Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
“G IOVANNI P UGLIESE”
LE SITUAZIONI
POSSESSORIE
Convegno ARISTEC
Roma 19-21 novembre 2015
a cura di
LETIZIA VACCA
a cura di
GIULIETTA ROSSETTI
Estratto
JOVENE EDITORE
NAPOLI 2018
DIRITTI D’AUTORE RISE RVATI
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SOMMARIO: 1. Introduction. – 2. In the Libri feudorum the vassal has a real right
with regard to land. – 3. The fief entitles the vassal to possession of land. –
4. Possession and investitura. – 5. Function of possession for the acquisition
of the right of fief in land. – 6. Procedural or evidential function of posses-
sion of land as fief. – 7. Police function of possession of land as fief. –
8. Quasi possession of a right as fief. – 9. Conclusion.
1. Introduction
It is well known that the Libri feudorum are a very peculiar
part of the medieval Corpus iuris civilis. Peculiar, in that they re-
ceived their main form, the so-called recensio vulgata, shortly before
1250, while the Digest, the Institutes, the Codex and the Novels all
date from the 6th Century, at the latest. Peculiar also, in that they
were composed out of a handful treatises on northern Italian local
customs (as practised in the feudal courts at Pavia, Piacenza, Cre-
mona, Verona, but mostly in the court at Milano), to which were
added a number of constitutiones of Kings and Emperors of the
Holy Roman Empire. Peculiar, in the third place, because they are
written in a Latin which is, let us say, often rather different from the
Latin in the other parts of the Corpus iuris civilis.
I spent a good part of the last few years, together with Jop
Spruit, emeritus professor of Roman Law at Utrecht, on translating
the Libri feudorum into Dutch, covering also the seven appendices
up to and including the Peace of Constance of 1183. The Latin text
and the translation were published in April 20161. This may explain
why I chose the Libri feudorum as the source from which to take ‘le
situazioni possessorie’ to be presented at the 2015 ARISTEC con-
vegno.
I recall to you, in brief, how the Libri feudorum and their gloss
were made2. Around 1150 (between 1138 and 11543), Obertus de
Orto, at Milano, wrote two small treatises on the feudal customs, in
the shape of letters to his son Anselmus, who then was a student at
Bologna and had complained that his professors did not lecture on
the feudal usages. Obertus was a very experienced imperial causi-
dicus and judge and was many times consul of Milano. The two
treatises were soon enough inserted into what became the so-called
1 J.E. SPRUIT and J.M.J. CHORUS (transl.), C.H. BEZEMER (introd.), Libri feudorum
(Corpus iuris civilis. Tekst en vertaling, Deel 12 Addendum), Amsterdam, 2016.
2 I follow P. Weimar’s view, as developed in his Die Handschriften des Liber feu-
dorum und seiner Glossen, in Riv. intern. di dir. comune, I, 1990, 31-98; now also in
WEIMAR, Zur Renaissance der Rechtswissenschaft im Mittelalter, Goldbach, 1997, 171*-
238*, with Addenda et emendanda, 368*-371*. This view differs in some respects from
P. WEIMAR, Die legistische Literatur der Glossatorenzeit, in Handbuch der Quellen und
Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, I, Mittelalter (1100-1500),
edited by H. Cong, München, 1973, 166-168 and 186-188. The older literature is
found in WEIMAR 1973 and 1990 (1997); it has, of course, not been entirely super-
seded. Fundamental remains, inter alia, E.M. MEIJERS, Les glossateurs et le droit féodal,
in TR, XIII, 1934, 129-149, now also in E.M. MEIJERS, Etudes d’histoire du droit,
Leyde, 1959, 261-277. See also H. LANGE, Römisches Recht im Mittelalter, I: Die Glos-
satoren, München, 1997, 86-90; E. CORTESE, Il diritto nella storia medievale, II: Il basso
medioevo, Roma, 1995, 159-167 and 181-182; ID., Le grandi linee della storia giuridica
medievale, Roma, 2000, 304-308 and 317-318; M.G. DI RENZO VILLATA, La formazione
dei “Libri feudorum” (tra pratica di giudici e scienza di dottori), in Il feudalesimo nel-
l’alto medioevo, II, Spoleto, 2000, 651-721.
Good recent surveys are given by G. DILCHER, voce Libri Feudorum, in Hand-
wörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, III, Berlin, 2015, col. 970-976; and H.
DONDORP - E.J.H. SCHRAGE, The sources of medieval learned law, in The creation of the
ius commune, edited by J.W. Cairns (et al.), Edinburgh, 2010, 7-56, at 49-52.
3 Obertus, in LF 2.3.1, refers to Emperor Lotharius III as bonae memoriae and
that emperor died 13th December 1138; and he does not mention legislation of
Emperor Frederic I Barbarossa relevant to his argument, e.g. the lex Quoniam divina
of July-August 1152, received in LF 2.27, and the Roncaglian lex of 1154, referred to
in LF 2.33.3.
INVESTITURA PROPRIE DICITUR POSSESSIO 89
4 The first letter has been retained in LF 2.1-2.22 (but probably LF 2.6 and 2.7
pr did not form part of it), the second letter in LF 2.23-24.
5 According to the edition of A. ROTA, L’apparato di Pillio alle consuetudines feu-
dorum, in Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Un. di Bologna, XIV, 1938, VII, 1-170,
based on but one out of the six surviving manuscripts, the apparatus contains 255
glosses to LF 1.1 up to and including 2.37, as well as 2.55 and 2.56, but excluding 2.6
and 2.7 pr. WEIMAR 1990, 72 (1997, 212*) doubts whether glosses 202-204 to LF 2.27
and 245-255 to LF 2.55-56 originate from Pillius.
6 LANGE 1997, 229 with fn 23. CORTESE 2, 1995, 160 fn 36, and 2000, 305 fn 265,
rightly observed that the fact that the apparatus was not completed need not mean that
it was written in the last years of Pillius’ life.
7 Since Andreas de Isernia (†1316), this first complete apparatus was erroneously
attributed to Jacobus Colombi; thus still by WEIMAR 1973, 187, but he changed his
view in WEIMAR 1990, 224*-226* with 370*-371*, applauded by R. FEENSTRA, Do-
minium utile est chimaera: nouvelles réflexions sur le concept de propriété dans le droit
savant, in TR, LXVI, 1998, 381-397; now also in R. FEENSTRA, Histoire du droit savant
(13e-18e siècle), Aldershot e c. 2005, at 387 with Addenda 3; applauded also by
CORTESE 2000, 318 with fn 313.
90 JEROEN CHORUS
2. In the Libri feudorum the vassal has a real right with regard to
land
Before 1037, the relation between lord and vassal, in Roman
legal terminology, may only be described in terms of a set of con-
tractual obligations, springing from a kind of locatio conductio oper-
arum9 or, perhaps, operis. The knight was bound to perform mili-
tary services to the lord, who, on his turn, was bound to grant him
a stipendium, consisting in a personal right to receive the fruits of
some crown land or church. The lord, however, was free to revoke
such a right at will and grant the use of the land to someone else. In
this period the vassal does not yet have possession of the land.
Things changed, however, after the so-called Lex Conradi, the
lex In nomine, also known as Edictum de beneficiis, issued by the
Emperor Conrad II the Salian during the siege of Milano in 103710,
8 See, on the insertion of the Peace of Constance and its gloss into the Corpus
iuris civilis, CORTESE 2000, 392 fn 578.
9 P. BRANCOLI BUSDRAGHI, La formazione storica del feudo lombardo come diritto
reale, Milano, 1965, 35; 2nd, revised, edition, Spoleto, 1999, 41.
10 LF Appendix 5 [Cuiacius].1. See on this lex e.g. K. LEHMANN, Das lango-
bardische Lehnrecht, 1896 (below, fn 22), 77-80; CORTESE 2000, 169-170; H. KELLER,
INVESTITURA PROPRIE DICITUR POSSESSIO 91
Das Edictum de beneficiis Konrads II. und die Entwicklung des Lehnswesens in der
ersten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts, in Il feudalesimo, I, 2000, 226-257.
11 BRANCOLI BUSDRAGHI 1965, 51-52; 1999, 76-79.
12 BRANCOLI BUSDRAGHI 1965, 132-135; 1999, 173.
92 JEROEN CHORUS
land, while the lord remains the owner, the proprietor, of the land,
is further confirmed here.
possessionem, cum iam tradita erat?… See E.M. MEIJERS, Het zogenaamde jus ad rem,
in RIDA, V, 1950, 183-202; now also, translated into French as: Le soi-disant “jus ad
rem”, in MEIJERS, Etudes d’histoire du droit, IV, Leyde, 1966, 175-189, at 183 (note
that, in fn 28 at 183, clearly § sciendum – not: secundum – of LF 1.25 is meant).
Meijers’ attribution of the gloss to Jacobus Columbi will no longer be subscribed to.
The gloss does not appear to have incorporated any of Pillius’ glosses edited by ROTA
1938 and may thus have been written in full by Accursius.
21 G. KÖBLER, Die Herkunft der Gewere, in TR, XLIII, 1975, 195-211; G. DI-
URNI, Le situazioni possessorie nel medioevo. Età longobardo-franca, Milano, 1988, 57-
82; CORTESE 1, 1995, 330-333; ID. 2000, 194-196; E. CONTE, Vetustas, prescrizione
acquisitiva e possesso dei diritti nel medioevo, in E. CONTE et al., Uso, tempo, possesso
dei diritti, Torino, 1999, 49-128, at 69-75; W. OGRIS, voce Gewere, in Handwörterbuch,
II, 2008-2012, col. 347-352; E. CONTE, Gewere, vestitura, spolium: un’ipotesi di inter-
pretazione, in Der Einfluss der Kanonistik auf die europäische Rechtskultur, I: Zivil- und
Zivilprozessrecht, edited O. Condorelli (et al.), Köln, 2009, 169-191; also in B. D’ALTE-
ROCHE et al. (ed.), Mélanges Anne Lefebvre-Teillard, Paris, 2009, 267-287.
98 JEROEN CHORUS
tises, investitura was required but not sufficient for vesting the vas-
sal with the real right in the land. Beside other acts, such as the oath
of fidelity, it was particularly also required that the vassal either was
in possession of the fief already before investitura, or was given pos-
session of it at the same time of or subsequently to investitura. Mere
investitura could produce only a personal right.
Whatever the reason of Obertus stating that it is improper to
call investitura the solemn act with the lance and ritual words, that
statement appears to be merely rhetorical. In the rest of his treatises
it is only investitura in this improper sense of the word which is dis-
cussed: how investitura is done, by whom and to whom it may be
done, what, if it is done with respect to land which does not belong
to the lord, etc. That investitura is an act is manifest in the Latin ex-
pression investituram facere, which is often used. You cannot ‘do’
possession. The same is true if the author avails himself of the fol-
lowing expressions: investituram confirmare, ratam habere, implere,
investire aliquem or investire aliquam rem. We find, less frequently,
investituram dare and concedere, or, seen from the vassal’s part, in-
vestituram accipere. In these terms investitura could, in theory, mean
both possession and the solemn act. It seems to me, however, that
also in these cases it is always the solemn act that is envisaged, not
possession.
A century after Obertus, the Decretalists of the canon law are
distinguishing two types of investitura, concerning both the spiri-
tual and the temporal corollaries of ecclesiastical dignities. Investi-
tura may have the sense of introduction into possession and is then
called investitura realis or corporalis. It is opposed to investitura in
the sense of granting a right itself (without an introduction into or
a transfer of possession), called investitura verbalis or abusiva27.
Likewise, with regard to the feudal relation, the writers of glosses to
and summae on the Libri feudorum, from Accursius onwards, often
say that a double investitura is required: a formal, verbal, abusive
one, and a real, corporeal one. Thus, while LF 2.26.15 merely holds
that a lord who performed an investitura of a fief but did not trans-
fer possession of it, may be compelled to deliver possession of the
27 C.G. BRUNS, Das Recht des Besitzes im Mittelalter und in der Gegenwart,
Tübingen, 1848, 199, fn 4.
100 JEROEN CHORUS
31 In capitula 173 and 174 of the Edictus Rothari (or Edictum Rotharis) which
MEIJERS refers to, we are concerned with a gratuitous transfer of res suae, all the
transferor’s property. The transferor remains in possession and may use and exploit it
in a reasonable way until his dying day, but he must not squander it, non dispergat res
ipsas postea doloso animo, nisi fruatur eas cum ratione. He is even entitled to sell or
mortgage it to a third person if necessity compels him so to do and the first transferee
does not want to help him; what he thus gave to that third person, will be stable
and firm for the latter, quod alii dederit, sit illi stabilem et firmum. See on these texts
also CORTESE 1, 1995, 137-138. Both capitula have been inserted into the Lombarda,
2.15.2-3.
32 According to MEIJERS (1950) 1966, 183, the first book of the Libri feudorum
still shows the old view that the vassal’s right was not established by effective transfer
of possession, but by the formal investitura. He points, in fn 28 (where clearly scien-
dum is meant, instead of secundum), to LF 1.25 pr: Sciendum est feudum sine investi-
tura nullo modo constitui posse, etiamsi domino iubente quis alicuius rei possessionem
nomine feudi nanciscatur et teneat. Licet tamen possessionem taliter adeptam dum
vixerit quasi feudi nomine retinere, herede eius in hoc iure nullo modo ei succedente.
One must admit that the text is perplexing, as Meijers put it (in the translation into
French of J. Van Damme), “les commentateurs postérieurs ne savent à quel saint se
vouer pour expliquer cette conception”. It may, however, be submitted that neither
this text nor the rest of the first book offers a sufficient basis for the idea that this first
book shows the view that the vassal acquired his real right in the land by mere formal
investitura, in the absence of delivery. LF 1.25 pr does show no more than the view
that (obviously in the case of land in possession of the lord, which either had not yet
been given in fief before, or had returned to the lord) delivery is not sufficient, if no
investitura had occurred.
102 JEROEN CHORUS
33 MEIJERS 1966, 182 fn 26, holds: “Voir également Capitula extraordinaria Bara-
terii, c. 3; cf. également la Summa de Jacobus de Ardizone c. 36”. But “Voir également”
is a ‘Verschlimmbesserung’ and should rather run “Voir”. The Dutch text of 1950 has:
“Zie Capitula extraordinaria Baraterii, c.3, ook aangehaald in de Summa van Jacobus
de Ardizone, c. 36”. Indeed, LF App. 4.3 is the very passage from “un capitulum
extraordinarium de la fin du XIIe siècle” which is quoted by Meijers. No doubt,
Baraterius published his Libellus feudorum reformatus, – in which he inserted this and
other capitula extraordinaria not otherwise handed down to us – in 1442, but he had
taken these capitula from an unknown old codex, which may well, with MEIJERS, be
dated by the end of the 12th century. See E.A. LASPEYRES, Über die Entstehung und
älteste Bearbeitung der Libri feudorum, Berlin, 1830, repr. Aalen, 1969, 132.
INVESTITURA PROPRIE DICITUR POSSESSIO 103
34 The text and a gloss to it were already discussed above, Section 4, fn 20 and
main text at fn 28.
INVESTITURA PROPRIE DICITUR POSSESSIO 105
The lord and the prospective vassal may, however, at the occa-
sion of investitura agree that it will only be implemented at a later
date, e.g., if the fief was in the hands of another person to whom it
had been granted before, as soon as the fief would return to the
lord; then the lord and his successor are bound to implement the
investitura and transfer possession when the agreed time has
come35. The relation between investitura and possession had been
expressed, with regard to ecclesiastical beneficia, in a maxim which
Gratian inserted in his Decretum: Maius est possessionem dare,
quam sit investituram concedere, ‘it is a greater deed to give posses-
sion than to concede investitura’. It was applied to fiefs as well,
and, sometime between 1240 and 1293, inserted into the Capitula
extraordinaria of Jacobus de Ardizone which were appended to the
Libri feudorum36.
35 LF 1.3 pr-1; 2.35; except if church land is concerned and the clerical lord dies
before the fief has returned to him: then the infeudation is cancelled, LF 1.25.1.
36 Decretum Gratiani C 16 q 2 c 1 § 1; LF App. 3 [J. de Ardizone].150.16. As E.
Seckel has demonstrated, LF App. 3.150.2-26 have not been included by Jacobus de
Ardizone himself among his capitula extraordinaria as collected in cap. 150 of his
Summa feudorum (composed between 1227 and 1240), but were later inserted into
that cap. 150, some time before 1393, when Baldus’ Lectura super usibus feudorum was
completed: E. SECKEL, Quellenfunde zum lombardischen Lehenrecht, in Festgabe Otto
Gierke, I, Breslau, 1910, 47-168, at 152-160.
37 Some aspects of LF 2.2 pr were discussed above, Section 4.
38 Below, in Section 8, we will discuss what LF 2.2.1 has to say on quasi-posses-
sion.
106 JEROEN CHORUS
hand the vassal must be invested de suo recto beneficio, with regard
to his rightful fief, and on the other hand, if any possession had
been disturbed, this possession must be restored. Though it is not
made clear what the conflict was concerned with, obviously it was
not disputed that the vassal had a personal right to the fief. Note
that the possession which had been disturbed and should be re-
stored could be the lord’s as well as the vassal’s possession. Also,
the disturbance amounted clearly to loss of possession.
Similarly, in LF 2.26 pr-245, in various positions in the case a
vassal has died, such a provisional measure is given.
First, in the principium, a dispute between the lord and the ag-
nate relatives of the vassal is discussed. The lord asserts that the fief
was new and therefore has returned to him; the agnates pretend
that the fief had already been granted to their forefather. Appar-
ently the lord has already assumed possession. In that situation, so
the text, the agnates must straight away be brought into possession
and only after this the principal question will be decided.
Secondly, in § 1, the dispute is between the vassal’s daughter
and the agnates. She asserts that is was no fief but allodium or em-
phyteusis; the agnates pretend it was a fief. Now possession must
provisionally be put up with the daughter.
In the third place, in § 2, we are presented with the dispute be-
tween the lord and the daughter, where he asserts it was a fief and
she it was allodium or emphyteusis. Possession, in this situation,
must remain with the daughter until a judgment on the matter will
be brought.
45 LF 2.26. Si de feudo defuncti militis sit contentio inter dominum et agnatos de-
functi, domino novum feudum, agnatis vero paternum esse contendentibus, agnati in pos-
sessione feudi, de quo quaeritur, constituendi sunt. Eo facto, super principali quaestione
cognoscendum est, utroque autem deficiente in probatione, electio iurisiurandi agnatis
danda est.
1. Inter filiam defuncti et agnatos eius de quodam praedio mota est quaestio, ag-
natis feudum, filia vero allodium sive libellarium esse asserentibus, super possessione,
apud quem manere debeat, quaerebatur. Responsum est: apud filiam possessionem in-
terim esse collocandam, deficientibus vero hinc inde probationibus, per iusiurandum
causa cognita res decidatur, electione danda agnatis.
2. Defuncto milite, inter dominum et filiam illius super quodam feudo [recte:
fundo] quaerebatur, domino feudum, filia allodium sive libellarium esse allegante. Re-
spondi: filiam in possessione feudi [recte: fundi] manere debere, donec de eo iudicetur;
probatione vero hinc inde cessante, electio iurisiurandi filiae danda est.
114 JEROEN CHORUS
9. Conclusion
Our conclusion could be brief. Possession plays an important
role in the Libri feudorum. We met with two vital functions of pos-
session in the feudal customs. First, possession is essential for the
acquisition of the right of fief in land. Of course, there is more re-
quired than possession for such acquisition, notably investitura.
Secondly, possession fulfils an essential procedural function. It al-
lots, in a conflict between the lord and someone who pretends to be
his vassal, the burden of proof of investitura concerning a fief in
land to the non-possessor; if evidence is not brought or if it fails,
the possessor must still confirm his stance by choosing between
swearing an oath or referring the oath to the other party, but the
pretender is only allowed this choice if his possession has lasted a
year with the lord’s knowledge and without his having objected. A
police function in the usual form, viz. remedies for the possessor to
protect his de facto position by means of interdicta or possessory ac-
116 JEROEN CHORUS