
articles in this special issue of Nova Religio, the study shows that new
religious movements in the Pacific Islands region have been more diverse
than usually thought. There is caution againstpast over-emphases-for
instance that Melanesia generated only so-called cargo cults-and atten-
tion is paid to differences of collective expectations benveen societies
more traditionally egalitarian (especially in Melanesia) and those more
hierarchical (mainly in Micronesia and Polynesia).

here has been some debate about how old new religious move-
ments can be. In providing a macro-historical background to the
four articles in this special issue of Nova Religio on new religious
movements in the Pacific Islands, we could quickly make that contro-
versy a burning one. It is all too easy to consider new religious move-
ments in Oceania only in -terms of indigenous islander responses to
serious European colonial actirity from the second half of the nine-
teenth century and to the rapid social changes brought by new technol-
ogies since the 1880s. But innovative collective responses to the presence
of Europeans go back to the early modern period, when the Pacific
Ocean might have seemed a “Spanish Lake,"* and even then, if we take
Guam’s Chamorro Wars against Spain in the late seventeenth century to
have been a movement of spiritual resistance against intruders,2 such
energies were already known in the atoll world of Micronesia, for
legends tell of the successful rebellion against the foreign Saudeleur

Nova Religio: TheJill of Altdttlrue andEmfit Rdigions١No\Ym \&١k\t

5-15. ISSN 1092-6690 (print), 1541-8480. (electronic). © 2015 by The Regents of the
University of California. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to
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DOI: 10.1525/nr.2015.18.4.5.

‫ة‬
Νουα Migio

dynasty on Pohnpei in the 162&.3 Select Samoan chants and oral tradi-
tions from the Samoa Islands in Pol۴esia about the overthrow (probably
in early modern times) of the expansive, colonizing Tongans from the
Tonga archipelago in Pol^mesia, carty the same impression of being
decentralized, religiously inspired revolts. Such protest activity looks quite
prefatory to later "new-religious” counteractions against European
domination.^
The great bulk of Pacific new religious movements, of course, are
known from the major period of European missionizing and coloniza-
tion from the late eighteenth to the late twentieth century. They make
up an extraordina^ array of social phenomena, and within that period
most interest centers first on Polynesia—the “many islands” in the great
triangle from Aotearoa (New Zealand) in the southwest, to Hawaii in
the north, on to Rapanui (Easter Island) to the east. The tiny atolls of
Micronesia (the “small islands”) across the north-central Pacific have
their further moments in post-Spanish times, but it has been Melanesia
(the “black islands”) to the southwest, especially mainland New Guinea,
the world’s second largest island, that has gained the most attention up
into the last hundred years. By the nineteenth centuity Western powers
asserted their authority over the whole region. In Polynesia, for example,
the British were protectors of the Hawaiian monarchy from 1795 to
1843, New Zealand was formally a British colony by 1845, and Tahiti was
famously taken over by the French in 1880. Well-known Melanesian
annexations included New Caledonia (to the French in 1853), Fiji (to
the British in 1874), eastern New Guinea (dirided between Germany
and Britain in 1885), and western New Guinea (to the Dutch in 1898).
Later foreign interventions involved Japan (very temporarily in western
Oceania, 1941-44) and the United States (especially in Micronesia,
194479‫־‬, and before Hawaii became a state in 1959).‫ج‬
Consider some of the diversity of new religious movements in
response to precolonial and colonial impacts. We can place the first
indigenous or Independent Church of Oceania, for example, in the
fairly successful takeover of the Wesleyan Mission to Tonga by King
George Tupou I (c. 1797-1893) in 1852, when he combined the tradi-
tional roles of sacred king ( Tu*i Tonga) and secular chief with headship
of the Free Church of Tonga (albeit a church at first administered by his
chosen missionaiy Reverend Shirley Baker [183frl903])GWe can write
of land wars, running at least from those in Aotearoa (1855-65, with the
Maori King movement and Taranaki Warfs]), to the Tuka resistance
activity against land-grabbing on Fiji (I870s-80s, inspired by “priest of
the land” Navosavakadua in the mountains), both “small wars” being
against the British.? A Western new religious movement, Mormonism,
began drawing in Polynesian membership on Tubuai (south of Tahiti)
in 1844, and one could say the first Mormon “kingdom” was established
there ahead of Salt Lake City founded in 1847.8 Before the First World

6
 TromM*. Ni Migid MoOemts in Oceania

War, indigenous imitation of police unifoms, parading and enforce-

ment activity, was laying the basis of Samoan nationalism^ while already
in 1917, on and around the latercontacted, less colonized great New
Guinea Island, five “new religious cults" had been reported by English
anthropologist Arthur Haddon. One of these, German Wislin in the
Torres Strait, looked to Germany as the place of the ancestors who
would bring money and oust the whitesjo
Soon thereafter, during 1919-22, came the phenomena of the so-
called Vailala Madness in the Gulf District of Australian Papua (formerly
British New Guinea, 1884-1906). Now better named the Vailala
Movement, this group outburst has been the most reported and dis-
cussed indigenous reaction to colonialism apart from the Ghost Dance
movement among American Indians in 1890,‫ اا‬both actirities crucial
later in exemplifying and grounding social scientific theories of “revital-
ization movements,” “cult movements," “crisis cults,” and “natiristic
m0vements.”2‫ ؛‬In the main account of the Vailala upsurge, by govern-
ment anthropologist Francis Williams, the most noticeable features were
collective ecstatic or spiritistic behavior (body-shaking, xenophonic
utterances or “gibberish”)‫ ؛‬the cultivation of group hope that the ances-
tors would return (as whites) bringing newly introduced goods in large
quantities (cloth, tobacco, axes, knives, even rifles) on a steamship‫ ؛‬and
the spreading belief that it was not good to be brown-skinned and tetter
to imitate the whites and discard old ceremoniesJS Of course the
remarkable expectation of European goods, and later internationally
marketed commodities, laid the basis for a widening interest and
research in the field of so-called “cargo cults”—the epithet in vogue
immediately after World War II to replace the continuing and deroga-
tory terms, Vailala Madness and German missionary usage
Schwarmgeisteren (ravers), residual in Australian-acquired New
Guinea.*. Cargo cultism became the phenomenon that best character-
ized Melanesian new religious movements, as group mobilizations to
prepare for reception of what leaders proclaimed as the coming of
sudden wealth—in the form of Cargo (in Tok Pisin, Kago)15 and brought
by returning ancestors (or by Jesus in his Second Coming, as missionar-
ies foretold).‫ ®؛‬Kago signified the means to gain some equality with the
intruders as well as take on a new life, and implied hope that by means of
Cargo and the ancestors the colonial yoke would be shed.17
It tempted some scholars to read cargo cultism into the arider world
of indigenous responses to colonialism in the Pacific, and even in
Africa,‫ ®؛‬but such agitations to prepare for evenly distributed riches
seemed to belong ovewhelmingly to “the black islands.” Generalizing
phrases used for group adjustments to colonialism across the whole
Pacific region, consequently, tended to evoke the leadership factor,
especially because Polynesian and Micronesian societies were generally
more hierarchical than Melanesian ones, and benison was conceived to

7
la Religio

flow from great personages. Thus “prophetic movements" served to

cover religiously inspired resistance led by kings or chiefs as well as
enthusiasm for a leading figure’s prophesied visions of the future; but
across the board these new group responses nonetheless shared the
common quest to offSet both oppression by the outsiders and depriva-
tion of the pririleges and possessions dominated by whites (and now also
Asian traders).!9
When it came to "the sociolo^ of hope,”20 however, the most pop-
ular post-World War II means of categorizing all collective dreams of
great future transformation was with such renowned terms as chiliasm,
millenarism, millenarianism, and thus “millenarian m0vements.”21
Perforce of quests for classifying social phenomena, so-called cargo cults
were often read as a species of millenarian movements, with the extraor-
dinaty abundance yearned for read as the equivalent of a millennial
heaven on Earth and Kago as the symbol of ultimate salvati0n.22 After
the Second World War seriously affected the southwest Pacific, since
huge quantities of foodstuffs, armaments and vehicles, money, and also
African American military personnel, suddenly manifested at various
strategic places, visions of material possibilities rose exponentially.¿.‫؟‬
In the aftermath and in the decades leading up to decolonization in
the Pacific, collective ritual activity to multiply money was common in
Melanesia.¿!
More detailed research, however, revealed that prior to cargoist-type
movements in the highly complex Melanesian scene were various group
attempts to increase fertility and traditional wealdi. These energy-bursts
indicated that traditional religions could change more often than pre-
viously thought,¿‫ ؟‬or else were adaptations in which Melanesians picked
up on Muslim traders’ talk of lost treasure¿‫ ؟‬or anticipated radical
changes already rumored to be on their way.27 It became obvious that
“cargo cult” could become an alliterative phrase of abuse and be used as
a political stick to beat any southwest Pacific social movement expressing
dissatisfaction; variations in expectations made such alternative terms as
“acculturation” and “adjustment movements” more fair and descrip-
tive.28 Hopes for new goods could be so limited that construing them
as millenarian was misguided; and conceptual issues, as to the distinction
and merging of cargo cultism and millenarian movements, for example,
and their respective reflections of the categories now more commonly
called “cargoism” and millenarianism, needed sorting out.29
Even more significantly, the time came when scholars’ over-attention
to cargo cults in Melanesia gave way to consideration of “new religious
movements” more generally.‫؟‬٥ The variety then highlighted made it
possible to compare and contrast new religious movements across
Oceania, even including Aboriginal Australia. The main point of com-
parison with older a٠stments among Pacific Islanders was that, with
the more vertically oriented Polynesian and Micronesian cosmologies.

8
 Τηψί*. New Religious Mouemits iu Oceauia

coupled with their stratified (mainly chieftain) societies, emergent

prophet-leaders appealed to their personal role as the mediating link
of power between heaven and earth, and their protection of the chosen
from the undeiworld and evil spirits‫ ؟‬whereas the new Melanesian lea-
ders (in relatively egalitarian societies, with fewer sky gods) looked more
toward the horizon, and to ancestors and/or savior-figures arriving with
material benison from the mountains, sea, or the sky’s lower aspect.31
Even in resistance movements, if for instance we consider responses to
the Japanese invasion, some emergent Melanesian leaders wanted to col-
labórate with those who could help them oust the whites (Emboge among
the Oro on northern Papua‫ ؟‬Tagarab at Madang, New Guinea) ,32 while in
face of thejapanese Micronesian headquarters at Palau we find Temedad,
as mediator with the divine and spirit world, preaching subtler resistance
by evoking a single powerful and unifying Palauan deity equated with
Jesus.33
As passage to national independence occurred or was thwarted (for
instance, success in [Western] Samoa by 1962‫ ؟‬Fiji in 1970‫ ؟‬Papua New
Guinea in 1975‫ ؟‬Federated States of Micronesia in 1986‫ ؟‬blocked in New
Caledonia, West Papua, French Polynesia, and other locations), the
appreciation of new religious diversity intensified, and scholarly interests
sectionalized. Marxists and researchers focusing on social development
wrote about "movements of social change,” “self-help,” and “micr^
nationalist” activity, which were understood as succeeding the premod-
ern aviations precursor to nationalism, and found these phenomena
primarily in Melanesia’s bigger cargo cults.3. These scholars also noted
that trade union activity, anti-nuclear weapon tesfing agitations, and
movements concentrated on supporting women had background in new
religious energies (whether internal and external to existing mission-
originated churches).33 Where protest and concern to retain (total-
spiritual) power were involved, scholars showed interest in the religious
dimensions of taking up arms in cross-tribal rebellion, the religious bol-
stering of political separatism, as with proclamations of Bougainville
Island as Mekamui or the Sacred Land before and during the 1990-98
Bou^inville War (see the article by Anna-Karina Hermkens in this issue),
and defense of land and control of economic affairs as utterly integral to
the spiritual life of indigenous Pacific peoples.3^ Researches specializing
in religious developments, already alerted to the plethora of independent
churches in African and African American contexts, documented com-
parable phenomena in Oceania, again mainly in Melanesia where some
such churches developed out of cargo cults, and not only as sects leaving
mission churches. Collective ecstatic phenomena in some of theæ inde-
pendent churches could be studied alongside the new emotionally
charged “spiritistic tendencies” that foreshadowed the coming impact
of Pentecostal groups both within and in competition Wth mainline
churches.3? Polynesia saw its own array of independent churches, under

9
Nu Religio

strong leaders, like Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana (1873Ρ-1939), attuned to

Old Testament prophetism, and has also spawned Pentecostal churches
bearing more or less the same features found across Oceania.^
In terms of durability, if we concentrate on the dense Melanesian
materials, we find that better-known cargo cults have lasted longer
through adopting the foim, or at least guise, of independent churches,
or else by promoting themselves in the national political arena. By itself
the cross-tribal Peli Association, first responding to indigenous apoca-
lypticist Matias Yaliwan in the New Guinea Sepik region during the
1970s, would have quickly dandled. But in being guided by its manager
Daniel Hawina to join the Canadian sectarian Protestant New Apostolic
Church, the organization sunrived, becoming a showpiece to European
American church members while satisfying growing local beliefs that
visiting apostolics were ancestors returning with gifts and restoring lost
strength.39 On East New Britain, the Pomio Kivung (sacred community),
with extravagant dreams that the ancestors would suddenly come and
wish a New York-size city into being, consolidated itself by strong, sue-
cessful representation in Papua New Guinea, one of its members Francis
Koimanrea becoming Minister for Health (1994-99) and his brother
Alois Koki dubbed a knight.. For other cases, from the Republic of
Vanuatu, the Nagriamel independent church on Espiritu Santo has held
on because of its strong stance over land alienation, while on Tanna the
John Frum cargo cult has paradoxically held fast by making itself
a national tourist attraction.^!
In contrast, we find that in Papua New Guinea strong church oppo-
sition has fragmented the formerly large cross-tribal following in the
Madang region of the deceased cargo leader Yali Singina (1912-
1975), while on Manus Island the independent church movement
started by Paliau Maloat after the conclusion of World War II has
declined with only one big center remaining, due to losing adherents
to expanding Pentecostal and New Life congregations. New spiritual
vitality and missionizing impetuses within sectarian Protestant congrega-
tions, of course, carty capacities to bring further group fissuring. As the
first two articles in this issue by Jaap Timmer and Anna-Karina
Hermkens reveal, splinter-group activities stressing the right way of wor-
ship are affecting dominant Christian denominations. Timmer’s article
describes how the All People’s Prayer Assembly has drawn leadership
and members from the South Sea Evangelical Church especially on
north Malaita, Solomon Islands. Hermkens’ article demonstrates that
Marianist and charismatic movements put stress on Catholic unity in
post-war Bougainville, Papua New Guinea. In Polynesia, the mainline
Cook Islands Christian Church, the Christian Congregationalist denom-
‫؛‬nation with the largest number of members in the Cook Islands, has
been sundered from 1987 over whether or not to accept the physical
presence of Jesus in the female leader Apii Piho, a (characteristic)

10
 Ττοΐίψί: Ni Religious Movements in Oceania

mediator be^een heaven and earth. Well-known ηοη-charísmatic new

denominations making a sizeable impact in the Pacific are the Seventh-
day Adventists in Melanesia and the Mormons in Polynesia. A key reli-
gious attraction for the former is the strong sense of law, with
Melanesians feeling an affinity with the strict Israelite regimen that is
partly presei^ed by Adventists. As for the latter, as discussed in the article
in this issue by Paul Morris, for many Polynesians the Mormon consid-
eration of them as a lost chosen people, and the belief that the Latter-
day Saints (not just the great chiefs) go to stars at death in a vertical
cosmos, are fulfilling.^ For long on the Asian fringes of the Pacific or
confined to expatriates or vaguely mediated through the Bahá’í Faith,
Islam is now also figuring as a new alternative in the Pacific Islands,
especially western Melanesia, as a new religious movement.43 The article
in this issue by Scott Flower discusses reasons for the growth of Islam in
Papua New Guinea.
How money was collected and managed by leadership has been a key
determinant in Pacific new religions’ durability. Before the Bou^inrille
War in the 1980s, for a Melanesian example, the local revolt against the
enrironmental degradation caused by the huge Panguna copper mine
drew covert inspiration from the Fifty Toea cult of Damien Dameng, who
expected steady money contributions for the group’s causes. Dameng had
been inspired by John Teosin of Buka Island (off Bougainville), whose
histoty of fund-raising and anti-tax campaigning went back to the 1960s,
and growing local willingness to give material backing made a serious
jungle rebellion viable.44 In more recent times, however, numerous ploys
to bring dramatic changes by financial subscription, or cargoist-looking
activity by way of attractive p۴amid schemes (increasingly in urban cen-
ters), have brought much heartbreak, anger, and ütigation.45
These illustrations of new religious movements in Oceania are
merely a fraction of the whole. In the articles that follow in this special
issue we see something of how this complex story carries on to the
present time.46 Jaap Timmer’s apt contribution concerns Michael
Maeliau, a highly educated northern Malaitan (Solomon Islands), with
a long-term quest for “true Melanesian way or worship,” yet who has
been affected by long circulating beliefs on his island that the people
of Malaita are descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel who arrived
in deep sea canoes. Anna-Karina Hermkens then perceptively explores
the blending of the local concern to protect “the sacred island” of
Bougainville, even through terrible war, and the succor and preseiation
offered by Marian devotion (famously brought to the North Solomons
by the Marists), together with cargoist elements that link the great pro-
tagonist of the Bougainville rebellion, Francis Ona (c. 19532005‫)־‬, back
to Damien Dameng. Scott Flower introduces the emergence of Islam in
Papua New Guinea as the phenomenon of an old reli^on now present-
ing as new as many indigenous new religious movements in the countiy.

11
Νουα Religio

Flower ably explores features Islam holds in common with already noted
movements in Papua New Guinea and probes reasons for its potentially
greater attractiveness in the future. Paul Morris then offers the only
article on a non-Melanesian topic, expertly surceying the history and
influences of that older new religious movement, Mormonism, through
the vast Polynesia region, and gauges why the Latter-day Saints’ pro-
grams increase in popularity. I recommend these scholars’ contribu-
tions, and welcome their learned expositions in this special edition of
Nova Religio on new religious movements in Oceania.

ENDNOTES
١ ϋ‫؟‬οτ \\1 ‫ة‬١£١ fhe Spanish Lake*. rfhe Pacific since Magellan, Nol \ lAondow.
Croom Helm, 1979)‫ ؛‬Garry w. Trompf, “Easter Island: The Site of the First
hc\‫\"؟‬c CaT‫؟‬،o Cu\lT١ *m Ugo hianclii: Una vita fier la Storia dette Religioni
(Festschrift), ed. Giovanni Casadio (Rome: II Calamo, 2002), 441-65.
2 Douglas s. Farrer and James D. Sellmann, “Chants of Re-enchantment:
Spiritual Resistance to Colonial Domination," Social Analysis 58, no. 1 (2014):
127.49‫־‬
G\em\ ?elemv. Traditional MCronesian Societies: Adaptation, Integration, and
Political Organization (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘‫ ؛‬Press, 2009), 141-52.
4 E.g., Teo Tuvale, An Account of Samoan History up to 1918 (Wellington: New
Zealand Electronic Text Collection, 2014); cf. Jukka Siikala, Cult and Conflict in
tropical Polynesia: A Stud‫؟‬
‫ ׳‬oj Traditional Religion, Christianity and Nalivistic
Movements, FF Communications, no. 233 (Helsinki: Suomalainen
Tiedeakatemia, Academia Scientarium Fennicae, 1982), 169-91.
5 Ron Crocombe, TheSouth Padfic (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, 2001), 5051‫־‬,
41237‫־‬.
6 Tony Swain, and Garry Trompf, lie Religions of Oceania, Libraiy of Religious
Beliefs and Practices (London: Routledge, 1995), 173-74, 18384‫־‬.
7 Brian ‫ل‬٠ Dalton, War and Politics in New Zealand; 1855-1870 (Sydney: Sydney
XMvemty Yre‫&؟‬, i>٦y,H1¥۵.\k\١ Neither Cargo Nor Cult: Ritual Politics and
the Colonial Imagination in Fiji (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995).
8 Mette Ramstad, Conversion in the Pacific: Eastern Polynesian Latter-day Saints’
Conversion Accounts (Kristiansand: Norway Academic, 2003).
9 Peter j. Hempenstall and Noel Rutherford, Protest and Dissent in the Colonial
Pacific (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1984),

10 See especially, E. w. Pearson Chinnery and Alfred c. Haddon, “Five New

Religious Cults in British New Guinea,” Hibbertjoumal 15, n. 3 (1917): 461-62.
١١ VuiisiHus, ٢fhe Vail Madness and the Destruction 0| Native Ceremonies
in the Gulf Division, Territory of Papua Anthropology Reports, no. 4 (Port
Moresby: Government Printer, 1923)‫ ؛‬cf. James Mooney, The Ghost-Dance
Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890, Fourteenth Annual Report of the

12
 Τιψί: Ni Religious MoOimts in Oceania

Bureau of Ethnolo^ to the Secreta^ of the Smithsonian Institution, 1892-93

(Washington: u.s. Government Printer, 1896).
12 Anthony F. c. Wallace, “Revitalization Movements," Αηέαη Anthropologist
68, no. 2 (1966): 276; Marion w. Smith, “Towards a Classification of Cult
Movements,’' Man 59, no. 2 (1969): 10; Weston La Barre, “Materials for
a History of Crisis Cults: A Bibliographic Essay,” Current Anthropology 12, no. 1
(1971): 5-6; cf. eg, Ralph Linton, “Nativistic Movements,” American
Anthropologist 45, no. 2 (1943): 151-52.
ً Williams, Vailala Madness, esp. 4, 817-33 ,9‫־‬.
‫وا‬
H From Lucy Mair, Australia in New Guinea (London: Christophers, 1948), 68,
onwards; acknowledging research by Friedegard Tomasetti on German mission-
ary terms for “enthusiasts,” and for continuing usages, e.g., Carl Laufer,
“Psychologische Grundlagen religiöser Schwarmgeister-bewegungen in der
Südsee,” Kairos (Salzburg) 3 (1959): 149-61.
١‫ ج‬Tok Pisin refers to pidgin English or Neo-Melanesian, the main linguafranca
in New Guinea.
‫ ا‬٤‫ ؛‬See especially Peter Lawrence, Road Belong Cargo: A Study of the Cargo Movement
in the SoutHi Madig District, Ni Guinea {JAaxvckster. IwcksltT \Μ1٢‫؟‬Λ٩
Press, 1964), 63-99; Peter Worsley, The rprumpet Shall Sound: A Study of aCargon
Cults in Melanesia (London: Paladin, 1970 [1957]), esp. 1033. On these sem-
inal and competing works, see Lamont Lindstrom, a Trumpet and Rod. Two
a‫؟‬k.%‫؟‬،\c \w ffexts and Contexts: Reflections in Pacific Island
Historiography, ed. Doug Munro and Brij V. Lai (Honolulu: University of
Hawai‘‫ ؛‬Press, 2006), 178-88.
17 E.g., Margaret Mead, New Livesfor Old: Cultural rfransformation—Manus, 1928-
1951 (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1961); Trompf, Payback: The Logic of
Retribution in Melanesian Religions (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press,
1994), 169-73.
١٥ E.g., Raymond Firth, “The Theory of Cargo Cults: A Note on Tikopea,” Man
55, no. 142 (1955): 130-32; George Shepperson, “Nyasaland and the
IWewYuum,” ’va Millennial Dreams in Action: Studies in Rwoluliona^ Religious
Movements, ed. Sylvia Thrupp (New York: Schocken Books, 1970), 157.
19 E.g., Rudolf Lehmann, “Prophetismus in Ozeanien,” Christentum und
Wissenschaft 10 (1934): 56-86.
20 Henri Desroches, The Sociology of Hope, trans. Carol Martin-Sperry (London:
Routledge, 1979), 69-71,
2‫ ا‬E.g., Wilhelm E. MUhlmann, Chiliasmus und Nativismus, vol. 1 of Studà zur
Soziologie à Revolution (Berlin: Reimer, 1961); Norman Cohn, “Réflexions sur le
millénarisme,” Archives de Sociologie des Religions 5 (1958): 106; Yonina Talmon,
“Millenarian Movements,” Archives Européen! de Sociobgie 7 (1966): 16^65,
182‫־‬83.
22 Esp. Kenelm Burridge, Mambu: A Melanesian Millennium (London: Methuen,
My١M.e avrôÉïsew, rfhe Melanesian Cargo Cult: Millenarianism as a factor in
Cultural Change (Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1969); Bryan R. Wilson, Magic
and the Millennium: A Sociological Stud‫ ؟‬of Religious Movements ofProtest among Tribal
and Third-Wi Peoples (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), 309-47;John Strelan,

13
Νσυα Religio

Search Jor Salvation: Slis in the Histor‫ ؟‬and Theolo^ oj Cargo Cults ٧ \ \ ٠
٠
Lutheran Publishing House, 1977).
23 For a “classic” scenario of leftover foodstuffs on Bougainville, see Mark
Roberts, “The Kiriaka ‘Cargo Cult,’” in New Religious Movements in Melanesia,
ed. Carl Loeliger and Trompf (Suva: Institute for Pacific Studies, University of
the South Pacific, 1985), 41.
24 E.g., Louise Morauta, Beyond the Village: heal Politics in Màng, Papua New
Guinea, London School of Economics Monographs on SO'Cial Anthropolo^, no.
49 (f^ndon: Athlone, 1974), 37-46.
25 For some landmarks, see Garry Trompf, ‘“Bilalaf,”’ in Prophets ofMelanesia: Six
Essays, ed. Trompf (Port Moresby: Institute for Papua New Guinea Studies,
1977), 6977‫ ;־‬w. Jojoga Opeba, "Melanesian Cult Movements as Traditional
Religious and Ritual Responses to Change,” in The Gospel Is Not Western: Black
Theologies from the Southwest Pacific, ed. Trompf (Maryknoll, Ν.Υ.: Orbis, 1987),
49-66; AndrewJ. Strathem, “Fertility and Salvation: The Conflict benveen Spirit
Cultand Christian Sect in MountHagen,” JoumalofRitualSludiesb, no. 1 (1991):
51‫־‬64.
26 E.g., Freerk Christiaans Kamma, De Messiaanse Kâkegingen in hel Biaks-
Noemfoorse culluurgebied (The Hague: Voorhoeve, 1954); Roderic Lacey, “‘70
Limbimbur, the Wanderers: Reflections on Journeys and Transformations in
Papua New Guinea,” Pacific Studies 9, no. 1 (1985): 8^146.
27 E g., MervynJ. Meggitt, Studies in Enga History, Oceania Monographs, no. 20
(Sydney: University of Sydney, 1974), 2025‫־‬.
28 E.g., Theo Ahrens and Kevin Murphy, eds.. The Church and Adjustment
Movements (Goroka: Melanesian Institute, 1977).
،B Tidp‫؟‬, ed.. Cargo Cults audMiUenarian Mounts: Transoceanic Comparisons oj
New Religious Movements, Religion and Society, no. 29 (Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter, 1990), 1-15.
30 Carl Loeliger and Trompf, “Introduction” in Loeliger and Trompf, New
Religious Movements in Melanesia, xi‫־‬xvü; cf. L. p. Mair, “Independent Religious
Movements in Three Continents,” Comparative Studies in Society and ΗκΙη 1, no.
2 (1959): 1156, 127-8.
31 Swain and Trompf, Religions of Oceania, 17578.
32 Alan Paul, The Third Force: ANGAU’s New Guinea War, 7942-46 (Melbourne:
Oxford University Press, 2003), 208‫ ؛‬Lawrence, Road Belong Cargo, 98-103,
122.
33 Lin Poyer, “Revitalization in Wartime Micronesia,” in ReassessingRevitalization
Mounts: Perspectives Jrom North Anrica and the Pacijic Islands, ed. lcke\ i
Flarkin (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 13531.
34 E.g., Rolf Gerritsen, Ronald j. May, and Michael A. Η. B. Walter, Road Belong
Development: Cargo Cuhs, Community Groups and SeJ-Help Movements in Papua New
Guinea (Canberra: Research School of Pacific University, Australian National
University, 1981); cf. Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound, 262-64.
35 E.g., Crocombe, The South Pacific, 468585-87 ,69‫־‬, cf. 685-709; Lorraine
Mothers of Mone‫؟‬, Daughters oj Cojee: ThelVId Movement, "\\Λ
Cultural Anthropolo^, no. 10 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1986).

14
 Τιφί*. New Religid Movements in Oceania

% igp i. kosevddd, The Island Broken in 10ً Haines: Land and Rental
Movements among the Μαοή of New Zealand (University Park: Pennsylvania State
\M\itTS\٩ Press, \‫؛! יץו‬romp‫؟‬, eA., Islands and Enclaves: Nationalisms and
Separatist Pressures in Island and Littoral Contexts \kM\v٠ ‫)؟‬lerYvrvg
Publishers, 1993) (with articles by Beverly Blaskett, Gabriel Lafitte, and
w. Jojoga Opeba)‫ ؛‬Patrick Gesch, "The Cultivation of Surprise and Excess:
The Encounter of Cultures in the ^pik of Papua New Guinea,” in Trompf,
Cargo Cults and Miltenarian Movements,
37 John Barr and Trompf, “Independent Churches and Recent Ecstatic
Phenomena in Melanesia: A Surcey of Materials,” Oceania 54, nos. 1-2 (1983):
48.109-32 ,72‫־‬
* igpknrisemore, Like Them That Dream: l٦ke Maori and the Old testament
(Tauranga: Tauranga Moana Press, 1985); Manfred Ernst, Winds of Change:
Rapidly Growing Religious Groups in the Päfic Islands (Suva: Pacific Conference
of Churches, 1994).
‫ دان‬Paul B. Roscoe, “The Evolution of Revitalization Movements among the
Boiken, Papua New Guinea,” in Harkin, Reassessing Revitalization Movements,
17^80.
40 Bill Standish, "Papua New Guinea 1999 Crisis of Governance,” Parliament of
Australia Research Paper no. 4 (1999-2000): 12.
41 Marc Tabani, “A Political History of Nagriamel on Santo, Vanuatu,” Oceania
78, no. 3 (2008): 342-48; Matthew Baylis, Man Belong Mrs Queen: Adventures mth
the Philip Worshippers (London: Old Street Publishing, 2013).
42 For these last three cases, see Swain and Trompf, Religions of Oceania, 185,208,
219.
43 E.g., Mohammed Afzal Choudry, Islam and Papm New Guinea (Port Moresby:
Islajnic Society of Papua New Guinea, [1989?]).
44 Trompf, Melanesian Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991),
21^19, 233.
43 John Cox, “The Magic of Money and the Magic of the State: Fast Money
Schemes in Papua New Guinea,” Oceania 83, no. 3 (2013): 175-91.
46 For further perspective, Marc Tabani and Marcellin Abong, eds., Kago, ktom
aad Kal]a: The Stud‫ ؟‬of Indigenous Movements in Melanesia Toda‫ ؟‬lylrserWes*.
Pacific-Credo Publications, 2013).

15