Documenti di Didattica
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Documenti di Cultura
Giang Ngo
Ms. Kennedy
AP Seminar - 4th
October 30 2018
Taking in account the loss of personal possessions and property, damage suffered by each
of the Armenian families living in the country and city, the proposed worth of the community
buildings, labor costs, and the ‘value’ of human life, the “Tableau approximative" sought to
establish the cost of the Armenian genocide. The grand total of damages expressed in 1919
francs was 14.5 billion. In today’s francs it would run into the trillions of francs (Hovhannisyan).
From any perspective, the events of the Armenian genocide was horrific. From 1915 to 1917,
allegedly 1.5 million Armenians were massacred and many more very negatively impacted due
to the actions of the Turkish government. But from an economic perspective, the extent of what
happened is easily comprehensible and can lend a little insight to the singularity of the event.
Armenians were resented within the Ottoman Empire, partly because of their economic success.
These resentments eventually led to the genocide, where Armenians were murdered and the
property stolen. Even to this day, Armenians are still working to have their property returned. A
look at the Armenian Genocide from the economic view can shed a little light and help
empire and held large economic influence. According to Rouben Paul Adalian, the director of the
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Armenian National Institute, the Armenian people were intermediaries between European and
Eastern trade and Dr. Vladislav B. Sotirovic, a professor at Mykolas Romeris University, details
that the Armenians dominated trade overall within the country, including the cannon and
shipbuilding industries. Armenians were essential to the Ottoman Empire’s economy. They were
successful and non-Armenians despised that. “[The] deeper causes go back to Muslims’
social hierarchies that had Muslims superior to non-Muslims—and to a growing sense on the part
of Young Turk leaders and ordinary Muslims that Armenians were an alien and dangerous
element within their society,” states Ronald Grigor Suny, director of the Eisenberg Institute for
Historical Studies. The amount of clout the Armenians had only held to further push the
dichotomy between them and the rest of Turkey’s population, as the latter could not stand to be
inferior. Traditional Ottoman society favored Muslims and often discriminated against other
minorities. For example, under a millet system, Armenians were subjected to higher taxes and
discriminatory practices (Reed and Goodwin). All these events eventually built up to a grudge
The massacre was not just an attempt to destroy the Armenian people and culture, but
also a ploy to increase Turkish influence by doing so. When the Turkish government began to
deport Armenians in 1915, Armenians were instructed to leave behind all their belongings. The
Liquidation Legislation followed shortly thereafter on June 10, defining the Armenians as
“transported persons” and their property as “abandoned assets,” giving the state power to legally
sell the property without consent of the owners (Hovhannisyan 5). The government took these
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supposedly “abandoned assets” and offered Turks social mobility. Due to this, a generation of
Turkish-owned firms began to flourish throughout the country and many peasants jumped to
middle class, according to Anush Hovhannisyan, a Turkologist and Senior Researcher (6). Talaat
Pasha, one of the Three Pashas that de facto ruled the Ottoman Empire, recorded in his book that
property allocated to settlers included 20,545 buildings, 267,536 acres of land, 4,390 animals,
and more (Hovhannisyan 6). Community properties were also taken, to erase the remaining
Armenian culture. Data from unpublished archives from 1913 to 1914 in the Armenian
Patriarchate of Constantinople lists 2,538 churches, 451 monasteries, and 1,996 schools. Today,
outside of Istanbul, Armenians possess six churches, no monasteries, and no schools (Kouymjian
2). Armenian culture slowly became more and more erased within the Ottoman Empire.
Though efforts were constantly being made to return property to the Armenians, Turkey
still holds on to the lands and property seized in 1915. During the Treaty of Sevres, the stolen
property was discussed, and in Article 144, it stated that the Turkish Government recognized the
injustice of the law and was to restore the stolen property (Hovhannisyan 8). However, before
any action could be taken, the Istanbul government got liquidated and the new nationalist
government abolished it. Then, in 1922, the Ankara Agreement with France protected Armenian
property in Cicilia after French withdrawal. That too eventually became nullified by a new
Turkish law “confiscating all ‘abandoned’ property in areas ‘liberated’ from the enemy,” Anush
Hovhannisyan states (9). The Turkish government was consistently working to make sure the
stolen property would not be returned, even referring to the Armenians as enemies. On August
27, 2011, Turkey’s then Prime Minister and current President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
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announced by Decree that 162 recognized minority foundations may apply to regain religious
properties declared and registered in 1936 and confiscated from them by the state or they could
seek compensation within 12 months. And although it seemed promising, it was yet another
action that seemed worthless. The figure of 162 seemed to pale in comparison to the thousands
If the Armenian massacre was recognized as a genocide, the Armenian people would be
more likely to be able to reclaim lost properties. The status of a genocide would cause the
Turkish government to seem like the villian and the assets would be deemed unfairly achieved.
But the Turkish government itself continues to adamantly deny the label of a genocide, instead
listing the ‘incident’ as self-defense during a civil war. Other major countries—including the
United States, Israel, and Great Britain—have also declined to call the events a genocide, in
order to avoid harming their relations with Turkey (Suny). Turkey functions as a major trade
route across which, oil travels to world markets. The demerit against the Turkish government
could cut their access to trade with Turkey and could severely harm the countries’ economies.
Though the United States will not call it a genocide, President Woodrow Wilson “established the
Near East Relief organization, which continued assisting Armenians, including thousands of
orphaned children, from 1915 to 1930” (Reed and Goodwin). From 1915 to 1930, the Near East
clothes, food, and building materials. It set up refugee camps, clinics, hospitals, orphanages, and
centers for vocational training. In the words of American historian Howard M. Sachar, "quite
The effects of the Armenian Genocide, those lasting and not lasting, can provide insight
into the singularity or uniqueness of the massacre. Even now, Armenians are struggling to
reclaim their culture and reclaim their property. They have been at it for 100 years and yet still,
little progress has been made. The Turkish government still refused to admit that it was a
genocide, and has made it illegal to talk about with schools and print sources. Because of this,
the Turkish government still holds on to the property, as abandoned property taken from the
enemy. Armenians want the world to recognize the hate and discrimination that was done unto
them, and the hate and discrimination that is still received today. Though political bodies have
yet to agree with them, majority of scholars side with Armenians. The massacre of Armenians in
Works Cited
Adalian, Rouben Paul. “Near East Relief and the Armenian Genocide.” Armenian National
Hovhannisyan, Anush. “The process of the Armenians' wealth seizing in Turkey.” docplayer.net/
37409454-The-process-of-the-armenians-wealth-seizing-in-turkey.html. Accessed 12
Oct. 2018.
roject.files.wordpress.com/2015/03/confiscation-of-armenian-tate-university-fresno.pdf.
88%921916-armenian-genocide-an-ideology-course-and-consequences/5454679.